The Project Gutenberg eBook of History for ready reference, Volume 7

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Title: History for ready reference, Volume 7

Recent history (1901 to 1910)

Author: J. N. Larned

Release date: May 16, 2024 [eBook #73639]

Language: English

Original publication: Springfield, Mass: C. A. Nichols Co, 1895

Credits: Don Kostuch

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY FOR READY REFERENCE, VOLUME 7 ***

[Transcriber's notes.

This work is derived from:

https://archive.org/details/historyforreadyr07larn

To provide some "foresight" on the many international

conflicts mentioned in this work, I suggest reading a review

of World War I, which commences four years after the

publication of this work. For example:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I

These modifications are intended to provide

continuity of the text for ease of searching and reading.

1. To avoid breaks in the narrative, page numbers (shown in curly

brackets "{1234}") are usually placed between paragraphs. In this

case the page number is preceded and followed by an empty line.

To remove page numbers use the Regular Expression:

"^{[0-9]+}" to "" (empty string)

2. If a paragraph is exceptionally long, the page number is

placed at the nearest sentence break on its own line, but

without surrounding empty lines.

3. Blocks of unrelated text are moved to a nearby break

between subjects.

5. Use of em dashes and other means of space saving are

replaced with spaces and newlines.

6. Subjects are arranged thusly:

---------------------------------

MAIN SUBJECT TITLE IN UPPER CASE

Subheading one.

Subheading two.

Subject text.

See CROSS REFERENCE ONE.

See Also CROSS REFERENCE TWO.

John Smith,

External Citation Title,

Chapter 3, page 89.---------------------------------

Main titles are at the left margin, in all upper case

(as in the original) and are preceded by an empty line.

Subheadings (if any) are indented three spaces and

immediately follow the main title.

Text of the article (if any) follows the list of subtitles

(if any) and is preceded with an empty line and indented

three spaces.

References to other articles in this work are in all upper

case (as in the original) and indented six spaces. They

usually begin with "See", "Also" or "Also in". "See" is

followed by either "(in this Volume)" or the Volume number

of one of the preceding six Volumes.

Citations of works outside this book are indented six spaces

and in italics (as in the original). The bibliography in

Volume 1, APPENDIX F on page xxi provides additional details,

including URLs of available internet versions.

----------Subject: Start--------

----------Subject: End----------

indicates the start/end of a group of subheadings or other

large block.

To search for words separated by an unknown number of other

characters, use this Regular Expression to find the words

"first" and "second" separated by between 1 and 100 characters:

"first.{1,100}second"

A list of all words used in this work is found at the end of

this file as an aid for finding words with unusual spellings

that are archaic, contain non-Latin letters, or are spelled

differently by various authors. Search for:

"Word List: Start".

I use these free search tools:

Notepad++ — https://notepad-plus-plus.org

Agent Ransack or FileLocator Pro — https://www.mythicsoft.com

Several tables are best viewed using a fixed spacing font such

Courier New.

End Transcriber's Notes.]

{i}

HISTORY

FOR READY REFERENCE

FROM THE BEST

HISTORIANS, BIOGRAPHERS, AND SPECIALISTS

THEIR OWN WORDS IN A COMPLETE

SYSTEM OF HISTORY

FOR ALL USES, EXTENDING TO ALL COUNTRIES AND SUBJECTS, AND

REPRESENTING FOR BOTH READERS AND STUDENTS THE

BETTER AND NEWER LITERATURE OF HISTORY

IN THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE

BY

J. N. LARNED

WITH NUMEROUS HISTORICAL MAPS FROM ORIGINAL STUDIES

AND DRAWINGS BY

ALAN C. REILEY

REVISED AND ENLARGED EDITION

IN SEVEN VOLUMES

Volume VII.—RECENT HISTORY

(1901 TO 1910)

A to Z

SPRINGFIELD, MASS.

THE C. A. NICHOLS CO., PUBLISHERS

1910

{ii}

Copyright, 1910,

BY J. N. LARNED.

The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A.Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company

{iii}

PREFACE TO THE SEVENTH VOLUME

In the preface to the Sixth Volume of this work, published in

the spring of 1901, it was remarked that the last half-dozen

years of the Nineteenth Century, which that Volume covered,

had been filled with events so remarkable and changes so

revolutionary in political and social conditions that many

people had asked for an extension of my work to report them.

The years then reviewed disclosed only the beginnings of what

the decade since has been developing, in movements and

achievements so varied, so numerous, in such rapid succession,

with effects so profound and so problematical, that their

appeal to our interest seems the strongest that has come to us

yet from human history. That the interest in them justifies

this further extension of my compilation of "recent history"

has been made clear to me by the frequency of the suggestions

of another Volume which have come to the publisher and to

myself. In the new Volume I have striven to make a clear

exhibit of all these strangely pregnant evolutionary and

revolutionary movements of the present time, which are

traversing all divisions and institutions of all society,

occidental and oriental, along all the lines of its

organization,—international, national, municipal, political,

industrial, intellectual, moral,—leaving nothing in life

untouched.

A few indications of the subjects dealt with most extensively

in the Volume may convey some idea of its scope, and of the

aims pursued in its preparation. For example: "Railways" and

"Combinations" ("Trusts"), treated mainly as the subjects of

regulative governmental action, occupy 38 pages in all. "Labor

Organization" fills 25 pages with the incidents of its trade

unions, labor parties, strikes, mediations, arbitrations and

industrial agreements. "Labor Protection" receives 6 pages,

for the account of what has been done in various countries in

the matters of employers’ liability, industrial insurance,

hours of work, etc. "Labor Remuneration" receives 9 pages, for

the reporting of experiments in cooperation, profit-sharing,

wages-regulation, pensions, etc. Various dealings with the

problems of "Poverty and Unemployment" are set forth in 8

pages; similarly the problems of "Crime and Criminology"

receive nearly 6; those of the Liquor Traffic 9; those of the

Opium evil, 3. The development of organized work for "Social

Betterment" is traced in 5 pages; that of reform in "Municipal

Government" in 12. The "Race Problems," which are troubling

many countries and people, are depicted in 15 pages.

Twenty-six pages are given to the Educational history of the

last decade; recent "Science and Invention" are reported in

16. "Children under the Law" are the subject of 8 interesting

pages on recent legislation touching the young.

The contradictory states of temper in the world on the subject

of War are depicted under two contrasted headings—"War, The

Preparations for" and "War, The Revolt against," in

particulars which fill 35 pages. Of the one great war of the

period, between Japan and Russia, and the triumph of mediation

which brought it to a close, the narrative, in about 20 pages,

is full. The story of the late revolution in Turkey is told

authentically in 9 pages, and that of Persia in 10. The

abortive attempts at revolution in Russia, and the sham of

constitutional government conceded, have their history in 18

pages. The signs of wakened life in China are described in 12.

The discontent of India and Lord Morley’s measures of reform

in the

{iv}

British-Indian government, enlarging the native representation

in it, are set forth broadly in 15. Generally, as concerns the

British Empire, the interesting conditions that have arisen in

it very lately, adding South Africa to the group of unified

Colonial Dominions, which are young British nations in the

making, and drawing them all into a league with the "Mother

Country" for organized imperial defense, are amply portrayed.

So, too, are the agitations in recent British politics at

home, which have arisen from an increasing antagonism between

popular interests represented in the House of Commons and

class interests intrenched in the House of Lords. In American

politics, the remarkable invigoration and freshening of spirit

which characterized the administration of President Roosevelt

are made apparent in a broad exhibit of their many effective

results.

As was said of Volume VI., it can be said, I think, with even

more truth of this, that it presents "History in the

making,—the day by day evolution of events and changes as they

passed under the hands and before the eyes and were recorded

by the pens of the actual makers and witnesses of them."

As an appendix to the present Volume, a new feature, related

to the whole work, has been introduced. It offers a

considerably extensive series of systematic courses for

historical study and reading, the literature for which is

supplied in the seven Volumes of "History for Ready

Reference." This has been prepared in response to many

requests which the publishers have received. Even for casual

investigations it will be found serviceable to every possessor

and user of the work.

J. N. L.

Buffalo, New York, May, 1910.

{v}

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am indebted to the following named authors and publishers

for permission kindly given me to quote from books and

periodicals, all of which are duly referred to in connection

with the passages borrowed severally from them:

The publishers of

The American Catholic Quarterly Review,

The American Monthly Review of Reviews,

The Associated Prohibition Press,

The Atlantic Monthly Magazine,

The Boston Transcript,

The Century Magazine,

The Contemporary Review,

The Fortnightly Review,

The New York Evening Post,

The New York State Journal of Medicine,

The Nineteenth Century Review,

The North American Review,

The Outlook,

The Times (London),

Messrs. T. & T. Clark, Edinburgh,

Messrs. Doubleday,

Page & Co.,

Messrs. E. P. Dutton & Co.,

Messrs. Harper & Brothers,

Messrs. Henry Holt & Co.,

Messrs. Houghton Mifflin Company,

Messrs. John Lane Company,

Messrs. Charles Scribner’s Sons;

Professors Joseph H. Beale and Bruce Wyman (as joint authors);

Mr. Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Department,

Lowell High School, San Francisco;

Mr. George Iles, author of "Inventors at Work",

Dr. James Brown Scott, Solicitor of the U. S. Department of State.

I am much indebted, furthermore, to the courtesy of many

societies and persons from whom I have received reports and

other documents that were essential to my work; and especially

do I owe much to the helpfulness of many on the staff of the

Buffalo Public Library.

{1}

HISTORY FOR READY REFERENCE

ABD EL AZIZ, Sultan of Morocco.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1903, and 1907-1909.

ABDUL HAMID II., Sultan of Turkey.

His forced restoration of the Constitution of 1876 .

His faithlessness to it.

His deposition.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (July-December.),

and 1909 (January-May).

ABDULLA MOHAMMED, The Mullah.

See (in this Volume)

Africa: Somaliland.

ABDURAHMAN,

Ameer of Afghanistan: Death, 1901.

See (in this Volume)

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

ABERDEEN, The Earl of: Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

ABERDEEN, Lady.

See (in this Volume)

WOMEN,  INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF.

"ABIR," or A. B. I. R. COMPANY, The.

See (in this Volume)

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902 .

The French in favor.

Their railway building and plans.

"Through Abyssinia the French hope to establish a line of

trade across Africa from east to west in opposition to our

Cape to Cairo railway from north to south. In this they have

already achieved some success. They have settled themselves

along the Gulf of Tadjoura, on the south of which they hold

the magnificent Bay of Djibouti, while on the north their flag

waves over the small port of Obok. But their real triumph in

these regions has been the establishment of a lasting

friendship with Abyssinia by judicious consignments of arms

and ammunition—which were used against Italy in the war of

1896. Finally, they are now in the act of building a French

railway from Djibouti to Addis Abeba, the capital of

Abyssinia. This railway will completely cut out the British

port of Zeila, for in the concession granted by Menelik it is

stipulated that no company is to be permitted to construct a

railroad on Abyssinian territory that shall enter into

competition with that of M. Ilg and M. Chefneux. …

"At Menelik’s capital, Addis Abeba, there is, to use the

expression of M. Hugues le Roux, a silent duel in progress

between the representatives of the various nationalities. We

are represented by Colonel Harrington. But, although Menelik

is wise enough to extend a friendly greeting to all, there is

no reason to suppose that we should enjoy as great a share of

favour as other nations. Although throughout the war we

preserved a strict neutrality, we are regarded as a powerful

and aggressive neighbour, and as the ally of Italy, whereas

the French have been the truest friends of Abyssinia. The

Russians are also in communication with the Negus, and their

efforts are, of course, seconded by France. As for the

Italians, their position seems now to be as good as that of

any European nation."

G. F. H. Berkeley,

The Abyssinian Question and its History

(Nineteenth Century, January, 1903).

ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

Treaty with Great Britain.

A treaty between Great Britain and the Emperor Menelek, of the

kingdom of Ethiopia (Abyssinia), signed on the 15th of May,

1902, defines the boundaries between the Soudan and Ethiopia,

and contains the following important provisions:

"Article III.

His Majesty the Emperor Menelek II., King of Kings of

Ethiopia, engages himself towards the Government of his

Britannic Majesty not to construct, or allow to be

constructed, any work across the Blue Nile, Lake Tsana, or the

Sobat, which would arrest the flow of their waters into the

Nile, except in agreement with his Britannic Majesty’s

Government and the Government of the Soudan.

Article IV.

The Emperor Menelek engages himself to allow his Britannic

Majesty’s Government and the Government of the Soudan to

select in the neighborhood of Itang, on the Baro River, a

block of territory having a river frontage of not more than

2000 metres, in area not exceeding 400 hectares, which shall

be leased to the Government of the Soudan, to be administered

and occupied as a commercial station, so long as the Soudan is

under the Anglo-Egyptian Government. It is agreed between the

two high contracting parties that the territory so leased

shall not be used for any political or military purpose.

Article V.

The Emperor Menelek grants his Britannic Majesty’s Government

and the Government of the Soudan the right to construct a

railway through Abyssinian territory to connect the Soudan

with Uganda. A route for the railway will be selected by

mutual agreement between the two high contracting parties."

ACCIDENTS TO WORKMEN:

In the United States.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR PROTECTION.

ACHINESE, Dutch hostilities with the.

See (in this Volume)

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1904.

ACRE DISPUTES, The:

Claims on the region by Brazil, Peru, and Bolivia.

Its final partition.

A considerable territory of much richness in the southwestern

part of the Amazon Valley, around the upper waters of the

Madeira, the Aquiry, and the Purus tributaries, was long in

dispute between Brazil, Bolivia, and Peru, and became a cause

of serious quarrel between the two first named in 1903. The

then Brazilian President, Rodriguez Alves, in his first annual

message, May, 1903, stated the situation from the Brazilian

standpoint as follows:

"Our former relations of such cordial friendship with Bolivia

have suffered a not insignificant strain since the time when

the Government of that sister Republic, unable to maintain its

authority in the Acre region, inhabited exclusively, as you

know, by Brazilians who, many years previously, had

established themselves there in good faith, saw fit to deliver

it over to a foreign syndicate upon whom it conferred powers

almost sovereign. That concession, as dangerous for the

neighboring nations as for Bolivia itself, encountered general

disapproval in South America As the most immediately

interested, Brazil, already in the time of my illustrious

predecessor, protested against the contract to which I refer,

and entered upon the policy of reprisals, prohibiting the free

transit by the Amazon of merchandise between Bolivia and

abroad.

{2}

Neither that protest nor the counsels of friendship produced

at that time the desired effect in La Paz, and, far from

rescinding the contract or making the hoped-for modifications

therein, the Bolivian Government concluded an especial

arrangement for the purpose of hurrying the entrance of the

syndicate into the possession of the territory.

"When I assumed the government that was the situation, and in

addition the inhabitants of the Acre, who had again proclaimed

their independence, were masters of the whole country,

excepting Puerto Acre, of which they did not get possession

until the end of January. Although since January negotiations

have been initiated by us for the purpose of removing amicably

the cause of the disorders and complications which have had

their seat of action in the Acre ever since the time when for

the first time the Bolivian authorities penetrated thither, in

1899, yet the Government of La Paz has nevertheless thought

proper that its President and his minister of war should march

against that territory at the head of armed forces with the

end in view of crushing its inhabitants and then establishing

the agents of the syndicate."

The Brazilian President proceeded then to relate that he had

notified the Bolivian Government of the intention of Brazil to

"defend as its boundary the parallel of 10° 20' south," which

it held to be the line indicated by the letter and the spirit

of a treaty concluded in 1867; and that Bolivia had then

agreed to a settlement of the dispute through diplomatic

channels. "Upon the Bolivian Government agreeing to this," he

continued, "we promptly reestablished freedom of transit for

its foreign commerce by Brazilian waters. Shortly after this

the syndicate, by reason of the indemnity which we paid it,

renounced the concession which had been made it, eliminating

thus this disturbing element."

In conclusion of the subject, President Alves reported: "To

the Peruvian Government we have announced, very willingly,

since January, that we will examine, with attention, the

claims which in due time they may be pleased to make upon the

subject of the territories now in dispute between Brazil and

Bolivia."

The result of the ensuing negotiations between Brazil and

Bolivia was a treaty signed in the following November and duly

ratified, the terms of which were summarized as follows in a

despatch from the American Legation at La Paz, December 26:

"Three months after exchange of ratifications Brazil is to pay

an indemnity of £1,000,000 and in March, 1905, £1,000,000. A

small strip of territory, north Marso, Brazilero, embracing

Bahia Negra and a port opposite Coimbra, on Paraguay River,

are conceded, and all responsibilities respecting Peruvian

contentions are assumed. The disputed Acre territory is

conceded by Bolivia. A railroad for the common use of both

countries is to be built from San Antonio, on Madeira River,

to Cuajar Ameren, on Mamore River, within four years after

ratification. Free navigation on the Amazon and its Bolivian

affluents is conceded. A mixed commission, with umpire chosen

from the diplomatic representation to Brazil, will treat all

individual Acre claims."

Subsequently it was determined in Bolivia that the entire

indemnity received from Brazil should be expended on

railroads, with an additional sum of £3,500,000, to be raised

by loan.

For the settlement of the remaining question of rights in the

Acre territory, between Bolivia and Peru, a treaty of

arbitration, negotiated in December, 1902, but ratified with

modifications by the Bolivian Congress in October, 1903,

provided that "the high contracting parties submit to the

judgment and decision of the Government of the Argentine

Republic, as arbitrator and judge of rights, the question of

limits now pending between both republics, so as to obtain a

definite and unappealable sentence, in virtue of which all the

territory which in 1810 belonged to the jurisdiction or

district of the Ancient Audience of Charcas, within the limits

of the viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres, by acts of the ancient

sovereign, may belong to the Republic of Bolivia; and all the

territory which at the same date and by acts of equal origin

belonged to the viceroyalty of Peru may belong to the Republic

of Peru."

The case was pending until July, 1909, when judgment favorable

to the claims of Peru was pronounced by the President of the

Argentine Republic, Señor Figueroa Alcorta. According to the

award, as announced officially from Peru, the line was drawn

to "follow the rivers Heath and Madre de Dios up to the mouth

of the Toromonas and from there a straight line as far as the

intersection of the river Tehuamanu with meridian 69. It will

then run northwards along this meridian until it meets the

territorial sovereignty of another nation."

The Bolivians were enraged by the decision against them, and

riotous attacks were made on the Argentine Legation at La Paz,

the Bolivian capital, and on Argentine consulates elsewhere.

Worse than this in offensiveness was a published declaration

by President Montes of Bolivia that the arbitration award

respecting the frontiers of Bolivia and Peru had been given by

Argentina without regard to Bolivia’s petition that an actual

inspection of the territory should be made in case the

documents and titles submitted were unsatisfactory. "Had this

been done," said the President of Bolivia, "the arbitrator

would have been convinced of the respective possessions of the

two countries. It is inexplicable how the arbitrator, after

examining the titles and documents, could give such a

decision. He passed over the elementary principles of

international rights in awarding to Peru territory which had

never been questioned as belonging to Bolivia. As a

consequence Bolivia rejects the award."

The insulted Government of Argentina demanded explanations;

diplomatic relations between the two countries were broken

off, and war seemed imminent. Fortunately the term of

President Montes was near its close, and a man of evidently

cooler temper, Elidoro Villazon, succeeded him in the

Presidency on August 12th. The new President, in his message

to Congress next day, while characterizing the award as

unjust, said: "We must proceed circumspectly, and be guided by

international rights and the customs of civilized nations in

similar cases. I consider it right to avail ourselves of the

means offered by diplomacy to obtain a rectification of the

new frontier line given by arbitration, thus saving the

compromised possessions of Bolivia."

{3}

With this better spirit entering into the controversy, Bolivia

was soon able to arrange with Peru for a concession from the

latter which made her people willing to recognize the award.

This agreement was effected on the 11th of September, and its

terms, as made known in a despatch from Rio de Janeiro, were

as follows:

"Peru surrenders to Bolivia a very small extent of territory

lying between the Madre de Dios River and the Acre, traversed

by the rivers Tahuamano and Buyamaro, which together form the

river Orton, an affluent of the Beni River. This territory,

with an area of about 6,500 square kilometres, was discovered

and colonized by Bolivians, who to-day are in possession of

numerous prosperous industries there. Peru gets possession of

all the upper course of the Madre de Dios, from its head

waters to its confluence with the river Heath. Such a slight

modification as the foregoing from the decision reached by the

arbitrator in no way disturbs the Argentine Republic."

As between Peru and Brazil the boundary question was settled

by a treaty signed at Rio de Janeiro on the 8th of September,

three days before the Bolivian pacification.

This probably closes a territorial dispute which has troubled

four countries in South America for many years, and brought

quarrelling couples to the verge of war a number of times.

ADANA, Massacres at.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (January-May), and (April-December).

ADDIS ABEBA, Capital of Abyssinia.

See (in this Volume)

ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

ADULTERATIONS, Laws against.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS.

AEHRENTHAL, Baron.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

AERONAUTICS.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1906.

Death of Abdurahman.

Succession of his son, Habibullah.

Signs of a progressive spirit in the new Ameer.

The late Ameer, Abdurahman, died in October, 1901, and was

succeeded by his eldest son, Habibullah. Early in the third

year of his reign the new Ameer began to show signs of a wish

to have his country move a little on the lines of European

progress, in the march which so many of his Asiatic neighbors

were joining. His undertakings were disturbed for a time by

trouble with his half-brother, Omar Jan, and with the latter’s

mother, the Bibi Halima or Queen of the Harem; but he brought

the trouble to an end which does not seem to have been

tragical, and that, in itself, is a notable mark in his favor.

The Russo-Japanese War interested him immensely, and he

established a daily post between Khyber and Cabul to bring

speedy news of events. He then read the reports in public,

with expositions, to make the listening people understand the

bearing of what was happening on their own interests, and the

lessons they should learn from what the Japanese were doing.

He is said to have done much in the way of improving

agriculture and horse-breeding in Afghanistan; he has a desire

to establish a Chiefs’ College, with the English language as

the basis of instruction, but has met with strong opposition

in this undertaking; and he has introduced electric lighting,

with probably other luxuries of modern science, in Cabul. Such

things in Afghanistan mark a highly progressive man. His

political intelligence is proved by the cordiality of his

relations with the British Indian Government. An interesting

account of conditions in the Ameer’s country in 1904 was given

by Mr. D. C. Boulger, in the Fortnightly Review of December,

that year, under the title of "The Awakening of Afghanistan."

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1905.

The Ameer becomes King.

In a new treaty between the Government of Great Britain and

the Ameer of Afghanistan, the latter was recognized as King.

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1907.

Convention between Great Britain and Russia relative to

Afghanistan.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

AFRICA:

Its Colonizability by white peoples.

The regions habitable by Europeans.

"There are three obstacles to the white race from Europe

overrunning and colonising the continent of Africa as it has

overrun and colonised the two Americas and Australasia. The

first is the insalubrity of the well-watered regions and the

uninhabitability of the desert tracts; the second is the

opposition of strong indigenous races; and the third, of quite

recent growth, is a growing sentiment which is increasingly

influencing public opinion, in Europe more especially, and

which forbids the white man to do evil that good may come:

namely, to displace by force of arms pre-existing races in

order that, the white man may take the land they occupy for

his own use. It is probable that the second and third reasons

combined may in future prove the more effective checks.

Deserts, to be made habitable and cultivable, only need

irrigation, and apparently there is a subterranean water

supply underlying most African deserts which can be tapped by

artesian wells. The extreme unhealthiness of the well-watered

parts of Africa is due not so much to climate as to the

presence of malaria in the systems of the Negro inhabitants.

This malaria is conveyed from the black man to the white man

by certain gnats of the genus Anopheles—possibly by

other agencies. But the draining of marshes and the

sterilisation of pools, together with other measures, may

gradually bring about the extinction of the mosquito; while,

on the other hand, it seems as though the drug (Cassia

Beareana) obtained from the roots of a cassia bush may act

as a complete cure for malarial fever. …

"For practical purposes the only areas south of the Sahara

Desert which at the present time are favourable to white

colonisation are the following. In West Africa there can be no

white colonisation under existing conditions; the white man

can only remain there for a portion of his working life as an

educator and administrator. … In North-East Africa,

Abyssinia and Eritrea will suggest themselves as white man’s

countries—presenting, that is to say, some of the conditions

favourable to European colonisation. The actual coast of

Eritrea is extremely hot, almost the hottest country in the

world, but it is not necessarily very unhealthy. The heat,

however, apart from the existence of a fairly abundant native

population, almost precludes the idea of a European

settlement. But on the mountains of the hinterland which are

still within Italian territory there are said to be a few

small areas suited at any rate to settlement by Italians, who,

by-the-by, seem to be getting on very well with the natives in

that part of Africa. But a European colonisation of Abyssinia,

possible as it might be climatically, is out of the question

in view of the relatively abundant and warlike population

indigenous to the Ethiopian Empire. …

{4}

"Then comes Central Africa, which may be taken to range from

the northern limits of the Congo basin and the Great Lakes on

the north to the Cunenc River and the Zambesi on the south.

British East Africa and Uganda offer probably the largest

continuous area of white man’s country in the central section

of the continent. The Ankole country in the southwest of the

Uganda Protectorate and the highlands north of Tanganyika,

together with the slopes of the Ruwenzori range, offer small

tracts of land thoroughly suited to occupation by a white race

so far as climate and fertility are concerned; but these

countries have already been occupied, to a great extent, by

some of the earliest forerunners of the Caucasian (the

Bahima), as well as by sturdy Negro tribes who have become

inured to the cold. To the northeast of the Victoria Nyanza,

however, there is an area which has as its outposts the

southwest coast of Lake Rudolf, the great mountains of

Debasien and Elgon, and the snow-clad extinct volcanoes of

Kenia and Kilimanjaro. This land of plateaux and rift valleys

is not far short of 70,000 square miles in extent, and so far

as climate and other physical conditions are concerned is as

well suited for occupation by British settlers as Queensland

or New South Wales. But nearly 50,000 square miles of this

East African territory is more or less in the occupation of

sturdy Negro or Negroid races whom it would be neither just

nor easy to expel. …

"The only portion of German East Africa which is at all suited

to European settlement lies along the edge of the

Nyasa-Tanganyika Plateau. Here is a district of a little more

than a thousand square miles which is not only elevated and

healthy, but very sparsely populated by Negroes. A few patches

in the Katanga district and the extreme southern part of the

Congo Free State offer similar conditions.

"In British Central Africa we have perhaps 6,000 square miles

of elevated, sparsely populated, fertile country to the

northwest of Lake Nyasa and along the road to Tanganyika.

There is also land of this description in the North-East

Rhodesian province of British Central Africa, in Manikaland,

and along the water-parting between the Congo and the Zambesi

systems. Then in the southernmost prolongation of British

Central Africa are the celebrated Shire Highlands, which,

together with a few outlying mountain districts to the

southwest of Lake Nyasa, may offer a total area of about 5,000

square miles suitable to European colonisation. A small

portion of the Mozambique province, in the interior of the

Angoche coast, might answer to the same description. Then

again, far away to the west, under the same latitudes, we

have, at the back of Mossamedes and Benguela, other patches of

white man’s country in the mountains of Bailundo and Shclla.

"In South Africa, beyond the latitudes of the Zambesi, we come

to lands which are increasingly suited to the white man’s

occupation the further we proceed south. Nearly all German

South-West Africa is arid desert, but inland there are

plateaux and mountains which sometimes exceed 8,000 feet in

altitude, and which have a sufficient rainfall to make

European agriculture possible. … About two-thirds of the

Transvaal, a third of Rhodesia, a small portion of southern

Bechuanaland, two-thirds of the Orange River Colony,

four-fifths of Cape Colony, and a third of Natal sum up the

areas attributed to the white man in South Africa. The

remainder of this part of the continent must be considered

mainly as a reserve for the black man, and to a much smaller

degree (in South-East Africa) as a field for Asiatic

colonisation, preferentially on the part of British Indians.

"Counting the white-skinned Berbers and Arabs of North Africa,

and the more or less pure-blooded, light-skinned Egyptians, as

white men, and the land they occupy as part of the white man’s

share of the Dark Continent, we may then by a rough

calculation arrive (by adding to white North Africa the other

areas enumerated in the rest of the continent) at the fol-

lowing estimate: that about 970,000 square miles of the whole

African continent may be attributed to the white man as his

legitimate share. If, however, we are merely to consider the

territory that lies open to European colonisation, then we

must considerably reduce our North African estimate."

H. H. Johnston,

The White Man's Place in Africa

(Nineteenth Century, June, 1904).

AFRICA:

Agreements between England and France concerning Egypt,

Morocco, Senegambia, and Madagascar.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

AFRICA:

British, German, and Congo frontier agreement.

The following was telegraphed to the Press from Berlin,

November 29, 1909:

"An agreement was signed in Berlin during the summer, Reuter’s

representative learns, whereby various questions affecting the

frontier lines between British Uganda and German East Africa

and the Congo, which have been under discussion for years,

were definitely settled. The agreement is understood to be

satisfactory to both parties, but the details are not to be

published as yet."

AFRICA:

French Central: A Land-locked Empire.

"Since 1898, successive expeditions have converged from the

French Niger Territories, from South Algeria, and from the

French Congo towards Lake Tchad, which has ever exercised a

mystic charm over the minds of explorers. Rabah, the usurper

of Bornou, has been killed, and his son Fadel’allah recently

met the same fate, so that all the belt of black countries

stretching from the north of Sokoto, the north of Bornon and

Baghirmi to the confines of Wadaï, the most easterly limit of

the French sphere, are now occupied in a military sense. …

Even if we consider the French as now firmly settled in these

countries, peopled with timid blacks from whom little is to be

feared, the succeeding problem, what to do with them, presents

no seductive outlook.

"The key to the situation is the question of transport, for

here we have a vast land-locked empire, the roads to which are

long, complicated, and difficult. For the present the question

of a great Trans-Saharan railway may be left out of account,

and in all probability more mature consideration will convince

the French of the futility of such a scheme. Three roads

running through French territory are available; from the

east by the Niger, from the south by the French Congo, and

from the north, Tunis or Algeria, across the great Sahara.

{5}

Of the three, the only one which can be made of practical

utility for a long time to come is that across the Sahara.

From the centre of Africa there are several well-known caravan

routes, all capable of being commercially used, provided the

intervening tribes can be brought to acquiesce in the French

domination. All these terminate in Turkish territory."

E. J. Wardle,

The French in Central Africa

(Contemporary Review, October, 1902).

AFRICA:

Subjugation of Hausa Land and occupation of Sokoto.

Early in 1903 the High Commissioner of Nigeria, Sir F. Lugard,

sent an expedition against the Emir of Kano, in the northern

part of the Nigerian Protectorate, within the Sultanate of

Sokoto, which had never been made submissive to the rule which

Great Britain claimed. Kano was reached and taken by assault

on the 3d of February, the Emir and his horsemen escaping

toward Sokoto. The expedition then proceeded against Sokoto,

where feeble resistance was offered, and the seat of the

Sultanate was taken on the 15th of March. These conquests are

believed to have effected a firm establishment of British

ascendancy throughout the Niger territory, from the coast to

the Saharan sphere of the French. The possession of Kano is

important, as it is the starting point of caravan routes

eastward and northward and the chief commercial town of the

Western Sudan.

AFRICA:

Rapid development of the railway system.

See (in this Volume)

Railways: Nigeria.

AFRICA:

French Mauretanie.

See Morocco: A. D.1909.

AFRICA:

French Western: Eradication of Yellow Fever.

See PUBLIC HEALTH: A. D. 1901-1905.

AFRICA:

German Colonies: Cost to Germany.

Small number of German Colonists.

See GERMANY: A. D. 1903.

AFRICA:

Unpopularity of the Colonial Policy in Germany.

See GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

AFRICA:

Wars with the Natives.

In the German Parliament, on the 12th of January, 1905, it was

stated by the Director of the Colonial Department, Dr. Stübel,

that up to that date 11,000 German troops had been employed

against the Hereros and Witbois in Southwest Africa, and that

the campaign of 1904 had cost 42,000,000 marks (about

$10,500,000). The military estimate for 1905 was 60,000,000

marks. General von Trotha, Governor of the colony, who had

been in command of operations, and who had set a price on the

heads of Morenga and other insurgent chiefs, and had

threatened the whole tribe with extermination, was to be

superseded; but the Emperor, notwithstanding, conferred on him

the Order "Pour le Merite." A similar conflict with the

natives in German East Africa was opened in August, 1905, by

the murder of Bishop Spiers and four missionaries and Sisters

of Mercy. The Wangonis are of the Zulu race, mustering about

30,000 warriors, and reinforcements of the German troops had

to be sent out.

AFRICA:

Opening of Diamond Fields.

Diamond discoveries in German Southwest Africa began to

acquire importance in 1908. As stated in a lecture on the

subject by Herr Dernburg, the German Colonial Secretary, at

Berlin, in January, 1909, these diamond deposits lie in

crescent form around Lüderitz Bay, beginning to the south of

Elizabeth Bay and extending northwards to the sea-coast in the

vicinity of Anischab. The full extent of the stretch of

diamond-bearing sand can only be ascertained by careful

measurement, but it is even now permissible to describe the

deposits as very considerable. The diamonds, which are found

mixed with small agates and other half-precious stones, vary

from one-fifth to three-quarters of a carat—the average not

exceeding one-third of a carat. They are almost perfect

octahedrons of good water. The regular exploitation may be

said to have begun in September, 1908, the total recovered

before that date only amounting to 2,720 carats. In September

the amount was 6,644 carats, in October 8,621, in November

10,228, and in December 11,549, or in all 39,762, the price of

which would be about £55,000. The administrative regulations

introduced stipulate, first, that half the net profit shall go

to the Southwest African Treasury; secondly, that measures

shall be taken to secure an adequate market for the new supply

and to prevent depreciation; thirdly, that suitable conditions

shall be established for the working of the mines; and,

fourthly, that their exploitation shall be mainly reserved for

German capital, and that increased work shall be provided for

the German diamond-cutting industry.

AFRICA: Portuguese: A. D. 1905-1908.

Continued existence of slavery.

General F. Joubert-Pienaar, one of the prominent Boer leaders

in the Boer-British War, is the authority for startling

statements concerning the continued maintenance of slavery in

Portuguese Africa. He attempted to become a settler in that

region, and related subsequently what he saw and heard during

his stay in it. Of an experience at the Island Principe he

said: "The English director of the cable office took me to

some of the cocoa plantations, with which the slopes of the

hills are covered. He told me that it was a terribly unhealthy

place to live, and that Europeans could not exist there for

more than a couple of months at a time, and that frequent

changes have to be made, therefore, in the telegraph

department. He told me, further, that the year before the

whole original population of the island had died from malarial

fever, and that the following year they imported five hundred

slaves, men and women, to repopulate the island. That was ten

months before my visit. Pointing to five women walking on the

street, he said: 'There are all that are left of the women

imported, and only about a dozen men remain.' I asked him how

they carried on the work of the plantations. He said it was

done by simply importing slaves, from time to time, to replace

those who had died."

General Joubert-Pienaar declares that he never heard of a

single case where one of these slaves had returned to his own

country, while in the coast towns the abnormal proportion of

native women and children noticeable is due to the fact that

the men have been sent as slaves to the islands. The method of

obtaining the slaves and of making the pretense of a contract

with them is thus described: "When any slaves are wanted in

the islands, the plantation owner informs the slave-traders on

the mainland. The slave-trader goes to a strong chief, inland,

and bargains with him for the number of slaves he requires,

generally paying him in rifles and ammunition.

{6}

This chief will not send any of his own men to the islands,

but, calling his braves, he goes to some weaker tribe, attacks

it, and annihilates the tribe, taking the men, women,

children, and cattle captive. The men, and as many

women as are necessary, he hands over to the

slave-trader, the rest of the women and the cattle he

keeps for himself and his people, and the children he

sells to colonists for slaves. On these slave-hunting

expeditions the most terrible cruelties are enacted and

the most gruesome atrocities perpetrated. …  Arriving at

the coast, these men—and sometimes women when they are

required—are brought before an officer appointed for the

purpose. He reads the contract to them in Portuguese; and

after the contract has been read to these people, who do not

understand one word of the language, a black man, who is

stationed there for the purpose, shouts to these slaves to say

‘Yes!’ Of course they all repeat the ‘Yes’ after him, and the

Portuguese official then certifies that these men have all

agreed to go and work on the islands under the terms of the

contract read to them. He then takes a little tin box, in

which a copy of the contract is placed, and ties it around the

neck of each of the slaves."

AFRICA:

Somaliland: Troubles with the Mullah.

In 1902 the British in their Somali Coast Protectorate began

to be harassed by raids from the bordering desert region led

by a religious agitator who had assumed the character known as

that of a Mullah. Three years previously the British Consul at

Berbera had reported to London the appearance of this

personage, Muhammad Abdullah by name, in the Dolbahanta

country, and that he was said to be "collecting arms and men

with a view to establishing his authority over the

southeastern portion of the Protectorate." He had made several

pilgrimages to Mecca, and had attached himself there to a sect

which "preaches more regularity in the hours of prayer" and

"stricter attention to the forms of religion." He had begun

the use of force to compel the tribes of his region to join

his sect, and was evidently gaining power to make trouble. The

trouble was realized in due time, and became serious in 1902,

when, in October, Colonel Swayne, with a native levy of

troops, having driven the Mullah’s raiders back into the

desert, followed them thither, and suffered a serious reverse.

He was attacked and compelled to retreat, with a loss of two

officers and 70 men killed and two officers, with about 100

men wounded. Troops were then sent to the Protectorate from

India and careful preparations were made for dealing with the

Mullah in a more effectual way. He, meantime, sent demands for

political recognition and for the cession to him of a port.

Early in 1903 operations against the Mullah were renewed, with

strongly increased forces from India and from African native

levies; but the results were again disastrous. A detachment

from a column which pursued the Mullah into his own region

ventured too far in the advance and was overwhelmed, losing

nearly 200 officers and men. There appears to have been no

success during the year to counterbalance this reverse.

AFRICA:

Peace with the Mullah.

The Mullah was brought at last to an agreement with Great

Britain and Italy which established comparative peace for the

time being in Somaliland, with the promise of freedom in

trade.

Notwithstanding the pacific agreement with the Mullah,

effected in 1905, troubles on the Somali border have

continued, because of his attacks on friendly tribes. Early in

1909 it was announced that the British forces in Somaliland

were to be increased, but that there was no intention to

embark on any expedition against the Mullah. A despatch from

Bombay, India, on the 3d of January, said: "Further operations

against the Somaliland Mullah are strongly deprecated. It is

impossible to conduct a successful campaign, owing to the

difficulty of obtaining supplies, unless a light railway 200

miles long is built to Bohotle. The Mullah, who is an able

man, is not believed to be anxious to engage in fresh

hostilities with the British, but he is determined to dominate

the Hinterland. Experts consider that no new movement on the

lines of the last campaign would produce a satisfactory

result. The Mullah’s strength is unknown, but it is probably

great, as his camp sometimes covers ten square miles. His

mobility is astonishing, and he can always elude our troops.

Our present advanced outpost is Burao, 80 miles from Berbera,

where there is a small force of the King’s African Rifles. The

country is practically worthless, and the best course,

probably, is to hold the coast and to leave the far interior

severely alone. The friendly tribes cannot be further

effectively protected without permanently employing a large

force. Minor operations are now merely a waste of money."

AFRICA:

Sudan: Suppression of a new Mahdi.

A new Mahdi proclaimed himself in Southern Kordofan in

November, 1903. He was a native of Tunis, named Mahomed El

Amin, who had twice made the pilgrimage to Mecca. Colonel

Mahon, the Deputy-Governor of the Sudan, on hearing of

Mahomed’s proclamation, started instantly from Khartoum, with

200 cavalry, sending orders to El Obeid for 200 infantry, with

Maxims, to meet him near Tagalla. With this force, after a

five days march, through the desert toward the Tagalla

mountains, he caught the Mahdi, took him to El Obeid and tried

and hanged him straightway.

AFRICA:

Population.

Lord Cromer, in his annual report, 1904, estimated the

population of the Sudan, within the British-Egyptian

Condominium, at no more than 1,870,000, to which number it had

been reduced by war and disease from former estimates of

8,525,000, prior to the Mahdi domination.

See, also, ALGIERS, CONGO, EGYPT, MOROCCO,

RHODESIA, SOUTH AFRICA, etc.

AGLIPAY, Padre Gregorio:

His secession from the Roman Catholic Church in the Philippines.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.

AGRAM TRIALS, The.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.

AGRARIAN INTEREST, in Germany:

Its triumph in 1909.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

AGRARIAN LAW, The Russian.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).

AGRICULTURAL CRISIS IN RUSSIA.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905.

AGRICULTURE:

Coöperative and other unions among farmers.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909;

AND LABOR REMUNERATION: COÖPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

AGRICULTURE:

Dry Farming.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: AGRICULTURE.

{7}

AGRICULTURE:

Germany: Decrease of agricultural population.

See GERMANY: A. D. 1907.

AGRICULTURE:

Increasing cooperative organization in Great Britain.

See LABOR REMUNERATION: COÖPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

AGRICULTURE: International Institute:

Its origin and purpose.

Created under the auspices of the King of Italy.

Forty nations associated in its membership.

Its seat near Rome.

The idea of an international organization for systematizing

the agricultural production of the world and regulating the

markets of food products, by constant and authentic knowledge

of crops and conditions, was conceived some years ago by Mr.

David Lubin, of California. It was first expressed by him

publicly at Budapest in 1896, but was the growth of thirteen

years of thought preceding that date. As the result of Mr.

Lubin’s efforts to interest governments and peoples in the

project, King Victor Emmanuel III., of Italy, became its

hearty patron in 1903, and took the initiative step toward

effecting an organization as wide as the civilized world, by

inviting all nations to take part in a convention of delegates

for the purpose, at Rome, in May, 1905. The invitation, as

addressed to the Government of the United States by the

Italian Ambassador at Washington, on the 26th of February,

1905, was in these words: "By order of my government, I have

the honor to inform your excellency that His Majesty the King,

my august sovereign, has taken the initiative in the formation

of an international institute of agriculture to be composed of

representatives of the great agricultural societies of the

various countries and of delegates from the several

governments. This institute, being devoid of any political

intent, should tend to bring about a community of interests

among agriculturists and to protect these interests in the

markets of the world. It will study agricultural conditions in

the different countries, periodically indicating the supply

and the quality of products with accuracy and care, so as to

proportion production to demand, increase and distribute the

various crops according to the rate of consumption, render the

commerce of agricultural products less costly and more

expeditious, and suitably determine the prices thereof. Acting

in unison with the various national bureaus already existing,

it will furnish accurate information on conditions regarding

agricultural labor in various localities, and will regulate

and direct the currents of emigration. It will favor the

institution of agricultural exchanges and labor bureaus. It

will protect both producers and consumers against the excesses

of transportation and forestalling syndicates, keeping a watch

on middlemen, pointing out their abuses, and acquainting the

public with the true conditions of the market. It will foster

agreements for common defense against the diseases of plants

and live stock, against which individual defense is less

effectual. It will help to develop rural cooperation,

agricultural insurance, and agrarian credit. It will study and

propose measures of general interest, preparing international

agreements for the benefit of agriculture and the agricultural

classes.

"Carrying out the intention of His Majesty, the Italian

Government appeals to all friendly nations, each of which

ought to have its own representatives in the institute,

appointed to act as the exponents of their respective

governments, as organs of mutual relations, and as mediums of

reciprocal influence and information. It accordingly now

invites them to participate through their delegates in the

first convention, which is to be held at Rome next May for the

purpose of preparing rules for the new institute.

"The King’s Government trusts that the United States will be

willing to cooperate in the enterprise, the first inspiration

of which is due to an American citizen, and that, accepting

the invitation to the conference at Rome, it will send thither

a delegation commensurate with its importance as the foremost

agricultural nation in the world."

Gratifying responses to the invitation were made by most, if

not all, of the governments addressed, and the Conference at

Rome was held at the appointed time. It concluded its sessions

on the 7th of June by attaching the signatures of the

delegates of the Powers represented to a final Act, which

embodies the resolutions on which they had agreed. This Act of

organization was as follows:

"Article 1.

There is hereby created a permanent international institute of

agriculture, having its seat at Rome.

"Article 2.

The international institute of agriculture is to be a

government institution, in which each adhering power shall be

represented by delegates of its choice. The institute shall be

composed of a general assembly and a permanent committee, the

composition and duties of which are defined in the ensuing

articles.

"Article 3.

The general assembly of the institute shall be composed of the

representatives of the adhering governments. Each nation,

whatever be the number of its delegates, shall be entitled to

a number of votes in the assembly which shall be determined

according to the group to which it belongs, and to which

reference will be made in article 10.

"Article 4.

The general assembly shall elect for each session from among

its members a president and two vice-presidents. The sessions

shall take place on dates fixed by the last general assembly

and according to a programme proposed by the permanent

committee and adopted by the adhering governments.

"Article 5.

The general assembly shall exercise supreme control over the

international institute of agriculture. It shall approve the

projects prepared by the permanent committee regarding the

organization and internal workings of the institute. It shall

fix the total amount of expenditures and audit and approve the

accounts. It shall submit to the approval of the adhering

governments modifications of any nature involving an increase

in expenditure or an enlargement of the functions of the

institute. It shall set the date for holding the sessions. It

shall prepare its regulations. The presence at the general

assemblies of delegates representing two-thirds of the

adhering nations shall be required in order to render the

deliberations valid.

"Article 6.

The executive power of the institute is intrusted to the

permanent committee, which, under the direction and control of

the general assembly, shall carry out the decisions of the

latter and prepare propositions to submit to it.

{8}

"Article 7.

The permanent committee shall be composed of members

designated by the respective governments. Each adhering nation

shall be represented in the permanent committee by one member.

However, the representation of one nation may be intrusted to

a delegate of another adhering nation, provided that the

actual number of members shall not be less than fifteen. The

conditions of voting in the permanent committee shall be the

same as those indicated in article 3 for the general

assemblies.

"Article 8.

The permanent committee shall elect from among its

members for a period of three years a president and a

vice-president, who may be reelected. It shall prepare

its internal regulations, vote the budget of the

institute within the limits of the funds placed at its

disposal by the general assembly, and appoint and remove

the officials and employees of its office. The general

secretary of the permanent committee shall act as

secretary' of the assembly.

"Article 9.

The institute, confining its operations within an

international sphere, shall—

(a) Collect, study, and publish as promptly as possible

statistical, technical, or economic information concerning

farming, both vegetable and animal products, the commerce in

agricultural products, and the prices prevailing in the

various markets:

(b) Communicate to parties interested, also as promptly as

possible, all the information just referred to;

(c) Indicate the wages paid for farm work;

(d) Make known the new diseases of vegetables which may appear

in any part of the world, showing the territories infected,

the progress of the disease, and, if possible, the remedies

which are effective in combating them;

(e) Study questions concerning agricultural coöperation,

insurance, and credit in all their aspects; collect and

publish information which might be useful in the various

countries in the organization of works connected with

agricultural coöperation, insurance, and credit;

(f) Submit to the approval of the governments, if there is

occasion for it, measures for the protection of the common

interests of farmers and for the improvement of their

condition, after having utilized all the necessary sources of

information, such as the wishes expressed by international or

other agricultural congresses or congresses of sciences

applied to agriculture, agricultural societies, academies,

learned bodies, etc.

All questions concerning the economic interests, the

legislation, and the administration of a particular nation

shall be excluded from the consideration of the institute.

"Article 10.

The nations adhering to the institute shall be classed in five

groups, according to the place which each of them thinks it

ought to occupy. The number of votes which each nation shall

have and the number of units of assessment shall be

established according to the following gradations:

Groups of nations.   Numbers of votes   Units of assessment.

I                  5                 16

II                  4                  8

III                  3                  4

IV                  2                  2

V                  1                  1

In any event the contribution due per unit of assessment shall

never exceed a maximum of 2,500 francs. As a temporary

provision the assessment for the first two years shall not

exceed 1,500 francs per unit. Colonies may, at the request of

the nations to which they belong, be admitted to form part of

the institute on the same conditions as the independent

nations.

"Article 11.

The present convention shall be ratified and the ratifications

shall be exchanged as soon as possible by depositing them with

the Italian Government."

In communicating this Act of the Conference to the Government

of the United States, the Italian Ambassador at Washington

wrote August 9, 1905: "The final act of the conference was

signed by the delegates under reservation of the approval of

their respective governments, nor could it be otherwise. After

this approval the convention, which constitutes the essential

part of the act, shall, if approved (as the King’s Government

does not doubt it will be), assume the character of an

obligation on the part of the nations which shall have adhered

to it through the signature of plenipotentiaries appointed for

the purpose."

On March 27, 1906, he was able to announce that "the States

which were represented at the Conference of last year at Rome

… have now all sanctioned by the signature of their

plenipotentiaries the Convention drafted at that Conference."

As appears from a copy transmitted, the Convention had been

signed by the plenipotentiaries of forty nations, including

twelve American republics besides the United States. To this

gratifying announcement the Ambassador from Italy added the

following:

"His Majesty the King at the council of January 28 last signed

a decree, a few copies of which I have the honor to inclose,

by which a royal commission is established, and whose precise

duty is to carry into effect, as soon as it becomes operative,

the convention which will soon be referred to the several

contracting governments for ratification."

At the second general meeting of the Institute at Rome,

December 12, 1909, more than 100 foreign delegates were

present.

"His Majesty the King, desiring again to prove how much he has

at heart the contemplated international institute, has ordered

that the net income of the royal domains of Tombelo and

Coltano, amounting yearly to 300,000 lire, shall be turned

over to the above-mentioned royal commission from the 1st of

July next until the day when, the international institute of

agriculture being legally constituted, the administration and

usufruct of the said domains shall, in accordance with the

announcement made to the international conference at its

session of June 6, 1905, be transferred to the institute

itself.

"In obedience to His Majesty’s interest, the royal commission

has decided to apply the sum graciously placed at its disposal

for the aforesaid period to the construction of a palace,

where the international institute will have its headquarters,

and which will therefore be solely due to the munificence of

the sovereign. The new building that is to stand on the

village Umberto I., near the Porta Pinciana, and will cover

10,000 square meters of public property, will, it is fully

expected, be completed about the end of next year, which is

the time when the permanent committee of the institute will

likely be convened at Rome. This munificent act of His Majesty

the King, whereby the erection of quarters worthy of the

international institute of agriculture is provided for, thus

begins the execution of the convention of June 7, 1905."

{9}

Transmitting to the American Ambassador at Rome the

President’s ratification of the Convention, on the 11th of

July, 1906, Secretary Root made known that Congress had

appropriated $4800 as the quota of the United States to the

support of the International Institute of Agriculture for the

fiscal year 1907, and $8000 for the travelling expenses of the

delegates to be appointed to the grand assembly of the

Institute, and for the salary of one member of the permanent

committee; and to this he added: "In pursuance of the

authority thus conferred, Mr. David Lubin, of Sacramento,

California, has been selected to represent this Government on

the permanent committee, it being understood that he is

willing to serve without salary."

Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United

States, 1905 and 1906

AGUINALDO Y FAMY, Emilio.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

AHMED RIZA.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

Settlement of the boundary question.

Dissatisfaction in Canada dissipated by better knowledge

of the facts.

The Alaska boundary question (see in Volume VI. of this work,

under ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION) was brought to a settlement in

1903 by an arrangement which submitted it to a Commission of

six, three representing the United States and three acting for

Great Britain and Canada. The American Commissioners were the

Honorable Elihu Root, Secretary of War, and senators Henry C.

Lodge and George Turner, of Massachusetts and the State of

Washington respectively. The British and Canadian members were

the Lord Chief Justice of England, Lord Alverstone, Sir Louis

Jette, of Quebec, and A. B. Aylesworth, of Toronto, Ontario.

The Commission, meeting in London, arrived at its decision in

October, signing, on the 20th, an agreement on all the

questions submitted. "By this award," said President

Roosevelt, in his subsequent Message to Congress, "the right

of the United States to the control of a continuous strip or

border of the mainland shore, skirting all the tide-water

inlets and sinuosities of the coast, is confirmed; the

entrance to Portland Canal (concerning which legitimate doubt

appeared) is defined as passing by Tongass Inlet and to the

northwestward of Wales and Pearse islands: a line is drawn

from the head of Portland Canal to the fifty-sixth degree of

north latitude: and the interior border line of the strip is

fixed by lines connecting certain mountain summits lying

between Portland Canal and Mount St. Elias and running along

the crest of the divide separating the coast slope from the

inland watershed, at the only part of the frontier where the

drainage ridge approaches the coast within the distance of ten

marine leagues stipulated by the treaty as the extreme width

of the strip around the heads of Lynn Canal and its branches.

While the line so traced follows the provisional demarcation

of 1878 at the crossing of the Stikine River, and that of 1899

at the summits of the White and Chilkoot passes, it runs much

farther inland from the Klehine than the temporary line of the

later modus vivendi, and leaves the entire mining

district of the Porcupine River and Glacier Creek within the

jurisdiction of the United States. The result is satisfactory

in every way. It is of great material advantage to our people

in the Far Northwest. It has removed from the field of

discussion and possible danger a question liable to become

more acutely accentuated with each passing year. Finally it

has furnished a signal proof of the fairness and good will

with which two friendly nations can approach and determine

issues involving national sovereignty, and by their nature

incapable of submission to a third power for adjudication."

Message of President Roosevelt,

December 7, 1903.

In Canada the feeling was very different from that expressed

by President Roosevelt. There, the dissatisfaction was

intense. The two Canadian Commissioners had opposed the award,

while Lord Alverstone cast his vote with the three Americans,

which provoked the accusation that his decision had been

given, at the instigation of the British Government, not

judicially, but diplomatically, for the pleasing of the United

States, at the sacrifice of Canadian interests and rights. The

groundlessness of such defamatory suspicions became plain when

Lord Alverstone made public the reasons for his vote. A recent

historian of Canada ends his account of the matter with the

following remarks:

"In vain did students and experts declare that they had felt

before the tribunal met that Canada had, in very many

respects, a weak case. It was pointed out that some of the

Canadian surveys gave the line as the Americans claimed it,

that Americans had by long occupation got a hold upon and a

right of possession to various ports and sections, and that

against this occupancy there had been no British protest

whatever. Finally one distinguished citizen reminded the

Canadians that if they had been allowed to select one man as

sole arbitrator they would have been glad to accept Lord

Alverstone. Lord Alverstone was really the one arbitrator and

judge. Had he decided against the Americans, the case would

have been deadlocked for years. In time Canadians came to a

more sober and reasonable attitude on the subject. They came

to see that Lord Alverstone could not have been prejudiced and

that his decision was really the only one that was fair and

unbiased. Some came also to see that the American case was

much the stronger, and that in this light the decision was a

just one. But they were not and are not ready to believe that

the whole scheme was anything but one contrived at Washington

to get the contest settled to the advantage of the Americans."

F. B. Tracy,

Tercentenary History of Canada,

Volume 3, page 1044

(Macmillan Co., New York, 1908).

A full account of the arbitration with the correspondence

preceding it, and the opinions written by the arbitrators

severally, is given in the British Parliamentary

Papers by Command

(United States, Number 1, 1904), Cd. 1877.

ALASKA: A. D. 1906.

Convention to provide for final establishment

of the boundary line.

Final proceedings for establishing the boundary line of Alaska

were provided for in a Convention between the United States

and Great Britain, signed April 21, 1906. The need and object

of the Convention were set forth in its preamble as follows:

{10}

"Whereas by a treaty between the United States of America and

His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, for the cession of

the Russian possessions in North America to the United States,

concluded March 30, 1867, the most northerly part of the

boundary line between the said Russian possessions and those

of His Britannic Majesty, as established by the prior

convention between Russia and Great Britain, of February 28/16

[sic] 1825, is defined as following the 141st degree of

longitude west from Greenwich, beginning at the point of

intersection of the said 141st degree of west longitude with a

certain line drawn parallel with the coast, and thence

continuing from the said point of intersection, upon the said

meridian of the 141st degree in its prolongation as far as the

Frozen Ocean.

"And whereas, the location of said meridian of the 141st

degree of west longitude between the terminal points thereof

defined in said treaty is dependent upon the scientific

ascertainment of convenient points along the said meridian and

the survey of the country intermediate between such points,

involving no question of interpretation of the aforesaid

treaties but merely the determination of such points and their

connecting lines by the ordinary processes of observation and

survey conducted by competent astronomers, engineers and

surveyors;

"And whereas such determination has not hitherto been made by

a joint survey as is requisite in order to give complete

effect to said treaties."

To make such determination it was agreed that each Government

should "appoint one Commissioner, with whom may be associated

such surveyors, astronomers and other assistants as each

Government may elect."

ALASKA:  A. D. 1906.

Election of a delegate to Congress.

An Act to authorize the election of a Delegate to Congress

from the Territory of Alaska was approved by the President May

7, 1906.

ALASKA COAL FIELDS.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

ALASKA-YUKON-PACIFIC EXPOSITION.

See (in this Volume)

SEATTLE: A. D. 1909.

ALBANIA: A. D. 1904.

Hostility to the Mürzsteg programme.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

ALBERT, King of Belgium.

See (in this Volume)

BELGIUM; A. D. 1909 (DECEMBER).

ALBERT, Marcellin:

Leader of the winegrowers revolt in France.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (MAY-JULY).

ALBERTA:

Organized as a province of the Dominion of Canada.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1905.

ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

ALCOHOL: Austria: A. D. 1903.

Resolution of the National Convention of the Social

Democratic Party against alcoholic drinks.

At a convention of the Social Democracy of the Austrian

Empire, held at Vienna, in November, 1903, Dr. Richard

Frohlich read an elaborate report against the use of

intoxicating liquors, concluding with an earnest appeal, in

these words; "We want to create a new social order: to give

the world a new face! To lay the foundations for the new

society is the task of political and industrial organization—

and there is no greater deterrent to the accomplishment of

that task than alcohol. In building the new mansion of the

future we think also of the men who are to dwell in it. Does

it not bring a blush of shame to our cheeks merely to imagine

that the men of the future society will be contented because

they are intoxicated! Contentment in that new order

will arise from a sound brain and the satisfaction of the

rational desires which proceed from it. We have enough

retarding forces to contend with in our struggle for this

ideal of the future generation. One such force we are able

to-day to overcome if we will. That is alcoholism, the last

refuge of philistinism and stupid conservatism. If we really

want the new world, we must provide the new men to make it.

The program of total abstinence does not set new ideals for

us, but it gives us a new weapon, sharp and effective for the

conquest of our old ideals. The responsibility is upon us to

use this weapon. Let us do it!"

In response, the Convention adopted the following resolution:

"The convention of the party recognizes in alcohol a serious

detriment to the physical and mental power of the working man,

and a great hindrance to all efforts of organization in the

social democracy. Every means should be employed to remove the

evils which have come from it.

"The first aim in this struggle must be the economic

betterment of the proletariat. And that must be accomplished

by a clear teaching of the effects of alcohol, and by the

removal of the common toleration of drinking.

"The convention of the party, therefore, recommends that all

the party groups and brotherhoods lend their support to the

crusade against alcohol, and declares that the first step in

this direction must be the abolishment of compulsory drinking

in all of the meetings of the organization. Members of the

party who are converted to total abstinence are recommended to

form total abstinence clubs, to continue the propaganda and to

see to it that their members are true to the political and

economic duties of the party organization."

ALCOHOL: CANADA: A. D. 1906-1908.

The Canada Temperance Act.

Under what was known as the Scott Act, of 1878, the privilege

of local option had been given to counties and cities in

Canada, and had been brought into exercise by nine cities and

seventy-three counties, which prohibited the sale of

intoxicating liquors within their limits; but in most of these

the supporters of the law were gradually overcome and the

prohibition removed. In all the provinces except Quebec, a

referendum vote taken in 1898 showed majorities in favor of a

Dominion Prohibition Law; but the vote cast was so light and

the adverse majorities in cities was so large that the

government did not feel warranted in bringing forward a Bill.

In 1906, however, the demand for local option in the matter of

permitting alcoholic liquors to be sold had become strong

enough to extort from Parliament the desired legislation. As

amended in 1908, Part II. of this Canada Temperance Act (Part

I. having prescribed the proceedings for bringing Part II.

into force) provides that "from the day on which this Part

comes into force and takes effect in any county or city, and

for so long thereafter as, and while the same continues or is

in force therein, no person shall, except as in this Part

specially provided, by himself, his clerk, servant or agent,—

{11}

(a) expose or keep for sale, within such county or city, any

intoxicating liquor; or,

( b ) directly or indirectly on any pretense or upon any

device, within any such county or city, sell or barter, or, in

consideration of the purchase of any other property, give to

any other person any intoxicating liquor; or,

(c) send, ship, bring or carry or cause to be sent, shipped,

brought, or carried to or into any such county or city, any

intoxicating liquor; or,

(d) deliver to any consignee or other person, or store,

warehouse, or keep for delivery, any intoxicating liquor so

sent, shipped, brought or carried."

But these last two subsections are not to "apply to any

intoxicating liquor sent, shipped, brought or carried to any

person or persons for his or their personal or family use,

except it be so sent, shipped, brought or carried to be paid

for in such county or city to the person delivering the same,

his clerk, servant, or agent, or his master or principal, if

the person delivering it is himself a servant or agent."

To bring Part II. of the Act into force in any county or city,

not less than one-fourth of the total number of electors

therein must petition the Governor in Council for a poll of

votes on the question, and when the vote is taken there must

be an affirmative majority; failing which no similar petition

can be put to vote in the same community for three years.

On the 2d of May, 1909, the following announcement of the

operation of the law in the province of Ontario was made: "May

Day, 1909, will long be remembered by the advocates of local

option in Ontario. One hundred and forty-two bars passed out

of existence yesterday, and of the 807 municipalities in the

province 334 are now without a single license in force. The

Toronto commissioners have cut off 40 licenses, leaving only

110 in a city of nearly 400,000 people."

ALCOHOL:

Casual occurrences of saloon suppression, showing what goes

with it.

Communities in which the liquor traffic is ordinarily favored

are sometimes compelled by exigencies of circumstance to

suppress it temporarily, and are forced then to see how much

of crime and disorder goes with it. During the weeks in which

military authority cleared saloons from San Francisco, after

the calamity of 1906, every observer made note of the

conspicuous freedom of the city "from all kinds of violence

and crime," though the whole organization of life was upset.

One trustworthy journal reported conditions six months after

the calamity as follows: "During the two months and a half

after April 18 San Francisco was probably the most orderly

large city in the United States. Violence and crime were

practically unknown. During that time the saloons and liquor

stores of the city were closed tight. About the middle of July

the saloons were permitted to open again. This action of the

city government was accompanied by the expectation on the part

of many citizens of an outbreak of violence and disorder.

Clergymen, and it is said even the police, advised men and

women to carry firearms for their own protection. For the past

three months San Francisco has been living under a reign of m.

In eighty days eighty-three murders, robberies, and assaults

were registered on the police records. A despatch to

Ridgway’s, the new weekly periodical, reports the sale in San

Francisco during one week in October of over six thousand

revolvers."

When Stockholm, in the summer of 1909, was undergoing the

trials of the great general strike, and by general consent of

all concerned the sale of liquors was stopped, the same report

went out, that magistrates and police had little to do. And

that is the standing account of things from the Panama Canal

Zone, about which an English visitor, Sir Harry Johnston,

wrote in April, 1909:

"The whole of the canal zone (ten miles on either side of the

canal banks) is ‘teetotal,’ except in the actual towns of

Panama and Colon. No alcohol is sold by the Canal Commission

at its hotels or boarding-houses. And the general result of

these stern measures—the improvement in health and the absence

of crime—amply justifies this anti-alcohol policy. … There is

singularly little serious crime throughout the canal zone. One

has the sensation of being perfectly safe anywhere at any time

of day or night. Petty dishonesty among the lower classes is

common, especially at the railway stations, where one is

liable to lose small articles of baggage if they are left

unguarded. Panama in this respect is worse than the other

towns of the Isthmus, new or old. But there is no open shock

to any one’s prejudices or sentiments in the way of flagrant

immorality (as at New Orleans, for example)."

So easily can communities solve half, at least, of their most

troublesome problems, and cure half, at least, of their worst

social maladies, if they will!

ALCOHOL: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 .

Passage of an amended licensing law.

A moderate reform.

A Licensing Bill, moderately in the interest of temperance

reform, was discussed and passed in Parliament during the

summer of 1902. It made publicans more strictly responsible

for drunkenness incurred on their premises; strengthened the

prohibition of liquor-selling to habitual drunkards; improved

measures for the suppression of public drunkenness; subjected

licenses to tradesmen for the sale of liquors off their

premises to the unqualified discretion of justices, and

facilitated the separation of husbands and wives from a

drunken mate.

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1904.

Passing of a new Licensing Bill, providing compensation for

the withdrawal of licenses on grounds of public policy.

An agitation in Great Britain which almost equalled for a time

that produced in the same period by Mr. Chamberlain’s campaign

for a preferential tariff was stirred up by a new Licensing

Bill, introduced as a Government measure on the 20th of April,

1904. The bill provided for compensation to be made, at the

expense of the liquor trade, for the taking of a license away

from any public house, on grounds of public policy, no matter

how briefly the license had been held. A fund for the

compensations was to be raised by assessment on all engaged in

the trade. Authority to refuse the renewal or transfer of

licenses on any ground other than ill conduct or character was

withdrawn from local magistrates and exercised by the courts

of quarter sessions (composed of the justices of the peace in

each county) only. When a public house was thought to be

superfluous by local magistrates they were required to report

the case to quarter sessions, where a hearing upon it would be

given.

{12}

If the Bench of quarter sessions decided to extinguish the

license, it must specify the grounds of its decision in

writing, and award a compensation, based on the estimated

difference between the value of the licensed premises and the

value of the same premises without a license. If no agreement

on this basis could be reached, the Inland Revenue

Commissioners should determine the sum.

The Bill was advocated in the interest of temperance, as being

calculated to reduce the number of public houses, and to raise

their character. Mr. Balfour upheld it as "a great temperance

measure." It should be the aim of Government, he argued, to

"encourage respectable persons to keep public houses, and with

that object they should make the trade secure." On the other

side it was opposed with exceeding bitterness as a measure

that had the backing and was in the interest of the brewers

and the whole liquor trade; that created vested interests in

the trade, rooting it to a new depth; that tended to add value

to the low class of public houses, and obstructed future

temperance reform. Repeated attempts to introduce a limit of

years after which the awarding of compensation for the

withdrawal of license would cease were defeated, and the Bill

passed both Houses in August, substantially as it came into

Parliament four months before.

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1907.

Drink in its relation to crime.

Testimony of judges.

"The following is from a newspaper report of a speech by Judge

Rentoul, delivered in the Guildhall, Cambridge, on the 15th of

October, 1907. He happened to be one of the judges of the

chief criminal courts of this country, and he said to them on

that platform that 90 per cent. of the cases that came to the

Central Criminal Court of England came directly through drink.

The late Lord Brampton, formerly Sir Henry Hawkins, perhaps

the greatest criminal judge during the past century, had also

put the figures at 90 per cent. Lord Coleridge, speaking at

one Assizes, said, ‘Every single case in my present list comes

from the use of strong drink.’ ‘If it were not,’ said his

Honour, ‘for alcohol, three fourths of our criminal courts

would be closed in this country and closed forever.’"

H. A. Giles,

Opium and Alcohol in China

(Nineteenth Century, December, 1907).

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1908.

Passage of a new Licensing Bill by the Commons and its

rejection by the Lords.

Nothing contributed more to the defeat of the Conservative

Ministry in the British Parliamentary elections of 1905 than

the moral repugnance of the country to the Licensing Bill of

1904 (described above); and the Liberal Government came to

power with no commission from the people more positive than

was in the demand for an amendment of that law. In 1908 it

brought into Parliament and passed through the House of

Commons a Bill which answered the demand, asserting the right

and the need and the power in Government to put limitations on

the granting of licenses for the sale of intoxicating liquors,

without treating them as vested interests under a sacred

guard. The limitation, in fact, was made definite and

mandatory by the first provision of the Bill, which declared;

"Licensing justices shall, in accordance with this Act, reduce

the number of on-licenses in their district so that at the end

of a period of fourteen years from the fifth day of April

nineteen hundred and nine the number of those licenses in any

rural parish or urban area in their district shall not exceed

the scale set out in the First Schedule to this Act as applied

to that parish or area under the provisions of that schedule."

The schedule referred to was as follows:

Persons per acre.

2 or less

Exceeding   2 but not exceeding 25

Exceeding  25 but not exceeding 50

Exceeding  50 but not exceeding 75

Exceeding  75 but not exceeding 100

Exceeding 100 but not exceeding  200

Exceeding 200

Number of on-licenses.

1 to 400 persons or part of 400

1 to 500 persons or part of 500

1 to 600 persons or part of 600

1 to 700 persons or part of 700

1 to 800 persons or part of 800

1 to 900 persons or part of 900

1 to 1,000 persons or part of 1,000

The Bill provided further for local option in the matter of

granting new licenses, permitting a majority of voters in any

licensing district to prohibit further grants; and introduced

other changes of law in the interest of temperance, but not

going to any extreme. When the measure went to the House of

Lords it suffered there the same fate that had been meted out

to the Education Bill of 1906. How serious an issue between

the Commons and the Lords was raised by that occurrence is

intimated in one passage of a speech made by the Liberal Prime

Minister, Mr. Asquith, in July, 1909. He was reviewing some of

the significant incidents of recent political history, and

when he came to the Licensing Bill there was more feeling in

his remarks than he had shown before. "That," he said, "was a

Bill, as you know, which was debated for weeks and for months

and passed through the House of Commons with sustained and

unexampled majorities. When it reached ‘another place,’ what

was its fate? It was rejected without even any pretence of

consideration of its details, it was rejected in pursuance of

a preconcerted party resolution, it was rejected with every

circumstance of contumely and contempt. I will not pause to

dwell upon, certainly not to praise, the provisions of the

Licensing Bill, which, I may say, was to some extent my own

handiwork. But in regard to its rejection I will say that it

has made two things—that rejection and the circumstances

preceding, following, and attending it have made two

things—abundantly plain. The first is that it has ruined the

prospects of any really effective temperance reform on

anything like a large and comprehensive scale during the

lifetime of the present Parliament. I will say next the

circumstances of that rejection have brought into greater

prominence than ever before the fact that our constitutional

system is not, or at least that it can be made not to be, the

embodiment, but the caricature of a representative and

responsible Government. And the question of the relations

between the two Houses of Parliament must be for us Liberals,

at any rate, as I described it at the time, the dominant issue

in our programme."

{13}

The requirement of the Act of 1904 that compensation should be

paid to every license-holder whose license was withdrawn for

public reasons, put so narrow a limit on the reductions made,

that the 138,011 licensed houses in England and Wales in 1904

had only been diminished by about 3000 in 1908; whereas the

country demanded a great cutting down of the excessive number.

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1908.

Provisions of The Children Act for the Protection of Children.

See (in this Volume)

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS DEPENDENTS, &C.

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1909.

Taxation of the Liquor Trade proposed in the Budget.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1909.

The Decreased Consumption of Whiskey caused by increased tax.

Speaking in Parliament of the increased whiskey tax in his

Budget, on the 29th of October, some months after it had gone

into effect and its yield was being shown, the Chancellor of

the Exchequer, Mr. Lloyd-George, acknowledged that he had

greatly overestimated the revenue it would produce. He said:

"The whole point was to what extent would an addition of a

halfpenny a glass deter a man from taking his usual share of

drink. I could no more estimate that than any other member of

the House. I made a very liberal allowance for decrease in

consumption, so liberal that nobody either in or out of the

House agreed with it. Many said it was absurd. … I assumed

that people who could afford it would not regard the halfpenny

at all; that they would buy exactly the same quantity of

whisky as before. The working classes I assumed would probably

purchase a smaller quantity. Supposing a man says, I spend 2s.

6d. on drink; he would not spend more; therefore he would

consume less.

"I made a rough calculation upon such information as I had how

that would affect the consumption of whisky as a whole, but I

find the change has gone beyond that, and my information now

is not merely that there are thousands of people who drink a

percentage which is, in proportion to the increase, less, but

some of them drop it altogether. Some of them are barely

drinking half what they were before. Altogether a most

extraordinary effect has been produced upon the habits of the

people. I am not here to apologize for that at all. In some

districts, I am told, the drinking of spirits has gone down by

70 percent, in Ireland, I think. I hear that there are

districts in Scotland where it has gone down 50 per cent. I

have a communication in regard to the whisky distillers of

Glasgow saying that the decrease in Glasgow during September

has been 36 per cent.

"People have not even been driven to the consumption of beer.

It is really almost unaccountable. People have not been driven

from one form of alcohol to another, but have been driven from

alcohol altogether. The fact is very extraordinary, and has

gone beyond anything I have anticipated. … Our anticipations

now are that the consumption of spirits, both of foreign and

home manufacture, will go down by something between 20 and 25

per cent. That means that a smaller quantity of spirits will

be consumed in this country during this year by eight or nine

million gallons.’’

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1909.

Organization of "The True Temperance Association."

Its aim and appeal.

Under the name of "The True Temperance Association," a London

organization headed by Lord Halsbury made the following appeal

to the English public, in May, 1909: "Let us take what is to

hand—the publichouse; the regulated refreshment house of the

people. Let us transform that out of its present condition of

a mere drink-shop into a house of general, reasonable, and

reputable entertainment—a place where there will be other

things to consume besides beer and whisky, and other forms of

recreation besides mere drink. We should imitate the model of

the Continental café and German bierhaus; the White

City and other exhibitions have shown us that they would not

be exotics in this country; and those exhibitions with their

wonderful record of sobriety also show us that there is every

ground to expect that England, with transformed publichouses,

would be as sober, and withal as bright as are Continental

countries."

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1900:

England, United States, France, and Germany.

Comparative statement of the consumption of alcoholic drink.

"The consumption of alcoholic drink in the above countries,

per ten of population, was in the year 1900 as follows:

Drink-consumption per 10 of population.

Country.      Beer, spirits,   Beer.    Spirits.    Wine.

and wine.

Gallons.      Gallons.   Gallons.  Gallons.

France          336             62         20        254

United Kingdom  332            317         11          4

Germany         309            275         19         15

United States   147            133         11          3

"Some years agone, the late P. G. Hamerton in his book

French and English mentioned the increase of drinking

in France, and we see that French drink-consumption per head

is now greater than British consumption. The French drink more

spirits, more wine, and have a larger total consumption per

head than any of these three other nations.

"The most striking fact in the above statement is the low

drink-consumption per head in the United States. The American

total per head is less than one-half of the total consumption

per head in any of the three other countries. The superior

sobriety of the American workman as compared with the

Englishman has often been noticed, and observation in social

grades higher than that of the artizan tends to show that

American superiority in this respect is a general superiority

not confined to workmen only. The developed alertness and

prompt energy of the American may, it is quite likely, be due

in some part to this relative abstinence from alcoholic drink

which is now illustrated.

"Looking back over the fifteen years 1886-1900, for the

purpose of observing the increase or the decrease in

drink-consumption per head of population, the following

results have been obtained;—

Country.     Average yearly drink-consumption,

per head of population, during

1886-1890.  1891-1895.  1890-1900.

Gallons.   Gallons.    Gallons.

France           26.5      31.5       32.3

United Kingdom.  29.4      31.1       33.1

Germany          24.4      26.6       29.9

United States    11.8      14.3       14.2

The drink-consumption per   The drink-consumption per

head during 1886-1890       head during 1896-1900 was

being taken at 100

per cent.           per cent.

France           100                 122

United Kingdom.  100                 113

Germany          100                 123

United States    100                 120

{14}

"In each country the drink-consumption per head of population

has increased since 1886-1890, and, with the exception of the

United States, there has been an increase during each

five-yearly period observed,

"Comparing the period 1896-1900 with the period 1886-1890, we

see that the percentage of increase per head of population in

drink-consumption was smaller in the United Kingdom than in

any of the three other countries. Germany and France have had

the largest relative increases per head of population.

"In the United States, the increase of 20 per cent in the

drink-consumption per head of population is due to an increase

in beer-drinking—the consumption per head of wine and of

spirits has declined."

J. H. Schooling,

Drink: in England, the United States, France, and Germany

(Fortnightly Review, January, 1902).

ALCOHOL: France: A. D. 1907.

Revolt of the Wine Growers of Southern France against wine

adulteration.

See (in this Volume )

FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (MAY-JULY).

ALCOHOL: Germany:

Temperance requisite in railway employees.

The dangers to the traveling public that are attendant on the

use of alcoholic stimulants by railway employees were

discussed very seriously not long since by a writer in the

Deutsche Monatsschrift. "The constantly growing demands

upon transit service for safety and speed," he observed, "call

for an increasingly higher efficiency of the personnel, not

only as regards prudence, judgment, decision, and

clearsightedness, but a sense of duty, all which qualities

are, it has been proved, vitiated by nothing so readily and to

such a degree as by indulgence in alcoholic drinks. The chief

danger, moreover, consists not so much in excessive drink

resulting in drunkenness, which is easily recognized, as in

the more moderate but habitual use of liquor, which is harder

to control, and the after-effects of heavy drinking.

Scientific investigation has established the fact that even a

moderate use of alcoholic beverages impairs the acuteness of

sight and hearing, including the power of distinguishing

colors. Most of the violations of discipline and duty in the

German transportation service are due to indulgence in drink,

besides leading to misery and want in the home."

The writer alludes to an association of German railway

officials started by himself, whose object it is to enlighten

the public regarding the worthlessness of alcoholic drinks as

a tonic and how they may be dispensed with as a means of

refreshment. This society, he states, has been most

encouragingly successful in its efforts. He adds the important

statement that the Prussian Government, owing to recent

serious accidents, has issued an order prohibiting all railway

employees from taking any beverage containing alcohol while on

duty.

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1902.

Resolution of Socialist Congress.

The subject in Prussian schools.

The German Socialist Congress, sitting at Munich in September,

1902, adopted a resolution which warned the working classes

against the dangers from immoderate indulgence in alcoholic

drinks, but declined to make total abstinence a condition of

party membership. In the previous March the Prussian minister

of education had given instructions to the school authorities

mm of the kingdom which aimed at the enlightening of the

people as to the deleterious effects, both physical and

economical, of an excessive use of alcoholic liquors. The same

subject had been agitated in the Prussian parliament, and

there was discussion of measures of more strict regulation of

public houses.

ALCOHOL:

International Congress on Alcoholism.

For twenty-four years an International Congress on Alcoholism

has held biennial meetings in different European cities,

beginning at Antwerp in 1885, steadily demonstrating a growth

of opposition—especially of scientific opposition—even in

Continental Europe, to the use of alcoholic liquors. The

meeting of 1905 was at Budapest; that of 1907 at Stockholm;

that of 1909 at London. The delegates to the latter numbered

about 1300, coming from nearly every European country, and

from the United States, Canada, and South Africa. Of the

strong character of the discussions at the London meeting the

New York Evening Post said after its adjournment:

"Men and women from every country, representing varying

conditions of society, offered evidence tending to show, by

actual figures of loss, the bad effects of drinking. From the

standpoint of education, science, medicine, society,

economics, efficiency, and law, the speakers all reached the

same conclusion, bringing strong testimony in support.

Efficiency was the keynote of papers representing public

service on the part of the post office, the railroad, the

navy, and the army of Great Britain."

An interesting figure at the Congress, it was said by an

American newspaper correspondent, was Judge William J.

Pollard, of St. Louis, who went as a representative of the

United States Government, and who was known widely as the

originator of the pledge instead of prison method of dealing

with drunkards. When he spoke on that subject he was given a

double allowance of time, on the motion of a delegate from

France, and, although under the constitution of the congress

no resolution could be put, a declaration in favor of the plan

was signed by practically every delegate in the hall. The

declaration reads as follows:

"We, the undersigned members and delegates attending the

International Congress on Alcoholism assembled in Loudon,

July, 1909, desire to record our gratification at the

recognition in statute law by Great Britain, Vermont, United

States of America, and Victoria (Australia) of the principle

of reforming drunkards by the probation on pledge method,

commonly known as the Pollard plan. The possibilities of this

wise and beneficent policy are so great that we desire to

commend its adoption throughout the world."

"Judge Pollard’s plan, established in the Saint Louis police

court nine years ago, consists in giving the drunkards a

chance of reform. Instead of sentencing them to prison or

fining them, Judge Pollard requires persons charged before him

with drunkenness to take the pledge. If they do so he suspends

sentence on them, and if the pledge is kept for a certain

period they hear no more about the matter. If it is broken the

fine or sentence is enforced."

One of the results of the Congress was the organization of a

"World’s Prohibition Confederation," "to better amalgamate the

forces in various countries working along their respective

lines towards the one common aim of the total suppression of

the liquor traffic."

{15}

Two sessions were held and the Conference finally decided by

unanimous vote upon the following outline of the purposes and

methods of the new Confederation:

"(1) Name—

The name of this association shall be 'The International

Prohibition Confederation (Confederation Prohibitioniste

Internationale—Internationaler Verbaud fuer Alkoholverbot).'

"(2) Object—

(a) To amalgamate the forces in various countries working

along their respective lines towards the one common aim of the

total suppression of the liquor traffic,

(b) To obtain notes of progress, information, and news from

all parts of the world, and send such information to all

organizations joining the Confederation and other applicants.

"(3) Membership—

The membership shall consist of representatives of temperance

organizations in all countries approving of the objects and

such officers as may be elected by the Confederation.

"(4) Finances—

The financial support shall be gained from such contributions

as the various affiliated societies and individual associate

members may subscribe."

ALCOHOL: New Zealand: A. D. 1896-1908.

Twelve years of Local Option.

Increasing majorities against the liquor traffic.

The vote of women.

Under the operation of a local option law since 1896, New

Zealand has been steadily narrowing the liquor traffic, with

what seems to be a fair prospect of extinguishing it entirely.

The law provides for the taking of a vote in each

parliamentary electoral district once in three years on three

propositions, as follows:

"1. That the number of licensed houses existing in the

district shall continue.

"2. That the number shall be reduced.

"3. That no licenses whatever shall be granted.

"Electors may vote for one of these proposals or for two of

them. The prohibitionists strike out the top line, and thus

vote for a reduction of the number of licenses, and also for

total prohibition in their district. Those who oppose

prohibition usually strike out the second and third lines, so

as to vote for the continuance of existing licensed houses;

while there are others, again, who strike out the first and

third issues, with a view simply to a reduction in the number

of licensed houses. An absolute majority of the votes carries

reduction; but it requires a three-fifths majority to carry

'no-license.' If reduction is carried the licensing committee

must then reduce the publicans’ licenses in the district by

not less than 5 per cent. or more than 25 per cent, of the

total number existing."

The local option vote has now been taken five times, with a

slow but steady increase of majorities given against the

liquor traffic, either to restrict or to end it,—as the

following table shows:

Continuance. Reduction. No-license. Valid votes.

1896    139,500     94,500      98,300      259,800

1899    142,400    107,700     118,500      281,800

1902    148,400    132,200     151,500      318,800

1905    182,800    151,000     198,700      396,400

1908    186,300    161,800     209,100      410,100

The figures here entered of the vote in 1908 are not official,

but are said to be close to accuracy.

The New Zealand correspondent of the London Times, from whose

report the above is taken, adds these particulars: "The result

of the local option poll taken in December, 1905, was to carry

'no license' in three new districts and reduction in four

districts. In 36 of the other districts a majority of the

votes polled was for ‘no license,’ though the three-fifths

majority necessary to carry the proposal was not obtained. The

results of the recent poll were very striking. In six new

districts ‘no-license ’ was carried, and in some others

‘no-license’ and ‘reduction’ were only lost by narrow margins.

The rapid advance made by the ‘no license’ party is certainly

remarkable.

"While the proportion of votes cast for continuance is

steadily declining, the proportion for ‘no-license’ is

increasing at an accelerated rate. Already there is a bare

majority of the total votes in favour of prohibition; while if

we had national instead of local option the chances are that

in a comparatively short period the necessary three-fifths

majority to secure total prohibition in the country might be

obtained. There are now indications that the ‘no-license’

party will make a bold bid, not only for a bare majority vote

on the no-license issue, but also for national option. In this

event they will alienate the sympathies of the great majority

of the moderates who now vote with them, so that the

‘no-license’ cause may receive, at least, a temporary check.

"Three important suggestions have been made to save the

trade—viz., reform from within, State control, and

municipalization. Judging from past experience, the first idea

seems hopeless. The trade has had its lessons, but has not

taken sufficient heed. State control will scarcely be

tolerated, since most people realize that the liquor trade in

the hands of a Government might be a dangerous political

engine, besides which there would always be the temptation

ever present to a Government to use it for revenue purposes.

Without very necessary reform from within, therefore, the only

chance for the liquor trade would seem to lie in the direction

of municipalization. Under municipal control, with the

abolition of the open bar in favour of the cafe system, with

better liquor, and with a thorough system of inspection and

analysis, the liquor trade in New Zealand might obtain a new

lease of life. Under the present system there is every

indication that its doom is sealed."

The importance of the vote of women, on this question

especially, appears in the following statements: "In 1902,

138,565 women, or 74.52 per cent. of those on the rolls,

voted; in 1905, 175,046, or 82.23 per cent. of those on the

rolls, voted. The proportion of females to males voting at

successive general elections also shows a gradual increase

from 69.57 per cent. in 1893 to 78.99 in 1905. Then there is

the gradual increase in the proportion of females to males in

the population of a young country to be considered. At the

foundation of the colonies the males, naturally, largely

outnumbered the females; but eventually the sexes will become

more nearly equal in number. Thus, while in 1871 the

proportion of females to males in the colony was only 70.52,

in 1906 it was 88.65. Furthermore, women are taking a keener

interest than ever in politics. They are beginning to

appreciate the franchise and to exercise it intelligently in

ever-increasing numbers."

{16}

The warning and alarming effect of the local option vote of

December, 1908, on the New Zealand liquor dealers was made

apparent by their action taken soon after, as reported in the

following Press despatch from Wellington, January 18, 1909:

"As a result of the large 'moderate' vote cast at the recent

poll on the question of total prohibition or reduction of

facilities for obtaining drink, it was unanimously resolved

to-day, at a meeting of the Auckland Brewers and Licensed

Victuallers’ Association, representing all the wholesale and

nearly every member of the retail trade, to abolish barmaids,

to abolish private bars, and to raise the age-limit of youths

who may be supplied with liquor from 18 to 20. No woman will

be supplied with liquor for consumption on the premises unless

she is boarding in the house.

"In an interview, the Mayor of Auckland, who is himself a

brewer, stated that since the trade has to ask the public

every three years for the continuance of its existence, it is

necessary for it to be conducted on lines approved by the

public at large."

ALCOHOL: United States: A. D. 1904-1909.

The progress of State, County, and Town Prohibition in the

five years.

The following exhibit of the status of state and local

prohibition in every State of the United States, on the 1st of

November, 1909, compared with the same in 1904, is reproduced,

with permission, from the latest leaflet published at the time

of this writing (January 1, 1910) by the Associated

Prohibition Press, located at 92 La Salle Street, Chicago:

"The record at Prohibition National Headquarters, Chicago,

shows that during the past four years the amount of

Prohibition territory has been doubled and 20,000,000 people

added to those living in Prohibition cities, counties and

states, making an aggregate of over 40,000,000 now by their

own choice in saloon-free districts.

"The figures below show that nearly two-thirds of the

territory and nearly one-half of the people are under

Prohibition protection:

"17,000,000 people in the South under Prohibition in 1904.

"25,000,000 people in the South under Prohibition in 1909.

"There are to-day 375 Prohibition cities in the United States,

having a population of over 5,000 each, with a total

population of more than three million and a half.

"In 1904 there were scarcely 100 Prohibition cities of 5,000

or over; there are now 90 Prohibition cities of 10,000 or

over. There are fifty-five industrial centers in fourteen

different states of 20,000 population and over, with an

aggregate of 2,000,000 population, now under Prohibition law.

"The Prohibition party is organized and at work in practically

every state in the Union.

"In 1904 the National Liquor League of the United States was

organized at Cincinnati, January 7th and 8th, to put the 'lid'

on the apparent beginnings of a Prohibition renaissance. Five

years of the 'National Liquor League of the United States' has

resulted in 20,000,000 people being added to the Prohibition

population of the country; 250 new Prohibition cities; 6 new

Prohibition states, hundreds of new Prohibition counties, and

thousands of new Prohibition towns and villages in all the

rest of the country.

"One of the most striking contrasts between 1904 and 1909 is

seen in the transformation which has been wrought in the

attitude of the daily and secular press towards the

Prohibition question. Since 1904 leading daily papers in all

parts of the country have begun to exclude liquor advertising

from their columns.

"The daily press of America is to-day giving ten times more

attention to and far more friendly treatment of the

Prohibition issue than was the case in 1904.

"On November 1st, 1909, the record of state and local

Prohibition territory in the United States, at National

Prohibition Headquarters, was as follows:

The Situation by States.

State.        1904.           November 1, 1909.

Alabama    20 Prohibition     State Prohibition;

counties.       enforcement legislation

11 Dispensary.     enacted by Legislature,

35 License.        August, 1909.

Data shows business prospers,

crime decreasing.

Popular vote on Constitutional

Prohibition November 29, 1909.

Arizona    No Prohibition     New county Prohibition law bare

territory.         two-thirds requirement.

Two-thirds         Four-fifths of Territory "dry"

majority required. in 12 months is prediction.

Arkansas   44 Prohibition     57 Prohibition counties.

counties.          State certain in next

29 License.        Legislature.

2 Partially

license.

California 175 Prohibition    250 "dry" towns.

towns.         Sentiment rapidly growing

for State Prohibition.

Colorado   Few Prohibition towns.   100 towns "dry."

No local-option law.     Stricter law enforcement.

Prohibition sentiment growing.

Connecticut  Half of State        Large increase in no-license

local Prohibition.   vote. Legislature passed

several important restrictive

measures.

Delaware     Few small           Two-thirds of State Prohibition.

Prohibition towns.

{17}

District of

Columbia      Apathy dominant.   New high license law.

Sentiment for Prohibition

organizing.

Stricter enforcement.

Florida    30 Prohibition        35 counties "dry."

counties.          Popular vote State

Prohibition November, 1910.

Georgia      104 Prohibition     State Prohibition.

counties out        Supporting sentiment grows.

of 134.             Atlanta elects law-enforcement

Large cities        Mayor. Crime largely decreasing.

all license.

Idaho        No Prohibition      County law passed.

territory.          Seven vote "dry."

"Wide-open" State.  State Prohibition campaign on.

Illinois     8 Prohibition       36 "dry" counties.

counties.           2500 "dry" towns.

500 Prohibition     23 "dry" cities.

towns.              No license fight on in Chicago.

"Wide open" Sunday.

Indiana      140 Prohibition     70 Counties "dry."

townships.          "Net Prohibition majority 67,025.

Three-fourths of the

State population under Prohibition.

Sentiment for State Prohibition

very active;

1,780,839 or 65 per cent of

State population in "dry"

territory;

32 "dry" cities (5,000 and over).

Iowa       25 License counties.    Campaign for State Prohibition

Lax enforcement         developing great enthusiasm.

of law.

Kansas     STATE PROHIBITION.      Legislature passed 1909

Lax enforcement.        important additions to

Law enforcement         State law.

crusade at Kansas       The sale of alcohol in any

City, Kan.,             form absolutely prohibited.

a "fizzle."             Strict enforcement the rule.

Kentucky   47 Prohibition          96 Prohibition counties;

counties.               1,541,613 or 66 per cent of

Legislature defeated    total population in "dry"

very moderate           territory.

local option bill.      State Prohibition campaign

launched in earnest.

Louisiana  20 Prohibition          Prohibition sentiment grows.

parishes out of 54.     Local Prohibition proves

notable success in

33 "dry" parishes.

Maine      STATE PROHIBITION.      Move for resubmission

Lax enforcement.        emphatically defeated

by State Legislature.

Sentiment for law enforcement

growing steadily.

Maryland   15 Prohibition          Some locals gains.

counties.               New high-license

law for Baltimore.

Massachusetts. 250 Prohibition     Some local gains.

towns and cities.   Twenty-five thousand

State majority against license.

Definite campaign for State

Prohibition;

261 towns "dry" out of 321;

20 cities "dry" out of 33;

26,297 State majority

against license.

Michigan   2 Prohibition           Thirty Prohibition counties.

counties.               Important new restrictive

400 Prohibition towns.  legislation took effect

September 1, 1909.

State Prohibition campaign on.

Minnesota   400 Prohibition        1,611 "dry" towns.

towns.                 State wide union

of Prohibition forces.

Mississippi 65 Prohibition         Enforcement of State-wide

counties.              law passed February, 1908.

Legislature defeated   Governor Noel a vigorous

State Prohibition      prohibitionist.

amendment.

Missouri   3 Prohibition           77 'dry' counties.

counties 1905.         State Prohibition

campaign definitely under way.

Vote November, 1910.

Montana    No Prohibition          Prohibition sentiment

territory.              growing with notable increase

of party vote in several

districts.

Nebraska   200 Prohibition         26 Prohibition counties.

towns.                  Many local gains.

State capital Lincoln, 50,000,

voted "dry."

State Prohibition campaign on;

48 "dry" county seats.

Nevada     No Prohibition          Sentiment against gambling

territory.              and liquor selling growing.

State Prohibition of gambling

effective October 1, 1910.

New Hampshire. State Prohibition   183 "dry" towns.

repealed 1903.

New Jersey     "Wide-open" State.   Whole year of 1909 filled

with agitation.

Law-defying Atlantic City

ring provokes widespread

public sentiment.

County option expected.

{18}

New Mexico    Nothing.               Prohibition forces very

active at legislative

session. Strong sentiment for

State Prohibition growing.

New York      285 Prohibition towns. Few changes. Concerted State

Cities all license     wide campaign on in 300 local

by State law.          Prohibition contests.

North Carolina. Local-option passed 1903.  Success of State

Raleigh, capital, had      Prohibition shown by

dispensary run by church   official statistics.

deacons.                   In force January, 1908.

North Dakota    STATE PROHIBITION.         Same law. Sentiment

Lax enforcement in         back of Prohibition

some sections.             law overwhelming

throughout State.

Strong supplementary

legislation passed 1909.

Ohio            First State               61 counties "dry."

local-option law          Campaigns in largest

passed.                   cities, and State

Prohibition scheduled

for near future.

Net Prohibition majority

in 70 county contests,

66,132.

Oklahoma        Few Prohibition towns.    Enforcement of State

Prohibition law

steadily growing success.

Governor Haskell heartily

supporting it.

Prohibition Party

organized September 27,

1909.

Oregon          No Prohibition            State Prohibition vote

territory.                November, 1910.

No local-option law.      21 counties "dry."

Pennsylvania    Prohibition sentiment     County option defeated

apathetic.                1909 but sentiment

rapidly growing.

Confident of advanced

legislation at next

session.

Rhode Island    20 Prohibition towns.     Little change

South Carolina  State dispensary.         37 Prohibition counties

(Abolished 1908.)         out of 42.

Sweeping Prohibition

victories August 17, 1909.

State campaign definitely on.

South Dakota    Scattering Prohibition    Few local changes.

towns.                    Sentiment for State

Prohibition campaign

developing.

Tennessee*      8 License cities.         State Prohibition passed

Liquor men threatened     January, 1909.

repeal of Adams           Effective July 1, 1909.

local-option law.         Liquor manufacture

prohibition.

Law effective

January 1, 1910.

Remarkably beneficial

effects of Prohibition

immediately shown in

Nashville and other

cities.

* A proposal to embody state-wide prohibition in a constitutional

amendment was voted down heavily in Tennessee on the 29th of

November, 1909.

Texas           140 Prohibition           154 Prohibition counties.

counties.                 State Prohibition

referendum narrowly

defeated by Legislature,

only increased agitation

for that object.

Vote expected within

two years.

Utah            No Prohibition            County Prohibition and

territory.                State referendum

defeated in Legislature,

expected at next session.

Vermont         Prohibition               216 towns "dry."

repealed 1903.            Demand for resubmission

138 Prohibition            of State Prohibition growing.

towns out of            Prohibition majority

240 in 1904.              of 8,819 in whole State.

Virginia        Local-option law          71 Prohibition counties.

passed 1903.              Democratic primary being

fought out on Prohibition

issue.

Washington      Few Prohibition towns.    Compromise local

Prohibition law,

passed Legislature, 1909.

Prohibition sentiment

growing. Alaska-Yukon

Exposition, Seattle,

first big "dry" exposition.

West Virginia.  40 out of 54              Some local gains.

counties "dry"            Charleston, state capital

"dry" since July 1.

Only three wholly "wet"

counties.

State campaign on.

Wisconsin       300 Prohibition towns     789 towns "dry."

Prohibition sentiment

growing rapidly;

4,000 business men

cheer argument for

Prohibition in great

debate at Milwaukee

March, 1909.

Wyoming         No Prohibition            New law effective

territory.                January, 1910, puts

whole State under

Prohibition outside

of incorporated towns.

{19}

ALCOHOL: A. D. 1908-1909.

Diminished consumption of whiskey and beer.

According to the annual report of the Commissioner of Internal

Revenue for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1909, there were

about 5,000,000 less gallons of whiskey contributing to the

Federal revenue than in the fiscal year preceding, and

something like 2,500,000 fewer barrels of beer and ale. "This

seems clearly to mirror the effect of the prohibition movement

which has lately gained such headway in certain sections of

the South and West. Ordinarily, the consumption of spirits and

malt liquor is fairly steady in times of depression; and when

an industrial revival is under way, their use increases and

reflects itself in larger revenue returns. The absolute

shrinkage in consumption in the past fiscal year, therefore,

is doubly significant."

----------ALCOHOL: End--------

ALCORTA, Jose Figueroa:

President of Argentine Republic.

See (in this Volume)

ACRE DISPUTES.

ALDERMAN, Edward Anderson:

President of the University of Virginia.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

ALDRICH, Nelson W.:

Work on the Payne-Aldrich Tariff.

See (in this Volume)

TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

ALEXANDER, King of Servia:

His murder.

See (in this Volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

ALEXEIEFF, Admiral:

Appointed Viceroy in Manchuria, 1903.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

ALFARO, General Elroy:

Made President of Ecuador by a revolution.

See (in this Volume)

ECUADOR: A. D. 1905-1906.

ALFONSO XIII.:

His Coronation.

See (in this Volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904.

ALFONSO XIII.:

Marriage.

Attempted assassination.

See (in this Volume)

Spain: A. D. 1905-1906.

ALGECIRAS CONFERENCE, and Act.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906, and

MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

ALGIERS: A. D. 1896-1906.

Encroachments on the Moroccan boundary.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1895-1906.

ALIENS ACT, The English.

See (in this Volume)

IMMIGRATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

ALIENS, Rights of:

Pan-American Convention.

See (in this Volume)

American Republics.

ALI RIZA PASHA.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

ALL INDIA MOSLEM LEAGUE.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1907 (DECEMBER), and 1907-1909.

ALLIANCES:

Franco-Russian.

Effect of Russo-Japanese War.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

ALLIANCES:

Great Britain with Japan.

See Japan: A. D. 1902, and 1905 (August).

ALLIANCES:

The Triple Alliance.

See TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

ALMENARA, Dr. Domingo.

See (in this Volume)

PERU.

ALSOP CLAIM, The.

See (in this Volume)

CHILE: A. D. 1909.

ALVERSTONE, Sir Richard Everard Webster, Lord Chief Justice:

On the Alaska Boundary Commission.

See (in this Volume)

ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

ALVES, Rodriquez.

See (in this Volume)

ACRE DISPUTES.

AMADE, General d’:

Operations in Morocco.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.

AMADOR, Manuel:

President of Panama.

See (in this Volume)

PANAMA.

AMALGAMATED ASSOCIATION, of Iron, Steel, and Tin Plate Workers:

Its strike in 1901.

See (in this Volume)

Labor Organization, &c.: United States: A. D. 1901.

AMALGAMATED SOCIETY OF RAILWAY SERVANTS, British:

In Taff Vale case.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.: ENGLAND: A. D. 1900-1906.

AMALGAMATED SOCIETY OF RAILWAY SERVANTS, British:

In strike of 1907

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

AMARAL, Admiral Ferreira do.

See (in this Volume)

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

AMBAN, Chinese.

See (in this Volume)

TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.

AMERICAN CIVIC ASSOCIATION.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.

AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.: UNITED STATES.

"AMERICAN INVASION" OF CANADA, The.

See (in this Volume) CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.

----------AMERICAN REPUBLICS: Start--------

AMERICAN REPUBLICS:

The South and Central American nations:

Their recent rapid advance in character, dignity, and importance.

Among the astonishing. changes that have come upon the

political face of the world within a few years past, producing

new arrangements of rank or standing and new distributions of

influence in the great family of nations, the emergence of the

South American republics from generally chronic disorder and

obscure unimportance to a position, almost suddenly

recognized, of present weight and dignity and great promise to

the future, is far from the least.

In 1890, when Mr. Blaine, as Secretary of State, opened the

first well-planned endeavor of our government to put itself

into such relations with them, of friendly influence, as the

elder and stronger in the family of American republics ought

to hold, there was little appreciation of the importance of

the movement. Even Mr. Blaine did not seem to be fully earnest

and fully sanguine in it, or else his chief and his colleagues

in the government were not heartily with him; for his

admirable scheme of policy was almost wrecked in the second

year of its working, by the unaccountable impatience and

harshness with which President Harrison wrung humiliating

apologies from Chili for a trifling offense in 1892. The

seeming arrogance of power then manifested cast a reasonable

suspicion on the motives with which the great republic of

North America had made overtures of fraternity to the

republics of the South, and it freshened an old distrust in

their minds.

{20}

Happily, however, Mr. Blaine, in 1890, had brought about the

creation of a harmonizing and unifying agency which needed

only time to effect great results. This was the Bureau of the

American Republics, established at Washington, by a vote of

the delegates from eighteen North, South, and Central American

governments, at an International American Conference, held in

that city in March of the year named. Its immediate purpose

was the promotion of commercial intercourse; but the

information spread with that object, through all the countries

concerned, has carried with it every kind of pacific

understanding and stimulation. The common action with common

interests thus organized must have had more than anything else

to do with the generating of a public spirit, lately, in the

Spanish-American countries, very different from any ever

manifested before. It has wakened national ambitions in them

and sobered the factious temper which kept them in political

disorder so long.

Ten years ago, the Central and South American republics had so

little standing among the nations that few of them were

invited to the Peace Conference of 1900, and the invitation

was accepted by none. Spanish America was represented by

Mexico alone. At the conference of 1907 at The Hague there

were delegates from all, and several among their delegates

took a notably important part, giving a marked distinction to

the peoples they represent. It was by a special effort on the

part of our then Secretary of State that they were brought

thus into the council of nations.

Mr. Root has had wonderful success, indeed, in realizing the

aim of the policy projected and initiated by Mr. Blaine. He

has cleared away the distrust and won the confidence of our

fellow Americans at the middle and south of the continent,

bringing them to a friendly acceptance of the leading which

goes naturally with the power and the experience of these

United States. The resulting weight in world politics of what

may be called the Concert of America, paralleling the Concert

of Europe, is one of the greater products of the present

extraordinary time.

AMERICAN REPUBLICS:

Their Second International Conference, at the City of

Mexico, in 1901-1902.

Its proceedings, conventions, resolutions, etc.

The First International Conference of American Republics was

held at Washington in the winter and spring of 1889-1890,

attended by delegates from eighteen Governments of the New

World.

See, in Volume VI. of this work,

American Republics.

On the suggestion of President McKinley, ten years later, and

on the invitation of President Diaz, of Mexico, a second

Conference was convened at the City of Mexico, on the 23d of

October, 1901. The sessions of this Conference were prolonged

until the 31st of January, 1902. It was attended by delegates

from every independent nation then existing in America, being

twenty in number; but the delegation of Venezuela was

withdrawn by the Government of that State on the 14th of

January, and the withdrawal was made retroactive to and from

the preceding 31st of December. The delegation from the United

States was composed of ex-United States Senator Henry G.

Davis; Mr. William I. Buchanan, formerly Envoy Extraordinary

and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Argentine Republic; Mr.

John Barrett, formerly Minister Resident of the United States

to Siam; and Messrs. Charles M. Pepper and Volney W. Foster.

The following account of the work of the Conference and its

results is compiled from the report made by the delegates of

the United States to the Department of State:

"Señor Raigosa, chairman of the Mexican delegation, was chosen

temporary president, and the Conference then preceded to its

permanent organization by the election of his excellency Señor

Lic. Don Ignacio Mariscal, minister of foreign affairs of

Mexico, and Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State of the

United States, honorary presidents; Senor Lic. Don Genaro

Raigosa, of Mexico, president; Senhor Don José Hygino Duarte

Pereira, of Brazil, first vice-president, and Señor Doctor Don

Baltasar Estupinian, of Salvador, second vice-president. …

Under the rules adopted 19 committees were appointed and the

work of the conference was apportioned among them. …

"Discussion between the representatives of the Republics that

would constitute the conference began months previous to its

opening upon the subject of arbitration, and while every

desire was manifested then and thereafter by all to see a

conclusion reached by the conference in which all might join,

unsettled questions existed between some of the Republics that

would participate in the conference of a character that made

their avoidance difficult in any general discussion of the

subject. … This difficulty became more apparent as the

conference proceeded with its work. … It was tacitly agreed

between delegations, therefore, that the discussion of the

subject should be confined, so far as possible, to a

committee. … There was at no time any difficulty with regard

to securing a unanimous report favoring a treaty covering

merely arbitration as a principle; all delegations were in

favor of that. The point of discussion was as to the extent to

which the principle should be applied. Concerning this, three

views were supported in the conference:

(a) Obligatory arbitration, covering all questions pending or

future when they did not affect either independence or the

national honor of a country;

(b) Obligatory arbitration covering future questions only and

defining what questions shall constitute those to be excepted

from arbitration; and

(c) Facultative or voluntary arbitration, as best expressed by

The Hague convention. …

"A plan was finally suggested providing that all delegations

should sign the protocol for adhesion to the convention of The

Hague, as originally suggested by the United States

delegation, and that the advocates of obligatory arbitration

sign, between themselves, a project of treaty obligating their

respective governments to submit to the permanent court at The

Hague all questions arising or in existence, between

themselves, which did not affect their independence or their

national honor. Both the protocol and treaty were then to be

brought before the conference, incorporated in the minutes

without debate or action, and sent to the minister of foreign

relations of Mexico, to be officially certified and

transmitted by that official to the several signatory

governments. After prolonged negotiations this plan was

adopted and carried out as outlined above, all of the

delegations in the conference, excepting those of Chile and

Ecuador, signing the protocol covering adherence to The Hague

convention before its submission to the conference.

{21}

These, after a protracted debate on a point of order involving

the plan adopted, later accepted in open conference a solution

which made them—as they greatly desired to be, in another

form than that adopted—parties to the protocol. The project of

treaty of compulsory arbitration was signed by the delegations

of the Argentine Republic, Bolivia, Santo Domingo, El

Salvador, Guatemala, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, and

Venezuela. …

"By the above plan the conference attained the highest

possible end, and for the first time each of the American

Republics, as a result of that action, takes her place by the

side of the other countries of the world in favor of

international arbitration; more than this, by the unanimous

acceptance thus of The Hague convention on the part of the 19

Republics represented in the conference, it is given that

force and character which places it to-day as the formal

expression of the governments of the entire civilized world in

favor of peace. The delegates of the United States believe,

hence, that substantial progress and a noteworthy and historic

step in advance has been taken in the interests of peace, and

that means have been provided by which wars will be rendered

less frequent, if not wholly avoided, between the countries of

the Western Hemisphere. The opening of the doors of the

permanent tribunal of The Hague to all of the Republics of

America, as this protocol has done, is of itself an

achievement of the greatest importance. As a result of this

action the American Republics now have at their command the

machinery of that great international body for the pacific

settlement of any dispute they may desire to refer to

arbitration. Beyond this the obligations imposed by their

adhesion to the convention to have recourse, as far as

circumstances allow, to the good offices or mediation of any

one or more friendly powers, and to permit these offers to be

made without considering them unfriendly, is certainly a point

of great value gained by all.

"In addition to accepting The Hague convention the conference

went further. It accepted the three Hague conventions as

principles of public American international law, and

authorized and requested the President of the Mexican

Republic, as heretofore explained, to enter upon negotiations

with the several American Governments looking toward the most

unrestricted application of arbitration possible should the

way for such a step appear open. In addition to the protocol

and treaty referred to, another step was taken in the

direction of the settlement of international controversies by

the adoption and signing, on the part of every country

represented in the conference, of a project of treaty covering

the arbitration of pecuniary claims. Under this the several

republics obligate themselves for a period of five years to

submit to the arbitration of the court at The Hague all claims

for pecuniary loss or damage which may be presented by their

respective citizens and which cannot be amicably adjusted

through diplomatic channels, when such claims are of

sufficient importance to warrant the expense of arbitration.

Should both parties prefer that a special jurisdiction be

organized, according to article 21 of the convention of The

Hague this may be done, and if the permanent court of The

Hague shall not be open to one or more of the signatory

republics for any cause, they obligate themselves to stipulate

then in a special treaty the rules under which a tribunal

shall be established for the adjustment of the matter in

dispute and the form of procedure to be followed in such

arbitration. As a supplement to the protocol and treaty above

referred to, this project of treaty is of great importance and

will most certainly be of wide benefit to the good relations

and intercourse between the United States and her sister

republics of this Hemisphere." …

"Among the most important recommendations made by the First

International American Conference, held in Washington in

1889-1890, with a view to facilitating trade and communication

between the American Republics, was that looking to the

construction of an intercontinental railway, by which all of

the republics on the American continent would be put into rail

communication with each other. In pursuance of the

recommendations of that conference, an international railway

commission was organized, and under its direction surveys were

made which showed that it would be entirely practicable, by

using, as far as possible, existing railway systems and

filling in the gaps between them. … The report of the

intercontinental railway commission showed that the distance

between New York and Buenos Ayres by way of the proposed line

would be 10,471 miles, of which a little less than one-half

had then been constructed, leaving about 5,456 miles to be

built. Following up the work of the first conference and the

intercontinental railway commission, the present conference

adopted a strong report and a series of carefully considered

recommendations on this subject. …

"The resolution … providing for the meeting of an

international American customs congress in the city of New

York within a year, to consider customs administrative

matters, is one of the subjects on which early action should

be taken by our Government if the success of the congress is

to be assured. The governing board of the International Bureau

of the American Republics is to fix the date for the meeting

of this congress. … This congress will have nothing whatever

to do with the subject of tariff rates in any of the countries

represented. Its functions … briefly stated, are to consider

means for bringing about, as far as may be practicable, the

adoption by the several republics of uniform and simple

methods of custom-house procedure and a uniform and simple

system of port regulations and charges; measures to secure the

adoption and use in customs schedules and laws of a common

nomenclature of the products and merchandise of the American

republics, to be issued in English, Spanish, Portuguese, and

French, and that it may become the basis for the statistical

data of exports and imports; to provide for the organization

of a permanent customs committee or commission, composed of

persons having technical and expert knowledge, which, as a

dependency of the International Bureau of the American

Republics, or otherwise, shall be charged with the execution

of the resolutions and decisions of the congress and the study

of the customs laws of the American republics, in order to

suggest to the several governments the adoption of laws and

measures which, with regard to custom house formalities, may

tend to simplify and facilitate mercantile traffic. …

{22}

"Another resolution which contemplates that early action must

be taken by the several Governments is that regarding

quarantine and sanitary matters. In dealing with this subject

the object of the conference was to make sanitation take the

place of quarantine. When the ideal had in view by the

conference shall have been realized, the cities of the Western

Hemisphere will have been put in such perfect sanitary

condition that the propagation of disease germs in them will

be impossible and quarantine restrictions upon travel and

commerce, with their vexations and burdensome delays and

expenses, will be unnecessary.

"The conference fully recognized the value and importance to

all the Republics of the International Bureau of the American

Republics, which was established in Washington in pursuance of

the action of the First International American Conference. …

With a view to rendering the Bureau still more useful to all

the countries represented in its administration, and making it

still more valuable in establishing and maintaining closer

relations between them, the conference adopted a plan of

reorganization, or rather of broadening and expanding the

existing organization. … The new regulations adopted provide

that the Bureau shall be under the management of a governing

board to be composed of the Secretary of State of the United

States, who is to be its chairman, and the diplomatic

representatives in Washington of all the other governments

represented in the Bureau. This governing board is to meet

regularly once a month, excepting in June, July, and August of

each year. …

"In order that the archæological and ethnological remains

existing in the territory of the several Republics of the

Western Hemisphere might be systematically studied and

preserved, the conference adopted a resolution providing for

the meeting of an American international archæological

commission in the city of Washington, D. C., within two years

from the date of the adoption of the resolution. …

"The conference gave its most hearty indorsement to the

project for the construction of an interoceanic canal by the

Government of the United States." …

"The recommendation of the conference that there be

established in New York, Chicago, San Francisco, New Orleans,

Buenos Ayres, or any other important mercantile center, a bank

with branches in the principal cities in the American

republics, is in line with the similar resolution adopted by

the First International American Conference in Washington in

1889-1890."

"In addition to the protocol for the adhesion of the American

Republics to the Convention of The Hague, the treaty of

compulsory arbitration signed by nine delegations, and the

treaty for the arbitration of pecuniary claims, the Conference

agreed to and signed a treaty for the extradition of

criminals, … including a clause making anarchy an extraditable

offense when it shall have been defined by the legislation of

the respective countries; a convention on the practice of the

learned professions, providing for the reciprocal recognition

of the professional diplomas and titles granted in the several

Republics; a convention for the formation of codes of public

and private international law; … a convention on literary and

artistic copyrights; … a convention for the exchange of

official, scientific, literary, and industrial publications; …

a treaty on patents of invention, etc.; … and a convention on

the rights of aliens." The treaty on patents and the

convention on the rights of aliens could not be signed by the

delegates of the United States, for reasons set forth in their

report.

"The delegates desire especially to express their most

grateful appreciation of the courtesy extended by the Mexican

Government in preparing for the comfort of delegates and in

all the arrangements for the conference. Every convenience at

the command of that Government was placed at the disposal of

delegates to assist them in the discharge of their labors. …

"It is the belief of the delegates of the United States that

the results of the Second International American Conference

will be of great and lasting benefit to the nations

participating in its deliberations. … That the relations

between the American Republics have been improved as a result

of the conference cannot be doubted. The intimate daily

association for nearly four months, of leading men from every

American Republic of itself tended toward this result.

Delegates learned that, while existing international relations

made differences of opinion inevitable between the

representatives of some of the countries, they all had many

interests in common. As a result, toleration for the opinions

of others was shown by delegates to a marked degree, and the

sessions of the conference were remarkably free from

acrimonious debates and reflections on the policies of

delegations or their Governments."

57th Congress, 1st Session 1901-1902,

Senate Document 330.

AMERICAN REPUBLICS:

Their Third International Conference,

at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in 1906.

Proceedings, conventions, resolutions.

The Third International Conference of American Republics was

held at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, from July 21st to August 26th,

1906. It was attended by delegates from each of the 21

American Republics, excepting only Hayti and Venezuela. The

delegates from the United States of America were the Honorable

William I. Buchanan, chairman, formerly Envoy Extraordinary

and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Argentine Republic; Dr. L.

S. Rowe, Professor of Political Science, University of

Pennsylvania; Honorable A. J. Montague, ex-Governor of

Virginia; Mr. Tulio Larrinaga, Resident Commissioner from

Porto Rico in Washington; Mr. Paul S. Reinsch, Professor of

Political Science, University of Wisconsin; Mr. Van Leer Polk,

ex-Consul-General; with a staff of secretaries, etc., from

several departments of the public service at Washington.

The Conference was attended also by the Secretary of State of

the United States, the Honorable Elihu Root, incidentally to

an important tour through many parts of South America which he

made in the months of that summer. In the course of his

journey he visited, on invitation, not only Brazil, but

Uruguay, Argentina, Chile, Peru, Panama, and Colombia; and, as

stated in the next annual Message of President Roosevelt, "he

refrained from visiting Paraguay, Bolivia, and Ecuador only

because the distance of their capitals from the seaboard made

it impracticable with the time at his disposal. He carried

with him a message of peace and friendship, and of strong

desire for good understanding and mutual helpfulness; and he

was everywhere received in the spirit of his message."

{23}

In the instructions to the delegates from the United States,

prepared by Secretary Root, this wise admonition was

conveyed:—

"It is important that you should keep in mind and, as occasion

serves, impress upon your colleagues, that such a conference

is not an agency for compulsion or a tribunal for

adjudication; it is not designed to compel States to make

treaties or to observe treaties; it should not sit in judgment

upon the conduct of any State, or undertake to redress alleged

wrongs, or to settle controverted questions of right. A

successful attempt to give such a character to the Conference

would necessarily be fatal to the Conference itself, for few

if any of the States represented in it would be willing to

submit their sovereignty to the supervision which would be

exercised by a body thus arrogating to itself supreme and

indefinite powers. The true function of such a conference is

to deal with matters of common interest which are not really

subjects of controversy, but upon which comparison of views

and friendly discussion may smooth away differences of detail,

develop substantial agreement and lead to coöperation along

common lines for the attainment of objects which all really

desire. It follows from this view of the functions of the

Conference that it is not expected to accomplish any striking

or spectacular final results; but is to deal with many matters

which, not being subjects of controversy, attract little

public attention, yet which, taken together, are of great

importance for the development of friendly intercourse among

nations; and it is to make such progress as may now be

possible toward the acceptance of ideals, the full realization

of which may be postponed to a distant future. All progress

toward the complete reign of justice and peace among nations

is accomplished by long and patient effort and by many

successive steps; and it is confidently hoped that this

Conference will mark some substantial advancement by all the

American States in this process of developing Christian

civilization. Not the least of the benefits anticipated from

the Conference will be the establishment of agreeable personal

relations, the removal of misconceptions and prejudices, and

the habit of temperate and kindly discussion among the

representatives of so many Republics."

The following account of the Conference and its action is

derived from the subsequent official report of the Delegates

of the United States:—

"The sessions of the Conference were held in a spacious and

ornate building, erected especially for this purpose by the

Brazilian Government, and situated on the superb new boulevard

that for nearly four miles follows the shore of the Bay of

Rio, and at the end of the new Avenida Central. The building

is a permanent one, reproduced in granite and marble from the

plans of the palace erected by Brazil at the Louisiana

Purchase Exposition, at St. Louis. It is surrounded by an

exquisite garden, and, facing as it does the entrance to the

wonderfully beautiful Bay of Rio, the building is a notable

landmark. It was christened 'The Monroe Palace' by special

action of the Brazilian Government. The Brazilian Government

installed in the palace a complete telegraph, mail, and

telephone service, and telegrams, cables, and mail of the

different delegations and of individual delegates were

transmitted free. Recognition is due in this connection to the

governments of the Argentine Republic, Paraguay, Uruguay, and

Chili, which officially extended, through the director of

telegraphs of Brazil, the courtesy of free transit for all

telegrams sent by delegates over the telegraph lines of their

respective countries. This marked courtesy on the part of

Brazil and of the Republics mentioned was greatly appreciated

by the delegates. In connection with the work of the

Conference, the Brazilian Government organized and maintained

at its expense an extensive and competent corps of

translators, stenographers, and clerical assistants, whose

services were at all times at the command of the delegates. A

buffet lunch, for the convenience and comfort of delegates and

their guests, was maintained in the palace throughout the

period of the Conference. The palace was elaborately lighted

and was the center of attraction day and night for great

crowds of people, and nothing in connection with its equipment

and administration or that concerned the comfort or

convenience of delegates was left undone by the Brazilian

Government. The Monroe Palace now becomes a national meeting

place for the people of Brazil. It will remain as an adornment

of the splendid new Rio that has risen from the old city during

the past two or three years, and as an evidence of the

progress and energy of the Brazilian people.

"The Conference was formally opened in the presence of a large

and distinguished audience on the evening of July 23, 1906, by

His Excellency the Baron do Rio Branco, the distinguished

Brazilian minister for foreign affairs. The approaches to the

palace were lined with troops, the public grounds and avenues

of the city brilliantly illuminated and packed with people. …

The Conference unanimously chose as its president, His

Excellency Señor Dr. Joaquim Nabuco, the Brazilian Ambassador

to the United States; as honorary vice-presidents, His

Excellency the Baron do Rio Branco, and the Honorable Elihu

Root, Secretary of State of the United States, and as its

Secretary-General, His Excellency, Señor Dr. J. F. de

Assis-Brasil, the Brazilian envoy extraordinary and minister

plenipotentiary to the Argentine Republic. The latter selected

as his assistants one of the most competent and distinguished

groups of men that has served any of the preceding

conferences. … These officers left nothing undone toward

aiding and facilitating the work of delegates, and to them the

United States delegation feels greatly indebted for the many

courtesies and the great kindness extended on all occasions.

"The conference was attended by delegates from each of the 21

American Republics, with the exception of Haiti and

Venezuela." …

{24}

"The distinguishing note of the Conference was the

extraordinary session convened to receive the Secretary of

State of the United States, Honorable Elihu Root, who, as

stated earlier in this report, had been named one of the two

honorary presidents of the Conference. The reception accorded

the Secretary of State by the Conference was one of the most

notable political events that has taken place in our relations

with Central and South America, and manifested the feeling of

good fellowship and sympathy that exists between the American

Republics. We believe the visit of the Secretary of State to

South America has resulted in greater good to our relations

with Central and South America than any one thing that has

heretofore taken place in our diplomatic history with them.

The extraordinary session of the Conference to receive the

Secretary of State was held on the evening of July 31 and was

one of great brilliancy. In introducing the Secretary of State

to the Conference, His Excellency Dr. Joaquim Nabuco, the

Brazilian Ambassador to the United States and President of the

Conference, delivered a notable address, to which the

Secretary of State replied."

It was, indeed, a notable utterance of pregnant and impressive

thought which Mr. Root addressed to this important congress of

the American Republics, and it well deserved the distinction

that was accorded to it by the President of the United States,

when he appended it to his Message to Congress the following

December. A considerable part of the brief but richly filled

address may fitly be quoted here:

"I bring from my country," said the Secretary, "a special

greeting to her elder sisters in the civilization of America.

Unlike as we are in many respects, we are alike in this, that

we are all engaged under new conditions, and free from the

traditional forms and limitations of the Old World in working

out the same problem of popular self-government.

"It is a difficult and laborious task for each of us. Not in

one generation nor in one century can the effective control of

a superior sovereign, so long deemed necessary to government,

be rejected and effective self-control by the governed be

perfected in its place. The first fruits of democracy are many

of them crude and unlovely; its mistakes are many, its partial

failures many, its sins not few. Capacity for self-government

does not come to man by nature. It is an art to be learned,

and it is also an expression of character to be developed

among all the thousands of men who exercise popular

sovereignty.

"To reach the goal toward which we are pressing forward, the

governing multitude must first acquire knowledge that comes

from universal education, wisdom that follows practical

experience, personal independence and self-respect befitting

men who acknowledge no superior, self-control to replace that

external control which a democracy rejects, respect for law,

obedience to the lawful expressions of the public will,

consideration for the opinions and interests of others equally

entitled to a voice in the state, loyalty to that abstract

conception—one’s country—as inspiring as that loyalty to

personal sovereigns which has so illumined the pages of

history, subordination of personal interests to the public

good, love of justice and mercy, of liberty and order. All

these we must seek by slow and patient effort; and of how many

shortcomings in his own land and among his own people each one

of us is conscious!

"Yet no student of our times can fail to see that not America

alone but the whole civilized world is swinging away from its

old governmental moorings and intrusting the fate of its

civilization to the capacity of the popular mass to govern. By

this pathway mankind is to travel, whithersoever it leads.

Upon the success of this our great undertaking the hope of

humanity depends. Nor can we fail to see that the world makes

substantial progress towards more perfect popular

self-government. …

"It is not by national isolation that these results have been

accomplished or that this progress can be continued. No nation

can live unto itself alone and continue to live. Each nation’s

growth is a part of the development of the race. There may be

leaders and there may be laggards, but no nation can long

continue very far in advance of the general progress of

mankind, and no nation that is not doomed to extinction can

remain very far behind. It is with nations as with individual

men; intercourse, association, correction of egotism by the

influence of others' judgment, broadening of views by the

experience and thought of equals, acceptance of the moral

standards of a community the desire for whose good opinion

lends a sanction to the rules of right conduct—these are the

conditions of growth in civilization. …

"To promote this mutual interchange and assistance between the

American republics, engaged in the same great task, inspired

by the same purpose, and professing the same principles, I

understand to be the function of the American Conference now

in session. There is not one of all our countries that cannot

benefit the others; there is not one that cannot receive

benefit from the others; there is not one that will not gain

by the prosperity, the peace, the happiness of all. …

"The association of so many eminent men from all the

Republics, leaders of opinion in their own homes; the

friendships that will arise among you; the habit of temperate

and kindly discussion of matters of common interest; the

ascertainment of common sympathies and aims; the dissipation

of misunderstandings; the exhibition to all the American

peoples of this peaceful and considerate method of conferring

upon international questions—this alone, quite irrespective of

the resolutions you may adopt and the conventions you may

sign, will mark a substantial advance in the direction of

international good understanding.

"These beneficent results the Government and the people of the

United States of America greatly desire. We wish for no

victories but those of peace; for no territory except our own;

for no sovereignty except the sovereignty over ourselves. We

deem the independence and equal rights of the smallest and

weakest member of the family of nations entitled to as much

respect as those of the greatest empire, and we deem the

observance of that respect the chief guaranty of the weak

against the oppression of the strong. We neither claim nor

desire any rights, or privileges, or powers that we do not

freely concede to every American republic. We wish to increase

our prosperity, to expand our trade, to grow in wealth, in

wisdom, and in spirit, but our conception of the true way to

accomplish this is not to pull down others and profit by their

ruin, but to help all friends to a common prosperity and a

common growth, that we may all become greater and stronger

together.

{25}

"Within a few months, for the first time the recognized

possessors of every foot of soil upon the American continents

can be and I hope will be represented with the acknowledged

rights of equal sovereign states in the great World Congress

at The Hague. This will be the world’s formal and final

acceptance of the declaration that no part of the American

continents is to be deemed subject to colonization. Let us

pledge ourselves to aid each other in the full performance of

the duty to humanity which that accepted declaration implies;

so that in time the weakest and most unfortunate of our

republics may come to march with equal step by the side of the

stronger and more fortunate. Let us help each other to show

that for all the races of men the liberty for which we have

fought and labored is the twin sister of justice and peace.

Let us unite in creating and maintaining and making effective

an all-American public opinion, whose power shall influence

international conduct and prevent international wrong, and

narrow the causes of war, and forever preserve our free lands

from the burden of such armaments as are massed behind the

frontiers of Europe, and bring us ever nearer to the

perfection of ordered liberty. So shall come security and

prosperity, production and trade, wealth, learning, the arts,

and happiness for us all."

The fruits of the Conference were embodied in four conventions

and a number of important resolutions. The text of a

convention agreed to, which establishes between the States

signing it the status of naturalized citizens who again take

up their residence in the country of their origin, will be

found elsewhere in this Volume, under the subject-heading

Naturalization. Another, which amends and extends the

operation of a treaty signed at the Second Conference, at

Mexico, in 1902 (see above) is as follows:—

"Sole article.

The treaty on pecuniary claims signed at Mexico January

thirtieth, nineteen hundred and two, shall continue in force,

with the exception of the third article, which is hereby

abolished, until the thirty-first day of December, nineteen

hundred and twelve, both for the nations which have already

ratified it, and for those which may hereafter ratify it."

The third Convention signed was a modification and extension

of another of the agreements of the Second Conference, at

Mexico, having relation to patents of invention, literary

property, etc. The fourth Convention provides for an

"international Commission of Jurists, composed of one

representative from each of the signatory States, appointed by

their respective Governments, which Commission shall meet for

the purpose of preparing a draft of a code of Private

International Law and one of Public International Law,

regulating the relations between the nations of America." The

more important of the resolutions adopted were the following:

"To ratify adherence to the principle of arbitration; and, to

the end that so high a purpose may be rendered practicable, to

recommend to the Nations represented at this Conference that

instructions be given to their Delegates to the Second

Conference to be held at The Hague, to endeavor to secure by

the said Assembly, of world-wide character, the celebration of

a General Arbitration Convention, so effective and definite

that, meriting the approval of the civilized world, it shall

be accepted and put in force by every nation."

"To recommend to the Governments represented therein that they

consider the point of inviting the Second Peace Conference, at

The Hague, to examine the question of the compulsory

collection of public debts, and, in general, means tending to

diminish between Nations conflicts having an exclusively

pecuniary origin."

Other resolutions of the Conference were directed to a

broadening of the work and an enlargement of the influence of

the International Bureau of the American Republics; to the

erection of a building for that Bureau and for the

contemplated Library in Memory of Columbus; to the creation in

the Bureau of a section having "as its chief object a special

study of the customs legislation, consular regulations and

commercial statistics of the Republics of America," with a

view to bringing them into more harmony, and to securing the

greatest development and amplification of commercial relations

between American Republics; to promote the establishment and

maintenance of navigation lines connecting the principal ports

of the American continent; to bring about more effective

cooperation in international sanitary measures; to advance the

construction of lines that shall form, connectedly, the

desired Pan-American Railway, extending through the two

continents.

The time and place of future conferences are to be determined

by the Governing Board of the Bureau of American Republics.

AMERICAN REPUBLICS: The International Bureau:

Its increased efficiency.

The gift of a building to it by Mr. Carnegie.

The International Bureau of the American Republics, instituted

at Washington in 1890 (see in Volume VI. of this work),

assumed larger functions and increased importance in 1906,

after the return of Mr. Root, United States Secretary of

State, from his tour of visits to the South American States.

The Honorable John Barrett, who had successively represented

the Government of the United States in Panama, in Argentina

and in Colombia, as well as at the Second Pan-American

Conference, in Mexico, was made Director of the Bureau, and

entered upon its duties with an exalted belief in the

possibilities of good to be done in the American hemisphere by

an energetic promotion of more intimate relations between its

peoples. At the same time a new dignity was given to the

International Union of the American Republics, embodied in the

work of the Bureau, by the provision of a stately building for

its use. Mr. Root had persuaded Congress to appropriate

$200,000 for the site and building of such a home, to be

offered to the Union, and this inadequate sum was supplemented

by a generous private gift. It was easy to interest Mr. Andrew

Carnegie in a project which bore so directly on the promotion

of international friendliness and peace, and he offered an

addition of $750,000 to the fund for the Pan-American

Building.

The site secured for the structure is that of the old Van Ness

mansion, about half-way between the State, War and Navy

Building and the Potomac River. It covers a tract of five

acres, facing public parks on two sides. There the corner

stone of a central seat of Pan-American coöperations and

influences was laid in May, 1908, in the presence of official

representatives from twenty-one American republics, and under

their assembled flags.

{26}

AMERICAN SCHOOL PEACE LEAGUE, The.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.

AMERICAN SOCIETY OF EQUITY.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.:

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

AMERICAN SUGAR REFINING COMPANY (the "Sugar Trust").

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.

AMSTERDAM: A. D. 1907.

Meeting of International Woman Suffrage Alliance.

See (in this Volume)

Elective Franchise: Woman Suffrage.

AMUNDSEN, Roald: Arctic Exploration.

Magnetic Pole Researches.

See (in this Volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION.

ANAM: Deposition of the King.

Toward the end of 1906, France asserted sovereignty over Anam,

which had been a French Protectorate for many years, by

adjudging its king to be insane, placing him in confinement,

and thus ending his reign. He was accused of almost incredible

atrocities, in torturing and murdering his wives and other

subjects within his reach. Even cannibalism was included among

his alleged crimes.

ANARCHISM IN INDIA.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908, and 1907-1909.

ANATOLIAN RAILWAY.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

ANDERSON, Judge A. B.:

Acquittal of the Standard Oil Company.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

ANDRASSY, Count.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

ANGELL, James Burrill:

Retirement from Presidency of University of Michigan.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

ANGLE HILL, Capture of.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

ANJUMAN,

ENJUMEN.

A term which seems to signify in Persia either a local

assembly or a political association of any nature.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

ANNUITIES, for Workingmen.

See POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF.

ANTARCTIC EXPLORATION.

See POLAR EXPLORATION.

ANTHRACITE COAL:

The Railroad Monopoly.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

ANTHRACITE COAL STRIKES.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

ANTI-REBATE LEGISLATION.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908,

and 1903 (FEBRUARY).

ANTI-SEMITIC DEMONSTRATIONS.

See (in this Volume)

JEWS.

ANTI-TRUST, or Sherman Act, of 1890 .

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.

ANTI-TRUST DECISIONS, in United States Courts.

See (in this Volume)

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES.

ANTUNG: Opened to Foreign Trade.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

ANTUNG-MUKDEN RAILWAY QUESTION, between Japan and China.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909

APOSTOLIC CONSTITUTION OF THE CURIA.

See (in this Volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1908.

APPALACHIAN MOUNTAIN FORESTS, Preservation of the.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

APPONYI, Count Albert.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904; 1905-1906; 1908-1909.

ARABIA: A. D. 1903-1905.

"Holy War" with the Sultan opened by the Sheik Hamid

Eddin, of the Hadramaut, claiming the Caliphate.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.

ARBITRATION, INDUSTRIAL.

See LABOR ORGANIZATION.

ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL:

General Treaties, since the First Peace Conference, of 1899.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1899-1909.

ARBITRATION, SPECIAL:

Of the Pious Fund Dispute between Mexico and the

United States.

See (in this Volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1902 (MAY).

ARBITRATION, OF CLAIMS AGAINST VENEZUELA.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

ARBITRATION, Of Alaska Boundary, between the United

States and Great Britain.

See (in this Volume)

ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

ARBITRATION, Of Brazil and British Guiana:

Boundary Dispute.

See (in this Volume)

BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.

ARBITRATION, Of Great Britain and Russia:

The Dogger Bank Incident.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

ARBITRATION, Of Fisheries Questions between the United

States and Great Britain.

See (in this Volume)

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

ARBITRATION, Central American Court of Justice.

See (in this Volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.

ARBITRATION, Of Casablanca Incident, between Germany and France,

at The Hague.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

ARCTIC EXPLORATION.

See (in this Volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1901-1906.

Participation in Second and Third International Conferences

of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1902.

Noble ending of naval rivalries with Chile.

A model arbitration treaty.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1903.

The Foreign Population.

"Statistics of 1903 showed 1,000,000 foreigners in Argentina

in a total of 5,000,000. Of these 500,000 were Italians,

200,000 Spaniards, 100,000 French, 25,000 English, 18,000

Germans, 15,000 Swiss, 13,000 Austrians, and the remainder of

many nationalities. The number of Americans did not exceed

1,500, although many are coming now, to go into cattle-raising

and farming in the country or into all kinds of business in

Buenos Ayres. English influence is very strong, especially in

financial circles, with the Germans almost equally active."

John Barret,

Argentina

(American Review of Reviews, July, 1905).

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1904.

Inauguration of President Quintana.

Dr. Manuel Quintana, elected President of the Republic, was

inaugurated on the 12th of October, 1904, and entered on an

administration which promised much good to the country.

{27}

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1905.

A revolutionary movement promptly suppressed.

A revolutionary undertaking, in Buenos Aires and several

provinces, had its outbreak on the 4th of February, but was

suppressed so promptly that the public disturbance by it was

very brief. Particulars of the affair were reported by the

American Minister at Buenos Aires, Mr. Beaupré, as follows:

"On the afternoon of the 3d instant rumors of an intended

movement subversive of the established government of this

country came to the Federal authorities from various parts of

the Republic. These rumors were at first discredited, but

finally proved so persistent that the President and heads of

the various departments of the government proceeded to take

measures of precaution. In the early hours of the morning of

the next day, the 4th instant, the anticipated outbreak came

simultaneously in the capital, Rosario, Mendoza, Cordoba, and

Bahia Blanca, these being the largest cities of the Republic

and the principal political and military centers.

"In the capital the plan of the revolutionists seems to have

been to attack the police stations and military arsenal, with

a view perhaps of forcing the police of the capital into their

ranks and of supplying themselves with arms and munitions. At

the arsenal, by a simple stratagem of the minister of war, the

malcontents were lured into the building and arrested. About

the police stations there was some fighting, particularly at

Station No. 14; but the insurgents proved unprepared and

insufficiently organized, so that by dawn the movement had

completely failed in this city. Except that many of the shops

remained closed throughout the day of the 4th, and except for

the presence of armed police in the streets, there were no

evidences of any revolutionary effort. Some half dozen

fatalities are reported.

"The prompt and effective suppression of the revolution in

this city is due in large measure to the energy and judgment

displayed by the President and his ministers, who spent the

entire night in the Government House in council. Following up

the precautionary measures of the 3d instant and the active

measures of the night of the 3d and 4th, the President

proceeded at 8 A. M. of the 4th to declare the Republic in a

state of siege for a period of thirty days, to call out the

reserves and to establish a censorship of the press and of the

telegraph service.

"The movement in Rosario was about as brief and unsuccessful

as that in the capital, so that by the forenoon of the 4th it

was known to have failed in the two principal cities of the

Republic. Here there was also some blood shed.

"In the meantime the real center of the movement was the city

of Cordoba, while serious trouble seemed in view in the city

of Mendoza, where the revolutionists were said to be in a

strong position, and in the province of Buenos Aires, where

troops and marines were already in movement from Bahia Blanca

upon the capital."

Forces despatched to those points made as quick an ending of

the revolt there as at the capital. "The revolutionary forces

at Cordoba had made prisoners of the vice-president of the

Republic, Dr. Figueroa Alcorta, and other prominent citizens.

These prominent men they are reported to have proposed putting

in their vanguard unless concessions were made to them. This

and the conditions of the revolutionists the vice-president

telegraphed to the Executive, who did not allow himself to be

moved by threats or even by sympathy for his colleague.

Consequently the revolutionists, finding threats and

resistance vain, fled yesterday before the government troops

arrived. With the failure of the movement in Cordoba the

revolution is considered at an end and the country has

returned to its former condition of peace and tranquillity."

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1906.

Death of its President.

Dr. Manuel Quintana, the much esteemed President of the

Argentine Republic, died in March, 1906, and was succeeded by

the Vice-President, Dr. Figuero Alcorta, who will fill the

office until 1910.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1908.

Dreadnought building.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.

Assassination of Colonel Falcon.

As Colonel Falcon, Prefect of Police at Buenos Ayres, was

returning from a funeral, with his secretary, on the 14th of

November, a bomb was thrown into the carriage and exploded,

with fatal effects to both. The assassin, a youth of nineteen

years, was captured. The murder had been preceded by a number

of bomb explosions in the past six months, all attributed to

anarchists from Europe, of whom large numbers were said to

have been collected in Buenos Ayres.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.

Chief food supply to Great Britain.

"How many readers of The Times (said a special

correspondent of the London Times writing from Buenos

Aires, October 15, 1909), if asked to name the country which

supplied the United Kingdom last year with the largest

quantity of wheat, of maize, and of refrigerated and frozen

cattle, would unhesitatingly award the first place to the

Argentine Republic? How many English people realize that this

South American Republic is changing places with the North

American Republic in the exporting of these and other food

products to the United Kingdom? The Argentine Republic last

year occupied, and may in the future occupy, the first, whilst

the United States may have to be content with the second,

place in the exportation of foodstuffs. The change is partly

due to the shortage of meat in America, and partly to the fact

that with their increasing population the United States will

have less and less surplus provisions with which to supply the

world. Last year, the Argentine Republic sent England three

times more maize than the United States did, something like

four and a half million cwt. more wheat, and considerably over

twice the amount of refrigerated and frozen cattle. The

shipments of meat are considerably heavier for the first nine

months of 1909, so the proportion shipped by the Argentine

Republic is not likely to be less for the present year."

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.

Arbitration of the Acre boundary dispute between

Bolivia and Peru.

See (in this Volume)

ACRE DISPUTES.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.

Building of the Transandine Railway Tunnel.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: ARGENTINA-CHILE.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1910.

Agreement with Uruguay concerning the River Plate.

The following message came from Buenos Ayres on the 6th of

January, 1910: "A burning question between Argentina and

Uruguay, which for two years was seemingly insoluble and

possibly involved Brazil, has been settled by Señor Roque

Saenz-Peña.

{28}

As Argentine Plenipotentiary he signed a Protocol at

Montevideo yesterday, of which the following is a summary:

Recognizing the reciprocal desire for friendly relations,

fortified by the common origin of the two nations, the parties

agree to declare that past differences are not capable of

being regarded as a cause of offence and shall not be allowed

to continue. The navigation and use of the waters of the River

Plate will continue as heretofore without alteration, and

differences which may arise in the future will be removed and

settled in the same spirit of cordiality."

ARICA-LA PAZ RAILWAY.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: CHILE-BOLIVIA.

ARICA QUESTION.

See (in this Volume)

CHILE: A. I). 1907.

ARID LANDS, Reclamation of.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

ARIZONA:

Refusal of statehood in union with New Mexico.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

ARMENIANS: A. D. 1903-1904.

Incursions of Armenian revolutionists from Russia and Persia.

Exaggerated accounts of massacre.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

ARMENIANS: A. D. 1905.

Massacre by Tartars in the Caucasus.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

ARMENIANS: A. D. 1909.

Massacre at Adana and vicinity.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY) and (APRIL-DECEMBER).

ARMAMENTS.

Armies.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATION FOR.

ARMOUR & CO.,et al.,

The case of the United States against.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL:

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

ARMOUR PACKING COMPANY:

Decision against in rebating case.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

ARMSTRONG, Vice-Consul J. P.:

Reports on affairs in the Congo State.

See (in this Volume)

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

ARMSTRONG INVESTIGATION COMMITTEE.

See (in this Volume)

INSURANCE, LIFE.

ARNOLDSEN, K. P.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

ARRHENIUS, SVANTE AUGUST.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

ARYA SAMAJ, The:

This is "an organization founded in Bombay more than 30 years

ago by a devout Gujerati Brahmin who was born in Kathiawar. So

far as I am aware, it has few followers in Bombay nowadays:

but in the last few years it has waxed very strong in the

Punjab. Originally it was a purely religious movement, based

upon the teaching of the Vedas. It promotes the abolition of

caste and idolatry, condemns early marriages, and permits the

remarriage of widows. At the same time it is violently hostile

to Christianity. There can be no question that large numbers

of members of the Arya Samaj are only concerned with its

spiritual side; but there can be equally no question that the

organization, as a whole, has developed marked political

tendencies subversive of British rule. …

"In the United Provinces it is believed that there are now

about 40,000 members of the Arya Samaj. I have entirely failed

to secure any trustworthy estimate of the number of its

members in this province [the Punjab], but there are

flourishing branches of the Samaj in every large town and in

many of the important villages, and proselytism is being

actively pursued with marked success. The members of the Samaj

strenuously deny that their organization has a political side.

The literature of the sect, and particularly the writings of

their founder, the ardent ascetic Dayanand Saraswati, who came

from Kathiawar, show no trace of any interest in mundane

politics. Dayanand was an enthusiast who denounced the

idolatrous tendencies of modern Hinduism, and advocated a

return to the earlier, purer faith. … Dayanand’s clarion call

of "Back to the Vedas" produced a complete revulsion of

feeling, and he made the Punjab a stronghold of the new creed.

For that reason, the Arya Samaj is to this day the bitterest

opponent of Christianity in India; and Punjabi Mahomedans

declare that it is also their most formidable foe."

India correspondence of The Times.

ASHOKAN RESERVOIR.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905-1909.

ASIATIC IMMIGRATION:

The resistance to it in South Africa, Australia,

America, and elsewhere.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry, Chancellor of the Exchequer.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER), and 1905-1906.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:

On the German attitude toward an international reduction of

naval armaments.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:

Address at the Imperial Conference of 1907

on Preferential Trade.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:

Prime Minister.

See

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:

On the rejection of the Licensing Bill by the House of Lords.

See (in this Volume)

Alcohol Problem: England: A. D. 1908.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:

On the Budget of 1909.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

ASIA:

The Asiatic future of Russia as it appeared at the beginning

of the twentieth century.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA.

ASSAM:

United with Eastern Bengal.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of King Alexander, Queen Draga, and others of the Servian

Court.

See (in this Volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of Count Alexei Ignatief.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of Ali Akbar Khan, the Atabek Azam.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1907.

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of Ashutosh Biswas.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of the Atabeg-i-Azam.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of General Beckman.

See (in this Volume)

DENMARK: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of Governor-General Bobrikoff.

See (in this Volume)

FINLAND: A. D. 1904.

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of M. Bogoliepoff, Russian Minister of Instruction.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A D. 1901-1904.

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of King Carlos I. and Crown Prince Luiz Felipe.

See (in this Volume)

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of Sir Curzon-Wyllie.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of Premier Delyannis.

See (in this Volume)

GREECE: A. D. 1905.

{29}

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of Colonel Falcon.

See (in this Volume)

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D). 1909.

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of Fehim Pasha.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER),

and 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of Prince Ito.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of Colonel Karpoff.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (DECEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of President McKinley.

See (in this Volume)

BUFFALO: A. D. 1901;

and UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901 (SEPTEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of General Min.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST).

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of M. Plehve.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of General Sakharoff.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of Count Schouvaloff.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of Grand Duke Sergius.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of Shemsi Pasha.

See TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of M. Sipiagin.

See RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of ex-Governor Steunenberg, of Idaho.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES. A. D. 1899-1907.

ASSASSINATIONS:

Of D. W. Stevens.

See KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.

ASSASSINATIONS:

Attempted murder of Minister Stolypin.

See RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST).

ASSINIBOIA:

Absorbed in the Province of Saskatchewan.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1905.

ASSIS-BRAZIL, Dr. J. F.:

Secretary-general of Third International Conference of

American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

ASSOCIATIONS, Law: French.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (APRIL-OCTOBER), and 1903.

ASSOCIATIONS, Law: German.

See GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).

ASSUAN DAM, Completion of.

See (in this Volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1902 (DECEMBER).

ASTRONOMY OF THE INVISIBLE.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION.

ATABEG-I-AZAM: Premier of Persia.

His assassination.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

ATABEGS,

ATABEKS.

See (in this Volume)

Persia: A. D. 1905-1906.

ATCHINESE, Dutch hostilities with the.

See (in this Volume)

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1904.

ATHABASCA:

Absorbed in the Provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1905.

ATLANTA: A. D. 1906.

Anti-Negro Riot.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

ATWATER, Professor W. O.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

AUSGLEICH, Austro-Hungarian.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903, and 1907.

----------AUSTRALIA: Start--------

AUSTRALIA:

The Race Problem.

Reasons for dread of Asiatic immigration.

The demand for a white Australia.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS.

AUSTRALIA:

Woman Suffrage.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

AUSTRALIA:

Government ownership of railways.

Disconnecting gauges in the several states.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901-1902.

The Tariff Question in the First

Parliament of the Commonwealth.

Issue between the Senate and the Representative Chamber.

"The tariff originally proposed by the government was framed

on lines of extreme protection, with special reference to the

languishing industries of Victoria; it was inevitable that the

opposition, mainly representing New South Wales, should fight

tooth and nail to prevent its becoming law. The result of the

struggle, which lasted almost without a serious interruption

for nine months, has been a compromise which leaves the tariff

of the commonwealth neither one thing nor the other. There can

be little doubt that in debating power and political

generalship the victory lay generally with the opposition; but

after all the result, so far as it was a victory for the party

of free trade, was due to the action of the Senate.

"To many, and apparently not least to the cabinet, the prompt

and effective interference of the Senate in a question of

taxation, which was generally supposed to be practically

placed by the constitution almost as much beyond their control

as custom has placed it beyond that of the House of Lords in

England, was a great surprise, and as the first test of the

respective powers of the two chambers of the legislature it

can hardly fail to be of great political importance. It was

provided by the constitution not only that all bills involving

the taxation of the people, directly or indirectly, should, as

in this country, originate in the representative chamber of

the legislature, but further that such bills should not be

altered or amended in their passage through the Senate. As a

concession to the less populous states, it was agreed when the

constitution was framed that while only the chamber, elected

on a strict basis of population, should impose or control

taxation, the Senate, in which all the states enjoy, as in

America, equal representation, should have the right to

suggest, for the consideration of the other chamber, any

amendments it thought desirable in any money bill sent on for

its assent. This provision, mild and inoffensive as it was

supposed to be, has now been used in a way to upset the policy

of the government, and practically to compel the assent of the

representative chamber to the views of a Senate majority. The

tariff bill as passed by the government majority was subjected

to an exhaustive criticism by the Senate, and finally fully

fifty items of the schedule imposing duties were referred back

to the representative chamber, with a request for their

reconsideration and reduction or excision.

{30}

"The government attempted to meet the difficulty by agreeing

to a few trifling amendments on the lines suggested, and got

the chamber peremptorily to reject all the others, sending the

bill back in effect as it was. To this the Senate replied by

calmly adhering to the views it had already expressed, and

sending the bill back again for further consideration,

allowing it to be pretty plainly understood that, in the event

of their views being ignored, they would place their reasons

on record and reject the bill altogether, thus preventing any

uniform tariff being established during the session. Face to

face with so grave a difficulty the cabinet gave way, and

agreed to a compromise which they would not have dreamed of

doing but for the action of the Senate, with its free-trade

majority of two votes. The immediate result of the long

struggle has been the passing of a tariff act which pleases

neither party, but will apparently raise the required revenue

of $40,000,000, needed to meet the wants of the federal and

state governments."

Hugh H. Lusk,

The First Parliament of Australia

(American Review of Reviews, March, 1903).

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.

The "States Rights" temper.

Question of constitutional relations between Commonwealth

and States in external affairs, as raised by South Australia.

Decision of the Imperial Government.

"State-rights" questions and the provincialistic spirit behind

them made a prompt appearance in the Australian Commonwealth

after its federation was accomplished. One of the first

wrangles to occur between the General Government and that of a

State was appealed necessarily to the Imperial Government at

London, because it arose out of a call from the latter, in

September, 1902, for information about an incident which

concerned a Dutch ship. The request for information went from

London to the Commonwealth Government, and from the latter to

the Government of South Australia, where the incident in

question occurred, involving some act of its officials. The

South Australian Ministry declined to pass the desired

information through the channel of the Commonwealth Ministry,

but would give it to the British Colonial Office, direct. A

long triangular argumentative correspondence ensued, in the

course of which much that seems like a repetition of the early

history of the United States of America appears. Such as this,

for example, in one of the letters of the Acting Premier of

South Australia to the Lieutenant-Governor of that State: "The

importance to the States, especially to the smaller States, of

strictly maintaining the lines of demarcation between

Commonwealth and State power is manifest. Already a movement

has begun to destroy the Federal element in the Constitution.

A remarkable indication of this may be gathered from a speech

made by Sir William Lyne, the Commonwealth Minister for Home

Affairs, at Kalgoorlie, in Western Australia, on the 2nd day

of the present month. Speaking of the Constitution, Sir

William Lyne said: 'If the population increased in the States

as he expected, he did not think three of the larger States

would still consent to be governed by four of the smaller

ones. He hoped that when the time came there would not be

bloodshed, but that things would settle themselves in a manner

worthy of the records of the first Parliament.’

"Believing, as Ministers do, that the peaceful and successful

working of the Constitution depends upon the strict

maintenance of the lines of demarcation between the powers of

the Commonwealth and those of the States, and that that line

is drawn clearly in the Constitution, they cannot agree to the

opinions of the Right Honourable the Secretary of State for

the Colonies, which increase, by implication, the power of the

Commonwealth, and which seem to Ministers to tend to

Unification, and to a sacrifice of the Federal to the National

principle."

This communication, transmitted to London, drew from the then

Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, an unanswerable reply,

addressed to the Lieutenant-Governor and dated April 15, 1903,

in part as follows:

"Your Ministers contend ‘that the grant of power to the

Commonwealth, notwithstanding the general terms of Section 3

of the Act, is strictly limited to the Departments

transferred, and to matters upon which the Commonwealth

Parliament has power to make laws and has made laws,’ and that

‘in the distribution of legislative and consequently of

executive power, made by the Constitution, all powers not

specifically ceded to the Commonwealth remain in the States.’

"They are unable to agree ‘with the contention that there does

not appear to be anything in the Constitution to justify this

limitation,’ and argue that the validity of any claim of the

Commonwealth to any particular power, should be tested by

enquiring:—Does the Constitution specifically confer the

power?

"The view of the Act which I take is that it is a Constitution

Act, and creates a new political community. It expressly

declares that ‘the people of New South Wales, Victoria, South

Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania, and also, if Her Majesty

is satisfied that the people of Western Australia have agreed

thereto, of Western Australia, shall be united in a Federal

Commonwealth under the name of the Commonwealth of Australia.’

The object and scope of the Act is defined and declared by the

preamble to be to give effect to the agreement of the people

of New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Queensland, and

Tasmania 'to unite in one indissoluble Federal Commonwealth

under the Crown of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and

Ireland, and under the Constitution hereby established.’

"The whole Act must be read in the light of this declaration

and the provisions of Section 3. So far as other communities

in the Empire or foreign nations are concerned, the people of

Australia form one political community for which the

Government of the Commonwealth alone can speak, and for

everything affecting external states or communities, which

takes place within its boundaries, that Government is

responsible. The distribution of powers between the Federal

and State Authorities is a matter of purely internal concern

of which no external country or community can take any

cognizance. It is to the Commonwealth and the Commonwealth

alone that, through the Imperial Government, they must look,

for remedy or relief for any action affecting them done within

the bounds of the Commonwealth, whether it is the act of a

private individual, of a State official, or of a State

government. The Commonwealth is, through His Majesty’s

Government, just as responsible for any action of South

Australia affecting an external community as the United States

of America are for the action of Louisiana or any other State

of the Union.

{31}

"The Crown undoubtedly remains part of the constitution of the

State of South Australia and, in matters affecting it in that

capacity, the proper channel of communication is between the

Secretary of State and the State Governor. But in matters

affecting the Crown in its capacity as the central authority

of the Empire, the Secretary of State can, since the people of

Australia have become one political community, look only to

the Governor-General, as the representative of the Crown in

that community."

The published correspondence ends with this, and it is to be

assumed that South Australia had no more to say.

Correspondence respecting the Constitutional Relations

of the Australian Commonwealth and States in regard to

External Affairs

(Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 1587).

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.

British Colonial Conference at London.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.

The Governor-Generalship.

The office of Governor-General was resigned by Lord Hopetoun

in the summer, and he was succeeded by Lord Tennyson.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902-1909.

Undertakings of irrigation and forestry.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903.

The Governor-Generalship.

In August, Lord Northcote, previously Governor of the

Presidency of Bombay, was appointed Governor-General of

Australia, succeeding Lord Tennyson.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904.

Resignation of Premier Barton.

The Deakin Ministry.

Four months of power for the Labor Party.

Its influence in the Commonwealth.

Sir Edmund Barton, who had been the Prime Minister of the

Australian Commonwealth since its Union in 1900 (see Australia

in Volume VI. of this work), resigned in 1903 to accept a

place on the bench of the High Federal Court, and was

succeeded by Mr. Alfred Deakin, previously Attorney-General in

the Federal Cabinet. The most important occurrence of the year

in the Commonwealth was the election of a new House of

Representatives in the Federal Parliament and of one third of

its Senate. These were the first federal elections occurring

since those of 1900 which constituted the original Parliament,

opened in May, 1901, and the first in which women went to the

polls. The main issue in the elections was between the Labor

Party and its opponents, and the rising power of the former

was shown by its gain of six seats in each House, four from

the Ministry and two from the opposition in the Senate, and

all six from the Ministry in the lower House. This threw the

balance of power into its hands in both branches of

Parliament. Naturally, in these circumstances, labor questions

became dominant in Australian politics, with Socialistic

tendencies very strong.

The Deakin Ministry was defeated in April, 1904, on an

industrial arbitration bill which excluded State railway

employés and other civil servants from its provisions,

contrary to the demands of the Labor Party. The adverse

majority was made up of 23 Labor representatives, 13 opponents

of the protectionist policy of the Government, and 4 from the

ranks of its own ordinary supporters. The ministry resigned,

and the leader of the Labor Party, Mr. J. C. Watson, a young

compositor by trade, was called to form a Government, which he

did, drawing all but its Law Officer from the Labor Party. It

is creditable to the capability of this Labor Ministry that,

with so precarious a backing in the House, it should have held

the management of Government, with apparently good

satisfaction to the public, for about four months. It was

defeated in August on another labor question, and gave way to

a coalition Ministry of Free Traders and Moderate

Protectionists, formed under Mr. George Houston Reid.

An account of the Labor Ministry and its leader, from which

the following facts are taken, was given by The Review of

Reviews for Australasia at the time of its ascendancy: The

average age of the members is only forty-three years, while in

England sixty is the average age at which corresponding rank

is attained. The nationalities of the members are as follows:

One, the prime minister, is a New Zealander, two are

Australian-born, two are Irish, two are Scotch, and one is

Welsh. There is not one who was born in England.

Mr. John Christian Watson, the premier, is but thirty-seven

years of age. He was born in Valparaiso, where his parents

were on a visit, but was only a few months old when they

returned to New Zealand. At an early age he began his

apprenticeship as a compositor, joining the Typographical

Union. When nineteen, he came to Sydney and joined the

composing staff of the Star. Then he became president

of the Sydney Trades and Labor Council, and president of the

Political Labor League of New South Wales. In 1894, he was

returned to a New South Wales Parliament, and took the leading

place among the Labor members. In 1901, he was returned to the

first federal Parliament. He was selected to lead the Labor

party in the federal House, and has won golden opinions in

that position. He is a born leader of men, and has rare tact.

He overcame the apprehension caused by his youth. He curbed

the extremists of his party. Power came to him at once. He

seized the advantage of leading a third party between two

opponents. It was he, rather than Sir Edmund Barton or Mr.

Deakin, who decided what should pass and what not.

The situation developed in this period is described by an

American writer, whose sympathies are ardently with the Labor

Party, as follows:

"Protectionists and Free Traders (so called) were so divided

in the Australian Parliament that neither could gain a

majority without the Labor Party. A succession of governments

bowled over by labor votes drove this hard fact into the

political intelligence. The Labor Party was then invited to

take the government. For five months men that had been

carpenters, bricklayers, and painters administered the

nation’s affairs. No convulsion of nature followed, no

upheavals and no disasters. It is even admitted that the

government of these men was conspicuously wise, able, and

successful. But having a minority party, their way was

necessarily precarious, and on the chance blow of an adverse

vote they resigned. Some scene shifting followed, but in the

end the present arrangement was reached, by which the

government is in the hands of the Protectionists that follow

Mr. Deakin, and the ministry is supported by the Labor Party

on condition that the Government adopt certain legislation.

And that is the extent of the ‘absolute rule of the Labor

gang.’ The Deakin Government does not greatly care for the

Labor Party, nor for the Labor Party’s ideas, but it rules by

reason of the Labor Party’s support, and in return therefor

has passed certain moderate and well-intentioned measures of

reform.

{32}

Indeed the sum-total of the ‘revolutionary, radical, and

socialistic laws’ passed by the Labor Party, directly or by

bargaining with the Deakin or other ministries, indicates an

exceedingly gentle order of revolution. It has done much in

New South Wales and elsewhere to mitigate the great estate

evil by enacting graduated land taxes; it has passed humane

and reasonable laws regulating employers’ liability for

accidents to workmen and laws greatly bettering the hard

conditions of labor in mines and factories. It has passed a

law to exclude trusts from Australian soil. It has stood for

equal rights for men and women. In New South Wales it has

enormously bettered conditions for toilers by regulating hours

of employment even in department and other stores and by

instituting a weekly half-holiday the year around for

everybody. It has tried with a defective Arbitration and

Conciliation Act to abolish strikes. To guard Australia

against the sobering terrors of the race problem that

confronts America, it has succeeded in keeping out colored

aliens. It has agitated for a Henry George land tax and for

the national ownership of public services and obvious

monopolies. And with one exception this is the full catalogue

of its misdeeds." [The "one exception" is the abolition of

coolie labor.]

Charles E. Russell,

The Uprising of the Many,

chapter 24

(Doubleday, Page and Company, New York, 1907).

See, also, (in this Volume)

Labor Organization: Australia.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.

Mr. Deakin’s precarious ministry.

Power of the Labor Party without responsibility.

Its principles and its "Fighting Platform."

Important legislation of 1905.

The Federal Capital question.

General election of 1906.

Mr. Reid, the Free Trade Premier, had taken office on an

agreement with Mr. Deakin, the Protectionist leader, that the

tariff question should not be opened during the term of the

existing Parliament. But the truce became broken early in

1905, each party attributing the breach to the other, and the

Reid Ministry, beaten on an amendment to the address replying

to the Governor-General’s speech, resigned. The

Protectionists, in provisional alliance with the Labor Party,

then came back to power, with Mr. Deakin at their head.

Of the political situation in 1905 it was said by a writer in

one of the English reviews: "The Labour Party can dictate

terms to the Ministry, and ensure that its own policy is

carried out by others. It is strongest whilst it sits on the

cross benches. During the few months it was in office it was

at the mercy of Parliament; it left most of the planks of its

platform severely alone, and it had, during that time, less

real power than it has had either before or since. It is not

likely again to take office, unless it can command an absolute

majority of its own members to give effect to its own ideas,

and, indeed, it perhaps would be better for Australia that it

had responsibility as well as power, rather than as at present

power without responsibility. However, if not at the next

general election, the party is bound ere long to get the clear

Parliamentary majority it seeks. Under these circumstances,

great importance attaches to its aims and organisation. …

"To quote from the official report of the decisions of the

last Triennial Conference of the Political Labour

organisations of the Commonwealth, which sat in Melbourne last

July, the objective of the Federal Labour party is as follows:

"(a) The cultivation of an Australian sentiment, based upon

the maintenance of racial purity, and the development in

Australia of an enlightened and self-reliant community,

(b) The security of the full results of their industry to all

producers by the collective ownership of monopolies, and the

extension of the industrial and economic functions of the

State and Municipality. The Labour party seek to achieve this

objective by means of a policy that they invariably refer to

as their platform. The planks of what is called the ‘Fighting

Platform’ are as follows:

"(1) The maintenance of a white Australia.

(2) The nationalisation of monopolies.

(3) Old age pensions.

(4) A tariff referendum.

(5) A progressive tax on unimproved land values.

(6) The restriction of public borrowing.

(7) Navigation laws.

(8) A citizen defence force.

(9) Arbitration amendment."

J. W. Kirwan,

The Australian Labour Party

(Nineteenth Century, November, 1905).

A strike in one of the coal mines of New South Wales during

1905 brought the Arbitration Act of that province to an

unsatisfactory test. The dispute, concerning wages, went to

the Arbitration Court and was decided against the miners. They

refused to accept the decision, abandoning work, and the

court, when appealed to by the employers, found itself

powerless to enforce the decision it had made. The judge

resigned in consequence, and there was difficulty in finding

another to take his seat.

The Labor Party secured the passage of an Act which gives the

trades-union label the force of a trade mark. Another

important Act of 1905 modified the Immigration Restriction

Act, so far as to admit Asiatic and other alien students and

merchants, whose stay in the country was not likely to be

permanent, and which, furthermore, permitted the introduction

of white labor under contract, subject to conditions that were

expected to prevent any lowering of standard wages.

The location of a federal capital became a subject of positive

quarrel between the Government of the Commonwealth and that of

New South Wales. By agreements which preceded the federation,

the Commonwealth capital was to be in New South Wales, but not

less than a hundred miles from Sydney. This hundred-mile

avoidance of Sydney was considerably exceeded by the Federal

Government when it chose a site, to be called Dalgety, about

equidistant from Sydney and Melbourne. New South Wales

objected to the site and objected to the extent of territory

demanded for it. Mr. Deakin proposed a survey of 900 square

miles for the Federal District. New South Wales saw no reason

for federal jurisdiction over more than 100 square miles.

Ultimately Dalgety was rejected and a site named

Yass-Canberra, or Canberra, was agreed upon and the choice

confirmed by legislation. It is in the Murray district, about

200 miles southwest of Sydney.

A general election in the Commonwealth, near the close of

1906, gave the Protectionists a small increase of strength in

Parliament, and the Labor Party gained one seat, raising its

representation from 25 to 26. The losers were the so-called

Free Traders, or opponents of protective tariff-making. Their

leader, Mr. Reid, in the canvass, dropped the tariff issue and

made war on the State Socialism of the Labor Party. He held in

the new Parliament a considerably larger following than the

Protectionist Premier, Mr. Deakin, could muster, but it

contained more Protectionists than Free Traders.

{33}

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1906.

Developing the water supply.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907.

The "New Protection," under the Tariff Excise Act.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR REMUNERATION: THE "NEW PROTECTION."

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907.

Statistics of state schools.

See EDUCATION: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907 (April-May).

Imperial Conference at London.

See BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908 (December).

Population of the Commonwealth.

According to a letter to the London Times, from Sydney,

"the population of Australia on December 31, 1908, was

estimated at 4,275,304 (exclusive of full-blooded blacks),

showing an increase of 509,965, or of 13.5 per cent. in the

eight years of federation. That," said the writer, "is not a

satisfactory expansion, and we should have fared better. New

South Wales gained 231,367, or 17 per cent. and Western

Australia 87,143, or 48.4 per cent. but all the other States

fared indifferently. There is reason to hope that in the

change of fashion, Australia will again grow into some favour

with the emigrant from home."

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908.

Change of Ministry.

Late in the year, the Ministry of Mr. Deakin lost the

provisional support of the Labor party, which had kept it in

control of the Government for nearly four years, and suffered

a defeat in Parliament which threw it out. For the second time

a short-lived Labor Ministry was formed, under Mr. Andrew

Fisher.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908.

The Governor-Generalship.

After five years of service as Governor-General, Lord

Northcote returned to England in the fall of 1908 and was

succeeded by Lord Dudley.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.

Attitude of the people toward immigration.

Land-locking against settlement.

See (in this Volume)

Immigration: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.

A summary of sixty years of growth and progress.

Sir John Forrest, Treasurer of the Commonwealth of Australia,

in his Budget Speech to the Federal House of Representatives,

in August, 1909, surveyed the position of Australia as part of

the British nation,—a continent, he observed, containing two

billion acres, with a coast line of 12,000 miles, no other

nation having right or title to any part of this splendid

heritage of the Southern Hemisphere, which was another home

for the British race. Sixty years ago, said Sir John, the

population of Australia was 400,000 and there were no

railways. Now the inhabitants numbered nearly four-and-a-half

millions, of whom 96 per cent were British. They had

£112,000,000 deposited in banks and deposits in savings banks

to the amount of over £46,000,000, the depositors in these

being one-third of the entire population. They had produced

minerals to the value of £713,000,000. Ten million acres were

under crop. During last year Australia had produced 62,000,000

bushels of wheat. It had exported butter of the value of

£2,387,000 and wool of the value of £23,000,000. Australia had

90,000,000 sheep, 10,000,000 cattle, and 2,000,000 horses. The

oversea trade in 1908 represented £114,000,000.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.

Proposed federalization of state debts.

On the 8th of September, 1909, the Government introduced a

Bill in the House of Representatives for the amendment of the

Constitution so as to enable the Commonwealth to federalize

the State debts incurred since the inauguration of the

Commonwealth, in addition to those then existing. The Premier

urged that if the agreement was carried out the Commonwealth

would be freed financially, and if the debts were taken over

the per capita payments would be appropriated to meet the

interest on the debts, the States making up any deficiency.

The Bill was passed by the House on the 7th of October.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.

Federal acquisition of the Northern Territory.

A Bill providing for the transfer to the Commonwealth of the

vast unpopulated Northern Territory of the Australian

Continent was before the Parliament of the Commonwealth during

the last summer. In advocating its passage, the Minister for

External Affairs explained that "the area to be transferred

under the Bill was equal to France, Germany, Belgium,

Switzerland, and Italy together. Port Darwin was nearer to

Hongkong than to Sydney, and while the Northern Territory

remained unpeopled it was a perpetual menace to Australia. The

military authorities, Sir George Le Hunte, formerly Governor

of South Australia, and Lord Northcote, formerly

Governor-General of the Commonwealth, had all strongly urged

its effective occupation, and Mr. Roosevelt had advised the

Commonwealth to fill its ‘empty north.’

"By the terms of the agreement the Commonwealth would assume

responsibility for the debt of the territory, amounting to

£2,725,000, and the accumulated deficit of the past

administration, amounting to £600,000. The measure provided

for the taking over of the Port Augusta-Oodnadatta Railway at

a price of £2,240,000, and for the Commonwealth to undertake

the construction of a trans continental line connecting the

territory with South Australia, at an estimated cost of

£4,500,000. The latest reports showed that the interior of the

territory was a fertile and well-watered white man’s country,

the healthiest in the tropical world, and that it was capable

of carrying a large population."

Despatch from Melbourne to The Times, London.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (May-June).

Opening of the session of Parliament.

Programme of business proposed.

The political situation.

Coalition under Mr. Deakin against the ministry.

Its success.

Resignation of Premier Fisher and Cabinet.

Return of Mr. Deakin to power.

His programme.

The Federal Parliament was opened at Melbourne on the 26th of

May. In the speech of the Governor-General, Lord Dudley, as

reported to the English Press, he stated that "notwithstanding

a decrease in the Customs and postal revenue, arrangements had

been made to pay old-age pensions from July 1. Large financial

obligations would be incurred in the near future and would

demand careful attention. Parliament would be invited to

consider the financial relations between the Commonwealth and

the States, with a view to an equitable adjustment of them.

Proposals would be submitted for the establishment of a

Commonwealth silver and paper currency.

{34}

"The Governor-General went on to refer to the coming Imperial

Defence Conference and the establishment of a General Staff

for the Empire. Engagements had, he said, been entered into

for the building of three destroyers, and Parliament would be

asked to approve a policy of naval construction including the

building of similar vessels in Australia and the training of

the necessary crews. A measure providing for an effective

citizens’ defence force would be introduced at an early stage.

"It being recognized that the effective defence of Australia

required a vast increase in the population, it was proposed to

introduce a measure of progressive taxation on unimproved land

values, leading to a subdivision of large estates, so as to

offer immigrants the inducement necessary to attract them in

large numbers.

"Proposals would be submitted for the amendment of the

Constitution, so as to enable Parliament to protect the

interests of the consumer while ensuring a fair and reasonable

wage to every worker to extend the jurisdiction of Parliament

in regard to trusts and combinations, and to provide for the

nationalization of monopolies."

See (in this Volume),

LABOR REMUNERATION: THE ‘NEW PROTECTION’.

In an editorial article on the situation at this juncture in

Australia, which was, it remarked, "as interesting as it is

obscure," the London Times rehearsed the main facts of

it as follows:

"It will be remembered that towards the close of last year the

withdrawal of its support by the Labour party led somewhat

unexpectedly to the defeat and resignation of Mr. Deakin’s

Cabinet. A Labour Ministry was subsequently formed, and was

enabled by Mr. Deakin’s refusal to combine with the Opposition

against it to prorogue Parliament and get into recess. It has

since elaborated a programme, announced by Mr. Fisher, the

Prime Minister, to his constituents at Gympie, a few weeks

ago, and recapitulated yesterday in the Governor-General's

speech, which strongly resembles in most particulars the

national policy advocated by Mr. Deakin when in power, and

includes besides one or two additional proposals, such as ‘the

nationalization of monopolies,’ more exclusively the property

of the Labour party itself. These latter aspirations are

probably more pious than practical, and are certainly not the

issues on which the Labour Ministry is now to stand or fall.

It will stand or fall by its proposals for the readjustment of

the financial relations between the Commonwealth and the

States, the establishment of a local flotilla designed for

coastal defence, the creation of a citizen army based on

universal training, and the imposition of a progressive land

tax calculated to bring about the subdivision of large

estates.

"This latter proposal is the only one in which the Labour

party cannot claim to be carrying out the spirit, if not the

letter, of Mr. Deakin’s own programme; but, curiously enough,

it does not seem to be the question on which Mr. Deakin has

taken immediate issue with them. He is taking issue, we

gather, first and foremost on the question of defence. The

Labour Ministry is to be censured for refusing to make the

offer of the Australian Dreadnought in the name of the

Commonwealth. In taking this line Mr. Deakin has already made

it clear that he has not in any way modified his previous

views on the necessity of providing immediately for the

creation of an Australian flotilla, but he considers that this

necessity should in no way prevent Australia from adding in

emergency to the strength of the British fleet. Speaking at

Sydney last month, he said: ‘Our defence needs not only our

own flotilla but a fleet on the high seas as well. It is for

us to recognize that by joining New Zealand and making our

offer of a Dreadnought for the Imperial Navy … the

Commonwealth must do its share to prove the reality of

Australia’s federal unity, to prove the unity of the Empire,

to stand beside the stock from which we came.’

"On this point there is no obscurity. It presents a clear

difference of view dividing Mr. Deakin and the two sections of

the Opposition with which he has now coalesced from the policy

of the Ministry in power. But while it provides a rallying

ground from which the coalition may defeat the Ministry, it

provides no subsequent line of united advance. The terms on

which the coalition has been formed seem indeed to contemplate

no definite policy at all."

The coalition against the Ministry of Mr. Fisher, referred to

in the above, accomplished its purpose on the day after the

opening of Parliament, by carrying a vote of adjournment which

the Ministry accepted as a vote of want of confidence, and

resigned. The former Premier, Mr. Deakin, then resumed the

reins of Government, with a following that does not seem to

have been expected to hold together very long. On the

reassembling of Parliament, June 23, the Prime Minister made a

statement of the business to be submitted to the House,

including along with other measures the following: "A Bill

would be introduced establishing an inter-State commission

which, in addition to the powers conferred by the

Constitution, would undertake many of the functions of the

British Board of Trade. It would also undertake the duties of

a Federal Labour Bureau, which would comprise the study of the

question of unemployment and a scheme for insurance against

unemployment. The commission would also assist in the

supervision of the working of the existing Customs tariff. …

An active policy of immigration would be undertaken, it was

hoped with the cooperation of all the States. … The

appointment of a High Commissioner in London with a

well-equipped office was necessary to take charge of the

financial interests of the Commonwealth, to supervise

immigration, and to foster trade and commerce. … The Old Age

Pensions Act was to be amended in the direction of simplifying

the conditions for obtaining the pensions. … The policy of the

Government in the matter of land defence would be founded on

universal training, commencing in youth and continuing towards

manhood. A military college, a school of musketry, and

probably a primary naval college would be established to train

officers. The counsel of one of the most experienced

commanders of the British Army would be sought for with regard

to the general development and disposition of Australia’s

adult citizen soldiers.

"In view of the approaching termination of the ten year period

of the distribution of the Customs revenue provided for in the

Constitution, a temporary arrangement was being prepared,

pending a satisfactory permanent settlement of the financial

relation between the State and the Commonwealth."

{35}

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (June).

Federal High Court decision on Anti-Trust Law.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (July-September).

The Imperial Defense Conference.

Defense Bill in Parliament.

Proposed compulsory military training.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (September).

Coal Miners strike in New South Wales.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (September).

Meeting at Sydney of Empire Congress of Chambers of Commerce.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1910.

The last year of a troublesome Constitutional Requirement.

Article 87 of the Constitution of the Commonwealth of

Australia (see in Volume VI. of this work), reads as follows:

"During a period of ten years after the establishment of the

Commonwealth, and thereafter until the Parliament otherwise

provides, of the net revenue of the Commonwealth from duties

of custom and of excise not more than one fourth shall be

applied annually by the Commonwealth towards its expenditure.

The balance shall, in accordance with this Constitution, be

paid to the several States, or applied toward the payment of

interest on debts of the several States taken over by the

Commonwealth." This, which has been known as the Braddon

section, has imposed a serious handicap on the Federal

Government. As its working was described recently by an

English Press correspondent, "it made the Commonwealth raise

four pounds whenever it wanted to spend one. It made the

States begrudge the Commonwealth every penny it spent, even

out of its own quarter—for every penny saved out of that

quarter was an extra penny for the States. And it prevented

every State Treasurer from knowing, until the Federal

Treasurer had delivered his Budget speech, how much money he

was likely to get from Federal sources for his own spending."

At the end of the year 1910 the requirement of the Article

will cease to be obligatory, and the Federal Parliament will

be free to make a different appropriation of the revenue from

customs and excise. Meantime the subject is under discussion,

and in August, 1909, it was announced that a conference of the

State Governments had come to an agreement—subject to

ratification by the Federal Government—which provides for the

annual per capita payment of 25s. in lieu of the three-fourths

of the Customs revenue which has hitherto been returned to

them. Western Australia to receive a special extra

contribution of £250,000, decreasing by £10,000 annually until

it ceases. Until the arrangement becomes operative, the

Commonwealth may deduct from the statutory payments to the

States £600,000 annually towards the cost of old-age pensions.

The readjustment of State shares in the Customs revenue is

said to involve an annual loss to New South Wales of

£1,000,000. According to a London newspaper correspondent,

"the main effects to the Commonwealth are the abolition of the

book-keeping system between the States, the power to issue

Australian stamps, telegrams, &c., and the securing of about

£2,300,000 a year, or more, additional revenue. The States

lose revenue to a similar amount, but there is a transfer of

old-age pensions to the amount of nearly £1,000,000, of which

they are relieved. In three of the States, all of which suffer

little by the change, the pensions are new, and a considerable

boon to the people. But more than half the money sacrifice

falls upon New South Wales, and it goes to relieve her less

prosperous neighbours. Well, that is true Federation!

Naturally the Southern States would have nothing but a per

capita distribution from the Commonwealth, and the New

South Wales Ministers agreed to it with their eyes open. At

present the Commonwealth Government secures the further

revenue needed. But whether this agreement will so distinctly

suit that Government as the State populations grow is another

matter."

A Bill for the required amendment of the Federal Constitution

was introduced in the House of Representatives by the Prime

Minister, Mr. Deakin, on the 8th of September. On the 4th of

November, in opposition to the Government, an amendment to the

Bill, limiting the duration of the agreement, instead of

giving it force in perpetuity, was carried in committee of the

whole by the casting vote of the chairman. On the 1st of

December the Bill had its third reading in the Senate.

----------AUSTRALIA: End--------

----------AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: Start--------

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1870-1905.

Increase of population compared

with other European countries.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902 (June).

Renewal of the Triple Alliance.

See (in this Volume)

TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903.

Notice by Austria of intention to end, in 1904, the

Customs Union which formed part of the Ausgleich, or

Federation Compact of 1867.

Language struggle in Austria.

The difficulties between Austria and Hungary, concerning a

renewal of the Ausgleich, or federation compact of 1867, which

created the dual empire,—some account of which is given in

Volume VI. of this work,—were compromised in 1900 by an

agreement which extended the Ausgleich temporarily until 1907.

See, in Volume VI.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1900.

It was stipulated, however, in the agreement, that if no

permanent settlement of the questions involved should have

been reached by the end of the year 1902, either party to the

Ausgleich should be free to dissolve the Customs Union

that formed part of it after 1904, provided that said party

should have formally denounced the compact prior to January 1,

1902. The formal notice or denunciation was given accordingly

by Austria, whose government gave notice that it would end the

Customs Union unless better terms from Hungary could be

secured. In Hungary the Independence party led by Ferencz

Kossuth, the son of Louis Kossuth, was eager for the break,

desiring no union with Austria beyond that of the two crowns

on one head. The tariff question seemed insoluble, because

Hungary wanted protection for its agriculture, which Austria

believed to be greatly disadvantageous to herself.

{36}

The prime ministers of the two Governments came to an

agreement which was submitted to the two parliaments early in

1903, but obstruction in both bodies prevented any effective

action. On other questions the antagonism was no less

pronounced. The Hungarian Independence party was resolute in

determining to separate the Hungarian from the Austrian army,

making it distinctly Hungarian, under Hungarian officers and

using the Hungarian word of command. This drew from the

Emperor, in September, a public announcement that he must and

would hold fast to the existing organization of the army. At

length, in December, Kossuth agreed, for his party, to abandon

obstruction on condition that Parliament should proclaim, as a

principle, that "in Hungary the source of every right, and in

the army the source of rights appertaining to the language of

service and command, is the will of the nation as expressed

through the legislature." But though obstruction from the

Independence party ceased then it was continued by a Catholic

party, on grounds of personal hostility to the Protestant

Premier, Count Tisza, and the Government, deprived of

authority to recruit the army, kept in service the men whose

term had expired.

An almost equal deadlock of legislation prevailed in Austria,

where the struggle over language questions between Czechs and

Germans went fiercely on; while Croatia was full of rebellious

spirit, excited by the Magyarizing policy of its Hungarian

governor.

Twice, during 1903, the Hungarian administration underwent a

change, the Szell Ministry giving way in June to one headed by

Count Kuen Hedervary, he, in turn, being displaced by Count

Tisza in October. The latter was a son of Koloman Tisza, who

had formerly held the reins in Hungary for many years.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1903-1904.

Concert with Russia in submitting the Mürzsteg Programme

of reform in Macedonia to Turkey.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.

Paralysis of Government in both divisions of the dual empire.

Legislation in both Austria and Hungary was paralyzed

throughout 1904 by obstructive oppositions which nothing could

pacify. In Austria it was the battle of Czech against German

for language rights; but, in the end, the German Premier, Dr.

Körber, lost the support of his own race, by allowing Italian

law-classes to be formed in the University at Innsprück, with

a faculty of their own. He resigned on the last day of the

year, and was succeeded by Baron Gautsch.

In Hungary the obstruction was maintained by a combination of

three parties,—the Independence Party of Ferencz Kossuth,

which is irreconcilable in its repudiation of the union with

Austria, the Liberal-Conservative Separatists, so-called, led

by Count Apponyi, and a Catholic People’s Party, under Count

Zichy. The extraordinary attitude of these practical

anarchists, as they would seem to be, is indicated by a

performance at the opening of the session of the Hungarian

Parliament on the 13th of December, 1904, which is described

in the Annual Register, as follows:

"They entered the House before the usual time of meeting,

assaulted the police when they endeavored to prevent some of

the members from mounting the President’s platform, tore down

the woodwork, destroyed the furniture, and finally had

themselves photographed, with the ex-Premier Baron Banffy at

their head, in the midst of the ruin they had wrought. This

extraordinary scene was described by M. Kossuth as ‘a symbol

of the political maturity of the Magyars, who, after asserting

their rights, refrain from excesses;’ and by Count Apponyi as

‘an evidence of the importance attached to continuity of legal

right in Hungary.’ When the broken furniture was removed and

the House was restored to something like its former

appearance, the members returned; but all the attempts of the

Government to speak were howled down by the Opposition." The

Opposition which accomplished this paralysis of Government in

Hungary numbered, in its three divisions, only 190 members,

out of 451.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904-1909.

Effects in Europe and on the Triple Alliance of the

Russo-Japanese War.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905.

Action with other Powers in forcing financial reforms

in Macedonia on Turkey.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905.

Hostility to the Serbo-Bulgarian Customs Union.

See (in this Volume)

BALKAN STATES: BULGARIA AND SERVIA: A. D. 1902.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

Continued deadlock, seated mainly in Hungary.

Resignation of Count Tisza.

The Fejervary Ministry.

Dissolution of the Hungarian Parliament.

Kossuth and his allies take office.

Universal male suffrage adopted in Austria.

The deadlock of political forces in the Dual Empire was

prolonged through another year, Hungary being the main seat of

the block. Elections for the Hungarian Diet, in January, went

heavily against the Ministry of Count Tisza and strongly in

favor of that section of the Opposition which bore the name of

the Independence Party and which was led by Ferencz Kossuth.

Count Tisza resigned, and the Emperor-King endeavored to make

terms with Kossuth, Apponyi, and Andrassy under which the

Government might be carried on with parliamentary support.

This proved impracticable, especially by reason of the

insistent demand of the Opposition for a separation of the

Hungarian from the Austrian part of the imperial army, and the

determination of the sovereign not to yield to that demand.

Count Tisza and his colleagues were kept in office until June,

despite a heavy vote of censure in the Diet, and then the

Emperor appointed as Premier General Baron Fejervary, who

commanded no more support than his predecessor had done. The

majority in the representative chamber denounced the Ministry

as unconstitutional, and issued a manifesto, calling on the

people to withhold taxes and military service from this

simulacrum of Government, which had no lawful claim to either.

This was accepted as good counsel by great numbers of people,

and grave embarrassments resulted from the non-payment of

taxes.

{37}

In the August number (1905) of The American Review of

Reviews Count Albert Apponyi, leader of one of the parties

united more or less in the Hungarian Opposition, gave the

Hungarian side of the political issues with Austria. In part,

he wrote: "The writer had the honor of delivering at St.

Louis, at the Arts and Science Congress of last year, a short

historical account of our relation with the Austrian dynasty.

There are to be found the chief facts, which show:

(1) That our forefathers called that dynasty to the Hungarian

throne, not in order to get Hungary absorbed into an Austrian

or any other sort of empire, but, on the contrary, under the

express condition of keeping the independence and the

constitution of the Hungarian kingdom unimpaired;

(2) that this condition has been accepted and sworn to by all

those members of the dynasty (Joseph II. alone excepted) who

ascended the Hungarian throne;

(3) that, nevertheless, practical encroachments on our

independence, followed by conflicts and reconciliations, have

been at all epochs frequent;

(4) but that a juridical fact never occurred which could be

construed into a modification of that fundamental condition of

the dynasty’s title to Hungary. …

The physical person of the ruler is, in truth, the same in

both countries, but the juridical personality of the King of

Hungary is distinct and, as to the contents of its

prerogative, widely different from the juridical personality

of the Emperor of Austria. Hungary is the oldest

constitutional country on the European Continent. The royal

prerogative in her case is an emanation of the

constitution,—not prior to it,—and consists in such rights as

the nation has thought fit to vest in her king. In Austria, on

the other hand, the existing constitution is a free gift of

the Emperor, and has conferred on the people of Austria such

rights as the Emperor has thought fit to grant to them. The

title of ‘Emperor of Austria-Hungary’ … [sometimes used] is

simply nonsense. The time-hallowed old Hungarian crown has not

been melted into the brand-new Austrian imperial diadem. That

imperial title does not contain, to any extent, the Hungarian

royal title. The Emperor of Austria, as such, has just as much

legal power in Hungary as the President of the United States

has. He is, juridically speaking, a foreign potentate to us.

"On these fundamental truths, no Hungarian—to whatever party

he may belong—admits discussion. … The Liberal party,

vanquished at the last elections, does not in the least differ

from the victorious opposition as to the principles laid down

in these pages; it only advocated a greater amount of

forbearance against the petty encroachments which practically

obscured them. That policy of forbearance became gradually

distasteful to the country; seeing it shaken in the public

mind, the recent prime minister, Count Tisza, formed the

unhappy idea of gaining a new lease of power on its behalf by

a parliamentary coup d’état. The rules of the House

were broken, in order to prevent future obstruction, chiefly

against military bills. This brought matters to an acute

crisis. The parliament in which that breach of the rules had

taken place became unfit for work of any sort, the country had

to be consulted, and down went the Liberal party and the

half-hearted policy it represented with no hope for revival.

"The army question, with its ever-recurring difficulties, is a

highly characteristic feature of the chronic latent conflict

between the Austrian and the Hungarian mentality. It amounts

to this, that, as we are a nation, we mean to have an armed

force corresponding to our national individuality, commanded

in our language, and serving under our flags and emblems. It

would be unnatural for any nation, and would be, in fact, an

abdication of the title of ‘nation,’ to renounce such a

national claim. The Austrians, on the other hand,—and,

unhappily, their influence is still prevalent in this

question,—not yet having abandoned the idea of a pan-Austrian

empire, uncompromisingly adhere to the present military

organization, which makes the German language and the imperial

emblems prevalent throughout the whole army, its Hungarian

portion included."

In September, 1905, the Emperor-King summoned the chiefs of

the opposing coalition to Vienna and renewed his endeavor to

make terms with them; but his own conditions, relative to the

army, to the language of command and service in it, to the

tariff relations between Austria and Hungary, and to other

matters of dispute, were apparently as uncompromisable as

theirs, and only intensified the bad feeling in the country.

A little later the Fejervary Ministry announced a programme of

policy which offered concessions and many excellent measures,

but all save one of them were scorned. That one was a proposal

of universal suffrage, with direct secret balloting, which in

both Hungary and Austria had now become a subject of wide

popular demand. The agitation for it became clamorous in the

later months of the year, especially in the Austrian towns.

But the leaders of the Hungarian Opposition were supposed to

be personally hostile to universal suffrage. "As

representatives of the most educated, wealthy, and powerful

race in the kingdom, they have long enjoyed absolute political

control. But universal suffrage," says a contemporary

journalist, "would so increase the non-Magyar elements in

Parliament as to deprive the Magyar leaders of much of their

ascendency. At present these leaders are strong enough to

defeat the King’s magnificent programme, announced by Baron

Fejervary. But such a defeat would place them in an

embarrassing position. They would have definitely assumed an

attitude which belies their name of Liberal."

The Fejervary programme was well planned to be troublesome to

the opponents of the Government. While not surrendering to

their demand for the Magyar language of command in the

Hungarian part of the Imperial army, it proposed that the men

who do not speak that language should be trained in it as far

as possible. And it included a number of other most important

measures: for compulsory free education; for compulsory

insurance of workmen; for small farm grants to the peasantry;

for the conversion of mortgage debts that weigh on small

landowners, and for various taxation reforms. Evidently the

Opposition endeavored to keep public attention and public

feeling focused on the claim for a distinct Hungarian army,

with the Magyar language for its word of command. Kossuth, the

dominating leader of the coalition against the Government,

defined the argument for this claim. No mention, he said, is

made of any common army in the agreement on which the Dual

Empire is founded. The Hungarian Constitution vests in the

Emperor of Austria, as King of Hungary, "all those things

which refer to the commanding and administration … of the

Hungarian army."

{38}

But the Constitution does not hint that the Hungarian army

should be commanded in German. It has not specifically

forbidden such a thing, but in another part of the

Constitution it is provided that the language of public

services in Hungary shall be Hungarian. And is not the army a

"public service"? he asked. Besides, he explained: "A century

ago the Hungarian magnates, generally, paid for their own

soldiers, and ours was not, in the beginning, a State army.

When the combination with Austria came about, the officers

were of all nations, and the Austrians brought in many of

their own. To tell the truth, our own Hungarians were too

lazy—there is no other word for it—to take the trouble to

reorganize and start a Hungarian army, so they left it to the

Austrians for the time being. It was for this reason, and with

the consciousness of this defect, that Article XI. expressly

left the language of command to be determined,

constitutionally, later. But we also expressly confined it

within the limits of our own Constitution … and we spoke of a

Hungarian army, not a common one."

The year 1906 opened with the discords of the situation in

Hungary rather heightened than lessened, and on the 19th of

February the Emperor dissolved the Hungarian Parliament,

announcing that he did so for the reason that the parties of

the Opposition had "persistently refused to take over the

Government on an acceptable basis without violating the Royal

rights as by law guaranteed." Disturbances on the occasion

were prevented by strong forces of soldiery and police. Two

days later the Austro-Hungarian tariff and a commercial

treaty, both of which had been refused ratification in

Hungary, were promulgated as of force, pending future action;

and by various other arbitrary measures the Emperor-King

assumed the right to prevent a governmental collapse. This

attitude on the part of the sovereign appears to have produced

a change of attitude among his opponents; for early in April

M. Kossuth and Count Andrassy entered into an arrangement with

him for the formation of a Ministry by themselves and their

associates of the Coalition, with the understanding that the

army question should be put aside until after the election of

a new Parliament, to meet in May. At that session they

promised to pass the budget, the new international commercial

treaties, to maintain in every way the existing condition of

things between Austria and Hungary, to permit the passage of a

bill providing for universal manhood suffrage, and then for

Parliament to terminate its labors, allowing the election of a

new one under the universal suffrage system, the Cabinet to be

re-formed conformably to the desires of the parliamentary

majority. Thereupon the Emperor-King requested Dr. Alexander

Wekerle, a former Hungarian Prime Minister, to form a Cabinet,

including in it Kossuth, Apponyi, Andrassy, and Zichy. At the

election, held soon after, the Independence party won about

250 out of 400 seats. The new Parliament was opened on the 22d

of May.

In Austria, the grand event of 1906 was the franchise reform,

which extinguished the whole system of class representation

and established a representative Parliament on the broad basis

of a manhood vote. "Every male citizen who had completed his

twenty-fourth year and was not under any legal disability was

entitled to be registered as a voter after one year’s

residence. Every male, including members of the Upper House,

who had possessed Austrian citizenship for at least three

years and had completed his thirtieth year, was eligible for

election as a deputy; but members of the Upper House elected

to the Lower could not sit in both at once. Voting was to be

direct in all provinces. In Galicia, however, every

constituency would return two deputies, each voter having one

vote, so as to permit of the representation of racial

minorities, the population being composed of Poles and

Ruthenians. Voting was to be obligatory under penalty of a

fine wherever a provincial Diet should so decide. This Bill

was passed, in the face of the opposition of the Conservative

and aristocratic members of both Houses and of the extreme

representatives of the various nationalities, mainly through

the influence of the Emperor. He regarded it as the only way

to get rid of Parliamentary obstruction, and the best means of

stimulating loyalty to the dynasty."

Two changes of Ministry occurred in Austria during 1906, Baron

Gautsch, as Premier, giving way to Prince Hohenlohe in April,

and the latter resigning in June, to be succeeded by Baron

Beck. Count Goluchowski, who had been Austro-Hungarian

Minister of Foreign Affairs since 1895, resigned in October,

because of ill-feeling against him in Hungary, and was

succeeded by Baron Aehrenthal.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1906 (January-April).

At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco question.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1907.

Effects of universal and equalized suffrage in Austria.

Elections were held in Austria a few months after the passage

of the law which introduced equal and universal male suffrage,

and the character and disposition of the elected Reichsrath,

which met in June, 1907, afforded indications of some

remarkable effects from the extension and equalizing of the

franchise. It was expected, of course, to popularize the

Reichsrath, and break the domination of the upper classes in

that body; but, according to reports, it has done much more.

Prior to 1896, the members of the Abgeordncten or lower house

of the Reichsrath, then numbering 353, were all divided into

four sections, elected by four classes of people, as follows:

85 elected by the owners of large landed estates, 22 by

chambers of commerce and manufactures; 115 by town taxpayers

assessed for five florins of annual tax, and by doctors of

universities; 131 by country taxpayers assessed for five

florins yearly. In that year the membership was enlarged by an

addition of 72, who were to be representatives of the whole

people, elected by universal male suffrage, while the old

classified representation remained as before. The new law has

swept away the whole system of a classified representation,

and the representative house is now leveled to one footing, as

a body of deputies from the people at large.

The most conspicuous effect of this in the elections appears

to have been a sudden break of the power which the German

element in the much-mixed population of the Austrian dominion

has been able to exercise hitherto. Hence, it must be the fact

that the Germans hold far more than their proportion of the

property which the old system represented, and derived from

that, formerly, a weight in the Reichsrath which their numbers

cannot give them on the equalized vote.

{39}

Altogether, in the various Cisleithan states—the two Austrias

proper, Bohemia, Moravia, Galicia, Silesia, Salzburg, Tyrol,

Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, Istria, Dalmatia—they form a

little more than one third of the total population, the other

two thirds being mainly Slavonic, in many divisions,

principally Czech, Polish, and Slovene.

Ten years ago the Austrian Reichsrath was offering a spectacle

of factious disorder so violent that it drew the attention of

the world, and was made entertaining as well as interesting by

Mark Twain, then a resident for some months at Vienna and

writing descriptions of the scenes of tumult that went on

before his eyes.

See in Volume VI. of this work

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

The specially bitter race quarrel was over a language question

between the Germans and the Czechs. The Czechs had succeeded

in forcing the government to give their own tongue its

rightful public use in Bohemia, where the German had displaced

it officially for along time past. The determination of the

Germans in the Reichsrath to undo this change practically

paralyzed that legislature for a number of years, and seemed

to be driving the realm of the House of Austria to inevitable

wreck.

Indeed, some factions of the Germans made no concealment of

their wish for such a wreckage, out of which the German Kaiser

at Berlin might pick the pieces that it pleased him to take.

They have never doubted the sympathy and countenance of their

kinsmen in the neighboring empire, and that has emboldened

them to an attitude which a minority, in other circumstances,

would hardly take.

Within the last few years there has been a quieting of the

antagonism; but most observers of the state of things in

Austria have looked for serious troubles to arise, whenever

the great personal influence of the present Emperor is

withdrawn by his death. The imperial dominion of the Austrian

archdukes could not be dissolved and its parts redistributed

without subjecting the peace of Europe to such a trial as it

never yet has gone unbrokenly through. If the Germans lose

disturbing power in the Reichsrath, as the late elections are

said to indicate that they will, and if racial factions give

place to political parties, as a consequence of the equalized

and universalized suffrage, then Austria may possibly be

welded into a nation, and her neighbors may not be tempted to

quarrel over her dismembered remains.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1907.

Final negotiation of a new financial Ausgleich.

Adjustment of the vexed questions of tariff, joint debt,

and revenue quotas.

The long struggle toward a readjustment of the

Ausgleich or Agreement of 1866 between Austria and

Hungary, on its financial side, was brought to a close on the

8th of October, 1907, by the signing of a new agreement that

day. It continued the common customs arrangement until 1917,

and provided that commercial treaties concluded with foreign

powers must be signed by the representatives of both Austria

and Hungary—a concession by Austria to Hungary. Hitherto the

Austrian Minister of Foreign Affairs had conducted such

negotiations. On its part, Hungary made the minor concession

of conforming its stock exchange laws to those of Austria.

Previously, excise duties had been common to both states;

henceforth they were to be left to each state to be determined

and levied. In the joint fiscal burden, Hungary’s contribution

was increased from 34.4 per cent to 36.4 per cent. Provision

was made for a court of arbitration, composed of four Austrian

and four Hungarian members, who must chose a ninth member as

chairman.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.

Hungarian politics.

The State Bank question.

Split in the Independence party.

M. de Justh, a new party leader.

Attitude of M. Kossuth.

Deadlock returned.

The complete deadlock of legislation in Hungary from 1904 into

1906 was overcome but partially, and not for long, by the

patched-up coalition which started the wheels of Government

anew, under Dr. Wekerle, in April, 1906, as related above. In

the course of the next two years the Wekerle Ministry

accomplished some useful legislation, besides achieving the

ratification of the important tariff and commerce agreement

which settled long-troublesome disputes with Austria; but its

very slight coherent energy was exhausted soon,—too soon for

its promise of universal suffrage to be fulfilled.

Practically, it seems to have been at the end of its

capabilities for some time before the spring of 1909, when, in

April, it resolved to resign, and began an effort to escape

from office which went on through the year without success.

The Crown could induce no one to take from Dr. Wekerle the

impossible task of government, and kept that unfortunate

gentleman in his powerless place.

In Austro-Hungarian politics a new contention had now been

developed, which divided the Independence party, led hitherto

by M. Kossuth and Count Apponyi, so that it acquired on the

new question a third more extreme sectional chief, in the

person of the President of the Chamber, M. de Justh. The

followers of M. de Justh were demanding the transformation of

the existing joint State Bank into two autonomous banks,

connected in operation, but distinctly Hungarian in one

organization and Austrian in the other. This demand was

opposed in Austria as determinedly as the obnoxious demand for

army use of the Hungarian language in Hungarian regiments, and

the Crown would give sanction to neither. Apparently, neither

Kossuth nor Apponyi would act with M. de Justh on the bank

question, and the Independence party lost, consequently, its

advantage as the largest of the various parties in the

Chamber.

In November, when a test of numbers occurred at a conference

of the party, the following of M. de Justh was found to be

largely in the majority. A resolution demanding the separate

Hungarian State Bank was adopted by 120 votes against 74,

despite a declaration by M. Kossuth that he would quit the

party if it took that stand. According to a Press report of

what occurred at the conference, the burden of Kossuth’s

speech to the conference was "that without his name and his

leadership the party would never have obtained the majority,

and that many of those who were about to vote against him owed

their seats in Parliament to his recommendation. His speech

was indeed a scarcely-veiled threat that when deprived of the

support of his name his opponents would find themselves

forsaken by their constituents. The defeated minority

proceeded forthwith to constitute itself as the ‘Independence,

1848, and Kossuth party,’ as distinguished from the

‘Independence and 1848 party,’ over which M. de Justh now

reigns supreme."

{40}

Immediately after his triumph at the party conference M. de

Justh resigned the presidency of the Hungarian Chamber and

presented himself for reelection. In that test he suffered

defeat, the combined forces of the Andrassy Liberals, the

Clerical People’s party, and the Kossuth group casting 201

votes against 157. The Croatian Deputies abstained, owing, it

is said, to a promise made to them by Dr. Wekerle that, if

they remained neutral, he would deliver Croatia from the

oppressive rule of the Ban, Baron Rauch. The political

situation in Hungary was thus more than ever confused.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.

The "Greater Servia Conspiracy."

Alleged treasonable movement of Servians in Croatia.

The Agram trials.

The following telegram to the newspaper press, from Agram,

Austria, October 5, 1909, reported the conclusion and the

result of a long prosecution which had drawn wide attention

and excited deep feeling in many parts of Europe for a full

year:

"After a trial lasting seven months, sentences were handed

down to-day in the cases of fifty-two school teachers,

priests, and other persons charged with connection with what

is known as the ‘Greater Servia conspiracy.’ The prisoners

were accused of high treason in participating in a movement

for the union of Croatia, Slavonia, and Bosnia to Servia, even

carrying the propaganda among the troops of the

Austro-Hungarian army. Thirty of the accused are condemned to

terms of rigorous imprisonment varying from four to twelve

years, and twenty-two were acquitted. The persons condemned

have given notification of appeal."

On the 31st of December it was announced from Vienna that all

but two of the condemned had been set at liberty pending their

appeal, this being consequent on the revelations of forgery in

the documents on which they were convicted.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH)

at close of article.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.

Arbitrary annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Violence to the Treaty of Berlin.

The European disturbance and its settlement.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1808-1809 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1909.

The language quarrel in Austria.

"Amid deafening uproar from the Czech Radicals, the Austrian

premier has submitted to the Chamber [February 3, 1909] two

bills for the regulation of the Bohemian language question.

The bills, which in present circumstances appear to have

little chance of becoming law, divide Bohemia into 239

judicial and 20 administrative districts. Of the former, 95

are German, 138 Czech, and the remainder mixed, while of the

administrative districts five are German, 10 Czech, and five

mixed. In the German districts German is to be the predominant

language, and in the Czech districts Czech, while in the mixed

districts, which include Prague, the two languages are placed

on an equal footing. Provision is, however, made for the use

of either language if necessary throughout the whole

province."

NEW YORK EVENING POST.

A telegram to the same journal from Vienna, March 10,

reported:

"The Lower House of the Austrian Parliament, which closed on

February 5, after a scene of extraordinary turbulence arising

from old racial ill-feeling between the Germans and the

Czechs, reopened to-day with every promise of a continuance of

the disorders. The galleries of the House were crowded with

partisans of the two factions, and as soon as the ministers

appeared hostile shouts came from the Czech and radical

benches, drowning the cheers of the members of the Left party

and the Poles.

"Premier von Bienerth, amid an incessant tumult, declared the

nineteenth session opened, saying he hoped the work would be

crowned with success and the proceedings not disturbed. His

statement sounded ironical in face of the unbroken uproar."

The following is a later Press despatch, November 2, from

Vienna:

"The Emperor has accepted the resignations of the two Czech

Ministers in the Austrian Cabinet, and has sanctioned the laws

adopted by the Diets of Upper and Lower Austria, Salzburg and

Vorarlberg, to establish the unilingual German character of

those provinces. In the name of the Czech people the Czech

National Council addressed yesterday a telegram to the Emperor

begging that the laws might not be sanctioned, since, runs the

telegram, they affect the honour of the Czech people and must

cause constant racial strife both in the provinces and in

Vienna, ‘which is not only the capital of Lower Austria, but

is also the capital of the whole empire and of all its races.

These laws are a dangerous beginning of constitutional changes

in your Majesty’s glorious empire.’ A copy of the telegram was

sent to the Polish leader, Dr. Glombinski, with an 'expression

of the deepest regret that members of the Polish party should

have supported as Ministers these anti-Slav laws.’"

A revival of turbulent obstruction to legislative proceedings

in the lower house of the Austrian Reichsrath led, at last, in

December, to the enactment of rules which so enlarge the

powers of the speaker as to enable him to suppress factious

obstruction and to suspend deputies who outrage the decencies

of behavior in the Chamber. The measure was limited in its

operation to a year, but is expected to be prolonged.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1909 (December).

Alleged plan of a Federated Triple Monarchy.

"There has been circulated in Paris a curious document, full

of figures, supposed to be based on authentic information.

This document relates to the plan attributed to Prince Lentur

and Count d’Aehrenthal to change the dual monarchy of

Austria-Hungary into a triple monarchy. Croatia,

Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Dalmatia, according to the scheme,

would be united into an independent and constitutional

kingdom, corresponding to the old Illyria. The double state,

Austria-Hungary, would be changed into a three-fold

Austria-Hungary-Illyria. A Slav nation would thus stand side

by side with the Teutonic nation of Austria and the Magyar

nation of Hungary. Its extent would be a good deal smaller, a

little more than one-third, of the other two, and its

population about a quarter of the Hungarian and one-sixth of

the Austrian. According to this document, which is declared to

have strong claims to be considered authentic, this change

would no doubt be followed by a further one. Bohemia and

Moravia would also want home rule. The monarchy would thus

become a kind of Federal state. Hungary alone would remain

standing strong and united as the centre and leader of this

federation."

New York Evening Post,

December 29, 1909.

{41}

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1909-1910.

The Hungarian situation.

Late in December, Dr. de Lukacs, who had served in the former

Szell Ministry, was persuaded by the Crown to undertake the

formation of a Government which might hope to secure some

measure of parliamentary support, and on the 4th of January he

was formally appointed Prime Minister; but his undertaking

ended on the 11th, when he resigned, and Count Khuen Hedervary

was heroic enough to accept the apparently hopeless task. The

Hedervary Ministry suffered defeat on the 28th of January,

when a vote of no confidence was carried by M. de Justh, and

the King thereupon prorogued the chamber until March 24. A

majority of the members, however, remained in session until

they had adopted a resolution declaring the Government to be

unconstitutional and forbidding the payment of taxes to it.

Such is the Hungarian situation at the time this record of

events goes to print—February, 1910.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1910.

The Archduke Franz Ferdinand,

Heir Apparent to the thrones.

Since the tragically mysterious death (January 30, 1889) of

the Emperor’s only son, Rudolph, the heir apparent to the

several Hapsburgh crowns has been the Archduke Franz

Ferdinand, son of the Emperor’s brother, the late Archduke

Karl Ludwig. In order to contract a morganatic marriage, some

years ago, he renounced the right of his children to the

imperial and regal succession; but it is believed that he will

force the regularizing of his marriage and the annulling of

his renunciation, as he is reputed to be a man of strenuous

will. According to report, also, he is strongly

anti-democratic and reactionary, and extremely likely to give

trouble as a sovereign to this democratic generation.

----------AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: End--------

AUTOCRAT:

Title denied to the Czar by the Third Duma.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906-1907.

AZAD-UL-MULK.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

AZEFF:

The Russian police spy and agent provocateur.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-JULY).

AZUL, Party of the.

See (in this Volume)

PARAGUAY.

B.

BABISM.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

BACON, Robert:

Secretary of State.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.

BADEN: A. D. 1906.

Introduction of universal suffrage.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

BAEYER, Adolf von.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

BAGDAD RAILWAY, The.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

BA HAMED, Late Grand Wazeer of Morocco.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.

BAHIA HONDA:

Coaling and naval station leased to the United States.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1903.

BAHIMA, The.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA: ITS COLONIZABILITY.

BAILEY, L. H.:

On Country Life Commission.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909 (AUGUST-FEBRUARY).

BAKHMETIEFF, Madame:

Her humane work in Macedonia.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.

BAKHTIARI, The.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

BAKU: Destruction of Oil Industry.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

BALDWIN ARCTIC EXPEDITION.

See (in this Volume)

Polar Exploration.

BALFOUR, Arthur J.:

Becomes Prime Minister of England.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

BALFOUR, Arthur J.:

His puzzling attitude on Mr. Chamberlain’s declaration for

preferential trade with the Colonies.

Correspondence on Mr. Chamberlain’s resignation.

See ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).

BALFOUR, Arthur J.:

In the "Dreadnought" debate of 1909.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

BALFOUR MINISTRY:

Its resignation.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

----------BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Start--------

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1903-1907.

Complaint of European non-action by Christian subjects

of Turkey.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1907.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Bosnia: A. D. 1908.

Arbitrary annexation to Austria-Hungary.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Bulgaria:

The influence of Robert College.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: TURKEY, &c.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1901.

The Bulgarian committee which directs revolutionary operations

and assassinations in Macedonia.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1901.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1903.

Alleged promotion of revolt in Macedonia.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

Barbarities of Bulgarian bands in Macedonia.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908.

The race struggle in Macedonia.

See TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

Independence of Turkey declared and won.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1909.

Prince Ferdinand assumes the title of King.

On the acquisition of complete Bulgarian independence, Prince

Ferdinand was said at first to be intending to assume the

title of Tsar; but that intention, if it had been formed, was

changed, and he took the title of King.

{42}

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Bulgaria and Servia: A.D. 1905.

Customs Union Convention between the two States.

Anger and Hostility of Austria.

Dictatorial demands on Servia.

The frontier closed to trade.

"Servia and Bulgaria, in July, 1905, signed a Customs

Convention, creating a customs union and breaking down the

tariff barriers between the two countries. The age is the age

of union in business, in finance, in every department in life.

… Not only has the Customs Convention between the two

countries, which is, after all, but the first step towards a

real zollverein, demonstrated the trend of international

development, but it has enabled the world to see clearly the

relations existing between the small Balkan States—unprotected

by any guarantee of neutrality—and their great neighbours. It

has been made clear that, despite all the many protestations

in Vienna of goodwill to the Balkan States, Austria does not

wish to see real progress in that part of Europe. And what is

true of Austria is true also of Russia. …

"True to her unvarying policy, Austria no sooner heard of the

Customs Convention than she set to work to destroy it,

claiming that it damaged her commercial interests. By her

unjust attempts at coercion, plain and undisguised, Austria

brought into being a political bond between Bulgaria and

Servia which was not in existence at the time of the signature

of the Customs Convention. …

"In the past Servia has fallen more and more completely under

the domination of Austria; her geographical position and her

internal troubles made her an easy prey for Vienna, and had it

not been for the desire of Russia to share the dainty morsel,

Servia would in all probability have gone ere this to join the

Servian provinces of Bosnia and Hersegovina as an integral

part of the Austrian Empire. Her commerce is almost solely

with Austria or Hungary, and her finances are under the

control of a French-Austrian syndicate. It might therefore

well seem incredible that the small State, bound thus hand and

foot to the oppressor, should dare to oppose her desire for

liberty to the Austrian desire for gain, political,

commercial, or financial. But just as under the Turkish rule

the Servians began to fight for freedom in small bands, so the

Customs Convention with Bulgaria represents the first blow for

economic and political freedom. … While the Convention

represents an effort on Servia’s part to free herself from the

thrall of Austria, it was not directed against that country.

It seeks rather to open up new markets and new means of

export, for which there was sufficient reason in the fact that

there was no increase in the export of Servian goods to

Austria during the last few years, some of which even showed a

decrease. Commercial development demanded that new markets

should be sought and a new route via Bulgaria to the Black Sea

ports be opened up. …

"On January 8th the Austrian Minister in Belgrade presented a

note from his Government making it a condition that in order

that the negotiations for a commercial treaty should not be

suspended, the Servian Government should engage not to bring

the Customs Union before the Skouptchina before the conclusion

of the treaty. At the same time he indicated the disastrous

results of refusal on Servia’s part. The Servian Cabinet

accepted the Austrian proposals as to the postponement of the

presentation of the Customs Union to the Skouptchina, and

promised also to consider the modification of the Convention

in so far as these modifications were not contrary to the

nature of the Customs Union. The Austrian Minister recommended

a change of the reply, because his Government would not accept

it as it stood. On the Servians refusing to make any change,

he gave them till the afternoon of the next day to repent,

with the alternative that the treaty negotiations would be

broken off and the frontiers closed. … Servia insisted upon

maintaining her dignity as a nation, while expressing her

readiness to meet Austria in every possible economic way.

Furious at the Servian refusal, the Viennese authorities

ordered the closing of the frontiers to Servian cattle, pigs,

and even fowls. This last restriction was contrary to the

existing treaty of commerce between the two countries which

does not expire till March 1st, 1906. The cattle and pigs were

excluded under the arbitrary veterinary convention, it having

been found that a pig had died of ‘diplomatic swine fever,’ a

contagious disease, prevalent when Servia opposes Austrian

desires. The cool indifference with which Austria ignored her

treaty obligations with Servia led to a profound feeling that

it was hardly worth making sacrifices in order to obtain a new

commercial treaty, which could be as equally well ignored.

Patriotic fervour waxed great in Servia, and the people

prepared to make a good fight for their liberty. But it was

never overlooked that the relations with Austria were of great

and vital importance."

Alfred Stead,

The Serbo-Bulgarian Convention and its Results

(Fortnightly Review, March, 1906).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Herzegovina: A. D. 1908.

Annexation to Austria.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Montenegro: A. D. 1905.

Prince Nicholas’s Constitution, and his operation of it.

"When Prince Nicholas heard that the Czar had promised his

people a Constitution, he, disciple of Russia in all things,

determined to outdo Nicholas II., and, as a matter of fact,

granted his little country [December, 1905] a more liberal

Constitution than that which Russia enjoys. In Russia certain

things were not to be discussed in the Duma. In Montenegro,

everything could be discussed. When this principle began to be

put in practice, however, although in the most loyal and

respectful manner, the Prince took offence and began to

imprison politicians who dared to ask for information about

the financial condition of the principality. As a consequence,

he made himself unpopular among what in Russia would be called

the ‘intelligencia,’ but, being a man of far stronger

personality and more striking genius than the Czar of Russia,

he is still feared and obeyed. He is, in fact, an old soldier

with all the old soldier’s preference for barrack discipline

as the only method of rule, and in thinking that he understood

what is meant by the words ‘constitutional government’ he

deceived himself, for he does not understand, and being an old

man surrounded by flatterers, he is perhaps less able to

understand now than he would have been thirty years ago.

"If he had been more adaptable, and had taken greater pains to

instruct his people in the methods of parliamentary

government, the constitutionalist movement might have been a

success, but unfortunately he withdrew from Cettinje in a

‘huff’ when the Skupschina passed some criticisms on the

government, and declined to coöperate with the deputies,

though they were all very anxious to have his advice. It is

stated, on the other hand, however, that the Skupschina

interpreted in too large a sense the Constitution that had

been granted to them."

Special Correspondent New York Evening Post,

Cettinje, December 15, 1908.

{43}

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

With Servia against Austrian annexation of Bosnia

and Herzegovina.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1809 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Roumania: A. D. 1866-1906.

Development of the country under King Charles I. and

his admirable Queen.

"The efforts of King Charles have been principally devoted

towards internal improvement. Railways have increased and

improved since the State purchased them in 1886, at an outlay

of 237,500,000 francs. Then there were 1,407 kilometres; in

1903 these had increased to 3,177. In the Dobrudja, given to

Roumania after the war with Turkey, the King has created a

great commercial port at Constantza, whence the grain and

petroleum of Roumania can flood the market. From here will

radiate a Roumanian merchant marine, which will bear the

Roumanian flag to all parts of the world. Agriculture has been

carefully cherished, and to-day the country is one of the

principal grain-exporting countries of the world, and the lot

of the peasant, formerly so low, has been improved. An

educational system has sprung into being, owing much to the

direct support and inspiration of the Royal family. The

finances have been put on a stable footing, and although the

nation has already acquired a sufficiency of debt, the future

is not at all dangerously beset. Thanks to the discovery of

extensive petroleum fields, Roumania has been strengthened and

raised from the position of a country relying solely on the

rain and sun for its prosperity; while thanks to the King’s

indefatigable efforts and unceasing watchfulness, the

petroleum industry has been protected from becoming the

monopoly either of the ruthless Standard Oil Trust or of the

politically guided and government-supported German Bank. Had

King Charles done nothing else for Roumania, his determined

and wise action in this question would have earned him all

praise. But whether it be in the question of the Danube, with

its international Commission, or of the transformation of the

twelve enormous Crown lands, dispersed over the kingdom, into

national and social models, to see and follow—a work due

principally to M. Kalindero—the King’s interest in all things

which directly or indirectly touch Roumania is unabated.

"And what manner of man is this, who has thus created a

European State out of the remnants of a land cursed by a

Turkish rule and Phanariot sway? First and foremost he is

always a Hohenzollern, swayed by his obedience to duty, and

based upon that Hohenzollern saying: 'It is not enough to be

born a prince, you must show that you are worthy of the

title,' and second, he is ever a true Roumanian, who has

caught much of the inspiration of those great former Roumanian

leaders and warriors. His youth was one of discipline and

healthy education, while the influence of his father on his

character can never be overestimated. Every inch a king, he

never forgets that he is always also a man—personal

animosities never cloud his national judgment. An

indefatigable worker and on an organised plan tending towards

definite ends, King Charles devotes his whole time to his

never-ceasing task. By his marriage to Princess Elizabeth of

Wied’ [known in literature as Carmen Sylva] ‘a marriage so

non-political as to make it a political event of the first

importance,’ he brought to Roumania a queen who made herself

beloved of all, and speedily became the centre of all

charitable ideas and works."

Alfred Stead,

King Charles I. of Roumania

(Fortnightly Review, July, 1906).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1902.

Oppression of the Jews.

Appeal of the United States to the signatories

of the Treaty of Berlin.

On the 11th of August, 1902, Mr. John Hay, Secretary of State

in the Government of the United States, addressed a

communication to the American Ambassadors and Ministers in

Great Britain, France, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Russia,

Italy, and Turkey, whose governments were parties to the

Berlin Treaty of 1878, directing that it be read to the proper

ministers in the governments of those countries. The

communication related to the treatment of the Jews in

Roumania, which had long been a matter of deep concern to the

United States, not only from sympathy with the persecuted

people, but also because of the state in which it drove them

as emigrants to this land. An abridgment of Secretary Hay’s

despatch, published at the time, renders its substance as

follows:

"As long ago as in 1872 this country protested against the

oppression of these Jews under Turkish rule. The Treaty of

Berlin it was supposed would cure this wrong by the provisions

of its forty-fourth article, which prescribed that ‘in

Roumania the difference of religious creeds and confessions

shall not be alleged against any person as a ground for

exclusion or incapacity in matters relating to the enjoyment

of civil and political rights, admission to public

employments, functions and honors, or the exercise of the

various professions and industries in any locality whatsoever.

These prescriptions, however, have, in the lapse of time, been

rendered nugatory as regards the native Jews of Roumania.

Apart from the political disabilities of the Jews in that

country, and their exclusion from the liberal professions,

they are denied the inherent rights of man as a breadwinner in

the ways of agriculture and trade. They are prohibited from

owning land or from cultivating it as common laborers; they

are debarred from residing in the rural districts, and many

branches of petty trade and manual production are closed to

them in the cities. They have become reduced to a state of

wretched misery. The experience of the United States shows

that the Jews possess in a high degree the qualities of good

citizenhood. No class of immigrants is more welcome to our

shores when coming equipped in mind and body, but when they

come as outcasts, made doubly paupers by physical and mental

oppression in their native land, their migration lacks the

essential conditions which make alien immigration either

acceptable or beneficial. Many of these Roumanian Jews are

forced to quit their native country, and the United States is

almost the only refuge left to them. They come hither unfitted

by the conditions of their exile to take part in the new life

of this land, and they are objects of charity for a long time.

Therefore the right of remonstrance against the acts of the

Roumanian Government is fairly established in favor of this

Government. This Government cannot be a tacit party to what it

regards as an international wrong. It is constrained to

protest against the treatment to which the Jews of Roumania

are subjected. The United States is not a signatory to the

Treaty of Berlin, and cannot, therefore, appeal

authoritatively to the stipulations of that treaty, but it

does earnestly appeal to the principles consigned therein,

because they are the principles of international law and

eternal justice."

{44}

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1907.

Agrarian and anti-Semitic riots.

Serious riotings of the peasants of Roumania, in both Moldavia

and Wallachia, occurred in April, 1907. Before the rising

could be suppressed more than 100,000 troops were employed;

the capital, Bucharest, was in a state of siege, and martial

law was proclaimed throughout the country. At first the

character of the uprising seems to have been purely agrarian.

The peasants demanded land at low prices and tried to throw

off the yoke of the middlemen, who are mostly Jews. As the

revolt spread, villages, farms, and even some towns were

plundered and destroyed by wholesale. Hundreds of peasants

were killed, and in several sections a state of real war

existed for more than a week. King Charles issued a

proclamation to his people promising the redress of their

grievances. The Conservative ministry resigned on March 24 and

a Liberal government was at once formed under the presidency

of Dr. Sturdza.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Servia: A. D. 1901-1903.

Royal Constitution-making and unmaking.

The character of the Servian monarchy, and the value to the

nation of its king-made Constitution, may be judged from the

following report, May 12, 1903, to the State Department of the

United States Government, by its Minister at Athens, who has

the care of American interests at Belgrade: "The Servian

constitution now in force is that which was granted the

country by King Alexander on April 6-19, 1901. Under this

constitution the influence of the radical party had gradually

increased to such an extent that the King thought it was

dangerous to the welfare of the country. For some time there

were rumors to the effect that a new constitution was in

contemplation and would probably be put into force on the

anniversary of its predecessor. More or less excitement was

caused by these reports, and in consequence the King

determined to act at once.

"On the afternoon of March 24—April 6 last [1903] a royal

proclamation was issued to the Servian people, explaining the

King’s views of the situation, suspending the constitution

referred to above, annulling the ukase of April 6, 1901, and

all subsequent ukases relating to the election of senators,

retiring all the members of the council of state, dissolving

the Skupshtina (national chamber of deputies), annulling the

election of all senators chosen for the period 1901-1906,

annulling various laws relating to the liberty of the press,

the election of deputies, etc., and putting into force certain

laws which had previously been repealed.

"The next morning a second proclamation was issued, putting

the same constitution in force again, and directing the life

senators to elaborate a provisional law for the election of

senators and deputies, who should hold office, respectively,

until September, 1909, and May, 1907.

"The date for the elections has been fixed for the first part

of June. It is considered probable that the Radical members of

the Government (four ministers, I believe) will soon withdraw

from the cabinet."

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1903.

The murder of King Alexander, Queen Draga, her brothers,

and two ministers of state.

The military plot.

King Alexander, who received the Servian crown, as a mere boy,

by the abdication of his father, the erratic King Milan, in

1889, began his reign autocratically, but attempted twelve

years later, to propitiate popular favor by the grant of a

liberal constitution, in 1901.

See, in Volume I. of this work,

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1879-1889.

This failed, however, to win the good will of his subjects,

and he annulled it in April, 1903, with much of the

legislation it had produced. This intensified public feeling

against him, and against his unpopular Queen,—the former

lady-in-waiting at his mother’s court, Madame Draga Maschin.

This marriage in 1900 is related in:

See in Volume VI. of this work

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

There were fears of an intention to force recognition of Queen

Draga's brother as heir apparent to the crown, and feeling in

the army became especially bitter against both king and queen.

The outcome was an awful tragedy of murder on the night of

June 11, 1903, when a party of officers broke into the palace

and slew, with barbaric ferocity, the King, the Queen, the

Queen’s brothers, the Prime Minister, and the Minister for

War. The following account of the horrible tragedy appeared in

the next issue of The Contemporary Review:

"All traces of the midnight carnage in the palace of Belgrade

have been cleared away. The Pretender for whose benefit it was

perpetrated comes in. First proclaimed in the midst of the

still warm corpses, the title of military acclamation has been

ratified by a National Assembly, convened by the Pretorians

almost simultaneously with the massacre to meet three days

after that event, and in the palace where Colonel Maschine and

his lieutenants, acting in the names of outraged national

dignity and social purity, put to shame human nature,

Karageorgevich, whose career as a Pretender in some points

resembles that of Louis Napoleon, accepts the proffered crown.

The telegraphic agencies have informed us that order reigns at

Belgrade, and that Peter I. has entered his capital amid

demonstrations of public joy. The representatives of the Press

of Europe, numbering about a hundred, were, through the

civility of a palace official who witnessed the nocturnal

invasion, taken through the theatre of one of the most

revolting crimes of modern history. They were minutely

informed of the circumstances connected with it, saw the

smashed doors and floors where dynamite tubes had exploded,

the pistol shots in walls and ceilings; the timepieces shaken

by the explosion had stopped at five minutes past one on the

morning of the 12th June. The palace official took them into

the little wardrobe room in which the King and Queen had

hidden themselves, and, when found, met their doom, unshriven,

offering no resistance. …

{45}

"Officers who had studied in the Zurich Polytechnic school

knew how to use dynamite without injury to themselves when

they wanted to break in doors massive as those of a church.

Those who had been told off to cut the electric wires

communicating with lamps had indiarubber gloves. They searched

by the light of composite candles they had brought in their

pockets for the hiding-place of the King and Queen. When they

discovered the fugitives, some of the officers held high the

candles for their comrades to lay on and not spare the

unfortunate pair. There was no attempt to resist. All

Alexander wanted was ‘to die with Draga,’ and this elevated

him into the region of romance. It may hereafter furnish a

theme to Servian bards. Another modern circumstance makes

one’s flesh creep. The bodies, flung out of a window, lay on a

garden walk until dawn, when a soldier received an order to

wash them there with a fireman’s hydrant, and when they had

been cleansed to lay them on the tables of the palace kitchen

for dissection. The surgeons had been requisitioned to come

there at five o’clock. …

"At the post-mortem in the palace kitchen at Belgrade, the

surgeons counted in the body of Alexander six revolver wounds,

each deadly, and forty-two sword wounds. Draga received two

pistol balls and sixty-two sword cuts and slashes. She had

been cut to pieces, but they left her face unmutilated.

And—still more frightful—her corpse bore black and blue marks

that testified to a merciless pounding with strong fists. The

regicides gave so many conflicting accounts of their adventure

that one did not know what to believe. It is now certain that

the King and Queen were defenceless, that they at once on

being aroused by the dynamite took refuge in her wardrobe

room, and that they never sought to escape by the roof, and

did not run through a long suite of rooms, slamming the doors

after them. They had not a moment’s time to utter a prayer.

"Draga’s brothers received a five minutes’ respite to make

their souls. Nicodemus, the eldest, for whom Mademoiselle Pach

mourns in Brussels, asked for cigars and for leave to embrace

his brother. He and Nicholas faced unflinchingly a firing

party, casting away the cigar ends as they stood before a

wall. …

"Colonel Maschine, who figures as the ringleader in the

conspiracy, had been in the inner circle of King Milan, who

thought him a valuable officer. Milan, a man with considerable

ability and without his match in playing an intricate and

difficult diplomatic game, had been educated in his mother’s

fast set in Vienna, and at a Paris lycée. … Military force as

a means of government recommended itself to his barbarous

mind. It may be that he saw in Maschine a man suitable for

coup d’état work. An ostensible reason for taking him

into favour was Maschine’s bravery in the campaign against

Bulgaria and his personal fidelity to Milan, as twice evinced

in saving his life. The partiality of the King buoyed up

Maschine’s hopes of a brilliant military career. Death

overtook Milan, who so often had escaped poison and assassin’s

bullets, on his way to Belgrade, where he was to have set

Alexander aside and remounted the throne. His unexpected

decease blighted the colonel’s prospects, inasmuch as Draga

gained thereby uncontrolled influence over the King. She and

the Maschines had long kept up a bitter feud. Barbarians like

to brood over their grievances, real or imaginary. Colonel

Maschine could not forget or forgive, and his pride prevented

him from trying to propitiate her when she let him know that

he thought her more intractable than she really was. He had

set about the slander that she poisoned her first husband, and

then made believe he committed suicide. This story had been

told by the Colonel to Milan. Alexander, when his father

repeated it to him, called it a ‘machination,’ the name he

ever after gave to slanders and libels that came to his

knowledge about Draga. He refused to hear calumnious tales,

but could not prevent anonymous letters passing into the hands

of his secretary, and spoke of the Court of Russia as being

stupidly turned against his wife by ‘machinations.’ One can

understand from this why Colonel Maschine became the soul of

the horrible conspiracy, and bent his whole mind to carry out

a plan which has succeeded, through his perfect generalship as

to ensemble, the minutest attention to details, the

widest prescience, the coolest head and an utter

unscrupulousness."

Ivanovich,

The Servian Massacre

(Contemporary Review, July, 1903).

In the same issue of The Contemporary, Dr. Dillon

wrote: "A graphic version of one scene of the tragedy, which

was given to me by one of the murderers, Adjutant N., is as

follows:

‘We were wild with passion, trembling with excitement,

incapable of receiving any impressions from the things and

people around us. Hence we cannot say who shot the King in the

head, who in the heart. But I have a vivid recollection of

some things. I remember turning out the electric light and

going to fetch candles to light my comrades on the way. That

done I remained together with them to the end. I remember our

breaking into the King’s bedroom, finding it empty, and then

looking into the Queen’s wardrobe room, where we found the

pair. Who fired first? I don’t know; nobody knows. At first we

did not fire at all. We drew our sabres and cut off the

fingers of the King and Queen; four fingers were hewn from the

King’s hand. Then we fired.’"

E. J. Dillon,

Servia and the Rival Dynasties

(Contemporary Review, July, 1903).

The hideous crime which ended the reign of King Alexander

excited horror everywhere except in Servia. There it seemed to

be approved and rejoiced over universally, even the head of

the national Servian Church, the Metropolitan of Belgrade,

officiating at a thanksgiving service and commending the army

for what it had done. Senators and Deputies of the Skupstchina

filled the vacant throne by the election of Prince Peter

Karageorgievitch, descendant of Kara Georg (Black George), the

primary hero of the later struggle of the Servians with the

Turk. King Alexander had been of the house of Milosh

Obrenovitch, founder of the Obrenovitch dynasty, which

supplanted that of Kara Georg.

See in Volume I. of this work,

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES:

14TH-19TH CENTURIES: SERVIA.

Prince Peter, then in exile at Geneva, accepted the

blood-stained crown, and was welcomed at Belgrade on the 24th

of June. Foreign governments, except those of Russia and

Austria-Hungary, gave no recognition to the new sovereign for

some time; but, said a writer in The Fortnightly Review   of the next month, "no thrill of horror has been manifested by

the ‘dear brothers ’ and ‘cousins’ of the royal victims; on

the very day of the holocaust, when the mangled corpses of a

King and Queen were being exposed to the outrages of frenzied

fiends, there was never a pause in the pomp and circumstance

and revelry of European Courts.

{46}

But the ghastly details of the deed have appealed to the

melodramatic instincts of the vulgar, arousing a morbid

indignation throughout every land. What honest person could

fail to be stirred by the story of the conspirators, sitting

over their wine under the verandah of the Srbski Kruna,

uproariously urging the gipsy band to play Queen Draga’s March

before they sallied forth to hack her to pieces with their

swords; by the airy apologies of the baffled murderers when

they roused a citizen for axes and candles, wherewith to track

down their victims in the sleeping palace; by the thought of

the ill-starred young Sovereigns lying in their own gardens,

riddled with bullets, sighing through the small hours for the

long-delayed relief of death? In the pages of ancient or

mediaeval history, even in sensational fiction, such hellish

horrors could not fail to arouse intense emotion; in the cold

glare of the twentieth century they are brought home so

vividly that we are almost eye-witnesses."

Herbert Vivian,

A ‘Glorious Revolution’ in Servia

(Fortnightly Review, July, 1903).

A general election in September gave the Radicals a decisive

majority in the Skupstchina, and a Radical Ministry under

General Gruiteh was formed.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1904.

Coronation of King Peter.

King Peter was anointed and crowned with due ceremony, at

Zicha, on the 9th of October, 1904. Representatives of all the

Powers in Europe except Great Britain did honor to the

occasion by their presence; thus condoning the foul crime

which smeared the new King’s crown with blood. The officers

who committed the crime had been dismissed from their palace

posts, but rewarded by military promotion.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

Attitude toward Austria on the annexation of Bosnia and

Herzegovina.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

The alleged "Greater Servia Conspiracy."

The Agram Trials.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1909.

Renunciation of the crown by the Crown Prince.

The following note was addressed to the Prime Minister of

Servia by the Crown Prince, George, on the 25th of March,

1909: "Driven by unjustified insinuations based on an

unfortunate occurrence, I beg in defence of my honour, as well

as of my conscience, to declare that I renounce all claims to

the Throne, as well as any other privileges to which I am

entitled. I beg you to take note of this, and to take the

necessary steps that this action may receive the necessary

sanction. I place my services as a soldier and citizen at the

disposal of my King and Fatherland, ready to give my life for

them.

—George."

The "unfortunate occurrence" alluded to was the death of one

of the Prince’s servants from injuries which the Prince was

believed by the public to have inflicted, as he was reputed to

have a brutal temper.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Servia and Bulgaria: A.D. 1905.

Customs Union Convention.

See above:

BULGARIA AND SERVIA.

----------BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: End--------

BALLINGER, Richard A.:

Secretary of the Interior, United States.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

BALLINGER, Richard A.:

Action against Water Power Monopoly.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

BALLOONS, Dirigible.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.

BALTIC FLEET, The Russian:

Its voyage and destruction.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

BALTIC PROVINCES:

Peasant insurrection.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

BALTIMORE: A. D. 1904.

Destructive fire.

Next to that at Chicago in 1871, the most destructive fire

among the many that have devastated the cities of the United

States occurred at Baltimore on February 7th and 8th, 1904. It

burned for thirty hours, in the heart of the city, the center

of its business, destroying some 2600 buildings and consuming

property to the estimated value of $75,000,000.

BAMBAATA.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: NATAL: A. D. 1906-1907.

BANNARD, Otto T.:

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.

BARCELONA: A. D. 1902.

General strike and battle with soldiery.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: SPAIN.

BARCELONA: A. D. 1909.

Revolutionary outbreak.

Trial and execution of Professor Ferrer.

See (in this Volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

BARCELONA: A. D. 1909.

Riotous hostility to war in Morocco.

See MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

BARGE (ERIE) CANAL, The.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1898-1909.

BARNATO, Harry.

Bequest for cancer research.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH.

BARRETT, Charles Simon:

President of the National Farmers’ Union.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

BARRETT, John.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS, INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF.

BARRETT, John.

Delegate to Second International Conference of

American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BARTHOLDT, Richard.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909, and 1907.

BARTON, Sir Edmund:

Premier of Australia.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904.

BAST, The taking of.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

BASUTOLAND:

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1904, and 1909.

BAVARIA: A. D. 1906.

Introduction of direct voting.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

BEATIFICATION OF JOAN OF ARC.

See (in this Volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).

BECHUANALAND: A. D. 1904.

Census.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1904, and 1909.

BECK, Baron.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

BECQUEREL, Henri.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM;

also, NOBEL PRIZES.

"BEEF TRUST," The:

Investigations and prosecutions by the U. S. Government.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES:

A. D. 1901-1906; 1903-1906; and 1910.

{47}

BEERNAERT, M.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES

BEHRING, Emil Adolf von.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

BEIRUT:

Joy over the restored constitution of Turkey.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D). 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

----------BELGIUM: Start--------

BELGIUM: A. D. 1870-1905.

Increase of population compared with other European countries.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1900-1904.

Municipal systems of insurance against unemployment.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: UNEMPLOYMENT.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1902.

Popular opposition to the plural vote.

Demand for constitutional revision defeated.

General strike in the country.

Substantially universal but not equal suffrage is given to the

male citizens of Belgium by the Constitution of the kingdom as

revised in 1893.

See in Volume I. of this work,

CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM.

All have one vote, but certain classes of persons, qualified

by property ownership, tax-payments, education, office-holding

or professional dignity, are given one or two supplementary

votes. Opposition to this political inequality had been

growing from the first, until it united the Socialist and

Liberal parties in a demand for the revision of the

Constitution, not only to abolish the plural suffrage, but to

introduce proportional representation and compulsory

education. The agitation attending this demand brought about,

in April, a general strike throughout the country of workmen

in all departments of industry, to the extent of 350,000. The

Government resisted the demand, maintaining that the system of

plural voting had not been sufficiently tried, and the bill

for constitutional revision was defeated in the Chamber of

Representatives, after a bitter debate, by 84 votes to 64.

The situation was described as follows by Mr. Townsend, the

American Minister to Belgium, in a despatch of April 19:

"The struggle between labor and capital in Belgium has become

extremely acute in the past few years. A large industrial

population, confined to a small superficial area, with long

hours of labor and small wages, have combined to produce a

feeling of discontent among the working classes, who, perhaps

unjustly, blame the existing Government for a condition of

affairs which may be due to economic conditions rather than

political. This is a factor which may be largely responsible

for the rapid growth of Socialism in Belgium during the past

few years. Liberals and Socialists have combined to fight for

universal suffrage, and have raised the cry ‘one man one vote’

as a panacea for the existing ills.

"The Clericals maintain that the existing system of plural

voting meets the present requirements of the country; that it

places a premium on education, and acts as a check to the

power of the ignorant, who are prone to resort to violence and

disorder. The more moderate Liberals in the House of

Representatives expressed a willingness to accept a compromise

in the shape of a total abolition of the triple vote, granting

one vote at 25 years and a second vote to married men of 35 or

40 years, with legitimate issue. The Clericals, however, would

not consider a compromise and opposed revision in any form.

"During the past fortnight, while the debates on the subject

of revision were being held in the House of Representatives,

the socialists and workingmen have held nightly meetings at

the Maison du Peuple, and have frequently paraded the streets

shouting for universal suffrage and ‘one man one vote.’ The

Liberal members, as well as some of the socialist leaders in

the House, have cautioned the paraders to be calm, to avoid

violence and disorder. But the ranks of the paraders have been

swelled by the addition of the representatives of the very

lowest and criminal classes of the population, the result

being a conflict with the police followed by the breaking of

windows and other damages to property. Shots were exchanged

between the gendarmes and rioters, several of the latter being

killed and wounded. Similar scenes were at the same time

enacted in other towns in Belgium, consequently the Government

called out the troops. Order has been restored, but the

streets of Brussels, as well as the large towns, are lined

with soldiers. A general strike has taken place in all the

industrial centers of Belgium, with the avowed object of

forcing the Government to grant universal suffrage, but

without success. The feeling of unrest is very general all

over the country."

Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of

the United States, 1902, page 85.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1903.

Enactment to compensate workmen for injurious accidents.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: BELGIUM: A. D. 1903.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1903.

Agreement for settlement of claims against Venezuela.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1903-1905.

King Leopold’s administration of the Congo State.

See (in this Volume)

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1904.

Liberal gains in the elections, at the expense of the

Catholics and Socialists.

Belgian elections, in May, reduced the majority by which the

Clericals still retained control of the Government, and took

six seats in the representative chamber from the Socialists,

adding in all nine to the representation of the Liberal party.

The latter continued, with no success, its demand for a

revision of the Constitution, especially for the abolition of

the plural vote, which gives the Church party its majority in

Parliament, while its voters are an actual minority of the

nation.

Belgian feeling on the subject of the charges of brutal

oppression in the Congo Free State was deeply stirred, and its

current ran strongly against the accusers of the King. The

public in general appears to have been fully persuaded that

interested motives were actuating the whole criticism of Congo

administration, and that the stories of inhumanity to the

natives were wholly false.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1906.

At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco question.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1908.

North Sea and Baltic agreements.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1908.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1908 (October).

Annexation of the Congo State.

See (in this Volume)

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1909.

New military law.

Compulsory service with no substitution.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: BELGIAN.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1909 (October).

The Government’s programme of reforms in the Congo State.

See CONGO STATE: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

{47}

BELGIUM: A. D. 1909 (December).

Death of King Leopold.

Accession of King Albert.

On the 17th of December, 1909, King Leopold died. He was

succeeded on the throne by Prince Albert, son of his brother,

the Count of Flanders. Of the new King, who was born in 1875,

it was said by The Times, of London: "The happiest

expectations are cherished in Belgium for the new King’s

reign. He has shown, together with his gracious Consort, that

desire to identify himself with the interests of the humblest

of his subjects which we are accustomed to admire among the

characteristic merits of our own Royal Family. He was

naturally precluded by his position from taking any part in

the controversies connected with the Congo, but it may

reasonably be thought that if his uncle’s life had been less

prolonged the constitutional difficulties raised by the ‘Congo

question’ would have been avoided. He is known to have been

painfully impressed by the need of reform during his recent

visit to the colony."

----------BELGIUM: End--------

BELL, Richard:

Secretary of the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

BENEDICTINES: Forbidden to teach in France.

See (in this Volume)

France: A. D. 1908.

BENGAL: A. D. 1905.

Partition of the Province.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

BEQUESTS.

See GIFTS.

BERESFORD, Admiral Lord Charles:

On the "Dreadnought."

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: DREADNOUGHT ERA.

BERKELEY, California:

Perfect example of the "Commission Plan" of Government.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: CALIFORNIA.

BERLIN: A. D. 1903.

Sweeping victory of Socialists in Imperial election.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1903.

BERLIN: A. D. 1905.

Strike in electrical industries.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY.

BERLIN TREATY OF 1878, Violations of the.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BETHMANN-HOLLWEG, Dr. von:

Appointed Chancellor of the German Empire.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909, AND 1909 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

"BIG SIX," The.

See (in this Volume)

Combinations, Industrial: United States: A. D. 1903-1906.

The "Beef Trust."

BIRRELL, Augustine,

President of the Board of Education.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER), and 1905-1906.

BIRRELL, Augustine,

Chief Secretary for Ireland.

Proposed Councils Bill for Ireland.

See (in this Volume)

IRELAND: A. D. 1907 (MAY).

BISWAS, Ashutosh, Assassination of.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.

BITUMINOUS COAL STRIKES.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

BJORNSON, Bjornstjerne.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

BLACK HAND, The.

See (in this Volume)

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

BLERIOT, Louis.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

BLIND, Karl:

On the "Young Turks."

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

"BLOC," Chancellor Bülow’s:

Incongruous coalition in the German Reichstag.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

Its break.

See GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

"BLOODY SUNDAY."

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

BOARDS OF CONCILIATION.

See Labor Organization:

GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1906.

BOBRIKOFF, Governor-General of Finland:

His assassination.

See (in this Volume)

FINLAND: A. D. 1904.

BOER-BRITISH WAR, Last year of the.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

BOERS, The:

Repatriation and resettlement.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1903.

BOERS, The:

Active in movement for South African Union.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

BOGOLIEPOFF, M.,

Assassination of.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

BOLIVIA: A. D. 1901-1906.

Participation in Second and Third International Conferences

of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.

See (in this Volume)

American Republics.

BOLIVIA: A. D. 1901.

Broad Treaty of Arbitration with Peru.

See (in this Volume)

ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL: A. D. 1902 (NOVEMBER).

BOLIVIA: A. D. 1903-1909.

Boundary disputes in the Acre region with Brazil and Peru.

See (in this Volume)

ACRE DISPUTES.

BOMBAY PRESIDENCY, The Bubonic Plague in.

See (in this Volume)

Public Health: Bubonic Plague.

BONAPARTE, Charles J.:

Secretary of the Navy and Attorney-General.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.

BOND, Sir Robert: Premier of Newfoundland.

Negotiation of the Hay-Bond Reciprocity Treaty.

See (in this Volume)

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.

BOND, Sir Robert:

At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

See (in this Volume)

British Empire: A. D. 1907.

BOND, Sir Robert:

Resignation and defeat at election.

See (in this Volume)

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

BONHAM, Captain W. F.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1903.

BONILLA, General Manuel:

Revolutionary President of Honduras.

See (in this Volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1903, and 1907.

BONUS SYSTEM, The.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR REMUNERATION: THE BONUS SYSTEM.

"BOODLERS," so called, in municipal government.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

BORSTAL SYSTEM, The.

See (in this Volume)

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: PREVENTIVE DETENTION.

BOSHIN CLUB.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

BOSNIA.

See (in this Volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

BOSTON: A. D. 1904.

International Peace Congress.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.

BOSTON: A. D. 1909.

New plan of city government chosen by popular vote.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

{49}

BOTHA, GENERAL LOUIS:

In the closing year of the Boer-British War.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

BOTHA, GENERAL LOUIS:

Premier of the Transvaal.

At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

See BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

BOTHA, GENERAL LOUIS:

Leader in movement for South African Union.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

BOURGEOIS, Leon:

President of the French Chamber of Deputies.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1902. (APRIL-OCTOBER).

BOURGEOIS, Leon:

President of Chamber of Deputies.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

BOURGEOIS, Leon:

Minister of Foreign Affairs.

See FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

BOURSE LAW, German:

Revision of it.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1908.

BOURSES DU TRAVAIL.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: France: A. D.1884-1909.

BOXER OUTBREAK, The:

Penalty paid by China for it.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

BOXER OUTBREAK, The:

Recurrence of.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1902.

BOYCOTTING: In China:

The boycotting of the United States in 1905.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

BOYCOTTING: In India.

See INDIA: A. D. 1905-1906.

BOYCOTTING: In Ireland:

The recent practice.

See IRELAND: A. D. 1902-1908.

BOYCOTTING: In Turkey, of Austrian commodities.

See EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

BOYCOTTING: In the United States:

By Trade Unions.

Decisions of courts.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

BRADDON SECTION, The.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1910.

BRANCO, Baron do Rio.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS: THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE.

BRAUN, Ferdinand.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1901-1902.

Participation in Second International Conference of

American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1902.

Inauguration of President Alves.

Dr. Rodriguez Alves was inducted in office as President of the

United States of Brazil on the 15th of November, 1902,

succeeding Dr. Campos Salles.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1903.

Settlement of boundary dispute with Bolivia.

See (in this Volume)

ACRE DISPUTES.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.

An impromptu Revolt that became a comedy of errors.

"To the American who is under the impression that all South

America is continually in the throes of one or another

revolution it will come as a surprise to learn that this vast

district, comprising one half the territory and almost two

thirds the population of the whole continent, has known no

revolution since the founding of the Republic. The revolts of

1893, 1897, and 1904, menacing in varying degree, were

outbursts fostered by a centralization of national vitality

which inspired the belief in each insurrectionist that it was

but necessary to strike the head,—the body would lie dormant.

The justification of this belief lay in the historical fact

that the vast majority of successful revolts throughout South

America have consisted merely in coups d'état. The

masses have lain dormant, and the fighting, if any, has

generally come after the somersault.

"The revolt of November of last year in Brazil was so typical

of South American revolutions, and so elementary, that it

affords a lucid illustration. Owing to the prompt and

efficient measures taken by the government to suppress true

reports of the disturbance, and owing, too, to its signal

failure, this revolt was scarcely mentioned by the American

press. Nevertheless, it missed by little causing international

commotion. …

"A great epidemic of smallpox led the government to require of

Congress a law making vaccination compulsory. Long and heated

debate on the constitutionality of the measure went on, while

the epidemic assumed alarming proportions. The Executive’s

patience being worn out, arbitrary pressure was brought to

bear, and the law passed. This intervention brought down the

general censure of the press, and the opposition seized the

handle with disproportionate avidity. On the eleventh of

November a mass meeting was held in one of the central squares

of Rio Janeiro. … The mounted police broke up the meeting with

the flat of the sword: no lives were lost. On the following

day the scene was duplicated, several people injured, and a

life lost. By night riots had broken out in various parts of

the city.

"Up to the fourteenth of November, revolution was not even

rumored. … Toward evening city and government were genuinely

surprised by the news that General Travassos, who was to have

commanded a battalion in the review, immediately upon the

announcement of its postponement had proceeded to the Military

Academy on the outskirts of the city, and, before the student

body, had demanded of the officer in charge transfer of his

command. Frightened by the attitude of the cadets, the

commanding officer made a puerile protest, and surrendered. He

and his staff were allowed to withdraw, and carried the news

of the revolt to the city. It was soon confirmed: the cadets

were advancing on the President’s palace, under the leadership

of General Travassos. …

"The shortest line of march was along the bay front, and to

repulse the attack were sent by land a battalion of the line

reinforced by police, and by sea two gunboats under the play

of searchlights from an armored cruiser. The cadets marched

under the assurance that no soldier of the line would fire on

them, as the army was back of the movement. … They were met by

an armed force, indistinguishable owing to the destruction of

all the lamps by rioters. The force was the advancing

battalion, and it is generally believed that it fired on the

cadets, mistaking them for the returning body of police which

had followed the water front. Brisk fighting ensued, when

suddenly the cry arose among the cadets that they had been

betrayed, and were attacked by soldiers of the line. They

broke and made a disorderly retreat to the Academy. Almost

simultaneously the soldiers learned their mistake, and that

they had opposed a commanding officer; and they turned in

precipitous flight. General Travassos was mortally wounded in

the engagement. …

{50}

"Meanwhile the detachment of police dispatched from the city

had advanced along the bay front to the stone quarry, where

they awaited the rebels. Drawn up at this spot under close

formation, they were mistaken by the gunboats for the cadets,

and were made the target of a disastrous hail of bullets from

quick-firing guns. Their retreat also was precipitous.

"Such was the comedy of errors which will be known as the

Revolt of 1904. Its net results were a rude but salutary

recall of the government to watchfulness; added prestige

abroad for the government, vouched by a rise in its bonds;

and, most significant of all, spontaneous and immediate

support of the Chief Executive from neighboring states. And

yet the credit was not due to the government, which avowedly

had been caught napping, but to the Goddess of Chance, the

arbiter of every coup d'état."

G. A. Chamberlain,

The Cause of South American Revolutions

(Atlantic Monthly, June, 1905).

BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.

Settlement of boundary between Brazil and British Guiana.

By the decision of the King of Italy, to whom the boundary

question in dispute between Brazil and British Guiana had been

referred, the line separating the territories of the two

states was defined, as drawn by Nature, along the watershed,

starting from Mount Yakontipu and running easterly to the

source of the river Mahu, thence down that river to the Tacuta

and up the latter to its source, where it touches the boundary

already determined. Both countries to have free navigation of

the rivers in question.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.

Presidential Election.

The quadrennial presidential election occurring in Brazil in

the spring of 1906 raised Dr. Alfonso Moreira Penna from the

Vice-Presidency to the Presidency of the Republic, with no

disturbance of its quiet.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.

German Colonies.

"Already 500,000 Germans, emigrants and their offspring, are

resident in Brazil. The great majority of them, it is true,

have embraced Brazilian citizenship, but their ideals and ties

are essentially and inviolably German. In the south, where

they are thickest, they have become the ruling element. German

factories, warehouses, shops, farms, schools and churches dot

the country everywhere. German has superseded Portuguese, the

official language of Brazil, in scores of communities. Twenty

million pounds of vested interests—banking, street railroads,

electric works, mines, coffee-plantations, and a great variety

of business undertakings—claim the protection of the Kaiser’s

flag. A cross-country railway and a still more extensive

projected system are in the hands of German capitalists. The

country’s vast ocean traffic, the Amazon river shipping, and

much of the coasting trade are dominated by Germans.

"Over and above this purely commercial conquest, however,

looms a factor of more vital importance to North American

susceptibilities—namely, the creation of a nation of Germans

in Brazil. That is the avowed purpose of three German

colonising concerns, which have become lords and masters over

8,000 square miles of Brazilian territory, an area

considerably larger than the kingdom of Saxony, and capable of

dwarfing half-a-dozen German Grand Duchies. It is the object

of these territorial syndicates to people their lands with

immigrants willing to be ‘kept German’—a race of transplanted

men and women who will find themselves amid conditions

deliberately designed to perpetuate ‘Deutschthum,’ which means

the German language, German customs, and unyielding loyalty to

German economic hopes."

F. W. Wile,

German Colonisation in Brazil

(Fortnightly Review, January, 1906).

"The talk about German exploitation of Brazil for colonization

purposes is pure buncombe. The writer has visited the southern

Brazilian provinces of Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catharina, and

Parana, where most of the Germans reside, and he has seen no

more reason for Brazil to fear ulterior purposes on the part

of Germany than has the United States because Germans form a

large percentage of the population of New York, Chicago, and

Milwaukee. The Germans make excellent Brazilian citizens,

while loving the Fatherland from association and respecting

the Emperor for his great personality."

John Barrett,

The United States and Latin America

(North American Review, September 21, 1906).

See (in this Volume), also,

GERMANY: A. D. 1904.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.

Third International Conference of American Republics

at Rio de Janeiro.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1907.

Adoption of obligatory military service.

By a law enacted in 1907 military service was made obligatory.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1908.

Dreadnought building.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1908-1909.

Increasing immigration.

See (in this Volume)

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1909.

Frontier agreements and demarcations.

The Message of President Penna to Congress, May 3, 1909,

contained the following announcements:

"On September 15 last, a treaty between Brazil and Holland was

finally approved at The Hague, to determine the limits of our

frontier with the Colony of Surinam or Dutch Guiana. The

demarcation of the new frontier line between Brazil and

Bolivia in Matto Grosso is now completed, and awaits only the

approval of the two Governments interested. The same mixed

commission to which was intrusted this survey will now proceed

to reconnoitre the head-waters of the Rio Verde. The

Government of the French Republic proposes the appointment of

a mixed commission for the demarcation of the common boundary

established on December 1, 1900, by arbitration of the Swiss

Federal Council. An agreement will shortly be arrived at with

Great Britain to determine the frontier of Brazil with British

Guiana."

BRAZIL: A. D. 1909.

Death of President Penna.

Accession of the Vice-President.

Dr. Alfonso Penna, President of Brazil, died suddenly on the

14th of June, 1909, and was succeeded in the office by the

Vice-President, Señor Nilo Pecanha, who will fill out the

presidential term, ending November 15, 1910. Meantime an

active canvass of candidates for the succeeding term has been

in progress, the names most discussed being those of General

Hermes de Fonseca, Baron Rio Branco, Minister of Foreign

Affairs, and Señor Ruy Barbosa, a prominent advocate.

----------BRAZIL: End--------

BRENNAN MONO-RAIL SYSTEM.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: RAILWAYS.

BRIAND, Aristide:

in the Ministry of France as Minister of Public

Instruction and Public Worship.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

{51}

BRIAND, Aristide:

Prime Minister of France.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

BRIAND, Aristide:

On the French secular or neutral schools and the clerical

attack on them.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.

BRENT, Bishop:

Service on International Opium Commission and on

Philippine Committee.

See (in this Volume)

Opium Problem.

BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA:

Its parts suitable for European Settlement.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA.

BRITISH COLUMBIA: A. D. 1901-1902.

Census.

Increased representation in Parliament.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

BRITISH EAST AFRICA:

Its habitability by whites.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA.

----------THE BRITISH EMPIRE: Start--------

THE BRITISH EMPIRE:

A Census of the Empire.

In March, 1906, a "Census of the British Empire"—the first

ever undertaken—was published as a Parliamentary Blue Book.

Its preparation had been proposed by Mr. Chamberlain, who

suggested, while Colonial Secretary, that the figures of the

census of the United Kingdom in 1901 should be collated with

those of other portions of the empire, to be analyzed,

tabulated, and published as a whole. A full realization of the

plan of collation had been found impracticable, owing to the

wide differences of circumstance and of the forms of

census-taking in different parts of the Empire; but many

summings up of highly interesting and important facts were

obtained.

The territory covered by the British Empire was shown to be

11,908,378 square miles, being an increase of 40 per cent.

since 1861, and embracing more than a fifth of the land

surface of the globe. This exceeds the area of the Russian

Empire (European and Asiatic) by more than three millions of

square miles. It is nearly three times the area of the Chinese

Empire, and more than three times that of the United States

and their exterior possessions. An exact count of population

in all regions of the Empire was impossible, but the estimated

total is 400,000,000, of which 300,000,000 is assigned to Asia

and 43,000,000 to Africa. The United Kingdom contains

41,500,000, British America 7,500,000, Australasia, 5,000,000,

the Mediterranean possessions 500,000, and there are 150,000

in the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man. Classified by

religion, there 208,000,000 Hindus, 94,000,000 Mohammedans,

58,000,000 Christians, 12,000,000 Buddhists, and 23,000,000 of

other religions—Parsees, Confucians, Jews, Sikhs, and Jains,

over whom Edward VII. of England reigns as Emperor or King.

His Asiatic subjects alone are three-fourths as many as the

Emperor of China is supposed to rule, and considerable more

than twice the number that live within the whole sweep of the

scepter of the Tsar.

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1902.

Conference at London with the Prime Ministers

of the self-governing Colonies.

Address of the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain.

Results of the Conference.

Taking advantage of the presence in London of the Prime

Ministers of the various self-governing colonies of Britain,

on the occasion of the coronation of King Edward VII., a

Conference with them, touching questions of general interest,

was arranged by the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Mr.

Chamberlain, in meetings which extended from June to August,

1902. The proceedings were confidential, and no report of

discussions made public; but the resulting resolutions,

together with the opening address of the Colonial Secretary,

and certain statements on subjects considered, are printed in

a Parliamentary paper (Cd. 1299) from which the following

account of the Conference is derived:

Mr. Chamberlain in his address argued strongly and with

feeling for a political federation of the Empire. He said: "I

may be considered, perhaps, to be a dreamer, or too

enthusiastic, but I do not hesitate to say that, in my

opinion, the political federation of the Empire is within the

limits of possibility. I recognize as fully as any one can do

the difficulties which would attend such a great change in

our constitutional system. I recognise the variety of

interests that are concerned: the immense disproportion in

wealth and the population of the different members of the

Empire, and above all, the distances which still separate

them, and the lack of sufficient communication. These are

difficulties which at one time appeared to be, and indeed

were, insurmountable. But now I cannot but recollect that

similar difficulties almost, if not quite as great, have been

surmounted in the case of the United States of America. And

difficulties, perhaps not quite so great, but still very

considerable, have been surmounted in the federation of the

Dominion of Canada. … We have no right to put by our action

any limit to the Imperial patriotism of the future; and it is

my opinion that, as time goes on, there will be a continually

growing sense of the common interests which unite us, and

also, perhaps, which is equally important, of the common

dangers which threaten us. At the same time I would be the

last to suggest that we should do anything which could by any

possibility be considered premature. We have had, within the

last few years, a most splendid evidence of the results of a

voluntary union without any formal obligations, in the great

crisis of the war through which we have now happily passed.

The action of the self-governing Colonies in the time of

danger of the motherland has produced here a deep and a

lasting impression. … I feel, therefore, in view of this it

would be a fatal mistake to transform the spontaneous

enthusiasm which has been so readily shown throughout the

Empire into anything in the nature of an obligation which

might be at this time unwillingly assumed or only formally

accepted. The link which unites us, almost invisible as it is

sentimental in its character, is one which we would gladly

strengthen, but at the same time it has proved itself to be so

strong that certainly we would not wish to substitute for it a

chain which might be galling in its incidence. And, therefore,

upon this point of the political relations between the

Colonies and ourselves. His Majesty’s Government, while they

would welcome any approach which might be made to a more

definite and a closer union, feel that it is not for them to

press this upon you. The demand, if it comes, and when it

comes, must come from the Colonies. If it comes it will be

enthusiastically received in this country.

{52}

"And in this connection I would venture to refer to an

expression in an eloquent speech of my right honorable friend,

the Premier of the Dominion of Canada—an expression which has

called forth much appreciation in this country, although I

believe that Sir Wilfrid Laurier has himself in subsequent

speeches explained that it was not quite correctly understood.

But the expression was, ‘If you want our aid call us to your

councils.’ Gentlemen, we do want your aid. We do require your

assistance in the administration of the vast Empire, which is

yours as well as ours. The weary Titan staggers under the too

vast orb of its fate. We have borne the burden for many years.

We think it is time our children should assist us to support

it, and whenever you make the request to us, be very sure that

we shall hasten gladly to call you to our councils. If you are

prepared at any time to take any share, any proportionate

share, in the burdens of the Empire, we are prepared to meet

you with any proposal for giving to you a corresponding voice

in the policy of the Empire. And the object, if I may point

out to you, may be achieved in various ways. Suggestions have

been made that representation should be given to the Colonies

in either, or in both, Houses of Parliament. There is no

objection in principle to any such proposal. If it comes to

us, it is a proposal which His Majesty’s Government would

certainly feel justified in favourably considering, but I have

always felt myself that the most practical form in which we

could achieve our object would be the establishment or the

creation of a real council of the Empire, to which all

questions of Imperial interest might be referred, and if it

were desired to proceed gradually, as probably would be our

course—we are all accustomed to the slow ways in which our

Constitutions have been worked out—if it be desired to

proceed gradually, the Council might in the first instance be

merely an advisory council. But, although that would be a

preliminary step, it is clear that the object would not be

completely secured until there had been conferred upon such a

Council executive functions, and perhaps also legislative

powers, and it is for you to say, gentlemen, whether you think

the time has come when any progress whatever can be made in

this direction."

Turning naturally from this to the subject of imperial

defence, Mr. Chamberlain gave the substance of a paper which

would be submitted to the Conference, exhibiting comparatively

the naval and military expenditure of the United Kingdom and

of the different self-governing colonies. The cost of the

armaments of the United Kingdom had increased enormously since

1897, and "that increase," he said, "is not entirely due to

our initiative, but it is forced upon us by the action of

other Powers who have made great advances, especially in

connection with the Navy, which we have found it to be our

duty and necessity to equal. But the net result is

extraordinary. At the present moment the estimates for the

present year for naval and military expenditure in the United

Kingdom—not including the extraordinary war expenses, but the

normal estimates—involve an expenditure per head of the

population of the United Kingdom of 29s. 3d. per annum. In

Canada the same items involve an expenditure of only 2s. per

head of the population, about one-fifteenth of that incurred

by the United Kingdom. In New South Wales—I have not the

figures for the Commonwealth as a whole, but I am giving those

as illustrations—and I find that in New South Wales the

expenditure is 3s. 5d.; in Victoria, 3s. 3d.; in New Zealand,

3s. 4d.; and in the Cape and Natal, I think it is between 2s.

and 3s. Now, no one, I think, will pretend that that is a fair

distribution of the burdens of Empire. No one will believe

that the United Kingdom can, for all time, make this

inordinate sacrifice. … I think, therefore, you will agree

with me that it is not unreasonable for us to call your

serious attention to a state of things which cannot be

permanent. We hope that we are not likely to make upon you any

demand that would seem to you to be excessive. We know

perfectly well your difficulties, as you probably are

acquainted with ours."

The speaker passed next to the question of commercial

relations between the mother land and its colonies. "Two

salient facts" he set with emphasis before his colonial

audience. "The first is this. That if we chose—that is to say,

if those whom we represent chose—the Empire might be

self-sustaining. It is so wide; its products are so various;

its climates so different, that there is absolutely nothing

which is necessary to our existence, hardly anything which is

desirable as a luxury, which can not be produced within the

borders of the Empire itself. And the second salient fact is

that the Empire at the present time, and especially the United

Kingdom—which is the great market of the world—derives the

greater part of its necessaries from foreign countries, and

that it exports the largest part of its available produce

—surplus produce—also to foreign countries. This trade might

be the trade, the inter-imperial trade, of the Empire. It is

at the present time, as I say, a trade largely between the

Empire and foreign countries. Now, I confess, that to my mind

that is not a satisfactory state of things, and I hope that

you will agree with me that everything which can possibly tend

to increase the interchange of products between the different

parts of the Empire is deserving of our cordial encouragement.

What we desire, what His Majesty’s Government has publicly

stated to be the object for which they would most gladly

strive, is a free interchange. If you are unable to accept

that as a principle, then I ask you how far can you approach

to it? If a free interchange between the different parts of

the Empire could be secured it would then be a matter for

separate consideration altogether what should be the attitude

of the Empire as a whole or of its several parts towards

foreign nations? …

"Three proposals have been made for the consideration of the

present Conference, on the initiative of New Zealand. The

first and the most important one is that a preferential tariff

should be arranged in favour of British goods which are now

taxable in the respective Colonies and in the United Kingdom.

And although no proposal comes to us from Canada, I am, of

course, aware that similar questions have been recently

specially discussed very actively and very intelligently in

the Dominion, and that a strong opinion prevails there that

the time is ripe for something of this kind."

{53}

Thereupon Mr. Chamberlain examined the results of the Canadian

preferential tariff, showing that England derived very little

commercial benefit from it, and continued: "I think the very

valuable experience, somewhat disappointing and discouraging

as I have already pointed out, but the very valuable

experience which we have derived from the history of the

Canadian tariff, shows that while we may most readily and most

gratefully accept from you any preference which you may be

willing voluntarily to accord to us, we cannot bargain with

you for it; we cannot pay for it unless you go much further

and enable us to enter your home market on terms of greater

equality."

On the subject of imperial defence, the result of the

Conference was an agreement from Australia and New Zealand to

increase their contribution towards an improved Australasian

squadron and the establishment of a branch of the Royal Naval

Reserve to £200,000 a year for the former and £40,000 for the

latter; an agreement from Cape Colony and Natal to contribute

£50,000 and £35,000 per annum respectively toward the general

maintenance of the Navy, and a pledge from Newfoundland of

£3000 per annum toward a branch of the Royal Naval Reserve.

From Canada no agreement was reported. In a "Memorandum by the

First Lord of the Admiralty" of interviews held with the

several Premiers it is said: "Sir Wilfrid Laurier informed me

that His Majesty’s Government of the Dominion of Canada are

contemplating the establishment of a local Naval force in the

waters of Canada, but that they were not able to make any

offer of assistance analogous to those enumerated above."

Concerning preferential trade, the following resolutions were

adopted:

"1. That this Conference recognises that the principle of

preferential trade between the United Kingdom and His

Majesty’s Dominions beyond the seas would stimulate and

facilitate mutual commercial intercourse, and would, by

promoting the development of the resources and industries of

the several parts, strengthen the Empire.

"2. That this Conference recognises that, in the present

circumstances of the Colonies, it is not practicable to adopt

a general system of Free Trade as between the Mother Country

and the British Dominions beyond the seas.

"3. That with a view, however, to promoting the increase of

trade within the Empire, it is desirable that those Colonies

which have not already adopted such a policy should, as far as

their circumstances permit, give substantial preferential

treatment to the products and manufactures of the United

Kingdom.

"4. That the Prime Ministers of the Colonies respectfully urge

on His Majesty’s Government the expediency of granting in the

United Kingdom preferential treatment to the products and

manufactures of the Colonies either by exemption from or

reduction of duties now or hereafter imposed.

"5. That the Prime Ministers present at the Conference

undertake to submit to their respective Governments at the

earliest opportunity the principle of the resolution and to

request them to take such measures as may be necessary to give

effect to it."

The Prime Ministers of the Colonies also stated the extent to

which they were prepared to recommend to their several

Parliaments a preferential treatment of British goods: The

Premier of Canada would propose to continue the existing

preference of 33 1/3 per cent., and an additional preference

on lists of selected articles—

(a) by further reducing the duties in favor of the United

Kingdom;

(b) by raising the duties against foreign imports;

(c) by imposing duties on certain foreign imports now on the

free list.

In New Zealand the recommendation would be of a general

preference by 10 per cent., or an equivalent in respect of

lists of selected articles on the lines proposed by Canada. At

the Cape and Natal a preference of 25 per cent. would be

advised, or its equivalent given by increasing duties on

foreign imports. The recommendation in Australia would be of a

preferential treatment not yet defined.

A resolution was adopted favoring future Conferences at

intervals not exceeding four years. Other resolutions

recommended that a preference be given to products of the

Empire in all Government contracts, Imperial or Colonial; that

the privileges of coastwise trade within the Empire be refused

to countries in which the corresponding trade is confined to

ships of their own nationality; that a mutual protection of

patents within the Empire be devised; that the principle of

cheap postage between the different parts of the Empire on all

newspapers and periodicals published therein be adopted; that

the metric system of weights and measures be adopted

throughout the Empire. These were the mainly important

conclusions derived from the Conference, and it was difficult

to regard them as quite satisfactory.

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1903.

Mr. Chamberlain’s declaration for preferential trade

with the Colonies.

Its political effects in Great Britain.

His resignation from the Cabinet.

Disclosures of the correspondence.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

Conference of Imperial and Colonial Ministers at London.

Formulation of the Constitution of the Conference, to be

known as the Imperial Conference.

Discussion of preferential trade, imperial defence,

and other subjects.

Resolutions adopted.

According to the resolution adopted by the Colonial Conference

of 1902, the next Conference should have been held in 1906,

but by agreement of all parties it was deferred until the

following year. In the interval, a protracted correspondence

occurred between the Colonial Office and the Governments of

the several States federated in the Commonwealth of Australia,

each of which claimed representation in the Conference by its

own Ministers, and protested against the sufficiency of the

representation that would be given to it by the General

Government of the Commonwealth. The "State Rights" doctrine

received no encouragement, however, and only the Premier of

the Commonwealth, Mr. Deakin, and one of the members of his

Cabinet, took part in the Conference, which held its first

meeting in London on the 15th of April and its final one on

the 14th of May.

{54}

At the first meeting there were present, as representatives of

the Imperial Government, the Prime Minister, Sir Henry

Campbell-Bannerman, the Secretary of State for the Colonies,

the Earl of Elgin, in the Chair, and several other Members of

the Cabinet and officials of the Administration. The Premiers

of the self-governing colonies, excepting Sir Robert Bond, of

Newfoundland, who arrived a few days later, were all in

attendance,—namely, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, of Canada, the

Honorable Alfred Deakin, of Australia, the Honorable Sir J. G.

Ward, of New Zealand, Dr. L. S. Jameson, of Cape Colony, the

Honorable F. R. Moor, of Natal, and General Louis Botha, of

the Transvaal. The Conference was first addressed by the Prime

Minister, and responses to his remarks were made by the

several colonial premiers. It was then agreed that the

constitution of the Conference and the question of military

defence should be the subjects first considered. Before ending

this preliminary sitting it was decided, as one ruling on the

constitution of the Conference, that any Ministers

accompanying their Prime Ministers, should be at liberty to

attend its meetings.

At the second session of the Conference resolutions brought

forward by the Governments of Australia and New Zealand,

proposing to give the character of an Imperial Council to the

Conference, and a resolution from the Government of Cape

Colony on the subject of Imperial Defence, together with a

draft resolution concerning the constitution of the Conference

which the Chairman, Lord Elgin, submitted, were discussed,

without action taken. The discussion was continued at the

third and fourth meetings, and the resolution proposed by the

Secretary of State for the Colonies, being amended in some

particulars, was adopted at the end, as follows:

"That it will be to the advantage of the Empire if a

Conference to be called the Imperial Conference is held every

four years at which questions of common interest may be

discussed and considered as between His Majesty’s Government

and his Governments of the self-governing Dominions beyond the

seas. The Prime Minister of the United Kingdom will be ex

officio President, and the Prime Ministers of the

self-governing Dominions ex officio members of the

Conference. The Secretary of State for the Colonies will be an

ex officio member of the Conference and will take the

chair in the absence of the President. He will arrange for

such Imperial Conferences after communication with the Prime

Ministers of the respective Dominions.

"Such other Ministers as the respective Governments may

appoint will also be members of the Conference—it being

understood that, except by special permission of the

Conference, each discussion will be conducted by not more than

two representatives from each Government, and that each

Government will have only one vote.

"That it is desirable to establish a system by which the

several Governments represented shall be kept informed during

the periods between the Conferences in regard to matters which

have been or may be subjects for discussion, by means of a

permanent secretarial staff charged under the direction of the

Secretary of State for the Colonies with the duty of obtaining

information for the use of the Conference, of attending to its

resolutions, and of conducting correspondence on matters

relating to its affairs.

"That upon matters of importance requiring consultation

between two or more Governments which cannot conveniently be

postponed until the next Conference, or involving subjects of

a minor character or such as call for detailed consideration,

subsidiary conferences should be held between representatives

of the Governments concerned specially chosen for the

purpose."

On the subject of Imperial Defence, which was then taken up,

and in the discussion of which the Secretary of State for War

took part, the following resolutions were approved:

"That the Colonies be authorized to refer to the Committee of

Imperial Defence through the Secretary of State for advice any

local questions in regard to which expert assistance is deemed

desirable.

"That whenever so desired, a representative of the colony

which may wish for advice should be summoned to attend as a

member of the Committee during the discussion of the questions

raised.

"That this Conference welcomes and cordially approves the

exposition of general principles embodied in the statement of

the Secretary of State for War, and, without wishing to commit

any of the Governments represented, recognizes and affirms the

need of developing for the service of the Empire a General

Staff, selected from the forces of the Empire as a whole,

which shall study military science in all its branches, shall

collect and disseminate to the various Governments military

information and intelligence, shall undertake the preparation

of schemes of defence on a common principle, and without in

the least interfering in questions connected with command and

administration, shall at the request of the respective

Governments advise as to the training, education, and war

organization of the military forces of the Crown in every part

of the Empire."

At subsequent meetings the following resolutions were adopted

or accepted:

On the subject of Emigration: "That it is desirable to

encourage British emigrants to proceed to British colonies

rather than foreign countries. That the Imperial Government be

requested to cooperate with any colonies desiring immigrants

in assisting suitable persons to emigrate."

On the subject of Judicial Appeals: The Conference "agreed to

the following finding: The resolution of the Commonwealth of

Australia, ‘That it is desirable to establish an Imperial

Court of Appeal,’ was submitted and fully discussed.

"The resolution submitted by the Government of Cape Colony was

accepted, amended as follows:

‘This Conference, recognizing the importance to all parts of

the Empire of the appellate jurisdiction of His Majesty the

King in Council, desires to place upon record its opinion—

"‘(1) That in the interests of His Majesty’s subjects beyond

the seas it is expedient that the practice and procedure of

the Right Honourable the Lords of the Judicial Committee of

the Privy Council be definitely laid down in the form of a

code of rules and regulations.

"‘(2) That in the codification of the rules regard should be

had to the necessity for the removal of anachronisms and

anomalies, the possibility of the curtailment of expense, and

the desirability of the establishment of courses of procedure

which would minimize delays.

{55}

"‘(3) That, with a view to the extension of uniform rights of

appeal to all colonial subjects of His Majesty, the various

Orders in Council, instructions to Governors, charters of

justice, ordinances and proclamations upon the subject of the

appellate jurisdiction of the Sovereign should be taken into

consideration for the purpose of determining the desirability

of equalizing the conditions which gave right of appeal to His

Majesty.

"‘(4) That much uncertainty, expense, and delay would be

avoided if some portion of His Majesty’s prerogative to grant

special leave to appeal in cases where there exists no right

of appeal were exercised under definite rules and

restrictions.’

"The following resolutions, presented to the Conference by

General Botha and supported by the representatives of Cape

Colony and Natal, were accepted:

"‘(1) That when a Court of Appeal has been established for any

group of colonies geographically connected, whether federated

or not, to which appeals lie from the decisions of the Supreme

Courts of such colonies, it shall be competent for the

Legislature of each such colony to abolish any existing right

of appeal from its Supreme Court to the Judicial Committee of

the Privy Council.

"‘(2) That the decisions of such Court of Appeal shall be

final, but leave to appeal from such decisions may be granted

by the said Court in certain cases prescribed by the statute

under which it is established.

"‘(3) That the right of any person to apply to the Judicial

Committee of the Privy Council for leave to appeal to it from

the decision of such Appeal Court shall not be curtailed.’"

And now, at last, on the 30th of April, the Conference came to

the discussion of the question which had been dominant in all

minds from the first,—the question of preferential trade.

Essentially it was a settled question already,—settled, that

is, by the voters of the United Kingdom a year and a half

before, when they took the administration of their Government

away from the party which had approved the fiscal proposals of

Mr. Chamberlain. The commercial negotiation of the colonies

now was with a Ministry that stood pledged against the

preferential tariff arrangements they desired. On their side

they had committed their fortunes to the stimulant working of

protective tariffs, against which the judgment and experience

of England was still firm. The preferential tariffs which

preferential trade involved were in the line of their policy,

but directly antagonistic to hers. How impossible this made an

arrangement of reciprocity on that line was intimated gently

by the Prime Minister when he spoke to the Conference at its

first sitting, but set forth later in plain words by the

Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Asquith, and by the President

of the Board of Trade, Mr. David Lloyd-George. "If the

Colonies," said Mr. Asquith, "thought it their duty to foster

industries by protective tariffs their action would not evoke

remonstrance or even criticism from him. He noted that various

self-governing Colonies gave preference to the Mother Country,

but it was a fact that these preferential tariffs did not

admit the manufactures of the Mother Country to compete on

equal terms with the local product. Doubtless the Colonies

held this to be vital to their interests, and in the same way

His Majesty’s Government held that free trade was vital in the

interests of the United Kingdom. Reference had been made to

the fact that Cobden advocated free trade here as a part of a

universal system of free trade, but the official author of the

policy, Sir Robert Peel, defended it on the ground of its

necessity to this country alone. His Majesty’s Government held

that it was more necessary now than it was in his day. He

pointed out the position now existing. We had a population of

44,000,000 bearing the whole weight of an enormous debt

largely contracted in building up the Empire, and of the cost

of Imperial diplomacy and Imperial defence. That population

was dependent for food and raw materials on external sources

of supply. This is the essential point for consideration. He

asked how the supremacy of Great Britain was maintained. He

thought it must be attributed to our special productive

activity, to the profits which we obtain from keeping the

biggest open market in the world, and to the enormous earnings

of our shipping. All these were based in the long run on

keeping our food and our raw materials on the same basis and

as nearly as possible at the same price. Free trade was no

shibboleth, but a principle maintained because it was a matter

of vital national interest. He drew attention to the tariff

reform campaign, and observed that, after the fullest

examination and discussion, the people of England had declared

in favour of free trade by a majority of unexampled size. As

spokesman for the people, His Majesty’s Government could not

accept any infringement of that policy, even by way of such an

experiment as Dr. Jameson had suggested. It was necessary to

state that fact fully and frankly at the outset. …

"For these reasons His Majesty’s Government, speaking for the

people of this country, could not accept the principle of

preferential trade by way of tariff preference. He thought,

however, that the discussion had thrown light on other methods

by which inter-imperial trade relations might be improved.

Reference had been made to the improvement of means of

communication, especially steamer services, to the increase in

the number of commercial agents in the Colonies, to the

desirability of removing or reducing the Suez Canal dues, and

of establishing mail communication with the Australasian

Colonies via Canada. All these were matters on which His

Majesty’s Government would be fully ready to consider and

cooperate with any practical proposals, and he said this the

more earnestly as he felt that in the performance of his duty

it had been necessary for him to enunciate a general policy

which was not in accord with the views of the Colonial

representatives."

Mr. Lloyd-George was equally plain spoken. "He had hoped," he

said, "it might have been possible for those present,

acknowledging the limitations imposed on them by the

convictions they respectively held on fiscal issues, to see

whether it might not be possible to find other means of

attaining the object in view. The Colonies regard a tax on our

foods as necessary both for raising revenue and also for the

protection of their own industries. Mr. Deakin acknowledged

that the late election in Australia was fought on the issue of

protection and preference. It was open for the representatives

of the Imperial Government to have ignored the mandate given to

Mr. Deakin and to have endeavoured to commit their colleagues

here to a policy of free trade within the Empire, to which

those colleagues would not assent without being false to the

trust reposed in them by their own people. Sir William Lyne

the other day had urged the commercial union of the whole

Empire, quoting the consolidation of the United Kingdom, the

United States, and the Federation of South Africa and

Australia. In these cases all tolls and tariffs were removed.

{56}

"Had a free-trade resolution been pressed by His Majesty’s

Government and refused, it might have been said by the Press

that the Colonies had refused to listen to the appeal of the

Mother Country to be put on equal terms with her children, and

later that the door had been slammed in the old mother’s face

by her ungrateful progeny. His Majesty’s Government had not

taken this course, recognizing the unfairness of ignoring

local conditions and exigencies. They were not here to attempt

to manoeuvre each other into false positions, but to discharge

the practical business of the Empire. They were in perfect

accord as to the objects they could strive to promote. His

Majesty’s Government were in favour of any scheme for the

development of inter-imperial trade which did not inflict

sacrifices on any individual community so as to create a sense

of grievance deep enough to introduce the elements of

discontent and discord, and thus impair the true unity of the

Empire. …

"He agreed that this federation of free commonwealths is worth

making some sacrifice for. He differed only on ways and means.

He was convinced that to tax the food of our people is to cast

an undue share of sacrifice on the poorest part of the

population, and that a tax on raw material would fetter us in

the severe struggle with our foreign competitors. This,

therefore, was a sacrifice which would weaken our power to

make further sacrifices, and we ought not to be called upon to

make it. In Mr. Deakin’s resolution the Government were asked

to do what no protectionist country in the world would

do—viz., to tax necessaries of either life or livelihood which

we cannot produce ourselves, and of which the Colonies cannot

supply us with a sufficiency for many years.

"He wished to acknowledge the considerable advantage conferred

upon the British manufacturer by the preference recently given

to him in colonial markets. The Canadian tariff had produced a

satisfactory effect on our export trade, and apparently had

also benefited Canada, for our purchases from Canada had also

increased. The South African and New Zealand tariffs had not

yet been put to, the test by much actual experience, but would

no doubt have a similarly happy result. The same applied to

Australia, and Great Britain felt grateful, not merely for the

actual concessions, but for the spirit of comradeship and

affection which inspired the policy. But it was said, ‘What

are you prepared to do in return?’ His first answer was that

Great Britain was the best customer the Colonies have got for

their products. To illustrate this he gave the following

figures: In 1905, the last year for which the information was

available, the exports from the self-governing Colonies to all

foreign countries only amounted to 40½ millions, while the

exports to the United Kingdom amounted to 65¾ millions,

exclusive of bullion and specie (21¾ millions)."

The outcome of the discussion was a simple reaffirmation of

the five resolutions on the subject that were adopted at the

Conference of 1902, and which will be found in the report of

that Conference, preceding this. Before putting those

resolutions to vote Lord Elgin stated that His Majesty’s

Government could not assent to them so far as they implied

that it is necessary or expedient to alter the fiscal system

of the United Kingdom. They were agreed to, subject to that

reservation. Sir Wilfrid Laurier, who moved their readoption,

said in doing so: "Free trade within the Empire had been

suggested, just as there was free trade within the boundaries

of the United States, Germany, and France. For the British

Empire this was impossible for two reasons—the United Kingdom

was not prepared to limit free trade to the Empire, and the

Colonies were not prepared to accept free trade even within

its boundaries. In Canada the policy of free trade within the

Empire was impracticable, as it was necessary for her to have

Customs duties as a main source of revenue. Canada had given

the British preference deliberately, and had no cause to

regret it; she had from time to time increased it, and in the

last tariff had maintained it generally at the increased

amount of 33 1/3 per cent. Canadian opinion had been almost

unanimous in favour of preference, for Canada felt that she

would as a result of the preference sell more to Great Britain

and buy more from her. Mr. Asquith had not given Canada all

the credit to which he thought she was entitled in making a

comparison which showed no great advantage to British goods.

He dwelt on the effect of the proximity of a nation like the

United States, of their own stock, enormous in numbers, and

most enterprising in trade; it was not a matter for surprise

that their trade with that country had increased. But, so far

as they could, they had done everything to keep trade within

the Empire. They had built canals and railways from east to

west of Canada, and they had taken care to assist the

principle of mutual trade so far as legislation could do it. …

He explained that in the recent revision of the Canadian

tariff they had adopted a new principle in providing an

intermediate tariff for negotiation. They were prepared to

negotiate with nations like France or Italy on the basis of

that tariff, but their lower preference tariff remained

reserved for the British Empire."

Other resolutions adopted or accepted during the last two

sessions of the Conference were as follows:

"That it is desirable that the attention of the Governments of

the Colonies and the United Kingdom should be called to the

present state of the navigation laws in the Empire, and in

other countries, and to the advisability of refusing the

privileges of coastwise trade, including trade between the

Mother Country and its Colonies and possessions, and between

one colony or possession and another, to countries in which

the corresponding trade is confined to ships of their own

nationality, and also to the laws affecting shipping, with a

view of seeing whether any other steps should be taken to

promote Imperial trade in British vessels." (This was voted by

the representatives of the Colonies only, "His Majesty’s

Government dissenting.")

{57}

"That it is desirable that His Majesty’s Government, after

full consultation with the Colonies, should endeavour to

provide for such uniformity as may be practicable in the

granting and protection of trade marks and patents."

"That it is desirable, so far as circumstances permit, to

secure greater uniformity in the trade statistics of the

Empire, and that the Note prepared on this subject by the

Imperial Government be commended to the consideration of the

various Governments represented at this Conference."

"That it is desirable, so far as circumstances permit, to

secure greater uniformity in Company Laws of the Empire, and

that the memorandum and analysis prepared on this subject by

the Imperial Government be commended to the consideration of

the various Governments represented at this Conference."

"That, in view of the social and political advantages and the

material commercial advantages to accrue from a system of

international penny postage, this Conference recommends to His

Majesty’s Government the advisability, if and when a suitable

opportunity occurs, of approaching the Governments of other

States, members of the Universal Postal Union, in order to

obtain further reductions of postage rates, with a view to a

more general and if possible a universal adoption of the penny

rate."

"That, with a view to attain uniformity so far as practicable,

an inquiry should be held to consider further the question of

naturalization, and in particular to consider how far, and

under what conditions, naturalization in one part of His

Majesty’s dominions should be effective in other parts of

those dominions, a subsidiary conference to be held, if

necessary, under the terms of the resolution adopted by this

Conference on April 20 last."

"That in the opinion of this Conference the interests of the

Empire demand that in so far as practicable its different

portions should be connected by the best possible means of

mail communication, travel, and transportation; That to this

end it is advisable that Great Britain should be connected

with Canada, and through Canada with Australia and New Zealand

by the best service available within reasonable cost; That for

the purpose of carrying the above project into effect such

financial support as may be necessary should be contributed by

Great Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand in equitable

proportions."

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909.

The total of its prospective Military Strength when present

Imperial plans are carried out.

In a speech made in March, 1909, Mr. Haldane, Minister for

War, summed up the total of defensive military strength which

the Empire might count on when recent plans for Imperial

defence are carried out. He said: "With the divisions between

the Cape and Malta and those which Lord Kitchener had in

India, the Regular Army had for overseas work 16 divisions,

equivalent to eight army corps, which was larger than any

other nation had for overseas work, the reason being that we,

unlike others, were responsible for 12 million square miles

and 400 millions of human beings. The second line, what one

might call the local line of home defence, consisted of the 14

divisions of the Territorial Army. Supposing Canada, the

population of which was very rapidly increasing, were to build

on the foundations laid at the Conference, by the new

proposals which Canada had accepted she might easily add five

or six Territorial divisions of her own. Those would be for

her own defence, but they knew that in 1899, when a supreme

emergency arose, she did not scruple to send forth her

strength to help the Mother Country. In Australia there was a

remarkable movement for the organization of the forces of the

Crown, which might easily produce five Australian Territorial

divisions. New Zealand might produce another division, and

South Africa could rapidly produce four or five. … If they

could add to the 14 second line divisions at home 16 for the

second line Army of the Empire there would be 30 divisions

altogether, and these, added to the 16 Regular first line

divisions for use overseas, would give us an army for war

conceivably and practicably of 46 divisions, equivalent to 23

army corps. The army of Germany had 23 army corps, and no

other army in the world had an organization so great. He was

speaking of possibilities."

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (June).

The Imperial Press Conference in England.

Among the many endeavors of late years in England to draw the

distant peoples of the great British Empire into closer

relations with its sovereign Mother Country, and into the

feeling of stronger ties of unity among themselves and with

her, none seems to have been wiser or more surely of effect

than that which brought about the Imperial Press Conference of

June, 1909. It assembled sixty representatives of the

Newspaper Press of every part of the Empire and of every shade

of political opinion. It entertained them delightfully and

impressively for three weeks. It made all England and its

colonies and dependencies listen to their discussion of many

questions, all bearing on the fundamental desire to make the

most and best that can be made of the great political organism

which extends its law to every continent and its influence to

all the world. It brought before them its most distinguished

and eloquent men to address them at meetings and feasts. It

assembled at Spithead its stupendous central fleet of

battleships, to pass it in review before them. It filled their

minds with an undoubtedly new realization of what the United

Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland—the sovereign, the seat,

the center of greatness in their Empire—is to it; and they

went back to Canada, to Australia, to South Africa, to New

Zealand, even to India, to propagate that realization in other

minds.

A Western Australian editor, speaking at one of the banquets

of the Conference, referred to this result, saying: "The

influence that had been brought to bear upon the overseas

delegates could not fail to have very great effects upon their

writings in the future. Coming as they did from isolated parts

of the Empire, it was an agreeable surprise to them to find

that they had all been thinking Imperially, and thinking in

much the same way. While the spirit of nationalism was growing

up very strongly, they felt that the spirit of nationalism was

in no way out of harmony with the true spirit of Imperialism;

and it had been a revelation to the delegates to find the

unanimity that existed, not only among the English-speaking

people of the Empire, but among those who came from different

races. They had been helped to strengthen that feeling of

Imperial unity in the certain hope that eventually the highest

ideals of the best form of Imperialism would be realized. That

form of Imperialism was not associated with a policy of

aggrandisement, but was associated with the policy that would

tend to promote the peace of the world, and the prosperity and

the betterment of humanity generally."

{58}

A writer in The Times, reviewing the Conference after

it closed, quoted the above and added: "The speaker just

quoted travelled for seven days across Australia before he

reached the capital of the State where he joined his

fellow-delegates from the Commonwealth. The Australian party,

when once it had left Sydney, was three weeks on the ocean

before it reached the Pacific coast of Canada. A Canadian

delegate, speaking at a banquet in Glasgow, declared that when

at home he was as remote from one of his Canadian colleagues

as Egypt is from London, and as remote from another, in the

opposite direction, as London is from Russia. It might have

been supposed that distances like those just indicated would

have had the effect of causing some estrangement between men

so widely separated; but the contrary proved to be the case.

The Australians, following the All-Red route, which was

defined as the official route, were greeted on their arrival

on Canadian soil with an enthusiasm which both surprised and

touched them. Wherever they went they found themselves among

friends, anxious and eager to exchange views and ideas on all

sorts of subjects affecting the common interests of the two

peoples. They were banqueted by many representative men, from

the Governor-General downwards, and, having been welcomed with

the utmost heartiness at Victoria on the Pacific coast, were

given a not less hearty ‘God-speed’ from Quebec on the St.

Lawrence.

"Among the indirect results of the Conference must be

mentioned the knowledge gained from such experiences. When in

Canada the Australians were able to see how far their own

trade interests were identical with those of the people among

whom they had come, how the Canadians are facing the same

problems both of politics and material development, of

commerce and agriculture. And when, the feastings over, they

found themselves on board the steamer with their Canadian

fellow-delegates, a community of interests was at once

established, and lasting friendships were formed.

"Similarly, when the delegates had all assembled in England

there arose a spirit of comradeship which subsisted without a

jarring note from the beginning of the Conference to the end.

Nor must it be forgotten that the men who formed part of this

company of editors and writers of the overseas Press were not

wholly of British race. From Canada came representatives of

the French-Canadians, from South Africa some of Boer and Dutch

extraction, from India one delegate at least of Indian blood.

The welding together of all these men in a spirit of loyalty

to the Empire in which they as well as we have a share has

been one of the most significant features of the Conference."

The practical object for which the Press Conference strove

most earnestly was a cheapening of telegraphic communication,

by cable or wireless, between the distant parts of the Empire,

to the end that there may be an ampler publication of news

from each division of it in every other. It received strong

assurances of coöperation from the Imperial Government in its

efforts to accomplish this end. To a deputation which waited

on him, the Premier, Mr. Asquith, said: "Your Conference, if I

may venture to say so, has very wisely appointed a standing

committee to deal with that matter. The Post Office and other

Government departments concerned will be anxious to assist and

to keep themselves in touch with this committee by information

and intercommunication and in all other ways that may be

practicable. I think it will be the solid and substantial

result of your deliberations on this very great Imperial

necessity that in regard to the development of electric

communication between different parts of the Empire we shall

now have on the side of the Press a body formally organized

and constantly existing with which we can enter into necessary

communication, and by mutual discussion and reference, having

regard to the various considerations to which I have already

adverted, we may accelerate the developments of what we all

agree to be one of the first requisites of an Empire such as

ours—a cheap, a certain, a constant, a convenient, and a

universally accessible system of electric communication."

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (July-August).

Imperial Defence Conference.

See (in this Volume)

War, The Preparations for: Military and Naval.

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (September).

Congress of Empire Chambers of Commerce.

A Congress of Chambers of Commerce, representing all parts of

the Empire, which was assembled at Sydney, New South Wales, on

the 14th of September, 1909, gave much of its discussion to

the proposition that the several parts of the Empire should

afford preferential treatment to each other in their several

markets, on a basis of reciprocity, and adopted resolutions to

the effect that the Congress "urges upon the Governments of

the Empire that they should treat this matter as of present

practical importance, and that the organizations represented

at this Congress pledge themselves to press their respective

Governments to take such action at the next Imperial

Conference as will give effect to the principle advocated in

this resolution." This was carried on individual voting, by 81

votes to 31. On voting by chambers, the resolution was passed

with 60 for, 8 against, and 11 neutral.

Among the other resolutions of the Congress were the

following: "That this Congress urges upon his Majesty’s

Government and upon the Governments of the Colonies the

appointment of an Advisory Imperial Council to consider

questions of Imperial interest, especially those tending to

promote trade between the various parts of the Empire."

"That the settlement in adequate Volume of the Anglo-Saxon

race in the British Dominions is deserving of the constant

solicitude of the Home and Colonial Governments, who are

hereby urged to consider what further or better steps than

those at present existing should be taken to elaborate a

general State-aided scheme at reduced rates to encourage

emigration of suitable settlers under well-considered

conditions."

"This Congress is of opinion that it is desirable to complete

the Imperial route between the Motherland, Canada, Australia

and New Zealand by State-owned electric communication across

Canada to Great Britain and that the postal departments of the

various Governments of the Empire should be requested to frame

a combined scheme of substantial reductions in telegraphic

rates."

{59}

BRITISH GUIANA: A. D. 1904.

Settlement of Brazilian boundary dispute.

See (in this Volume)

Brazil: A. D. 1904.

BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA.

See SOUTH AFRICA

BROWNSVILLE AFFAIR, The.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906 (August).

BRYAN, William Jennings:

Suggestion at the Peace Congress in New York.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

BRYAN, William Jennings:

Nominated for President of the United States.

See UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908(April-November).

BROTHERHOODS OF LOCOMOTIVE FIREMEN AND OF RAILWAY TRAINMEN.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

BRUSSELS: A. D. 1902-1907.

Sugar Bounty Conference and Convention, 1902,

and Additional Act, 1907.

See (in this Volume)

SUGAR BOUNTY CONFERENCE.

BRYCE, James:

Chief Secretary for Ireland.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

BUBONIC PLAGUE.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH.

BUCHANAN, William I.:

Delegate to Second and Third International Conferences

of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BUCHANAN, William I.:

Diplomatic Service in Venezuela.

See VENEZUELA: A. D. 1907-1909.

BUCHANAN, William I.:

Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

BUCHANAN, William I.:

Death, October 16, 1909.

BUCHNER, Eduard.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

BUCKS STOVE COMPANY CASE.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

BUDGET OF 1909, The British.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April-December).

BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.

The Pan-American Exposition.

Assassination of President McKinley.

Vice-President Roosevelt becomes President of the United States.

In Volume VI. of this work, which went to press in the spring

of 1901, an account was given of the plan and preparations

made for the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, then just at

the point of being opened, on the 1st of May. The following

characterization of the Exposition by a visitor is sufficient

to add what was then said of it:

"They have staged electricity at Buffalo this summer, and they

call it the Pan-American Exposition. It took a rectangle of

350 acres for the stage, and over $10,000,000 for the

settings. The result, baldly stated, is the most glorious

night scene the world has ever had the fortune to witness. The

staging of Niagara is the one unforgettable thing about the

affair. The Pan-American is, however, much more than this. …

"It may be well to say that the original generic scheme for

the Exposition, that of joining the three Americas in a

unified attempt to show one another their trade resources,

seems to be in results far less prominent than was hoped at

first. For one reason or another,—I have heard European

influences in South America given as a chief cause,—the Latin

Americas did not cooperate as was expected. The great trade

idea upon which the Pan-American was originally based

gradually faded, and gave place to the idea of an electrical

beatification—for which the spectator will perhaps be

thankful. There are exhibits, to be sure, from most of the

South American countries, but the United States occupies

industrially foreground, background, and middle distance. The

other countries fill in the odd corners. The ardent patriot

will see no lack of proportion in this; and as there is a hint

of Mexico and the Argentine, and very creditable exhibits by

Chile and Honduras, we have enough of the sister continent to

justify the name. Most of the southern republics are

represented in one way or another. It is hard, however, to

explain the insufficiency of Canada’s exhibit. It is upon much

too small a scale to do credit to her great resources. It is

worthy of note that when the other countries realized the

importance and beauty of the Pan-American, they set about

vigorously to retrieve themselves.

"So the staging of electricity was undertaken. There was

Buffalo to start with, and Buffalo is backed in the great race

of American cities by the power of Niagara and the commerce of

the Lakes. It is delightfully accessible and pleasing. Here

was the psychological place. It was also the psychological

moment,—a period of general prosperity, a time when America

had set about her great task of making commercial vassals of

the Old World countries. The psychological idea came with

electricity, and under this happy triad of influences

conspiring for success the work was begun.

"The managers took a big rectangle of unused land to the north

of a beautiful park, and welded with it the most attractive

portion of that park for their groundwork. Then they charted

an effect. They put millions into an attempt to please, and

did more, for they have both pleased and startled,—an effect

peculiarly delightful to Americans."

E. R. White,

Aspects of the Pan-American Exposition

(Atlantic Monthly, July, 1901).

The Pan-American Exposition may be said to have been paralyzed

in the first week of its fifth month by the awful tragedy of

the wanton murder of President McKinley, while it entertained

him as its guest. Mr. McKinley, with Mrs. McKinley, had

arrived in Buffalo on the 4th of September, for a long planned

visit to the Exposition, and had accepted the hospitality of

its President, Mr. John G. Milburn. On the afternoon of the

6th he held a public reception in the Temple of Music, on the

Exposition grounds, and it was there that the brutal assassin

found his opportunity for the deed. The following graphic

narrative of the tragedy is from the pen of Mr. Walter Wellman

in the American Review of Reviews:

"Usually a secret-service agent is stationed by the

President’s side when he receives the public, but on this

occasion President Milburn stood at the President’s left.

Secretary Cortelyou was at his right, and a little to the

rear. Opposite the President was Secret-Service Officer

Ireland.

{60}

Eight or ten feet away was Officer Foster. When all was ready,

the line of people was permitted to move, each one pausing to

shake the hand of the President. He beamed upon them all in

his courtly way. When one stranger timidly permitted himself

to be pushed along without a greeting, the President called

out, smilingly, ‘Hold on, there; give me your hand.’ Mr.

McKinley would never permit any one to go past him without a

handshake. He was particularly gracious to the children and to

timid women. Here, as we have often seen him in Washington and

elsewhere, he patted little girls or boys on the head or cheek

and smiled at them in his sweet way. A woman and a little girl

had just passed, and were looking back at the President, proud

of the gracious manner in which he had greeted them. Next came

a tall, powerful negro—Parker. After Parker, a slight, boyish

figure, a face bearing marks of foreign descent, a smooth,

youthful face, with nothing sinister to be detected in it. No

one had suspected this innocent-looking boy of a murderous

purpose. He had his right hand bound up in a handkerchief, and

this had been noticed by both of the secret-service men as

well as by others. But the appearance in a reception line of

men with wounded and bandaged hands is not uncommon. In fact,

one had already passed along the line. Many men carried

handkerchiefs in their hands, for the day was warm.

"So this youth approached. He was met with a smile. The

President held out his hand; but it was not grasped.

Supporting his bandaged right hand with his left, the assassin

fired two bullets at the President. The first passed through

the stomach and lodged in the back. The second, it is

believed, struck a button on the President’s waistcoat and

glanced therefrom, making an abrasion upon the sternum. The

interval between the two shots was so short as to be scarcely

measurable. As the second shot rang out, Detective Foster

sprang forward and intercepted the hand of the assassin, who

was endeavoring to fire a third bullet into his victim. The

President did not fall. He was at once supported by Mr.

Milburn, by Detective Geary, and by Secretary Cortelyou.

Before turning, he raised himself on tiptoe and cast upon the

miserable wretch before him, who was at that moment in the

clutches of a number of men, a look which none who saw it can

ever forget. It appeared to say, ‘You miserable, why should

you shoot me? What have I done to you?’ It was the indignation

of a gentleman, of a great soul, when attacked by a ruffian. A

few drops of blood spurted out and fell on the President’s

waistcoat. At once the wounded man was led to a chair, into

which he sank. His collar was removed and his shirt opened at

the front. Those about him fanned him with their hats.

Secretary Cortelyou bent over his chief, and Mr. McKinley

whispered, ‘Cortelyou, be careful. Tell Mrs. McKinley gently.’

"A struggle ensued immediately between the assassin and those

about him. Detective Foster not only intercepted the arm of

the murderer, and prevented the firing of a third shot from

the revolver concealed in the handkerchief, but he planted a

blow square upon the assassin’s face. Even after he fell,

Czolgosz endeavored to twist about and fire again at the

President. Mr. Foster threw himself upon the wretch. Parker,

the colored man, struck him almost at the same instant that

Foster did. Indeed, a half-dozen men were trying to beat and

strike the murderer, and they were so thick about him that

they struck one another in their excitement. A private of the

artillery corps at one moment had a bayonet-sword at the neck

of Czolgosz, and would have driven it home had not Detective

Ireland held his arm and begged him not to shed blood there

before the President. Just then the President raised his eyes,

saw what was going on, and with a slight motion of his right

hand toward his assailant, exclaimed: ‘Let no one hurt him.’"

As soon as possible, the wounded President was removed to the

Exposition Hospital, and surgeons were quickly in attendance.

The medical director of the Exposition, Dr. Roswell Park,

President of the American Society of Surgeons, chanced to be

absent, at Niagara Falls, where he was performing an operation

at the time. The necessary operation upon the President was

performed by Dr. Matthew D. Mann, assisted by Dr. Herman

Mynter, Dr. Eugene Wasdin, of the Marine Hospital service, and

others. The one fatal bullet of the two that were fired was

found to have passed through both walls of the stomach, and

its further progress was not traced. Dr. Park arrived on the

scene before the operation was finished and took part in the

subsequent consultations.

From the hospital Mr. McKinley was removed to Mr. Milburn’s

house, where Mrs. McKinley, being an invalid, had remained

that day. There he received all possible care during the eight

days in which the nation hoped against hope that he might be

saved. Dr. Charles McBurney was called from New York to join

the attending physicians and surgeons, and approved all that

had been done. For a week there seemed good ground for

believing that the sound constitution of the President would

defeat the assassin’s attempt; but on Friday the 13th the

signs underwent a rapid change, and at fifteen minutes past

two o’clock of the morning of Saturday he breathed his last.

Vice-President Theodore Roosevelt, who was then at a camp in

the Adirondacks, was summoned at once, and arrived in the city

that afternoon. At the house of Mr. Ansley Wilcox (whose guest

he became), in the presence of the members of the late

President’s cabinet and of a few friends and newspaper

correspondents, he took the oath of office as President,

administered by Judge Hazel, of the United States District

Court. Before taking the oath he said: "I wish to say that it

shall be my aim to continue, absolutely unbroken, the policies

of President McKinley for the peace, the prosperity, and the

honor of our beloved country."

The assassin, who called himself Nieman at first, was

identified as Leon Czolgosz, a Pole, having reputable parents

at Cleveland, Ohio. He had come under anarchist influences and

been taught to believe that all heads of government were

enemies of the people and ought to be slain. There was no

other motive discoverable for his crime. He was arraigned in

the County Court, before Justice Emory, on the 17th of

September, three days after his victim’s death, and, having no

counsel, two former Justices of the Supreme Court of the

State, Loran L. Lewis and Robert C. Titus, consented to be

assigned for his defence.

{61}

On the 23d he was tried in the Supreme Court, Justice Truman

C. White presiding, the only defence possible being that on

the question of sanity, and his guilt was pronounced by the

verdict of the jury. On the 26th he was sentenced to be

executed, in the State Prison at Auburn, within the week

beginning October 28.

See, also, (in this Volume) under

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901 (SEPTEMBER).

BU HAMARA, the Mahdi.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1903-1904, and 1909.

BULGARIA.

See (in this Volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

BÜLOW, Bernhard, Count von: Chancellor of the German Empire:

Action on the Morocco question.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

BÜLOW, Bernhard, Count von:

On German Navy-building.

See WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

BÜLOW, Bernhard, Count von:

Defeat in the Reichstag on attempted financial reform.

His resignation.

See GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

BUREAU OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS, INTERNATIONAL.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: NEW YORK CITY.

BURGER, SCHALK W.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

BURLEY TOBACCO SOCIETY.

See (in this Volume)

KENTUCKY: A. D. 1905-1909.

BURNS, John:

President of the Local Government Board.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906, 1905-1909, and 1909.

BURNS, William J.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

BURTON, Joseph R.:

United States Senator.

Convicted of having received $2500 from a fraudulent concern,

which had been debarred from using the United States mails, in

return for his efforts to have embargo removed; sentenced to a

fine of $2500 and nine months imprisonment, May, 1909.

BUTLER, Charles Henry:

Technical delegate to the Second Peace Conference.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

BUTLER, Edward:

Political "Boss" of St. Louis, as seen in the confessions of

Charles F. Kelly.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

BUTLER, Nicholas Murray:

President of Columbia University.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

BUTLER, Nicholas Murray:

Arrangement of professorial interchanges

with German universities.

See EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

BUXTON, Sidney C.:

Postmaster-General (British).

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

C.

CACERES, Ramon.

See (in this Volume)

SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.

CADETS, Russian.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

CAJAL, Ramon y.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

CALABRIA:

Destructive earthquake in 1905.

See (in this Volume)

EARTHQUAKES.

CALAMITIES, Recent extraordinary.

See (in this Volume)

EARTHQUAKES, FAMINES, FIRE, FLOODS, VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS.

CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1900-1909.

Growth.

Industries.

Products.

Railway facilities, etc.

"Within the past decade numerous events have tended to direct

the attention of the United States and of the world to the

importance of the Pacific ocean and the lands bordering upon

it, as the field of great activities in the near future. The

Spanish-American war, and particularly the voyage of the

battleship Oregon around South America hastened the movement

for an inter-oceanic canal. The development of the Alaskan

gold fields gave a great impetus to shipping and trade in

staple supplies in Pacific coast cities. The war between

Russia and Japan revealed the maritime enterprise and

established the naval prestige of Japan.

"Since the earliest days of American occupation California has

been steadily filling up with people. These later movements in

Pacific coast history, together with the steady development of

natural resources, have greatly accelerated the advance in

population, especially in cities as the centers of industrial

and commercial activity. The census of 1900 showed a total

population of 1,485,053. At the beginning of 1909 the number

is estimated by the State Board of Trade at 2,564,363. The

growth of cities in the same period is shown by the following

instances,—the first figure being the population by the

census of 1900, the second the State Board of Trade estimate

for 1909.

1900.     1909.

Alameda         16,464    25,000

Berkeley        13,214    40,000

Fresno          12,470    32,000

Los Angeles    102,479   305,000

Oakland         66,960   200,000

Sacramento      29,282    55,000

San Francisco  342,782   500,000

San Jose        21,500    45,000

Stockton        17,506    25,000

"Two features characterize the recent development of

California agriculture,—the increased value of the products,

and a greater variety of crops. Originally wheat was the

staple crop, but now sugar beets, hops, beans, alfalfa, and

garden seeds must be added to the common cereals to make the

list of staples. In 1908 the wheat crop was valued at

$18,894,961, and the barley at $26,841,394.

"Orchards and vineyards furnish one of the best records of

advancing wealth. Shipments out of the state by rail and by

sea are given by the State Board of Trade as follows:

1898.    1908.

Tons.    Tons.

Green Deciduous Fruits   69,732   161,224

Citrus Fruits           180,658   399,094

Dried Fruits             76,662   133,846

Raisins                  47,796    29,601

Nuts                      5,815    10,887

Canned Fruits            52,219    85,135

{62}

"About ninety per cent of all the citrus fruits go from the

southern part of the State (south of Tehachapi mountains) and

substantially all the fresh deciduous fruits go from the

northern and central portions, Sacramento being one of the

largest shipping points. Nearly all the dried fruits, raisins,

canned fruits, wine and brandy, go from the northern and

central portions. Most of the walnuts are grown in the south,

and most of the almonds in the northern and central parts of

the state. Olives are grown in about equal quantities, north

and south. General farming, including stock raising, is much

more widely pursued north of Tehachapi than south, and the

same is true of the mining industry. The principal forests of

the state are in the Sierra region and in the Coast Range

Mountains north of Sonoma county.

"Formerly wool was an important product of California. The

industry reached its maximum about thirty years ago,—the wool

clip of 1876 amounting to 56,550,973 pounds. Since that date

the wool product steadily declined till 1906, when the total

amount was 24,000,000 pounds. Since 1906 the decline has been

swift, as shown by the total of 15,000,000 pounds for 1908.

"In the production of the precious metals the record of

California is very steady in recent years,—the gold output for

1900 being valued at $15,863,355, and for 1907 at $16,727,928.

On the other hand the oil industry shows a marvelous advance.

The output of petroleum from California oil wells was

4,000,000 barrels in 1900, and 48,300,758 barrels in 1908.

Since 1906 the oil product of California has amounted to over

twenty-five per cent of the total production of the United

States. California petroleum now exceeds in value the output

of her gold mines.

"For a long time the high cost of fuel retarded the growth of

manufactures in California. Recently, however, the production

of fuel oil and the introduction of electrical power developed

from the water power in the streams of the Sierras have given

a great impetus to manufacturing industries. The use of

electricity is certain to be greatly increased in the near

future and for this reason the people of California are

tremendously interested in the policy of the federal government

in the preservation of the mountain streams and in the

disposition of water-power sites. The value of the products of

manufacturing enterprises in the state for 1908 is estimated

at about $500,000,000, of which the sum of $175,000,000 is

credited to San Francisco, $62,000,000 to Los Angeles,

$52,000,000, to Oakland, with Sacramento, San Jose, Stockton

and Fresno following in the order of naming.

"California is a state of magnificent dimensions and it is

quite in keeping with the size of the state to find that in

1907, with but two per cent, of the total population of the

United States she had three per cent. of the total railway

mileage of the country. New construction was almost entirely

suspended in 1908, but has been resumed in 1909. The most

important new road is the Western Pacific which enters the

state by the Beckwith Pass to the north of the line of the

Central Pacific route, from Sacramento to Ogden, and with the

advantage of crossing the Sierras at 2000 feet less elevation.

It reaches the Sacramento Valley by the canyon of the Feather

River and opens up a large area of rich country to railway

communication. It will be completed through to San Francisco

in 1910, and will be the fifth trans continental line

terminating on San Francisco Bay.

"Another great work of railway construction in progress in

1909 is the rebuilding upon an improved grade of the Central

Pacific road through the Sierras. The extreme elevation of the

present road at the summit of the range (7000 feet) is to be

diminished by a lengthy tunnel. Other work of construction

soon to be brought to completion is the extension of the

Northwestern Pacific, a coast road north from San Francisco

Bay to Eureka on Humboldt Bay, and the extension of the Ocean

Shore Railway south along the coast to Santa Cruz.

"The records of the State Railroad Commission show in 1909 a

total mileage in the state of 6744.54 miles.

"The lines operated by the principal companies measure up as

follows:

MILES.

Southern Pacific System.               3,582

Santa Fé System.                         978

Northwestern Pacific.                    404

San Pedro, Los Angeles and Salt Lake.    341

Western Pacific.                         237

Yosemite Valley Railroad.                 79

"Suburban electric railways have reached a high stage of

development and utility in Southern California, in the Santa

Clara Valley, connecting numerous cities and towns in the

vicinity of San Francisco Bay, and in the Sacramento Valley.

The increase of electric power by the further utilization of

the water power of the Sierra Nevada streams will certainly

bring about in the near future a great extension of electrical

transportation for freighting as well as in passenger

traffic."

Frederick H. Clark,

Head of History Department,

Lowell High School, San Francisco.

CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1900-1909.

Constitutional changes.

"Amendments to the state constitution originate with the

legislature, and are placed before the voters of the state at

the biennial state elections. Dissatisfaction with parts of

the state constitution is manifested by an increasing number

of proposed amendments. So long as property interests are not

antagonized, the voters show a willingness to make changes by

ratifying a large majority of the amendments proposed. Among

the important subjects upon which amendments have been adopted

within the past ten years are the following:

authorization of legislation for the control of

primary elections;

providing for the use of voting machines;

the establishment of a system of state highways;

increasing the salaries of judges and of state

executive officers;

changing the pay of members of the legislature from

$8.00 per diem for a period not to exceed 60 days to

the sum of $1000 for the regular session;

authorizing the legislature to provide a state tax for the

support of high schools;

permitting exemption from taxation of various forms of

property, such as buildings used exclusively for religious

purposes and the endowments of the Leland Stanford Junior

University, the California School of Mechanical Arts,

and the Cogswell Polytechnical College,

—also personal property at the will of the owner

to the amount of $100;

eight hours made a legal day’s work on all public work

throughout the state;

authorization for the depositing of public funds in banks.

{63}

An important change in the state judiciary was made in 1904 by

the creation of district courts of appeal for the relief of

the congested condition of the business of the State Supreme

Court. The state was divided into three judicial districts, in

each of which was established a court of appeal consisting of

three judges elected from within the district for a term of

twelve years.

"A plan for the reorganization of the revenue system of the

state was placed before the voters in 1908, but failed of

adoption. The proposed amendment was the outcome of a movement

that began in 1905 with the appointment of a special

commission on taxation. This commission employed expert

assistance and made a thorough study of the subject of public

revenues. Its work was placed before the next meeting of the

legislature from which came the proposed amendment. Its

central object was to discover new sources of revenue for the

state treasury, leaving the direct property tax for the

maintenance of local government alone."

Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Department,

Lowell, High School, San Francisco.

CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1904-1909.

Anti-Japanese agitation.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1906.

The earthquake of April 18.

Destruction at San Francisco by fire following the shock.

Cause of the occurrence.

See (in this Volume)

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906.

CALIPHATE, The Mohammedan:

The Turkish Sultan’s title disputed.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.

CAMPBELL, H. W.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: AGRICULTURE.

CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, SIR HENRY:

Prime Minister of the British Government.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, SIR HENRY:

Address at Colonial Conference.

See BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, SIR HENRY:

DEATH, April 22, 1908.

----------CANADA: Start--------

CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.

The interchange of people between Canada and the United States.

The "American Invasion."

Rapid settlement of the Canadian Northwest.

Immigration in the last decade.

"Nature is healing the schism of the race by her own slow but

efficacious methods. Hundreds of families of the United Empire

stock have gone back to the United States, in some instances

to the very place of their origin. Upwards of a million native

Canadians are now living in the States, the great majority as

naturalised Americans; whilst American farmers, attracted by

cheap land and good laws, are entering the Canadian North-West

at the rate of 50,000 a year. The exodus, as migration across

the line is called, is a heavy drain on Canada; like an

ancient conqueror, it sweeps away the flower of both sexes,

leaving the unfittest to survive. During the last 30 years we

have spent $10,000,000 on immigration work in Europe, yet our

population has not held its natural increase, has not, that

is, grown as fast as the population of an old and over-crowded

country like England. The Canadian lad thinks no more of

transferring himself to Buffalo or Chicago than a Scotch youth

of going up to London, perhaps not so much. On the other hand,

American tourists, ‘drummers,’ lecturers, sportsmen and

investors come and go in Canada precisely as if this were a

State of the Union. When we produce a champion athlete, a

clever journalist or eloquent divine, they annex him and

advertise him next day as a Yankee. Marrying and giving in

marriage is going on without the slightest regard for the

doctrines of the Loyalists. There are said to be 200 college

professors of Canadian birth in the United States. I am

acquainted with some of them, and in their opinion, whatever

it may be worth, Canada can best serve herself by becoming

politically independent, and could best serve England by

joining the American Union, where her presence and vote would

offset the Anglophobia latent or active in other elements.

"The influence of the Canadian-Americans, to say nothing of

that of the Americans proper, is visible on every side in

English Canada; they are constantly visiting the old home, in

many cases paying the interest of the mortgage on it. The

French Canadians in New England have taught those in Quebec

that the priest has no business to interfere unduly in

elections, or to make war on Liberalism; that the Press ought

to be free, and the State, not the Church, supreme within the

sphere she defines as her own. Every day the French Canadian

papers publish columns of correspondence from the French

settlements in the factory towns across the line, but of

British affairs editors and readers know little, and,

apparently, care less. I mention this not to sneer at the

French Canadian Press, but to show those Englishmen who urge

us to cultivate the Imperialist spirit how difficult it would

be for Mrs. Partington to keep out the Atlantic.

"In English Canada, our newspapers supply us with British news

filtered through American channels; we read American books,

are interested in American politics, frequent their

watering-places and race tracks, imitate their tariffs, play

baseball and poker, live under local institutions fashioned

after theirs, think like them, speak like them, eat like them,

dress like them; when we visit England, we find ourselves

taken for them and treated well in consequence, better than if

we confessed ourselves Colonials."

E. Farrer,

Canada and the new Imperialism

(Contemporary Review, December, 1903).

"Some ten years since there began to trickle into the vast

wastes of the West the tiny rivulet of immigration which has

now become a great stream. Many influences have gone toward

widening this current of immigration, but the initial impulse

which set it in motion came from the courage of one man. In

1896 Clifford Sifton, a young man, thirty-five years of age,

who had already played a considerable rôle in the

politics of Manitoba, became Minister of the Interior in the

Dominion Government. He was equipped with a genius for

organization, an almost unequaled capacity for persistent hard

work, and, above all, a faith in the West which knew neither

wavering nor questioning.

{64}

He threw himself with immense energy into the task of

advertising the Canadian West to the world and inducing

immigration. His conception of the problem and its solution

was Napoleonic; for he saw what others could not see and even

scouted as absurd, that the people who could be induced most

easily to lead the procession into the vacant prairies lived

in the adjoining States of the American Union. A new

generation had grown up in these States on the farms secured

as free grants by their fathers in the ’70's, and he saw that

when they looked for lands for themselves there would be none

available at all comparable with those of Western Canada.

Therefore, he argued, to acquaint them with the opportunities

and possibilities of the new land to the north would be to

insure such a migration as he desired, and if the stream once

began flowing it would widen by its own velocity. This was the

great idea which, given effect to by an organization called

into being by first-class executive talent, operating with

limitless resources, broke forever the great silence of the

prairies and made them the Mecca of the world’s landless folk.

"There had been for years Canadian immigration agencies at

various places in the United States, but they had been

administered in a spirit of perfunctory hopelessness. These

offices were reorganized; new ones opened; tens of thousands

of dollars were expended in advertising and in the

distribution of printed literature; enterprising drummers were

sent abroad throughout the Western States to preach up the

opportunities of Western Canada; representative farmers were

induced to take trips through the Canadian West, all expenses

paid by the government,—in fact, everything that trained

business talent could suggest was done.

"The result? In the first year of the new order of things 2412

Americans came to Canada, and thereafter the number mounted

yearly. By 1899 the figures had reached 11,945; 1901, 17,987;

1902, 26,388; 1903, 49,473; 1904, 45,171; 1905, 43,652; 1906,

57,919. During the ten years ending June 30, 1906, no less

than 272,609 persons left the United States to become

residents of Western Canada. These people came from all parts

of the United States. The government homestead records for

1906 show applications from persons coming from every State

and Territory of the United States, including the District of

Columbia and Alaska. North Dakota led in the applications,

with Minnesota a close second; then came Iowa, Michigan,

Washington, Wisconsin, Illinois, tapering to two from Alabama

and one from Georgia. …

"It has given Canada over a quarter of a million of settlers

with the highest average of efficiency. They, almost without

exception, have sufficient capital to make a good start, a

most important consideration in a new country where money is

scarce and dear. Akin to the Canadians in race, language,

political and social customs, they become a part of the

community just as naturally as one stream flows into another

at the same level. These settlers have also brought with them

fifty years’ experience in prairie farming, and by their

example have enormously affected agricultural methods. …

"More important, however, was the advertisement which the

‘American invasion’ gave Western Canada. It was precisely what

the country needed—indeed there could have been no substitute

for it in effectiveness. The Eastern Canadian was rather out

of conceit with his own West; and if a migratory instinct

drove him onward he went to the United States. In Great

Britain Western Canada could get no hearing at all,—her

emigrants went to Australia, the United States, New Zealand,

or even to alien lands in preference to Canada. It is doubtful

whether any possible exertions by the Government could have

turned the attention of these people to Canada had not the

influx of Americans to the prairies, loudly announced by all

controllable agencies of publicity, challenged their attention

and pricked their national pride. Once the fact was driven

into their consciousness they began to hold that if Western

Canada was good enough for ‘Yankees’ it was good enough for

them. British newspapers in particular showed a belated but

very real interest.

"The result has been a heavily increasing immigration from the

British Isles, until it now exceeds by many thousands every

year the arrivals from the United States. For the ten-year

period specified above there were 311,747 immigrants from

Great Britain, compared with 272,609 from the United States;

with 248,250 from ‘other countries,’ chiefly continental

Europe. The Scandinavian, Teutonic, and Slavic peoples are all

strongly represented in Western Canada. The most numerous

non-British people are the Ruthenians, or little Russians. In

addition there is a large yearly influx of Canadian settlers

from the older provinces, of whom there is no record excepting

in the homestead applications. These figures showed that out

of 41,869 applications for homesteads last year 27 per cent.

were Canadians, 29 per cent. Americans, 20 per cent. from the

British Isles, while the remaining 24 per cent. comprised

persons of eighteen different nationalities. These statistics

show that Western Canada is overwhelmingly English-speaking."

John W. Dafoe,

Western Canada: Its Resources and Possibilities

(American Review of Reviews, June, 1907).

Writing from Toronto, June 24, 1909, the regular Correspondent

of the London Times took the subject of Canadian

immigration, especially that from the United States, for

extended treatment. Part of his remarks were as follows:

"So long as the American States had free, fertile lands, it

was natural that population should flow into the Republic.

America, in the mind of Europe, was the land of promise and

the home of freedom, and the United States was America. Canada

was but a fringe of inhospitable British territory, where the

spring came late and summer was brief, and winter was long and

stern. The first great impulse to settlement came with the

construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway, but an even more

material factor in Canadian development was the comparative

exhaustion of the free land of the Western States and the

increasing reputation of the Canadian West as a wheat-growing

country. If the 20th century belongs to Canada, as Sir Wilfrid

Laurier has said, it is primarily because the American

Republic has become a far less formidable competitor for

British and European immigration, and because thousands of

American farmers have discovered that they can sell their

improved farms at good prices and secure lands of equal value

in Canada for themselves and their sons with a very small

investment of capital.

{65}

"The total immigration since 1901 is estimated at 1,200,000.

In that year it was 49,149. It rose in 1902 to 67,379. Thence

there was a steady increase until 1907, when the figures were

262,469. In 1908 the total immigration was between 140, 000

and 142,000, and for this year the estimate is 200,000.

British immigrants began to come in considerable Volume in

1901, when there were 17,269 arrivals. The best year was 1907,

when the number reported was 120,182, as compared with 83,975

from the Continent of Europe and 58,312 from the United

States. The decline in 1908 was chiefly in British and

European immigration. Between 50,000 and 55,000 came from

across the border, which was a greater number than came from

either Britain or Europe. This year it is estimated that

70,000 Americans will come into the country. They will take up

between 20,000 and 25,000 homesteads, and as it is considered

that they bring property to the average value of $1,000 each

this would give a total new capital of $70,000,000. In 1907,

the year in which we had our greatest Volume of immigration,

there were 178,500 British and Americans as compared with

84,000 from the Continent of Europe. For the last year there

were 100,000 British and Americans and not a third as many

from Europe.

"It is apparent that, even with the best business management

the Empire can apply to the direction of its population, the

American immigration to Canada will continue to exceed that

from Great Britain. One of the most careful and soberminded of

our public men with whom I talked a few days ago, a man who

knows the West and for years has had intimate official

knowledge of the movements of population on both sides of the

border, believes that in the next ten or twelve years five

millions of Americans will come into Canada. Upon this I

pronounce no opinion, save to agree that the overflow from the

United States is bound to increase in Volume. Naturally there

are those amongst us who regard ‘the American invasion’ with

uneasiness, and fear the ultimate effect upon our institutions

and upon the relation of Canada to the Empire. In this

connexion I can only say that for some years I have been at

pains to consult men from all parts of the West who should

know the mind of these American settlers and their general

disposition towards the social and political institutions of

the country, and as yet I have not found a single Western

Canadian to express apprehension. They all agree that, while

the Americans have a natural affection for ‘Old Glory’ and as

yet may confuse the Fourth with the First of July, they pay

ready allegiance to the flag under which they have come to

live, and very generally agree that the impartial and

inflexible administration of justice in Canada is in itself

sufficient reason for the permanence of the British allegiance

and an honest loyalty to Canadian institutions. What may be

hidden in the womb of the future, when many of these Americans

sit in the Legislatures and in the Federal Parliament, and

become powerful in moulding public policy, we cannot know, but

at least it is seldom that the seeds of revolution thrive

amongst a prosperous agricultural population.

"But it is to one particular phase of the movement of

population that I desire chiefly to call attention. The

migration to the West has had a marked effect on the older

Canadian provinces. Many farms in the long settled districts

have been almost deserted. The old remain; the young have

gone. The only compensation is that the sons prosper in the

West."

According to a despatch from Ottawa in September, 1909, "the

annual Immigration Report states that the total arrivals in

Canada during the last fiscal year were 146,908. For the first

time in Canadian history immigrants from the United States

exceeded those from the United Kingdom; the figures are

respectively 59,832 and 52,901. The total immigration during

the 13 years which the present Government has been in office

was 1,366,658. American immigrants in that period have brought

to Canada £12,000,000 in cash and effects. Immigration from

France and Belgium declined last year and Japanese immigration

fell off by 7,106. Only six Hindus entered Canada, compared

with 2,623 in the previous year; 3,803 immigrants were

rejected at ocean ports, of whom 1,748 were deported. The

total deportations since 1902, when the system was first

inaugurated, were 3,149, of whom 2,607 were English."

Two months later it was reported from Ottawa that during the

first six months of 1909 "homestead entries were made by

27,296 bona fide settlers, representing free grants of

Dominion lands of 4,367,360 acres. This is an increase of 939

entries and of 150,200 acres as compared with the

corresponding period of 1908. In September the total number of

homestead entries was 2,902; of these 926 were American, 325

English, 109 Scotch, 54 Irish, 336 Canadians from Ontario, and

83 Canadians from Quebec."

Previously, in August, it had been stated that "German

capitalists have interested Toronto men in a big plan to

colonize the lands of Alberta and Saskatchewan on a

time-payment system. The scheme includes advances to settlers

for the purchase of implements and for help in house building.

The expectation is that 20,000 Germans will avail themselves

of the scheme."

CANADA: A. D. 1898-1903.

German retaliation for the tariff discrimination

in favor of British goods.

See (in this Volume)

TARIFFS.

CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

The Census of the Dominion.

New apportionment of parliamentary representation.

The census of the Dominion, taken in 1901, showed

a total population of     5,370,000,

of which

Ontario contained         2,182,947;

Quebec,                   1,648,898;

Nova Scotia,                459,574;

New Brunswick,              331,120;

Manitoba,                   254,947;

British Columbia,           177,272;

Prince Edward Island,       103,259;

The Northwest Territories,

Yukon included,             211,649.

The new distribution of parliamentary representation,

determined this year, gave the House of Commons a total

membership of 214, apportioned as follows; Quebec 65 (as

guaranteed by the Confederation Act); Ontario 86; Nova Scotia

18; New Brunswick 13; Manitoba 10; British Columbia 7;

Northwest Territories 10; Prince Edward Island 4; the Yukon 1.

The basis was one representative for each 2500 people. Ontario

lost 6 seats, Nova Scotia 2, New Brunswick and Prince Edward

Island 1 each; all the other provinces gained, British

Columbia to the extent of 7 seats, the Northwest Territories

4, and Manitoba 3.

CANADA: A. D. 1902.

Colonial Conference at London.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE.

{66}

CANADA: A. D. 1903.

Discovery of the cobalt silver mines in Ontario.

Ore bodies carrying values in silver, cobalt, nickel, and

arsenic were discovered in 1903, during the building of the

Temiskaming and North Ontario Railway near the town of

Haileybury, at a distance of about 103 miles from North Bay.

The railway line ran over the most important vein that has

been found, and signs of the latter were noticed in the spring

of the year named. Prospecting was begun in the fall with

quick results of important discovery, and the rapid attraction

of a large mining population to what has become famous as the

Cobalt District. The production of silver in the district

increased from $111,887 in 1904 to $9,500,000 in 1908. The

ores are said to be unique among those of North America.

16th Annual Report of Ontario Bureau of Mines.

CANADA: A. D. 1903 (May).

Adoption of "Empire Day" in Great Britain.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (May).

CANADA: A. D. 1903 (October).

Settlement of the Alaskan boundary question.

See (in this Volume)

ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

CANADA: A. D. 1903-1904.

Measures to establish sovereignty over land and sea

of Hudson Bay region.

"The agreement by Britain and America to arbitrate at The

Hague the Newfoundland Fishery Question will probably pave the

way for a similar solution of another entanglement, as

threatening and complicated as that respecting the Alaskan

Boundary, apparently now imminent between Canada and the

United States over the sovereignty of Hudson Bay. This has a

special relation to the Newfoundland problem, being also based

on the treaty of 1818. The Canadian Government in August,

1903, despatched the Newfoundland sealing steamer ‘Neptune’

(one of the type of wood-built ships suited for the work) to

the region, with an official expedition whose three-fold

object was:

(1) to reassert British sovereignty over all the land and seas

there;

(2) to expel or subject to Canadian authority the United

States whalers who fish there, illegally, it is held; and

(3) to secure further data tending to determine the

navigability of the waters for an ocean grain route and

justify subsidising or discouraging the construction of

railways from the north-west to the shores of Hudson Bay.

"In the summer of 1904, in anticipation of the ‘Neptune’s’

return, the Canadian Government purchased from Germany the

Antarctic exploring steamer ‘Gauss,’ re-named her the

‘Arctic,’ and sent her to Hudson Bay as an official cruiser,

she conveying also Major Moodie, of the North-West Mounted

Police, who was commissioned as ‘Governor of Hudson Bay ’ and

was accompanied by a body of that famous force, to assist him

in the administration of this extensive province, they to

build posts there and establish themselves at the most

important points. … The undisguised purpose of the Dominion is

to take all possible steps to prevent the United States from

securing any advantage, territorial or diplomatic, which would

enable her to put forward pretensions such as have been

advanced by her with respect to the Alaskan Boundary.

"The similarity of this question to that of the Alaskan

Boundary is quite striking. Geographically, the Hudson Bay

region is to the Northeastern portion of the continent what

Alaska is to the North-western. In the variety and value of

natural resources both have much in common. The development of

the Hudson Bay region, while not as advanced as that of

Alaska, seems destined to be much accelerated in the near

future in every department of industrial endeavour. The United

States whalers, voyaging from New Bedford into Hudson Bay, and

from San Francisco into Alaskan seas, penetrate to the very

confines of the Arctic zone itself. To proceed against them

now, after their having enjoyed for over seventy years an

unrestricted access to Hudson Bay, whether entitled thereto or

not, is a step which may provoke a repetition of the

difficulties which were recently experienced over the Alaskan

Boundary. …

"[Canada] contends that from the entrance to Hudson Strait,

which she says is in a line drawn from Cape Chidley, the

northern projection of Labrador, to Resolution Island, the

southern extremity of Baffin Land, all the waters and lands to

the west, including the numerous islands of Arctic America,

are her exclusive possession. She bases this contention on the

following grounds:—

"1. Discovery (the waters, coastline and hinterland having

been discovered and charted by British explorers).

"2. Occupation (the region having been occupied only by the

Hudson Bay Company).

"3. Treaty cession (the British rights to the region having

been admitted by the French in 1713).

"4. Acquiescence (the United States having acknowledged the

Hudson Bay Company’s rights in 1818).

"5. Purchase (Canada having bought out the Company in 1870).

"But Americans are indisposed to acquiesce in any such

conclusion as regards the waters of the Bay. They contend that

the British had originally no rights beyond the three-mile

limit, that the French in 1713 could cede them no more, and

that the American concurrence in 1818 could apply only to the

same territorial waters. In other words, they question the

right of the British Monarch to grant such a Charter as he

did, and it may be observed here that the same point has

frequently been made in England also in the past by opponents

of the Company and by legal critics."

P. T. McGrath,

The Hudson Bay Dispute

(Fortnightly Review, January, 1908).

CANADA: A. D. 1903-1905.

Attitude of the Canadian Manufacturers’ Association toward

Great Britain and the United States on the Tariff question.

"The attitude of the Canadian Manufacturers’ Association

toward both the United States and Britain has been very

frequently misrepresented by opponents of tariff reform in

Canada and England. … The views of the Association were

clearly set forth in the recommendations made by the Tariff

Committee at the annual meeting in September, 1903, and

adopted by the Association after full discussion. The

attendance was very large, and the meeting was practically

unanimous, only one member dissenting. The resolutions were as

follows:

{67}

"'(1) That we reaffirm the tariff resolution passed at the

last annual meeting in Halifax, as follows: Resolved, That in

the opinion of this Association, the changed conditions which

now obtain in Canada demand the immediate and thorough

revision of the tariff, upon lines which will more effectually

transfer to the workshops of our Dominion the manufacture of

many of the goods which we now import from other countries;

that, in any such revision, the interests of all sections of

the community, whether of agriculture, mining, fishing, or

manufacturing, should be fully considered, with a view, not

only to the preservation, but to the further development, of

all these great natural industries; that, while such a tariff

should primarily be framed for Canadian interests, it should

nevertheless give a substantial preference to the Mother

Country, and also to any other part of the British Empire with

which reciprocal preferential trade can be arranged,

recognizing always that under any conditions the minimum

tariff must afford adequate protection to all Canadian

producers.

(2) That, except in very special cases, we are opposed to the

granting of bounties in Canada as a substitute for a policy of

reasonable and permanent protection.

(3) That we are strongly opposed to any reciprocity treaty

with the United States affecting the manufacturing industries

of Canada.

(4) We recommend that the Dominion Government establish in

Canada a permanent tariff commission of experts, who shall

have constant supervision of tariff policy and changes, and

shall follow closely the workings of the Canadian tariff with

a view to making such recommendations to the Government as

will best conserve and advance the interests of the Dominion.’

"These resolutions were reaffirmed at the annual conventions

in 1904 and 1905, meeting with no opposition."

Watson Griffin,

Canadian Manufacturers' Tariff Campaign

(North American Review, August, 1906).

CANADA: A. D. 1903-1909.

New transcontinental railway project.

The Grand Trunk Pacific.

"The project for a new transcontinental railway made the year

1903 industrially significant. The scheme when finally

presented to Parliament by Sir Wilfrid Laurier, on July 31st,

provided for the building of a new line from Moncton, New

Brunswick, through Quebec to Winnipeg and the Pacific Coast at

a terminus then not fixed, but now known to be Prince Rupert.

The road is to be divided into two parts; the Eastern from

Moncton to Winnipeg, which is to be built by the Government,

and the Western from Winnipeg to Prince Rupert, to be built by

the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway Company. Provision was made

for a lease of the Eastern section by the company and its

purchase after fifty years. This company is practically the

same as the Grand Trunk Railway Company. Sir Wilfrid estimated

the cost at $13,000,000. There were provisions for Government

assistance in the guaranteeing of the bonds of the new

company."

F. B. Tracy,

Tercentenary History of Canada,

Volume 3, page 1034 (Macmillan Company, New York, 1908).

At the half yearly meeting of the Grand Trunk Company in

London, October 21, 1909, the President, Sir C. Rivers Wilson,

who had recently returned from Canada, spoke of the present

state and prospects of the transcontinental line, partly as

follows:

"They were, he remarked, under an obligation to complete their

road through to Prince Rupert by December 1, 1911, but, owing

to the want of labour, he feared there was very little chance

of their succeeding in doing so. … They had built through to

Winnipeg on the one hand and to Lake Superior on the other,

but there remained an unfortunate link of 245 miles to

complete their junction with Lake Superior. … After what had

happened he was very chary of making any prediction, but he

should think that, after all that had taken place, and after

the great pressure which was now being put on the contractors,

the road would be finished by next summer. Their great object,

of course, was to link up the west with their eastern system.

That would be done during the summer by the road coming down

to Lake Superior, which would enable them to communicate by

water with their Georgian Bay port, and during the winter,

when navigation was closed, by way of land north of Lake

Superior by the line the Government was to build to a place

called Cochrane, about 540 miles distant, where they would

obtain communication with North Bay and put themselves in

contact with their own Ontario road."

CANADA: A. D. 1904.

General Election.

Continuance of the Laurier Ministry.

The Earl of Minto succeeded as Governor-General by Earl Grey.

The general election in 1904 resulted in a parliamentary

majority of 64 for the Liberals, thus firmly reseating the

Laurier Ministry. The Conservatives carried Ontario, but were

beaten heavily in the Maritime Provinces, in Quebec, and in

the West. The general prosperity of the country gave a backing

to the Liberals which no political criticism could overcome.

The Earl of Minto was succeeded as Governor-General, in 1904,

by Earl Grey, grandson of the Earl Grey who, as Prime Minister

of England in 1832, carried through the first Reform of

Parliament, extinguishing the "rotten boroughs," transferring

political power from the land-owning aristocracy to the middle

class of English people, and beginning the democratizing of

government, which two later reforms have made nearly complete.

"There can be no doubt," said a Canadian correspondent of one

of the London journals lately, "that the present

Governor-General is more widely popular in Canada than any of

his predecessors in that high office were, or could have been.

Happy in his personality, happier still in his opportunities,

he is known and liked by all sorts and conditions of Canadians

in every part of the country; whereas more than one of those

who have represented the Sovereign there since the creation of

the Canadian Confederacy were regarded as august functionaries

forming the ‘dignified part’ of the constitutional mechanism

(to use Bagehot’s phrase), and as sedulously avoiding close

contact with the people at large."

Within the past year it has been announced officially from

Ottawa that Lord Grey will fill out his full period of six

years in the office of Governor-General, expiring in December,

1910.

CANADA: A. D. 1904.

Creation of the Board of Railway Commissioners.

Its large regulative powers.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: CANADA.

CANADA: A. D. 1904-1909.

Race problems.

Restriction of Chinese Immigration.

Labor hostility.

Riotous attacks on Japanese, Chinese, and Hindu laborers.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: CANADA.

{68}

CANADA: A. D. 1905.

New Provinces created.

Alberta and Saskatchewan.

Revival of the Separate School controversy.

The compromise settlement.

By Bills brought into the Dominion Parliament by the Premier,

Sir Wilfrid Laurier, on the 21st of February, 1905, and

subsequently passed, the four Northwest Territories ceded to

the Dominion by Great Britain in 1870 were reorganized as two

provinces, and admitted to membership in the Canadian Federal

Union, bearing the names of Alberta and Saskatchewan, with

Edmonton for the capital of the former and Regina for the

latter.

See, in Volume IV. of this work,

NORTHWEST TERRITORIES OF CANADA.

Saskatchewan includes the territories of Saskatchewan,

Assiniboia, and one-half of Athabasca, and Alberta the

territory of Alberta and the remainder of Athabasca. The

entire area of the two provinces is 550,345 square miles, and

it extends from Manitoba west to the 110th meridian, and from

the United States boundary to 60 north latitude. The

population of each province was reckoned at 250,000, and was

rapidly increasing. The Dominion Government retains control of

the public lands. Each of the new provinces received at the

beginning five representatives in the Dominion House of

Commons and four in the Senate. A single Legislative Chamber

of twenty-five members was provided for each; each has a

Lieutenant-Governor, with a Cabinet of responsible Ministers.

The Dominion Treasury contributes $250,000 yearly to the

revenue of each.

A provision in these bills for conceding separate schools to

religious minorities revived the controversy which raged in

Canada for many years, after the Province of Manitoba, in

1890, had abolished denominational schools and established a

free, compulsory, unsectarian school system.

See, in Volume VI. of this work,

CANADA: A. D. 1890-1896, and A. D, 1898 (JANUARY).

The Government was forced to amend the provision, devising a

compromise which cannot be said to have satisfied either party

to the dispute, but which saved the Government from a probable

defeat. This affords a half hour of religious teaching, by

denominational teachers, at the end of school hours, the

denominational character of the instruction determined by the

majority in attendance, and its reception to be optional. As

explained at the time by a writer in The Outlook, the working

of the system is as follows. "The half-hour is the only

noteworthy feature of the separate schools. They are liable

for no other school taxation than that which is necessary to

support those schools. In all other respects, in every detail

of government control and oversight, they are exactly like the

schools of the majority. From nine o’clock in the morning

until three o’clock in the afternoon the order of lessons is

the same for all; so are the textbooks, the standards of

efficiency, and the qualifications of the teachers. There

cannot be any control of the school by any clerical or

sectarian body. There cannot be any sectarian teaching between

nine o’clock in the morning and three o’clock in the

afternoon. The Normal schools of the new provinces will give a

uniform normal training for all teachers, and there will be

uniform curricula and courses of study for all schools of the

same grade. There will be complete and absolute control of all

schools as to their government and conduct by the central

school authority created by the new provincial Legislature.

The distribution of the legislative grant to all schools will

be according to educational efficiency, a wise provision which

did not apply to separate schools of the old type. To

recapitulate, all the schools are alike, except that where the

trustees are Protestant there is Protestant religious teaching

from half-past three to four, and where the trustees are Roman

Catholic there is Roman Catholic teaching during the

half-hour. That is the only distinction, and neither

Protestant nor Roman Catholic children, when they are in the

minority, need remain to hear any religious teaching against

their parents’ wishes."

CANADA: A. D. 1906.

Dominion Forest Reserves Act.

See (in this Volume)

Conservation of Natural Resources.

CANADA: A. D. 1906.

Passage of the "Lord’s Day Act."

See (in this Volume)

SUNDAY OBSERVANCE.

CANADA: A. D. 1906.

Prisons and Reformatory Act.

See (in this Volume)

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

CANADA: A. D. 1906 (May).

Departure of the last British garrison.

On the 1st of May, 1906, the last British garrison in the

Dominion was withdrawn from Esquimault, in British Columbia,

under an arrangement which leaves the Canadian Government in

undivided control of all military posts.

CANADA: A. D. 1906-1907.

Political experiments in Ontario.

Broadening the functions of government.

The Canadians of their Middle West, who used to be the most

conservative of Britons, have manifested lately a new spirit,

wafted, perhaps, from adventuresome New Zealand, and are

trying governmental experiments that would stagger

Oklahoma,—trying them, too, with what looks like success.

For the development of the rich cobalt and silver mining

region on its eastern border, and for the encouragement of

colonization farther northward on the same border, the Ontario

Government has not hesitated to construct and own and operate

officially an important line of railway, the Temiskaming and

Northern Ontario, which is reported to have been profitable

from the start. The road may possibly be extended to James

Bay, the southward projection of Hudson Bay.

The progressive government of Ontario has also undertaken to

work for its own benefit the mines in a large lately opened

block of the Cobalt mining territory, covering about 100

square miles. In somewhat the same line of economic policy, it

determined in 1906 to control the development and transmission

of electric power at and from Niagara Falls, and accomplished

its purpose by a contract with the Ontario Power Company,

which secures power to municipalities in Ontario at an

extremely reasonable rate.

This adventurous policy in economic directions is less

surprising, however, than an absolutely novel experiment in

the officializing of political parties, as agencies in

representative government, which has been put on trial in

Ontario during two parliamentary sessions. For the first time

in constitutional history, the opposition leader in a

legislature has been made a recognized functionary and

salaried by the Government to the extent of $7,000 a year.

Theoretically, the importance of an effectively critical

opposition to the majority party in a legislature is always

acknowledged. Is there not good sense, then, theoretically at

least, in a policy of government which aims to increase the

efficiency of that criticism and give it a responsible

character, in the mode which the Ontarians are trying?

{69}

After between two and three years trial of this last named

experiment, with a salaried leader of the Opposition, the

Toronto correspondent of the London Times wrote, in

June, 1909, to that paper as follows:

"This is an experiment in Parliamentary government which has

not been attempted elsewhere. It has both advantages and

disadvantages. There are few men of wealth or leisure in

Canadian public life, and generally a private party fund has

been provided for the support of the leader of the Opposition.

The charge was commonly made that as this fund was likely to

be provided by the few wealthy men of the party they would

exact compensation in the form of official appointment or

legislative favour when the Opposition leader became the head

of the Government. It was decided, therefore, to give a

salary, equal to the emoluments of a Minister of the Crown, to

the leader of the Opposition. Mr. Borden [leader of the

Opposition in Ontario for some time past] sanctioned this

legislation and accepted the remuneration provided. It was

argued that he thus became a pensioner on the Government, and

that a servile consideration for his salary would affect his

independence and restrain his criticism of the paymasters on

the Treasury benches. Mr. Borden, while disposed more than

once to relinquish the salary, felt that this criticism was

unjust, and, knowing the grave financial distresses which some

of his predecessors had experienced, waited patiently for the

attack to exhaust itself and for opportunity to prove that he

was not a dependent of the Treasury. At length his course

seems to be justified, and the appropriation of a salary for

the leader of the Opposition seems likely to become a settled

feature of the Canadian Parliamentary system. The real test

will come, however, if the system of Parliamentary groups

should ever replace the established two-party system in

Canada. But for the time the experiment has been justified,

and under the conditions which so often obtain in Canada it

may even be said that the official salary enhances the

independence and dignity of the Opposition leader in

Parliament."

CANADA: A. D. 1906-1908.

The Canada Temperance Act.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM: CANADA.

CANADA: A. D. 1907.

The founding of Macdonald College.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907.

CANADA: A. D. 1907 (March).

The "Industrial Disputes Investigation Act," to aid in the

prevention and settlement of Strikes and Lockouts.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907-1908.

CANADA: A. D. 1907 (April-May).

Imperial Conference at London.

See (in this Volume)

British Empire: A. D. 1907.

CANADA: A. D. 1907-1909.

Convention respecting commercial relations with France

and its amendment.

A Convention which greatly liberalized the tariff regulations

affecting trade between Canada and France was concluded

between the British and French Governments and signed at Paris

on the 19th of September, 1907. It gave "the benefit of the

minimum tariff and of the lowest rates of customs duty

applicable to like products of other foreign origin,"

reciprocally, in each country to certain enumerated products

of the other; with mutual pledges that every reduction granted

by either to any foreign country should apply to similar

products of the other.

In January, 1909, an amended Convention was negotiated which

liberalized still further this commercial agreement, enlarging

the schedules of favored products, especially the agricultural

schedules, giving important advantages to Canada in the French

market. The amended Convention was ratified in France on the

13th of July, and in Canada early in December.

CANADA: A. D. 1908.

Child Labor legislation.

See (in this Volume)

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS WORKERS.

CANADA: A. D. 1908.

Governmental undertaking of a railway to Hudson Bay.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: CANADA: A. D. 1908-1909.

CANADA: A. D. 1908 (April).

Convention for the preservation and propagation of Food

Fishes in waters contiguous to the United States and Canada.

See (in this Volume)

FOOD FISHES.

CANADA: A. D. 1908 (April).

Treaty respecting the demarcation of the International

Boundary between the United States and Canada.

A Treaty "providing for the more complete definition and

demarcation of the international boundary between the United

States and the Dominion of Canada," negotiated by Ambassador

Bryce and Secretary Root, appointed Plenipotentiaries of the

Governments of Great Britain and the United States,

respectively, was signed at Washington on the 4th of June,

1908. The Treaty provides for parcelling the boundary line in

eight sections, for the determination in each of which each

Government "shall appoint, without delay, an expert geographer

or surveyor to serve as Commissioner." Its first article

prescribes with minuteness the procedure to be followed and

the consideration to be given to former surveys and

determinations of the boundary line "in the waters of

Passamaquoddy Bay from the mouth of the St. Croix River to the

Bay of Fundy." The second article defines similarly the task

appointed to the Commissioners who shall determine the "line

drawn along the middle of the River St. Croix from its mouth

in the Bay of Fundy to its source." The third article

instructs the Commissioners who shall fix the line from the

source of the St. Croix to the St. Lawrence. The fourth deals

in like manner with the next section of the line, from "the

point of its intersection with the St. Lawrence River near the

forty-fifth parallel of north latitude, as determined under

articles I. and VI. of the Treaty of August 9, 1842, between

Great Britain and the United States, and thence through the

Great Lakes and communicating waterways to the mouth of Pigeon

River, at the western shore of Lake Superior." The fifth

pursues the line from "the mouth of Pigeon River to the

northwestern-most point of the Lake of the Woods." The sixth

traces the work to be done on the line from that point of the

Lake of the Woods to the summit of the Rocky Mountains. The

seventh relates to the section of boundary "along the

forty-ninth parallel of north latitude, from the summit of the

Rocky Mountains westward to the eastern shore of the Gulf of

Georgia, as defined in article I. of the Treaty of June 15,

1846, between Great Britain and the United States and as

marked by monuments along its course,"—for the renewing and

completing of which monuments commissioners were appointed by

concurrent action of the two Governments in 1902 and 1903. The

eighth article has to do with the western terminal section of

the task, carrying the boundary line "from the forty-ninth

parallel of north latitude along the middle of the channel

which separates Vancouver’s Island from the mainland and the

Haro Channel and of Fuca’s Straits to the Pacific Ocean, as

defined in article I. of the Treaty of June 15, 1846, between

Great Britain and the United States, and as determined by the

award made on October 21, 1872, by the Emperor of Germany as

arbitrator.

{70}

In articles one and two there are provisions for the

arbitration of disagreements; and the concluding article

contains the following:

"If a dispute or difference should arise about the location or

demarcation of any portion of the boundary covered by the

provisions of this Treaty and an agreement with respect

thereto is not reached by the Commissioners charged herein

with locating and marking such portion of the line, they shall

make a report in writing jointly to both Governments, or

severally each to his own Government, setting out fully the

questions in dispute and the differences between them, but

such Commissioners shall, nevertheless, proceed to carry on

and complete as far as possible the work herein assigned to

them with respect to the remaining portions of the line.

"In case of such a disagreement between the Commissioners, the

two Governments shall endeavor to agree upon an adjustment of

the questions in dispute, and if an agreement is reached

between the two Governments it shall be reduced to writing in

the form of a protocol, and shall be communicated to the said

Commissioners, who shall proceed to lay down and mark the

boundary in accordance therewith, and as herein provided, but

without prejudice to the special provisions contained in

Articles I and II regarding arbitration.

"It is understood that under the foregoing articles the same

persons will be appointed to carry out the delimitation of

boundaries in the several sections aforesaid, other than the

section covered by Article IV, unless either of the

Contracting Powers finds it expedient for some reason which it

may think sufficient to appoint some other person to be

Commissioner for any one of the above-mentioned sections."

CANADA: A. D. 1908 (July).

Tercentenary Celebration of the Founding of Quebec.

The three hundredth anniversary of the founding of Quebec by

Champlain was celebrated at that city in July, 1908, with

remarkable spirit and success. The Government of the Dominion

took an active and important part in the preparations,

nationalizing the battle-field of Wolfe’s victory over

Montcalm, on the Plains of Abraham, and converting it into a

park, where the principal pageants and ceremonies of the

occasion were performed. The Imperial Government interested

itself warmly in the undertaking, the Prince of Wales, Lord

Roberts, the Duke of Norfolk, and other distinguished

personages from Great Britain coming as guests of the

festivity and to bear a part. Living descendants of Wolfe and

Montcalm were also invited guests, and the Governments of

France and the United States were officially represented.

Battleships from the fleets of these nations and from Germany,

Italy, Spain, Japan and the Argentine Republic were brought to

a friendly concourse in the harbor of Quebec, for

participation in the brilliant spectacles of the féte. These

included a military representation of the armies of Wolfe and

Montcalm, on the field where they fought; a representation of

the landing of Champlain, from a ship which duplicated the

structure and equipment of his own, and a number of other

historical pageants, all admirably planned and executed, and

offering a rare entertainment to the many thousands of

visitors who were attracted to Quebec from all parts of the

Dominion and the United States.

The celebration began on the 19th of July and continued

through two weeks.

CANADA: A. D. 1908 (September).

Act to amend Civil Service Act.

See (in this Volume)

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: CANADA.

CANADA: A. D. 1909.

The projected Georgian Bay Canal.

Present state of the project.

"The scheme for a canal to give through transport for

ocean-going steamers from Montreal to the Great Lakes may now

be said to have emerged from the field of idealism into that

of practical politics, the need for such a waterway having

been generally recognized by Canadian politicians. In

commercial circles there is the strongest feeling that the

canal works should be put in hand at once, and at the end of

April last a powerful deputation representing 20 Canadian

Boards of Trade and 54 municipalities pressed this point of

view upon the Government. At the present time questions of

finance alone prohibit the practical adoption of the

enterprise. … When the work is started, it will probably be

found that the contract will be entrusted to private

enterprise under Government supervision.

… The present position of the negotiations between the

Government and the canal company is that the latter

corporation having matured its scheme, the Government

engineers have made a report, and a compromise has now to be

effected on those points where the recommendations of the

Government engineers differ from the scheme of construction

drawn up by the Georgian Bay Canal Company.

"The total distance of the route planned by the canal company

engineers between Georgian Bay on Lake Huron to Montreal, the

head of ocean navigation on the St. Lawrence River, is 440

miles. The project is essentially a river and lake

canalization scheme, and for the greater part of its course

the projected route follows the course of the French River and

the Ottawa. River and its lakes. From Georgian Bay to the

summit level it is proposed to utilize the middle channel of

French River to Lake Nipissing. From the northern side of this

lake to the summit level, a distance of over 80 miles from

Georgian Bay, it would be mainly an artificial waterway. From

the summit level, 677 ft. above sea level, there is a long

fall to Montreal, and the route proposed by the canal company

engineers is via Trout and Turtle Lakes, the little

Mattawa River into Talon Lake to Sand Bay, a distance of 21

miles. A canal three miles long would carry the waterway to

the Mattawa River, 13 miles of which would be utilized, and a

short canal cut would give access to the Ottawa River, which

would then be followed for a distance of 293 miles. Thence the

St. Lawrence River or a branch of the Ottawa River, known as

the Back River, would form the new waterway for the last 25

miles. The difference in elevation of 659 ft. between Montreal

and the summit level, and 99 ft. between the summit and

Georgian Bay would be bridged by 27 locks, ranging in lift

from 5 ft. to 50 ft. These locks would be designed for a

length of 940 ft., with a width of 70 ft. and with 22 ft. of

water upon the lock sills, the proposed depth of the canal

being 24 ft.

{71}

The total length of canal cutting for the route is estimated

at from 28 to 34 miles, and in all about 108 miles out of the

total length of 440 miles would require excavation work for

lock approaches, canals, and submerged channels.

"The plans of the Government engineers, as embodied in a

report to the Department Of Public Works, do not differ

materially from those of the canal company. The latter

proposes a 24 ft. waterway, with 22 ft. upon the lock sills;

the Government plans provide for a 22 ft. waterway, which, it

is pointed out, would more than equal the conditions as they

exist to-day in the channels connecting the waters of the

Great Lakes, which govern the draught of boats on the Lakes. …

The opening up of the Great Lakes for the first time to

ocean-going traffic would be an event of the first commercial

magnitude. It is not generally recognized that the trade of

the Lakes is greater than the coasting trade of England, of

France, and of Germany put together. The statistical reports

of Lake commerce passing through the canals at Sault Ste.

Marie, Michigan and Ontario, show that the tonnage passing

through these canals increased during 1897 to 1907 from

18,982,755 to 58,217,214.

"Reference should also be made to the water powers which would

be created by the present plans for the construction of the

canal. The report of the Government engineers states that

nearly 1,000,000 h. p. could be secured along the Ottawa and

French rivers and it is estimated that 100,000 h. p. would be

available within almost a mile of the city of Montreal.

"The question yet to be decided is when can the country afford

to start the work. Sir Robert Perks, M. P., who has been

intimately associated with the scheme, recently submitted an

offer to the Government on behalf of the canal company, who

own the charter, to provide £5,000,000 at a 3 per cent.

guarantee, with ½ per cent. sinking fund, for the construction

of the French River section of the canal, a distance of about

86 miles, and to build docks and warehouses at North Bay on

Lake Nipissing. … It is estimated that it would take ten years

from the inception of the work before the canal would be open

for navigation, and that the total cost would be about

£20,000,000."

Engineering Correspondence London Times,

August 18, 1909.

CANADA: A. D. 1909.

The Great Mackenzie Basin.

The Newest Canadian West.

A report on the agricultural possibilities of the great

Mackenzie Basin, prepared by a select committee of the

Dominion Senate, was made public in the summer of 1909.

"Basing their calculations upon the testimony of witnesses,

the Committee calculate that some two million square miles

between the northern limits of Saskatchewan and Alberta and

the Arctic Circle can be used for pasturage and for the

cultivation of wheat, barley, potatoes, and other vegetables.

Until a few years ago not only the Mackenzie basin but the

valley of Peace rivers were on account of their high latitudes

considered to be unfit for cultivation. The comparatively mild

climate, which, as the report shows, they in reality enjoy, is

said to be due to the proximity of large bodies of water such

as the Great Slave and Great Bear lakes and to the

chinook wind, the warm current of air that blows across

the Rocky Mountains from the Pacific. The shortness of the

sub-Arctic summer appears to be offset by the proportionate

length of the days and by the clearness of the air. In regard

to the future of the district with which it deals the report

points out that in 1870 the representatives of the people of

Eastern Canada were anxious to obtain in regard to what is now

the prosperous province of Manitoba exactly the same

information as the Committee has been engaged in collecting

about Canada’s ‘newest west.’"

CANADA: A. D. 1909.

The opposition in Newfoundland to union with the Dominion.

See (in this Volume)

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1909.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (January).

The Waterways Treaty between the United States and Great

Britain, concerning the waters between the former and Canada.

Resulting from the labors of an International Waterways

Commission, appointed four years before, a Waterways Treaty,

having reference to the lakes and rivers that lie along the

boundary between Canada and the United States, was concluded

by Ambassador Bryce, on the part of the British Government,

and Secretary of State Root, on the part of the United States,

in January, 1909. The Treaty was ratified by the Senate of the

United States in the closing hours of the Congressional

session which ended March 4, but with a proviso, in the form

of a resolution attached. The following is a summary of the

provisions of the Treaty as it went to the Senate:

"A preliminary article defines the Canadian and American

boundary waters.

"Article I. enacts that the navigation of these waters,

including Lake Michigan and the canals connecting them, shall

for ever continue free and open for the purposes of commerce

to the inhabitants of both countries. Regulations affecting

canals in the territory of either country shall apply equally

to inhabitants of the other who may wish to make use thereof.

"Article II. reserves to the signatories and to the State and

provincial Governments exclusive control over the use,

diversion, &c., of such waters in their territory as flow into

the boundary waters or across the frontier. Any inhabitant of

either country injured by the use of this privilege will be

entitled to the legal remedies he would have if he were a

native of the defendant country. The contracting parties,

however, reserve the right of objection whenever navigation on

their own side of the boundary is imperilled by any diversion

of water across it.

"Articles III. and IV. provide that no works shall be

undertaken on either side of the line, if such works would be

likely to affect the level of the waters on the other side,

without agreement between the contracting parties and the

sanction of the Joint Commission. Pollution of the waters is

also forbidden.

"Article V., which relates to the diversion of the waters of

Niagara, the control of the level of Lake Erie, and the flow

of the Niagara River, has a clause which states that it is the

desire of both parties to accomplish these objects with the

least possible injury to the investments which have already

been made in the construction of power plants on the United

States side of the Niagara River under grants of authority

from the State of New York, and on the Canadian side of the

river under licenses authorized by the Dominion of Canada and

the Province of Ontario.

{72}

"Article VI. apportions the uses of the St. Mary’s and Milk

rivers and their tributaries in the west.

"Article VII. provides for the creation of an International

Joint Commission, consisting of three representatives of

Canada and three of the United States.

"Article VIII. provides that the Commission shall have

jurisdiction over, and shall decide all cases involving, the

waterways where, under articles III. and IV., their approval

is required, and gives principles for their guidance. The

contracting parties are to have equal and similar rights. The

uses of the water are to be considered in the following

order:—First, domestic and sanitary purposes; secondly,

purposes of navigation; third, purposes of power and

irrigation. The Commission is invested with some discretion

with regard to departure from the principle of equal division,

&c. In case of a tie vote each Commissioner is to make a

separate report to his Government; whereupon the two

Governments shall attempt to reach an agreement.

"The two following articles, IX. and X., requiring that all

disputes shall be referred to the Commission, stand out as the

most important provisions of the treaty. Article IX., after

stating that matters of difference shall be referred to the

Commission whenever either Government desires, goes on to

authorize the Commission in each case so referred to examine

into and report upon the facts and circumstances of the

particular questions referred, together with such conclusions

and recommendations as may be appropriate, subject, however,

to any restrictions or exceptions which may be imposed with

respect thereto by the terms of reference. Such reports of the

Commission are in no way to have the character of an arbitral

award. The Commission shall make joint report to both

Governments in all cases wherein all or a majority of the

Commissioners agree, and in case of disagreement the minority

may make joint report to both Governments, or separate reports

to their respective Governments. In case the Commission is

evenly divided upon any question referred to it, separate

reports shall be made by the Commissioners, one on each side

to their own Government.

"Article X. extends the powers of the Commission by providing

that other matters of difference affecting the rights of

either country may be referred to the Commission. In each case

so referred the Commission is authorized to examine into and

report upon the facts and circumstances of the particular

questions and matters referred, together with such conclusions

and recommendations as may be appropriate, subject, however,

to any restrictions or exceptions which may be imposed with

respect thereto by the terms of reference. A majority of the

Commission shall have power to render a decision or finding

upon any of the questions or matters so referred.

"In the event of a failure of the Commission to agree upon the

issues submitted to them for decision or report, the article

requires the Commissioners to make a joint report to both

Governments, or separate reports to their respective

Governments, showing the different conclusions arrived at with

regard to matters or questions so referred, which shall

thereupon be submitted for decision by the high contracting

parties to an umpire chosen in accordance with procedure

prescribed in the fourth, fifth, and sixth paragraphs of

Article XLV. of The Hague Convention for the pacific

settlement of international disputes, dated October 18, 1907.

Such umpire, the article concludes, shall have power to render

a final decision on matters whereon the Commission have failed

to agree."

The resolution attached to the Treaty by the Senate of the

United States related to the use of waters flowing at the

rapids of St. Mary’s River at Sault Ste. Marie, and was

introduced by Senator Smith of Michigan. It is as follows:

"Resolved—As part of this ratification, the United States

approves this treaty, with the understanding that nothing in

the treaty shall be construed as affecting or changing any

existing territorial or riparian right in the water, or the

rights of owners of lands under water, on either side of the

international boundary, at the rapids of St. Mary’s River at

Sault Ste. Marie, in the use of waters flowing over such

lands, subject to the requirements of navigation in the

boundary waters and of the navigation of canals, and without

prejudice to the existing right of the United States and

Canada, each to use the waters of St. Mary’s River within its

own territory; and that this interpretation will be mentioned

in the ratification of this treaty as conveying the true

meaning of the treaty, and will in effect form part of the

treaty."

This stipulation was objectionable to Canada, and the consent

of the Dominion Government to a ratification of the Treaty on

the part of Great Britain was withheld. It has been

understood, however, that the objection will be substantially

removed if the Government of the United States acquires

possession of the lands and riparian property concerned, which

was provided for by an Act of Congress passed in March. The

necessary proceedings will consume some time.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (February).

The institution of a Department of External Affairs.

An Associated Press despatch from Ottawa, on the 18th of

February, 1909, made known that "the Canadian Government has

announced its intention of creating a portfolio of external

affairs. Heretofore all of the foreign business of Canada has

been carried on through the channel of the British colonial

and foreign office. Even after the external affairs branch is

created by Canada this will be the principal avenue for such

business. That method is cumbersome. In the case of

negotiations with the United States, papers have to cross the

Atlantic twice in passing from Washington to Ottawa, being

sent first to the colonial office and then back to Canada. The

process has been much criticised and both the prime minister

and the opposition leader have declared themselves in favor of

a modification. The creation of the external department is

regarded as the first step. The most radical proposal is the

intimation that in negotiations with the United States there

will hereafter be direct communication between Washington and

Canada, through the medium of the British Ambassador."

{73}

In the British Parliament, on the 4th of March, the Prime

Minister, Mr. Asquith, replied to a question on the subject,

as follows:

"It is understood that the Canadian Government propose to

establish a Department of External Affairs. This department is

merely intended—like the corresponding department of the Com

[Commonwealth?] wealth Government—to conduct correspondence

with the Secretary of State for the Colonies, and his

Majesty’s Ambassador at Washington, and with the several

departments of the Canadian Government. At present delay

occurs in dealing with the correspondence, as there is no

department to conduct the work. No suggestion has been made by

the Canadian Government for the increase of their powers in

dealing with external affairs."

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (February).

Participation in a North American Conference on the

Conservation of Natural Resources.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: NORTH AMERICA.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (April).

Statistics of the Budget speech.

Revenue.

Trade.

No increase of taxation.

The following was reported in a despatch from Ottawa, April

20, 1909:

"Notwithstanding the financial stringency of the past year,

which reduced the revenue of Canada by $11,500,000, Mr.

Fielding, Minister of Finance, in his Budget speech today made

the gratifying announcement that there was a surplus of

$1,500,000 for the year ended March 31. The increase in the

net debt was $46,029,000, of which $32,000,000 was for the

National Transcontinental Railway and the Quebec Bridge. The

total trade of the country during the past year was

$553,737,000, a decrease of $97,000,000, principally in

imports. The estimated expenditures for the current year were

$80,078,624. In the judgment of the Government there was no

necessity for increased taxation, but the situation should be

met by a substantial reduction in expenditures."

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (June).

Important ruling by the Railway Commission affecting

American Railways.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: CANADA: A. D. 1909.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (July-August).

Imperial Defence Conference.

Its agreements.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (August).

Meeting of the British Association for

the Advancement of Science.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (August).

Proposed union of the Maritime Provinces.

A Press despatch of August 19, from Ottawa, reported:

"At a conference of the Boards of Trade of the Maritime

Provinces at Charlottetown a resolution was adopted in favour

of the union of the Maritime Provinces. The Governments of

Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island were

asked to appoint a committee to draft terms of union. The

general opinion is that only union can avert the overwhelming

influence of the West in future."

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (December).

Convention relating to obstructions in the St. John River.

"Commissioners have been appointed on the part of the United

States to act jointly with commissioners on the part of Canada

in examining into the question of obstructions in the St. John

River, between Maine and New Brunswick, and to make

recommendations for the regulation of the uses thereof, and

are now engaged in this work."

Message of the President of the United States to Congress,

December 6, 1909.

CANADA: A. D. 1909-1910.

As affected by the new tariff of the United States.

See (in this Volume)

TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

CANADA: A. D. 1910.

Anti-Trust Bill in the Dominion Parliament.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: CANADA.

CANADA: A. D. 1910 (January).

Announcement of naval programme.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

----------CANADA: End--------

CANADA STEEL CORPORATION.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: CANADA: A. D. 1909.

CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY STRIKE, 1908.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907-1908.

CANAL ZONE.

See (in this Volume)

PANAMA CANAL.

CANALS.

See (in this Volume)

PANAMA, GEORGIAN BAY,

and (for Barge Canal) NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1898-1909.

CAMPANILE OF ST. MARK’S, at Venice.

Its fall.

See (in this Volume)

VENICE: A. D. 1902.

CANBERRA,

YASS-CANBERRA.

Chosen site of the Capital of Australia.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.

CANCER RESEARCH.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH.

CANDAMO, PRESIDENT MANUEL.

See (in this Volume)

PERU.

CAPE COLONY.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA.

CAPITALISTIC COMBINATIONS.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.;

also RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES.

CAPUCHINS:

Forbidden to teach in France.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

CARDUCCI, Giosue.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

CARLOS I., King of Portugal.

His assassination.

See (in this Volume)

Portugal: A. D. 1906-1909.

CARMEN SYLVA: Queen of Roumania.

See (in this Volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: ROUMANIA: A. D. 1866-1906.

CARNEGIE, ANDREW:

Gift to Scottish universities and students.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.

CARNEGIE, ANDREW:

Gift of a building at Washington for the

Bureau of the American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS, INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF.

CARNEGIE, ANDREW:

Gift of a court house and library for the Permanent Court of

Arbitration at The Hague.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1903.

CARNEGIE, ANDREW:

At Peace Congress in New York.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

CARNEGIE FOUNDATION, FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF TEACHING.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

CARNEGIE HERO FUNDS.

April 15, 1904, a letter from Andrew Carnegie was made public

announcing that he had set apart a fund of $5,000,000 to be

known as "The Hero Fund." In this letter Mr. Carnegie said:

"We live in an heroic age. Not seldom are we thrilled by deeds

of heroism where men or women are injured or lose their lives

in attempting to preserve or rescue their fellows; such are

the heroes of civilization.

{74}

The heroes of barbarism maimed or killed. I have long felt

that the heroes and those dependent upon them should be freed

from pecuniary cares resulting from their heroism and as a

fund for this purpose I have transferred to a commission

$5,000,000 of collateral 5 per cent bonds of the United States

Steel Corporation." Only such as follow peaceful vocations on

sea or land in the United States or Canada are eligible to

receive money or medals for heroic deeds. The commission which

has charge of the fund has its headquarters in Pittsburg,

Pennsylvania. A similar fund in Great Britain was created soon

afterward by Mr. Carnegie, and in May, 1909, he placed, for

the same purpose, $1,000,000 of the bonds of the United States

Steel Corporation in the hands of trustees in France, under

the sanction of the French Government.

CARNEGIE INSTITUTE, The, at Pittsburg:

Its enlargement and re-dedication.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

CARTAGO, COSTA RICA:

Institution of the Central American Court of Justice.

Gift of a building by Mr. Carnegie.

See (in this Volume)

Central America: A. D. 1908.

CARTELS.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL (IN GERMANY).

CASABLANCA:

Bombardment by French and Spanish fleets.

The Casablanca incident.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

CASEMENT, ROGER: British consul in the Congo State.

His reports.

See (in this Volume)

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

CASTRO, CIPRIANO:

President of Venezuela.

See in this Volume)

VENEZUELA,

also COLOMBIA: 1898-1902.

CASTRO, Luciano de.

See (in this Volume)

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

CATALONIA: A. D. 1902.

Disorders.

See (in this Volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907-1909.

CATHOLIC DISABILITIES, IN ENGLAND:

Majority vote in Commons for removing.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May).

CATHOLIC PEOPLE’S PARTY.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.

CATSKILL AQUEDUCT.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905-1909.

CATTLE DRIVING.

See (in this Volume)

IRELAND: A. D. 1902-1908.

CAUCASUS, The:

Conflict of Tartars and Armenians.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (February-November).

CENSORSHIP.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.

CENSUS BILL, PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT’S VETO OF THE.

See (in this Volume)

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.

CENSUS BUREAU, CREATION OF A PERMANENT.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (March).

CENTER, or CENTRUM PARTY.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

----------CENTRAL AMERICA: Start--------

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1906.

Participation of all the states in the Second and Third

International Conferences of American republics.

Their signature of an obligatory arbitration convention.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1902.

Treaty of compulsory arbitration and obligatory peace

between the five republics.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1903.

Honduras: Revolution, establishing General Bonilla

in the Presidency.

In the spring of 1903 a rising in Honduras against the

Government was reported to be in progress, under General

Bonilla. Early in March the situation was stated by the

American consular agent at Amapala as follows:

"A great part of the members of the Congress that was in

session in Tegucigalpa, amongst them the President of the

Congress, fled from the capital to the frontier of Salvador

the 30th of January, so that Congress was de facto dissolved

on that date. It seems that the council of ministers formed a

new Congress out of the remaining deputies and the substitutes

of the fugitives. The new Congress proclaimed Dr. Juan Angel

Arias president, and General Maximo B. Rosales vice-president

of the Republic. The new Government was recognized by

Nicaragua, but I do not know if it was recognized by the other

Central American Republics. In the meantime General Bonilla

has gone ahead with his military operations against the new

government. His forces have taken the fortified towns of

Ocotepeque, Santa Rosa, and Gracias, near the frontier of

Nicaragua. On the 22d of February General Bonilla was as

attacked in El Aceituno by General Sierra, the ex-president,

who was completely defeated and escaped with several hundred

men, the remainder of his troops, to the fortified town of

Nacaome, where he still is. General Bonilla has now an army of

about 4,500 men."

In despatches of the 15th and 24th of April, Minister Combs,

who represented the United States in transactions with both

Guatemala and Honduras, advised the State Department that

General Bonilla was in possession of Tegucigalpa; that

ex-President Arias was a prisoner; that peace was restored,

and that Bonilla should be recognized as President.

Accordingly the recognition was given.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1904.

Nicaragua, Honduras, Salvador, and Guatemala: Peace Conference.

A despatch, August 31, 1904, from the American Minister at San

José, Costa Rica, to the State Department at Washington, was

as follows:

"I have the honor to advise that on the 21st instant, at

Corinto, Nicaragua, the Presidents of Nicaragua, Honduras, and

El Salvador, and a special delegate representing the President

of Guatemala, held a conference ostensibly for the purpose of

securing the peace of Central America. … The parties holding

the conference have issued a lengthy manifesto, which

indicates nothing of interest to our Government except that

the four governments represented are controlled by parties who

will aid each other by military force, if necessary, in

maintaining the status quo, and that the peace of Central

America is thus reasonably assured by making revolutionary

efforts more difficult and less liable to achieve success."

{75}

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1904. Nicaragua and Honduras:

Agreement to arbitrate boundary dispute.

In October, 1904, the United States Government was informed

that Nicaragua and Honduras had agreed to submit a boundary

dispute to the King of Spain.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1905. Nicaragua:

Treaty with Great Britain concerning the Mosquito Territory.

The following treaty between Great Britain and the Republic of

Nicaragua was signed at Managua, Nicaragua, April 19, 1905:

Article I.

The High Contracting Parties agree that the Treaty of Managua

of January 28, 1860, is and shall remain abrogated.

Article II.

His Britannic Majesty agrees to recognize the absolute

sovereignty of Nicaragua over the territory that constituted

the former Mosquito Reserve, as defined in the aforesaid

Treaty of Managua.

Article III.

In consideration of the fact that the Mosquito Indians were at

one time under the protection of Great Britain, and in view of

the interest that His Majesty’s Government and the Nicaraguan

Government take in their welfare, the Nicaraguan Government

agree to grant them the following concessions:

(a) The Government will submit to the National Assembly a law

exempting, for fifty years from the date of the ratification

of this Treaty, all the Mosquito Indians and the Creoles born

before the year 1894, from military service, and from all

direct taxation on their persons, property, possessions,

animals, and means of subsistence.

(b) The Government will allow the Indians to live in their

villages enjoying the concessions granted by this Convention,

and following their own customs, in so far as they are not

opposed to the laws of the country and to public morality.

(c) The Nicaraguan Government will concede a further period of

two years for them to legalize their rights to the property

acquired in conformity with the Regulations in force before

1894 in the Reserve. The Government will make no charge to the

said inhabitants either for the lands or the measurement

thereof, or for the grant of title-deeds. For this purpose the

title-deeds in the possession of the said Indians and Creoles

before 1894 will be renewed in conformity with the laws, and,

in cases where no such title-deeds exist, the Government will

give to each family, at their place of residence, eight

manzanas of land, if the members of the family do not exceed

four in number, and two manzanas for each person if the family

exceeds that number.

(d) Public pasture lands will be reserved for the use of the

inhabitants in the neighbourhood of each Indian village.

(e) In the event of any Mosquito Indians or Creoles proving

that the lands which they held in conformity with the

Regulations in force before 1894 have been claimed by and

allotted to other persons, the Government will indemnify them

by the grant of suitable public lands of approximate value as

near as possible to their present residences.

Article IV.

The ex-Chief of the Mosquito Indians, Robert Henry Clarence,

will be permitted by the Nicaraguan Government to reside in

the Republic of Nicaragua and to enjoy full protection so long

as he does not transgress the laws, and provided his acts do

not tend to incite the Indians against Nicaragua.

Article V.

The Mosquito Indians, and other inhabitants of the former

Reserve, will enjoy the same rights as are secured by the laws

of Nicaragua to other Nicaraguan citizens.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1906. Honduras, Guatemala, and Salvador:

War, ended by mediation of the United States and Mexico.

Neither the Convention of Peace and Compulsory Arbitration

signed at Corinto in 1902 by the presidents of all five of the

Central American republics, nor the peace agreement between

four of them two years later, sufficed to prevent an outbreak

of war in 1906 which involved the three states of Honduras,

Guatemala, and Salvador. President Roosevelt, in his annual

Message to Congress that year, referred to the war as having

arisen from "trouble which had existed for some time"; but

does not indicate the nature of the "trouble"; nor is any

light thrown on it in a long diplomatic correspondence between

the parties to it and the governments of the United States and

Mexico, which appears in the American report of Foreign

Relations for 1906. Probably nobody outside of the

belligerents ever learned definitely why they felt called upon

to fight, or what they had to settle when peace was made.

Seemingly Honduras was the aggressor; but the affair seems

hardly worth the trouble of any deep investigation. Its chief

importance is in the successful mediation that was undertaken

jointly by the governments of the United States and Mexico, of

which President Roosevelt made report in the Message referred

to above:

"The thoroughly good understanding which exists between the

United States and Mexico," said the President, "enabled this

Government and that of Mexico to unite in effective mediation

between the warring Republics; which mediation resulted, not

without long-continued and patient effort, in bringing about a

meeting of the representatives of the hostile powers on board

a United States warship as neutral territory, and peace was

there concluded; a peace which resulted in the saving of

thousands of lives and in the prevention of an incalculable

amount of misery and the destruction of property and of the

means of livelihood. The Rio Conference passed the following

resolution in reference to this action:

"‘That the Third International American Conference shall

address to the Presidents of the United States of America and

of the United States of Mexico a note in which the conference

which is being held at Rio expresses its satisfaction at the

happy results of their mediation for the celebration of peace

between the Republics of Guatemala, Honduras, and Salvador.’

"This affords an excellent example of one way in which the

influence of the United States can properly be exercised for

the benefit of the peoples of the Western Hemisphere; that is,

by action taken in concert with other American republics and

therefore free from those suspicions and prejudices which

might attach if the action were taken by one alone."

{76}

The resulting "General Treaty of Peace and Amity, Commerce,

etc., between the Republics of Costa Rica, Salvador,

Guatemala, and Honduras," signed September 25, 1906, involved

solemn engagements in its first four articles, as follows:

"ARTICLE 1.

There shall be perpetual peace and a frank, loyal, and sincere

friendship among the Republics of Costa Rica, Salvador,

Guatemala, and Honduras, each and every one of the aforesaid

Governments being in duty bound to consider as one of their

principal obligations the maintenance of such peace and the

preservation of such friendship, by endeavoring to contribute

every means to procure the desired end, and to remove, as far

as lies in their power, any obstacles, whatever their nature,

which might prevent it. In order to secure such ends they

shall always unite when the importance of the case demands it,

to foster their moral, intellectual, and industrial progress,

thus making their interests one and the same, as it becomes

sister countries.

"ARTICLE 2.

In the event, which is not to be expected, that any of the

high contracting parties should fail to comply with or cause

any deviation from any of the subjects agreed to in the

present treaty, such event, as well as any particular

difficulty which may arise between them, shall necessarily be

settled by the civilized means of arbitration.

"ARTICLE 3.

The Governments of Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, in

conformity with the stipulations of the treaty executed on

board the Marblehead, hereby appoint as umpires, Their

Excellencies the Presidents of the United States of America

and of the United Mexican States, to whom all particular

difficulties arising among said Governments shall be submitted

for arbitration.

"For the purpose of agreeing on the manner to effect such

arbitration, the above-mentioned Republics shall accredit, at

the latest within three months from this date, their

respective legations near the Governments of the United States

of America and Mexico, and in the meanwhile arbitration shall

be ruled according to the stipulations of the treaty of

compulsory arbitration concluded in Mexico on the 29th of

January, 1902.

"ARTICLE 4.

Guatemala not having subscribed to the Corinto convention of

January 20, 1902, Costa Rica, Salvador, and Honduras do hereby

respectively declare, that said Corinto convention is to

continue in force, and that any particular difference which

may arise among them shall be settled in conformity with the

aforesaid convention and with the regulations established by

the Central American court of arbitration on the 9th of

October of that year."

Notwithstanding these grave pledges to each other, three of

the parties to this treaty were at war the next year.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.

Nicaragua, Honduras, and Salvador: War.

Mexican and American Mediation.

The Washington Peace Conference.

General Treaty of Peace and Amity.

Central American Court of Justice.

In February, 1907, a fresh outbreak of Central American war

occurred, originally between Nicaragua and Honduras, but

involving Salvador, presently, in alliance with Honduras. The

arbitration convention of 1904 had not accomplished a specific

settlement of the boundary disputes between Honduras and

Nicaragua, and President Zelaya, of the latter republic,

accused the former of encroachments. Mexico and the United

States had endeavored to pacify the disputants before

hostilities began, but without success. The quarrel was fought

out, and a complete victory won by Nicaragua, whose forces

captured the Honduran capital and drove President Bonilla from

the country. A provisional government was established in

Honduras and terms of peace arranged, April 24th. Then the

good offices of President Roosevelt and President Diaz were

employed again, with the result which the former communicated

to Congress in his Message of December 3, 1907, as follows:

"The effort to compose this new difficulty has resulted in the

acceptance of the joint suggestion of the Presidents of Mexico

and of the United States for a general peace conference

between all the countries of Central America. On the 17th day

of September last a protocol was signed between the

representatives of the five Central American countries

accredited to this Government agreeing upon a conference to be

held in the City of Washington 'in order to devise the means

of preserving the good relations among said Republics and

bringing about permanent peace in those countries.’ The

protocol includes the expression of a wish that the Presidents

of the United States and Mexico should appoint

‘representatives to lend their good and impartial offices in a

purely friendly way toward the realization of the objects of

the conference.’ The conference is now in session and will

have our best wishes and, where it is practicable, our

friendly assistance."

The first regular session of the Conference was held on the

14th of November, the place of meeting being the building of

the International Bureau of the American Republics. In

addition to the delegates present from the States of Costa

Rica, Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua, the

Republic of Mexico designated Señor Don Enrique C. Creel,

Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the United

States, and the United States designated Honorable William I.

Buchanan, as representatives from Mexico and the United States

at the conference. The Honorable Elihu Root, Secretary of

State of the United States, was present, also, at the first

session, over which he presided until the organization of the

Conference had been effected. His opening address to the

Conference included these wise and impressive remarks:

"We cannot fail, gentlemen, to be admonished by the many

failures which have been made by the people of Central America

to establish agreement among themselves which would be

lasting, that the task you have before you is no easy one. The

trial has often been made and the agreements which have been

elaborated, signed, ratified, seem to have been written in

water. Yet I cannot resist the impression that we have at last

come to the threshold of a happier day for Central America.

"It would ill become me to attempt to propose or suggest the

steps which you should take, but I will venture to observe

that the all-important thing for you to accomplish is that

while you enter into agreements which will, I am sure, be

framed in consonance with the most peaceful aspirations and

the most rigid sense of justice, you shall devise also some

practical methods under which it will be possible to secure

the performance of those agreements.

{77}

The mere declaration of general principles, the mere agreement

upon lines of policy and of conduct are of little value unless

there be practical and definite methods provided by which the

responsibility for failing to keep the agreement may be fixed

upon some definite person, and the public sentiment of Central

America brought to bear to prevent the violation. The

declaration that a man is entitled to his liberty would be of

little value with us in this country were it not for the writ

of habeas corpus that makes it the duty of a specific

judge, when applied to, to inquire into the cause of his

detention, and set him at liberty if he is unjustly detained.

The provision which declares that a man should not be deprived

of his property without due process of law would be of little

value were it not for the practical provision which imposes on

specific officers the duty of nullifying every attempt to take

away a man’s property without due process of law.

"To find practical definite methods by which you shall make it

somebody’s duty to see that the great principles you declare

are not violated, by which if an attempt be made to violate

them the responsibility may be fixed upon the guilty

individual—those, in my judgment, are the problems to which

you should specifically and most earnestly address

yourselves."

The address of Secretary Root was followed by one of excellent

counsel from the Mexican Ambassador, and a reply to both was

made, on behalf of the Conference, by Señor Don Luis Anderson,

Minister of Foreign Affairs of Costa Rica. The Conference then

elected its officers, choosing Minister Anderson for its

President, and proceeded to the transaction of business.

Fourteen sessions were held between November 14 and December

20, resulting from which eight conventions were agreed to and

signed on the latter date. These conventions are:

General Treaty of Peace and Amity;

Additional Convention to the General Treaty;

Establishing a Central American Court of Justice;

Extradition;

On Future Conferences (Monetary);

On Communications;

Establishing an International Central American Bureau;

and Establishing a Pedagogical Institute.

The essential provisions of the General Treaty of Peace and

Amity are in the following articles:

"ARTICLE I.

The Republics of Central America consider as one of their

first duties in their mutual relations, the maintenance of

peace; and they bind themselves to always preserve the most

complete harmony, and decide every difference or difficulty

that may arise amongst them, of whatsoever nature it may be,

by means of the Central American Court of Justice, created by

the Convention which they have concluded for that purpose on

this date."

"Article III.

Bearing in mind the central geographical position of Honduras

and the facilities which this circumstance has afforded in

order that its territory should have been most often the

theatre of Central American conflicts, Honduras declares from

now on its absolute neutrality in any event of conflict

amongst the other Republics; and the latter, in their turn,

provided such neutrality be observed, bind themselves to

respect it and in no case to violate the Honduranean

territory.

"ARTICLE IV.

Bearing in mind the advantages which must be gained from the

creation of Central American institutions for the development

of their most vital interests, besides the Pedagogical

Institute and the International Central American Bureau which

have been established according to the Conventions celebrated

to that end by this Conference, the creation of a practical

Agricultural School in the Republic of Salvador, one of Mines

and Mechanics in that of Honduras, and another of Arts and

Trades in that of Nicaragua, is especially recommended to the

Governments.

"ARTICLE V.

In order to cultivate the relations between the States, the

contracting parties obligate themselves each to accredit to

the others a permanent Legation.

"ARTICLE VI.

The citizens of one of the contracting parties, residing in

the territory of any of the others, shall enjoy the same civil

rights as nationals, and shall be considered as citizens in

the country of their residence if they fulfill the conditions

which the respective constituent laws provide. Those that are

not naturalized shall be exempt from obligatory military

service, either by sea or land, and from every forced loan or

military requirement, and they shall not be obliged on any

account to make more contributions or ordinary or

extraordinary imposts than those which nationals pay."

"ARTICLE X.

The Governments of the contracting Republics bind themselves

to respect the inviolability of the right of asylum aboard the

merchant vessels of whatsoever nationality anchored in their

ports. Therefore, only persons accused of common crimes and by

order of the competent judge, after due legal procedure, can

be taken from them. Those prosecuted on account of political

crimes or common crimes in connection with political ones, can

only be taken therefrom in case they have embarked in a port

of the State which claims them, whilst they may remain in its

jurisdictional waters, and after the requirements hereinbefore

exacted in the case of common crime have been fulfilled."

"ARTICLE XIV.

Public instruments executed in one of the contracting

Republics shall be valid in the others, provided they shall

have been properly authenticated and in their execution the

laws of the Republic whence they proceed shall have been

observed."

"ARTICLE XVI.

Desiring to prevent one of the most frequent causes of

disturbances in the Republics, the contracting Governments

shall not permit the head men or principal chiefs of political

emigrations, nor agents thereof, to reside in the departments

fronting on the countries whose peace they might disturb.

"Those who may have been actually established in a permanent

manner in a frontier department shall be able to remain in the

place of their residence under the immediate surveillance of

the Governments affording them an asylum, but from the moment

when they become a menace to public order they shall be

included in the rule of the preceding paragraph.

"ARTICLE XVII.

Every person, no matter what his nationality, who, within the

territory of one of the contracting parties, shall initiate or

foster revolutionary movements against any of the others,

shall be immediately brought to the capital of the Republic,

where he shall be submitted to trial according to law."

"ARTICLE XIX.

The present Treaty shall remain in force for the term of ten

years counted from the day of the exchange of ratifications.

Nevertheless, if one year before the expiration of said term,

none of the contracting parties shall have given special

notice to the others concerning its intention to terminate it,

it shall remain in force until one year after such

notification may have been made."

{78}

The "Additional Convention to the General Treaty "is in three

articles, as follows:

"ARTICLE I.

The Governments of the High Contracting Parties shall not

recognize any other Government which may come into power in

any of the five Republics as a consequence of a coup d’Etat,

or of a revolution against the recognized Government, so long

as the representatives of the people, freely elected, have not

constitutionally reorganized the country.

"ARTICLE II.

No Government of Central America shall in case of civil war

intervene in favor of or against the Government of the country

where the struggle may take place.

"Article III.

The Governments of Central America, in the first place, are

recommended to endeavor to procure by the means at their

command a constitutional reform in the sense of prohibiting

the reëlection of the President of a Republic, where such

prohibition does not exist, in the second place to adopt all

measures necessary to effect a complete guarantee of the

principle of alternation in power."

The "Convention for the Establishment of a Central American

Court of Justice" contains thirty-eight articles, with a

"Provisional Article" and an "Annexed Article" appended. The

more important provisions are in the following:

"ARTICLE I.

The High Contracting Parties agree by the present Convention

to constitute and maintain a permanent tribunal which shall be

called the ‘Central American Court of Justice,’ to which they

bind themselves to submit all controversies or questions which

may arise among them, of whatsoever nature and no matter what

their origin may be, in case the respective Departments of

Foreign Affairs should not have been able to reach an

understanding.

"ARTICLE II.

This Court shall also take cognizance of the questions which

individuals of one Central American country may raise against

any of the other contracting Governments, because of the

violation of Treaties or Conventions, and other cases of an

international character; no matter whether his own Government

supports said claim or not; and provided that the remedies

which the laws of the respective country provide against such

violation shall have been exhausted and that a denial of

justice shall be shown.

"ARTICLE III.

It shall also take cognizance of the cases which by common

accord contracting Governments may submit to it, no matter

whether they arise between two or more of them or between one

of said Governments and individuals.

[Footnote: After signing the treaties an omission was

discovered in this Article. An additional protocol was

thereupon signed by all the delegates adding to this Article,

and to be considered as an integral part of the Convention,

the following words:

"It shall also have jurisdiction over cases arising between

any of the contracting Governments and individuals, when by

common accord they may have been submitted to it.]

"Article IV.

The Court may likewise take cognizance of the international

questions which by special agreement any one of the Central

American Governments and a foreign Government may have

determined to submit to it.

"ARTICLE V.

The Central American Court of Justice shall sit at the City of

Cartago in the Republic of Costa Rica, but it shall be

authorized to transfer its residence to another point in

Central America when it may deem it proper to do so for

reasons of health, of guaranteeing the exercise of its

functions, or of the personal security of its members.

"ARTICLE VI.

The Central American Court of Justice shall consist of five

Justices named, one from each Republic and selected from among

the jurists who possess the qualifications which the laws of

each country may exact for the exercise of high judicial

functions, and enjoy the highest consideration, not only

because of their moral character but also on account of their

professional ability. The vacancies shall be filled by

substitute Justices, named at the same time and in the same

manner as the regular ones and who shall unite the same

qualifications as the former. The attendance of the five

Justices who constitute the Tribunal is indispensable in order

to have a legal quorum in the judgments of the Court.

"ARTICLE VII.

The legislative power of each one of the five contracting

Republics shall name one regular and two substitutes as their

respective Justices. The salary of each Justice shall be eight

thousand dollars, gold, per annum, which shall be paid by the

Treasury of the Court. The salary of the Justice of the place

where the Court resides shall be designated by the respective

Government. Besides, each State shall contribute two thousand

dollars, gold, annually for the ordinary and extraordinary

expenses of the Tribunal. The Governments of the contracting

Republics bind themselves to include their respective

contributions in their budgets of expenses and to remit

quarterly in advance to the Treasury of the Court the

proportion which corresponds to them on account of such

expenditures."

"ARTICLE XIII.

The Central American Court of Justice represents the national

conscience of Central America, wherefore the Justices who

compose the Tribunal shall not consider themselves prohibited

from the exercise of their functions because of the interest

which the Republics, whence they derive their appointment, may

have in any case or question. With regard to implications and

challenges, the rules of procedure which the Court may fix

shall make proper provision."

"ARTICLE XXII.

The Court is authorized to determine its jurisdiction,

interpreting the Treaties and Conventions germane to the

matter in dispute, applying the principles of international

law.

"ARTICLE XXIII.

Every final or interlocutory decision shall be rendered in

accordance with the agreement of at least three of the

Justices of the Court. In case of disagreement, one of the

substitute Justices shall be chosen by lot, and if still a

majority of three be not obtained other Justices shall

continue to be chosen by lot until three votes in the same

sense shall have been obtained.

"ARTICLE XXIV.

The decisions must be in writing and shall contain a statement

of the reasons upon which they are based. They must be signed

by all the Justices of the Court and countersigned by the

Secretary. Once they have been published they cannot be

altered on any account; but, at the request of any of the

parties, the Tribunal may decide the interpretation which must

be given to its judgment.

{79}

"Article XXV.

The judgments of the Court shall be communicated to the five

Governments of the Contracting Republics. The interested

parties solemnly bind themselves to submit to said judgment;

and they all agree to lend every moral support that may be

necessary in order that they may be properly fulfilled, in

this manner constituting a real and positive guarantee of

respect for this Convention and for the Central American Court

of Justice."

"Article XXVII.

The High Contracting Parties solemnly declare that for no

motive nor in any case will they consider the present

Convention as lapsed; and that, therefore, they will consider

it as being always in force during the term of ten years

counted from last ratification. In the event that the

political entity of one or more of the Contracting Republics

is changed or altered, the attributes of the Central American

Court of Justice created by this Convention shall be suspended

ipso facto; and a conference to adjust the constitution

of said Court and the new order of things shall be forthwith

convoked by the respective Governments; in case they do not

unanimously agree the present Convention shall be considered

as rescinded."

"PROVISIONARY ARTICLE.

As a recommendation of the five Delegations an Article is

annexed which contains an amplification of the Central

American Court of Justice, in order that the Legislatures that

may deem it proper may see fit to include it upon ratifying

this Convention."

"ANNEXED ARTICLE.

The Central American Court of Justice shall also have

jurisdiction over the conflicts which may arise between the

Legislative, Executive and Judicial Powers, and when as a

matter of fact the judicial decisions and congressional

resolutions are not respected."

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1908.

Inauguration of the Central American Court of Justice.

Gift of a building for its use by Mr. Carnegie.

The Central American Court of Justice, contemplated in the

treaty of 1907, quoted above, was formally instituted, at

Cartago, Costa Rica, with appropriate ceremony, in the last

week of May, 1908. The Honorable William I. Buchanan, in

attendance as Commissioner from the United States, added

interest to the occasion by announcing the proffer of a gift

of $100,000 by Mr. Andrew Carnegie, for the erection of a

building to be dedicated to the exclusive use of the Court.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.

Financial undertakings in New York.

Honduras, Costa Rica, and Guatemala.

In the summer of 1909 various financial undertakings by great

banking houses in New York were announced, involving some

handling of the debts of Honduras, Costa Rica, and Guatemala.

It was thought that these operations were in line with efforts

of the State Department at Washington and the Bureau of

American Republics to bring about the establishment of a chain

of American banking houses in the Latin-American countries,

for the advancement of American trade and the promotion of

more intimate Pan-American relations.

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.

Nicaragua.

Establishment of a colony of Sioux Indians from

the United States.

A dispatch to the Press from Boston, November 17, 1909, made

the following statement:

"To save the remnant of the Sioux tribe of Indians from

extinction by consumption and other diseases, a colony of the

Indians will be established in Nicaragua early in the new

year. Chief Little Bison, a full-blooded Sioux, sailed from

Boston on the steamship Esparta to-day for Nicaragua, where he

will receive the deeds to 16,000 acres of land granted by the

Nicaraguan government for the establishment of the colony. The

project is supported financially by F. S. Dellenbaugh, head of

the American Geographical Society, and several wealthy New

York people. The emigration of the Indians is expected to

begin in January."

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.

President Zelaya a menace to peace.

His conduct trying the patience of the United States.

In the early spring of 1909 the disturbing attitude and

conduct of the Nicaraguan President, Zelaya, not only towards

his near neighbors of Salvador and Honduras, but also in the

relations of his Government with that of the United States,

had caused the latter to enter again into consultation with

the Mexican Government, as to joint action to preserve peace.

For some years the United States had been trying to bring

about the settlement of a claim against the Nicaraguan

Government preferred by an American company. This Emery claim,

as it was known, arose in connection with a concession granted

in 1898 for cutting and exporting mahogany. The concession

provided that any differences which should arise between the

Government and the company should be arbitrated by a tribunal

of three members, one to be selected by the Government, one by

the company, and the third by these two arbitrators. In 1903

an accusation of smuggling was brought against the company,

and the questions raised were submitted to the stipulated

tribunal. This decided that, inasmuch as the company had paid

taxes to the Government three years in advance, amounting to

$30,000, the concession could not be annulled, as President

Zelaya wished to have done. Nevertheless Zelaya declared it

annulled, and caused proceedings to be instituted for stopping

the company’s exportations. This led the American Government

to interpose. Under instructions from Washington, its Minister

at Managua, Mr. Merry, addressed the following note to the

Nicaraguan Minister of Foreign Affairs, December 15, 1906:

"I have the honor to inform you that I have received

instructions from my Government to make an urgent and firm

request that your Excellency’s Government will settle the

Emery company controversy by an international arbitration, and

that until a decision has been given thereby, your

Excellency’s Government will restore to the Emery company all

its property, dismissing all legal prosecutions in the case,

and permitting the company to resume its work under its

concession, as if no controversy had arisen."

This communication secured a promise of the desired

international arbitration, and the stopping meantime of

proceedings of interference with the company’s business. But

when the protocol of arbitration was to be drawn the

Nicaraguan Government refused to have any question of damages

to the company included. On this contention the settlement was

blocked for more than two years, and the patience of the

Washington Government was about worn out. In just what

wrappings of diplomatic language it made that fact apparent

has not yet been disclosed to the public; but evidently the

understanding of Señor Zelaya was duly penetrated.

{80}

On the 26th of May last (1909) his representative at

Washington signed a protocol which provided that the questions

at issue between the Government of Nicaragua and the Emery

Company should be submitted to arbitration, unless the parties

could make their own settlement within four months.

This, however, did not end troubles with Nicaragua,—or,

rather, with its presidential dictator. Revolutionary attempts

in the republic to unseat him gave rise to new offenses on his

part against the United States, which President Taft, in his

Message to Congress, December 6, 1909, recounted as follows:

"Since the Washington conventions of 1907 were communicated to

the government of the United States as a consulting and

advising party, this government has been almost continuously

called upon by one or another, and in turn by all of the five

Central American republics, to exert itself for the

maintenance of the conventions. Nearly every complaint has

been against the Zelaya government of Nicaragua, which has

kept Central America in constant tension or turmoil. The

responses made to the representations of Central American

republics, as due from the United States on account of its

relation to the Washington conventions, have been at all times

conservative and have avoided, so far as possible, any

semblance of interference, although it is very apparent that

the considerations of geographic proximity to the Canal Zone

and of the very substantial American interests in Central

America give to the United States a special position in the

zone of these republics and the Caribbean Sea.

"I need not rehearse here the patient efforts of this

government to promote peace and welfare among these republics,

efforts which are fully appreciated by the majority of them

who are loyal to their true interests. It would be no less

unnecessary to rehearse here the sad tale of unspeakable

barbarities and oppression alleged to have been committed by

the Zelaya government. Recently two Americans were put to

death by order of President Zelaya himself. They were officers

in the organized forces of a revolution which had continued

many weeks and was in control of about half of the republic,

and as such, according to the modern enlightened practice of

civilized nations, they were entitled to be dealt with as

prisoners of war.

"At the date when this message is printed this government has

terminated diplomatic relations with the Zelaya government,

for reasons made public in a communication to the former

Nicaraguan chargé d’affaires, and is intending to take such

future steps as may be found most consistent with its dignity,

its duty to American interests, and its moral obligations to

Central America and to civilization. It may be necessary for

me to bring this subject to the attention of the Congress in a

special message."

Some days previous to the date of the President’s Message, the

Secretary of State, Mr. Knox, had addressed a letter of

extreme severity to the Nicaraguan Chargé d’Affaires at

Washington, Mr. Rodriguez, reviewing the conduct of the

Nicaraguan Government, and saying: "In these circumstances the

President no longer feels for the government of President

Zelaya that respect and confidence which would make it

appropriate hereafter to maintain with it regular diplomatic

relations, implying the will and the ability to respect and

assure what is due from one State to another." The conclusion

of the letter was as follows: "To insure the future protection

of legitimate American interests, in consideration of the

interests of the majority of the Central American republics,

and in the hope of making more effective the friendly offices

exerted under the Washington conventions, the government of

the United States reserves for further consideration at the

proper time the question of stipulating also that the

constitutional government of Nicaragua obligate itself by

convention for the benefit of all the governments concerned as

a guarantee for its future loyal support of the Washington

conventions and their peaceful and progressive aims.

"From the foregoing it will be apparent to you that your

office of charge d’affaires is at an end. I have the honor to

enclose your passports for use in case you desire to leave

tins country. I would add at the same time that, although your

diplomatic quality is terminated, I shall be happy to receive

you as I shall be happy to receive the representative of the

revolution, each as the unofficial channel of communication

between the government of the United States and the de facto

authorities to whom I look for the protection of American

interests pending the establishment in Nicaragua of a

government with which the United States can maintain

diplomatic relations."

President Zelaya at once protested against this arraignment,

telegraphing to Secretary Knox that his sources of information

had been prejudiced, and asking that the United States send a

commission of investigation, proposing to resign if his

administration was shown to be detrimental to Nicaragua.

Receiving no reply, he resigned the presidency of Nicaragua on

the 16th of December, announcing the fact by cable to

President Taft in these words:

"To avoid harm to my country, and desiring that it shall renew

friendly relations with the United States, I have to-day sent

my resignation to Congress. As my opponents consider my

presence a disturbing factor, I propose to show my good faith

by leaving Nicaragua. I stand ready to account for my acts."

The vacant presidential office was filled by the Congress of

Nicaragua, which elected Dr. Madriz, the choice having been

dictated, it was believed, by Zelaya. The revolutionists with

whom Zelaya had been contending since October, and who had, on

their part, elected and proclaimed their leader, General Juan

Estrada, Provisional President of Nicaragua, refused to

recognize this Congressional election, and continued, against

the government of Madriz, the revolt they had organized

against Zelaya, determined to secure for Estrada the power to

order a presidential election by the people.

On Christmas Eve Zelaya left Nicaragua for Mexico, being

conveyed by a Mexican gunboat from Corinto to Salina Cruz. A

few weeks later he migrated to Europe and is understood to

have taken up his residence in Belgium.

The revolt led by General Estrada is still in progress at the

time this writing goes into print (early in March, 1910), but

the latest reports do not warrant expectations of its success.

----------CENTRAL AMERICA: End--------

{81}

CENTRAL AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

See, (in this Volume) also,

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

CENTRAL BANK QUESTION.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.

CENTRO CATOLICO.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

CHAFFEE, Major-General Adna R.:

Military Governor of the Philippines.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

CHAFIN, Eugene W.:

Nominated for President of the United States.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

CHAMBERLAIN, Austen:

Postmaster-General in the English Ministry.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:

Address at opening of Colonial Conference of 1902.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE.

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:

On a State-rights question in Australia.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:

Declaration for Preferential Trade with the Colonies.

His resignation from the Cabinet.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:

Visit to South Africa.

Views on the Labor question.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.

CHAMPLAIN TERCENTENARY CELEBRATION.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.

CHANG CHIH-TUNG:

Measures as viceroy to check the use of opium.

See (in this Volume)

OPIUM PROBLEM.

CHANTABUN:

Restored to Siam.

See (in this Volume)

SIAM: A. D. 1902.

CHANUTE, OCTAVE.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

CHARITIES.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF; SOCIAL BETTERMENT; and

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW.

CHARLES I., King of Roumania.

What he has done for his kingdom.

See (in this Volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: ROUMANIA.

CHARLES, Prince, of Denmark:

Election to the Norwegian Throne.

Assumes the name of Haakon VII.

See (in this Volume)

NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.

CHARLESTON: A. D. 1901.

The "South Carolina and Interstate and West Indian

Exposition."

Under this name, a very beautiful and successful exhibit of

the progress of Southern industry and art, and of the

possibilities of West Indian and Spanish-American trade, was

opened at Charleston on the 1st of December, 1901. The site of

the exposition was a tract of one hundred and sixty acres of

ground, only two and a half miles from the business section of

the city, embracing the famous old Lowndes estate, with its

historic mansion, which the present owner permitted to be used

as the Women’s Building of the occasion. Fine taste and a high

public spirit entered into the making of this very interesting

Fair.

CHARTREUX MONKS.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1904 (June-July).

CHEMULPHO.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY) and (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

CHICAGO: A. D. 1896-1909.

Institution and work of the Municipal Voters’ League.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: CHICAGO.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1899.

Institution of the first Juvenile Court.

See (in this Volume)

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1903.

The burning of the Iroquois Theater.

Chicago has now two of the most painful memories of fire that

are in the past of any city. The second was added on the

afternoon of December 30, 1903, when 588 people perished in

the burning of the Iroquois Theater. The audience was made up

principally of women and children, many of whom belonged to

prominent families. The whole city was plunged in grief, and

the whole world shared in the sorrow and manifested its

sympathy. The theater was a new one, and was regarded as the

best of any in the city in its method of construction. But

inquiry soon proved that it was defective in its provisions

for safety. Further examination, moreover, showed a similar

condition in other places of assembly, with the result that

all the theaters, with many churches and halls in Chicago,

were closed by order of the mayor, pending their compliance

with certain provisions of the law.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1905.

Strike of the Teamsters’ Union.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-JULY).

CHICAGO: A. D. 1905-1908.

Struggle for a better charter.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1906.

Packing-House Investigation.

See (in this Volume)

Public Health: PURE FOOD LAWS: UNITED STATES.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1907.

National Conference on Trusts.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1909.

Population, and race mixture.

The City Statistician of Chicago, in his manual for 1909,

gives the number of the inhabitants of the city as 2,572,835,

of whom 699,554 are Americans or persons whose parents are not

foreign born. The Germans rank second, with a population of

563,708; the Irish third, with a population of 240,560. Next

come the Poles, with 173,409; the Swedes, with 143,307; the

Russians, with 123,238; the Bohemians, with 116,549. Thirty

other foreign countries given are all below the 100,000 mark.

The Chinese population is given as 1,801, the Japanese as 257.

The Albanians are the lowest, with a population of 39.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1909.

"The Chicago Plan."

Systematizing the future development.

"Early in 1906 the Merchants’ Club, comprising a group of the

younger business and professional men of the city, arranged

for the preparation of a complete project for the future

development of Chicago. The next year the Merchants’ Club was

merged with the Commercial Club under the name of the latter

organization, and the city-planning work was continued under

the auspices of that body." The resulting "Plan of Chicago"

was reported in the course of the summer of 1909. "The report

represents about thirty months’ work by men whose thoughts for

years have dwelt upon the subject of city building and

beautification. The work was in charge of Daniel H. Burnham,

chief architect and director of works of the World’s Columbian

Exposition of 1893, who gave his services to his city without

compensation for the purpose of this report. Even so, the

expense of preparing and publishing the report has

approximated $75,000, all raised by voluntary subscriptions

from the business men of Chicago."

George C. Sikes,

The New Chicago

(The Outlook, August 28, 1909).

{82}

CHICAGO: A. D. 1909 (May).

The Second National Peace Congress.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

CHICAGO, MILWAUKEE AND ST. PAUL TRANSCONTINENTAL LINE.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

CHI-KUAN-SHAN, Fort, Capture of.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

----------CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: Start--------

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW:

As Dependents:

England: The Poor Law Children.

The following is from a speech in Parliament June 17, 1909, by

Mr. John Burns, President of the Local Government Board, which

administers the Poor Laws and the Public Health Laws:

"In England and Wales there were 235,000 children supported by

the rates either inside or outside Poor Law institutions, and

of these 70,000 were in cottage homes, barrack schools,

scattered homes, and similar institutions. The cost per child

maintained in cottage homes varied from 12s. 9d. to 25s. 2d.

per week, and in scattered homes from 8s. 6d. to 11s. 2d. At

this moment the number of children in workhouse schools, which

in 1870 was 29,000, was only from 500 to 600; 19,000 of the

Poor Law children were being educated in elementary schools

outside. … With regard to sick children he was delighted to

hear the almost unanimous chorus of appeal that the Local

Government Board should do a great deal by administration.

They had, in fact, transferred 1,000 out of the 2,500 sick

children from the London workhouses and infirmaries to an

institution on the healthy and breezy downs of Surrey at

Carshalton, where they could be better treated, and where they

would recover much more quickly than in any of the workhouses

and infirmaries in London. If he could find more buildings or

institutions available he would transfer more children. He

should not rest until all the sick children throughout the

country were transferred from workhouses and infirmaries to

institutions in the country where they would recover health

more rapidly."

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW:

United States: Proposed Federal Child Bureau.

Transmitting to Congress, on the 5th of February, 1909, the

proceedings of a conference held at Washington on the care of

dependent children, President Roosevelt accompanied it with a

message, in which he urged the establishment of a Bureau in

one of the Departments of the Federal Government, to

centralize attention to the subject; with the enactment of

such legislation as will bring the laws and practices in

regard to the care of dependent children in all Federal

territory into harmony, and certain legislation in behalf of

dependent children in the District of Columbia. The President

maintained that such legislation is important not only for the

welfare of the children immediately concerned, but "as setting

an example of a high standard of child protection by the

National Government to the several States of the Union, which

should be able to look to the nation for leadership in such

matters."

Statistics showing the large number of dependent children in

the country were presented by Mr. Roosevelt. "Each of these

children, he said, represents either a potential addition to

the productive capacity and the enlightened citizenship of the

nation, or, if allowed to suffer from neglect, a potential

addition to the destructive forces of the community. The ranks

of criminals and other enemies of society are recruited in an

altogether undue proportion from children bereft of their

natural homes and left without sufficient care. The interests

of the nation are involved in the welfare of this army of

children no less than in our great material affairs."

In urging a Children’s Bureau, one of whose duties will be to

investigate and report upon all matters pertaining to the

welfare of children and child life, the President pointed out

that "the National Government is the only agency which can

effectively conduct such general inquiries as are needed for

the benefit of all our citizens."

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW:

As Dependents and as Offenders:

England: The Children Act of 1908.

Infant Life Protection.

Reformatory and Industrial Schools.

Treatment of Youthful Criminals.

No death-sentence for them.

Special "Places of Detention."

Juvenile Courts.

An act entitled The Children Act, passed by the Parliament of

the United Kingdom in December, 1908, and which came into

effect April 1, 1909, has such importance that it has been

described as "The Children’s Charter." According to its full

title it is "An Act to consolidate and amend the Law relating

to the Protection of Children and Young Persons, Reformatory

and Industrial Schools and Juvenile Offenders, and otherwise

to amend the Law with respect to Children and Young Persons."

It gathers into one great enactment nearly everything in which

the guardianship of Law can be specially extended to them,

except the matters of education and child labor, which are

subjects of distinct legislation. It repeals wholly twenty-one

previous enactments and amends more or less seventeen more. It

contains 134 sections and fills a so-called Parliamentary

"White Book" of 93 pages.

As used in the Act, the word "child" means a person under 14

years; the expression "young person" means one above that age,

but under sixteen.

The Act is divided into six parts, which are concerned with

the following main subjects:

(1) Infant Life Protection.

(2) The Prevention of Cruelty to Children and Young Persons.

(3) Juvenile Smoking.

(4) Reformatory and Industrial Schools.

(5) Juvenile Offenders.

(6) Miscellaneous and General.

The provisions for "infant life protection" have to do mainly

with the supervision of "baby-farming." Foster parents are

forbidden to insure the life of a nurse-child and insurance

companies are forbidden to accept any such insurance.

Juvenile smoking is dealt with very drastically, the penalties

for selling cigarettes or the material for making them to

persons under sixteen years of age being sharp, and both

policemen and park-keepers in uniform being empowered to take

such materials from the persons of Juvenile smokers.

{83}

The part of the Act which relates to reformatory and

industrial schools enables the Courts to deal effectively with

youthful offenders without subjecting them to the prison

taint. Boys or girls between the ages of 12 and 16 who are

convicted of offences punishable in the case of adults with

penal servitude or imprisonment may be sent to a certified

reformatory school. In certain defined cases, children may be

taken from depraved or drunken parents and consigned to a

certified industrial school. In these cases the child may be

brought before the Court by any person in order that the

provisions of the Act may be set in force. Parents who are

unable to control their children may themselves take advantage

of the Act, and in these cases the Court may place the

children under the supervision of a probation officer instead

of sending them to an industrial school. In all cases of

children who are liable to be consigned to an industrial

school, there is given to the Courts the alternative power of

committing them to the care of relatives or other fit persons

with or without the supervision of the probation officer.

The most important part of the Act, perhaps, is that relating

to juvenile offenders. It allows no young person under sixteen

years of age to be sentenced to death. "Sentence of death,"

says this Law, "shall not be pronounced on or recorded against

a child or young person, but in lieu thereof the Court shall

sentence the child or young person to be detained during his

Majesty’s pleasure."

In future, also, no child may be sentenced to imprisonment or

penal servitude for any offence, or committed to prison in

default of payment of a fine, damages, or costs. No young

person may be sentenced to penal servitude for any offence,

nor may he be sentenced to imprisonment or committed to prison

in default of payment of a fine or costs, unless the Court

certifies that he is of so unruly a character or so depraved

that it is not desirable to send him to a "place of detention"

provided under the Act. These provisions relating to the

substitution of "detention" for imprisonment did not come into

force until January 1, 1910.

This part of the Act makes elaborate arrangements for the

treatment of youthful criminals, both before and after trial.

Special "places of detention" are to be opened in all petty

sessional divisions. Here children will be placed on arrest

(if for some special reason they cannot be released on a

recognizance), or after being remanded or committed for trial.

Here they may be kept in custody instead of being lodged in

gaol if they are sentenced to terms of imprisonment of less

than one month. Persons under 16 years of age must also be

tried in special "juvenile Courts," unless they are charged

jointly with adult offenders. A "juvenile Court" must sit

"either in a different building or room from that in which the

ordinary sittings of the Court are held, or on different days

or at different times from those at which the ordinary

sittings are held." Only the Court officials, those directly

interested in the case, and the representatives of the Press

may be admitted to these Courts, unless the special leave of

the magistrate is obtained. Every effort is to be made, both

before and after trial, to prevent the association of children

with adult criminals. Finally, parents and guardians are to be

required to attend the hearing of charges against their

children or wards, and may be ordered to pay any fines,

damages, or costs imposed.

The miscellaneous provisions of the Act include a number of

importance, to prevent the giving of intoxicating liquors to

children, to exclude them from drinking places, to safeguard

them at entertainments, and to make the Act applicable to

Scotland and Ireland.

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: As Offenders:

Canadian provision for Separate Detention,

Reformatory Imprisonment, etc.

The Canadian Prisons and Reformatory Act of 1906 provides

that—"Young persons apparently under the age of sixteen years

who are,

(a) arrested upon any warrant; or,

(b) committed to custody at any stage of a preliminary inquiry

into a charge for an indictable offence; or,

(c) committed to custody at any stage of a trial, either for

an indictable offence or for an offence punishable on summary

conviction; or,

(d) committed to custody after such trial, but before

imprisonment under sentence;

shall be kept in custody separate from older persons charged

with criminal offences and separate from all persons

undergoing sentences of imprisonment, and shall not be

confined in the lock-ups or police stations with older persons

charged with criminal offences or with ordinary criminals."

Other sections of the Act confer discretionary authority on

courts and magistrates to sentence convicted offenders whose

age does not exceed sixteen years, and whose offence is

punishable by imprisonment, to reformatory prisons, for not

less than two nor more than five years; also, in certain

cases, to commit such offenders to a certified industrial

school, from which they may sometimes be permitted to be taken

for apprenticeship to any respectable and trustworthy person.

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW:

The George Junior Republic.

Much attention has been turned from many directions, within

the last few years, upon the reformatory experiment which

bears the name of The George Junior Republic. From an ordinary

undertaking to give a few summer weeks of country fresh air to

a group of neglected, roughly-bred boys, out of the slums of

the City of New York, it has grown into a unique institution,

which remolds character and refashions life for hundreds of

the young of both sexes, who had been given wrong startings in

the world by the circumstances into which they were born. It

has done this by the simple method of organizing them into a

self-governing community,—a republic in which they are

citizens, invested with all the responsibilities, duties, and

cares that go with republican citizenship in its larger

spheres. They make and administer its laws, conduct its public

business and its politics, manage its institutions, generate

and have experience of its public opinion. The moral and

social influence of this training has now been proved by more

than a decade of success.

This remarkable organization was not framed up by its

architect, Mr. William R. George, on the lines of a

preconceived theory, but took its shape slowly from

suggestions of experience as they came.

{84}

He began in 1890 to take companies of boys of the hoodlum

class from New York City to his place of summer residence, at

Freeville, a few miles from Ithaca and not far from Auburn,

New York. He found it hard to rule them, and no satisfactory

corrections of wrong-doing and bad behavior could be devised.

Physically they were bettered by their summer outings, but he

could not see much gain in other ways. This continued for some

seasons before his experiments with them began. The first to

be applied was a rule that such articles of clothing and the

like as had formerly been given to the boys must be paid for

in work. At the outset they resented the idea; but before the

summer was over they were all cheerfully at work, and the tone

of the party was much improved. In the next year culprits, who

robbed orchards and committed other misdemeanors, were

arraigned before the whole community, for a hearing and a

public verdict as to their guilt. Hard labor at stone-breaking

and the building of a road now became the penalty for

wrong-doing, and, presently, there was a boy constable to see

that they did their work.

So, step by step, from year to year, the fabric of

self-government and self-supporting industry was constructed,

until the Junior Republic emerged, with its President and

other executive officers, its representative legislature, its

courts, its police, its own monetary system and bank,—a

political and industrial commonwealth of boys and girls (for

both sexes have been included), taken out of a derelict class

for treatment by this simple inoculation with social

responsibilities. Writing of the George Junior Republic in

1908, Dr. Lyman Abbott said:

"It now has as a territory a hundred and fifty acres of land

owned by the Board of Trustees, and the practical use of a

hundred and fifty more belonging to Mr. George and some other

friends of the Republic who have made their home here because

such residence affords them an opportunity to give guidance

and inspiration to the boys and girls. The citizens, i. e. the

boys and girls in the Republic, number upwards of a hundred

and fifty. They are in some cases signed over to the Republic

by the parents, in other cases practically committed on

suspended sentences by the courts. They are extraordinarily

free within the territory, but are not free to leave it.

Laundry, baking, carpentry, and printing are the principal

trades indoors; road-making and land improvement the principal

industries out-of-doors. There are two jails, one for the

boys, one for the girls; a library, a school-house, a chapel,

bank, and a well-organized banking and currency system. There

is a court, and there is a judge, who is elected every year by

the citizens. From this court an appeal lies in certain cases

to a Supreme Court chosen by the boys from the Board of

Trustees, but this court only passes on the regularity of the

proceedings in the court below, that is, on what might be

regarded as equivalent to constitutional and jurisdictional

questions. There are a President, a Vice-President, a

Secretary of State, and a Secretary of the Treasury, all of

whom are elected annually; the three latter officers

constituting the Police Commissioners, the Board of Health,

and the President’s Cabinet. There are both a girl and a boy

District Attorney, who are appointed by the President, and

certain police officers and prison keepers. All citizens of

the Republic, both boys and girls, over fourteen years of age,

are voters; no one can remain a citizen after twenty-one. The

legislature has been abolished by the citizens themselves, and

all laws are made in town meeting, which is held once a month.

…

"The Republic has been in existence long enough to give the

experiment a fair trial, and the results justify the

expectations of its friends. In round numbers, about five

hundred have gone out from the Republic into life, most of

them taken from the class of boys and girls whose environment

was fruitful of crime and whose tendency was toward a criminal

career. Of these five hundred two or three are known to have

returned to crime, and five or six have disappeared entirely.

But of these eight or ten failures not one was in the Republic

more than a few months—not long enough to get the benefit of

the training. The other four hundred and ninety are known to

be earning an honest livelihood by honorable labor; and of

these four hundred and ninety, twenty have either graduated

from college, are now in college, or are just preparing to

enter college. At this writing two new Republics are about

being organized, one in Georgia and one in California, and a

movement is on foot for the organization of a National

Association."

Some months later than the above account of the Junior

Republic there were reported to be kindred organizations

modelled upon it in Connecticut and Maryland, with movements

to the same end in Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and New

Jersey, as well as in some countries abroad. Mr. Thomas M.

Osborne, of Auburn, who has been from an early day the chief

supporter of Mr. George in his work, said recently in a

published letter:

"I believe that the success of the Junior Republic idea, as we

have worked it out during the last fourteen years, is no

longer dependent upon Mr. George, its originator, or upon any

one man. Its established principles will now live on into the

far future, and work the sure righting of thousands of

youngsters gone wrong in every section of the greater

republic."

But it may work much more than "the sure righting of thousands

of youngsters gone wrong." It may, if its working widens and

roots itself among the institutions of the future, as it seems

likely to do, have a very potent and positive political

influence in the world. If men and women representative of a

class that is now troublesome to democracy, politically as

well as otherwise, should by and by be brought in large

numbers yearly from graduation in the Young Republic training

schools of imitative citizenship, to be joined with their

elders in larger spheres of more entire self-government, are

they not likely to introduce a profounder change in the

operation of republican institutions than can now be foreseen?

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: Juvenile Courts.

Their origin and development.

A collection of reports on "Children’s Courts in the United

States," prepared for the International Prison Commission and

edited by Mr. Samuel J. Barrows, Commissioner for the United

States, was published in 1904 as House Document No. 701 of the

58th Congress, 2d Session. The following account of the origin

of the now widely established Juvenile Courts of America and

Europe, and of their development in the United States during

the first four years of their existence, is derived from those

reports.

{85}

Commissioner Barrows opens his introduction to the collected

reports with the following remarks:

"If the question be asked, 'What is the most notable

development in judicial principles and methods in the United

States within the last five years?’ the answer may

unhesitatingly be, ‘The introduction and establishment of

juvenile courts.’ Never perhaps has any judicial reform made

such rapid progress. Beginning in Chicago in 1899, this

institution has sprung up in city after city and State after

State until it is now established in eight States and eleven

large cities. This progress has been made not merely by

changes in procedure or legal technique, nor by the

introduction of a new method; it is most of all by the

introduction of a new spirit and a new aim. … It must not be

supposed that the juvenile court is only a smaller court for

smaller offenders or simply a court holding separate sessions

for such offenders; it represents an altogether different

principle. The juvenile court is a life-saving institute in

society.

"It is scarcely necessary to say that child-saving methods,

institutions, and organizations have long flourished in the

United States. The Northern States have regarded juvenile

reformatories as a part of their correctional equipment, and

the courts have served as vestibules for such institutions;

but they have only been incidentally a part of the process. We

have not before realized what the court might be and do before

resorting to institutions. The children’s court still

maintains relations with the reform school, but it represents

in itself active and vital forces and invokes a whole range of

influence and motives which are personal and formative. It

appeals to the reform school not as the first, but only as the

last resort. The juvenile court has discovered that the child

is a child, and, as Judge Hurley says, ‘The child should be

treated as a child. Instead of reformation, the thought and

idea in the judge’s mind should always be formation. No child

should be punished for the purpose of making an example of

him.’ …

"The methods of children’s courts, or juvenile courts, as they

are termed in some States, differ in different places. In some

States the judge is detailed from some other court; in some

courts but one judge is assigned to this work. In New York

several judges from the court of special sessions act

successively in turn as judges of the children’s court. In

Maryland and Indiana the judges of the children’s courts

exercise this function only, and it is claimed that it is

better than the method of rotation, since the judge who

confines himself to juvenile court cases becomes a specialist

in this work. In Colorado Judge Lindsey is not only judge of

the juvenile court, but also of the county court. He finds

advantage in the fact that in his first capacity he can

protect the child, while as judge of the county court he can

also sentence the guardian or parent who is responsible for

the child’s delinquency.

"An essential feature of every juvenile court is the probation

system and probation officers. Their duty is to investigate

the case before trial, and, if the child is placed on

probation, to exercise watchcare over them until the period of

probation is closed. It is in this way that the parental care

of the State is exerted."

The City of Chicago and the Legislature of Illinois have the

honors of the origination of the Children’s Court as a

distinct creation of law. The Visitation and Aid Society of

Chicago had been laboring since 1891 to secure various

measures of advanced legislation bearing on child-saving,

without much success, until, as related in a report by Mr.

Hurley, of that Society, the Bar Association of Chicago took

the matter in hand, in 1899, and appointed a committee to

press it. This committee drafted the first juvenile court law

ever planned distinctly to that end and secured its enactment

by the Legislature of the State. The law went into force on

the 1st of July, 1899. The Court was soon opened, and Judge

Tuthill, of the Circuit Court of Illinois, who presided in it

from the first, has stated the principles of its constitution

and action in these following words:

"The basic principle of the law is this: That no child under

16 years of age shall be considered or be treated as a

criminal; that a child under that age shall not be arrested,

indicted, convicted, imprisoned, or punished as a criminal. It

of course recognizes the fact that such children may do acts

which in an older person would be crimes and be properly

punishable by the State therefor, but it provides that a child

under the age mentioned shall not be branded in the opening

years of its life with an indelible stain of criminality, or

be brought, even temporarily, into the companionship of men

and women whose lives are low, vicious, and criminal.

"The law divides children into two classes, the ‘dependent’

and the ‘delinquent.’ A dependent child, in the language of

the law, is a child—‘who for any reason is destitute or

homeless or abandoned, or has not proper parental care or

guardianship, or who habitually begs or receives alms, or who

is found living in any house of ill fame or with any vicious

or disreputable person, or whose home, by reason of neglect,

cruelty, or depravity on the part of the parents, guardian, or

other person in whose care it may be, is an unfit place for

such a child.’ A ‘delinquent child’ is defined to be—‘any

child under the age of 16 who violates any law of this State

or any city or village ordinance, or who is incorrigible, or

who knowingly associates with thieves, vicious, or immoral

persons, or who is growing up in idleness or crime, or who

knowingly frequents a house of ill fame, or who knowingly

patronizes any policy shop or place where any gaming device is

or shall be operated.’

"The law places its enforcement upon the judges of the circuit

court, who are required to select one of their number to

perform these duties as a part of the judicial work of such

judge. … The circuit court is a court of original and

unlimited jurisdiction, the highest in the State, and the duty

of holding the juvenile court was placed in the circuit court

(which for convenience is designated the ‘juvenile court’) as

an indication by the legislature of the importance to the

State of the work to be done.

"The case of each child brought into court, whether dependent

or delinquent, becomes of record, and every step taken in the

case is shown upon the court record."

Interest in the Illinois Law was awakened quickly in many

parts of the country, and requests for copies of it, says Mr.

Hurley in his historical sketch, "began to pour in from all

directions. These requests were promptly answered and copies

of the Juvenile Court Record, published by the Visitation and

Aid Society, containing the necessary information, were sent

to applicants.

{86}

Agitation began in other States for a law similar to the one

passed in Illinois, and those who helped to form the Illinois

law were invited to visit other States to explain the measure

and the method of administering the law in Cook County.

"The Illinois law proved so satisfactory that many judges

throughout the country, not wishing to await the action of a

legislature, established branches in their several courts for

children cases only, and in the treatment of the cases applied

the probate and chancery powers of the court. This was the case

especially in Denver, Colorado, where Judge Ben D. Lindsey had

a complete and well-equipped juvenile court and probation

system before the legislature took any action whatever. A like

court was subsequently adopted in Indianapolis by George W.

Stubbs. The two latter courts were carried on practically in

the same way that they have been since laws were adopted by

these States. In most of the States the probation officers are

volunteers."

Judge Lindsey, of Denver, has won celebrity among the

presiding magistrates of the Juvenile Courts by the kindly

shrewdness of the methods by which he has won the confidence,

the admiration and devotion of the boys and girls of his city,

within the classes with which he has to deal. The scene which

his court-room presents on the appointed days when the

delinquents on probation come in a body to report to him and

to be talked to by him has been often described, and it seems

to exemplify a kind of influence that would go farther than

any other in resistance to the vitiating conditions which

surround masses of the young in all cities. Judge Lindsey’s

extended report of his work and experience in the Denver

Juvenile Court, published in the collection referred to above,

is a paper of remarkable interest.

As stated already, the Juvenile Court is now an established

institution in nearly every part of the United States, and in

many countries abroad. It was established in Great Britain by

the notable "Children Act" of 1908 (see above), and was

instituted that year in several of the German cities. A Press

despatch from Berlin, March 15, 1909, reported the opening of

a congress in that city, under the auspices of the German

Association for the Care of the Young, which aims at the

extension of this important reform. "The labors of the

society," says the despatch, "seem to have been stimulated by

the passing of the English Children Act of 1908, a German

translation of which has been distributed to members of the

congress. The movement for the establishment of special Courts

for juvenile offenders was taken up in Germany later than in

some other countries, but has recently made rapid progress.

The first children’s Courts were established on January 1,

1908, at Cologne, Stuttgart, and Breslau, and there are now 26

such Courts in Prussia. Official statistics, however, indicate

that in recent years the total number of juvenile offenders in

Germany has grown about three times as fast as the total

number of offenders of all ages. During 1906, 55,211 persons

under the age of 18 were sentenced, as compared with 51,232 in

1905 and 49,993 in 1904."

At the meeting of the International Prison Commission, at

Lausanne, Switzerland, in 1907, it was significant of the deep

interest which the children’s court has awakened in Europe

that nineteen societies in France, including the Academy of

Moral and Political Sciences, the General Society of Prisons,

and the faculties of law of Paris, Lille, and Montpellier, and

several of the most prominent tribunals in France, asked to

have the whole subject of the organization of children’s

courts elucidated and discussed. A similar interest was shown

in Switzerland and Germany.

In an extended letter to the London Times, published

August 19, 1909, Miss Florence Davenport-Hill traced the

origin of children’s courts to Massachusetts, and gave the

following account of their introduction from that source of

suggestion into Australia, and thence, to some extent, into

Great Britain. Miss Davenport-Hill’s statements on the subject

are, in part, as follows:

"Although we hear little now from our earliest exemplar,

Massachusetts—possibly because she has, I believe, cleared

away the class to be dealt with—it is desirable to remember it

was she who evolved the then new principle of absolute

separation of child from adult, and devised its potent

supporter, the probation system—a system affording watchful

and kindly help to strong and maybe wilful weaklings. Thus did

Massachusetts become a noble example, making the way plain for

her successors. Mr. Joseph Sturge, attracted early in the

eighties by reports of the ‘plan,’ visited Boston to

investigate its methods. He describes in a pithy narrative

subsequently published how his highest expectations were

fulfilled; and it is interesting to learn from his pen that

‘the probation system by which juvenile offenders are saved

from imprisonment has been so successful, economically and

morally, that the city of Boston now employs a probation agent

to deal with suitable adult cases in a corresponding manner.’

"A copy of Mr. Sturge’s narrative reached, by good fortune,

the Chief Justice of South Australia, then presiding at a

Royal Commission of inquiry concerning adult and juvenile

dependents on the State. He recognized, and in his forthcoming

report expounded, the value of the Massachusetts plan in its

application to children. The result was the creation by the

South Australian Government of a department, entitled the

State Children’s Council, consisting of 12 ladies and

gentlemen nominated by the State as honorary members, to deal

with erring and neglected children on the lines of that plan.

…

"Nineteen years ago the Children’s Court was opened in

Adelaide, and in October, 1903, thanks, Sir, to your

sympathetic courtesy, the reproduction in The Times of

a letter describing it in the Melbourne Argus from Miss

Alice Henry made known among us its scope, methods, and

success. Gradually Benches of Magistrates in various parts of

Great Britain and of Ireland who led the way tried the

experiment, which was then discovered to be already existing

among us here and there, and in a more or less developed form,

as at Greenwich, Hull, &c."

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: As Workers:

Canada: Child Labor Legislation.

"There is not in any province a comprehensive act dealing with

the subject of child labor as a whole, and even in Ontario,

which has its Factories Act, its Shops Act, its Mines Act, its

Municipal Act, its Truancy Act—all bearing on the matter more

or less directly—it is still possible for young children to be

kept at work by their parents for mercilessly long hours under

sweat-shop conditions.

{87}

Prince Edward Island, Saskatchewan, and Alberta have neither

Shops nor Factories Acts. Ontario, Nova Scotia, Manitoba, and

British Columbia have both; Quebec and New Brunswick have

Factories Acts, and six of the provinces have Mines Acts. The

several Factories Acts resemble one another closely. In

general, they prohibit the employment of girls under eighteen

and boys under sixteen in factories where the work is

dangerous or unhealthy; forbid the employment of children

under fourteen in any manufacturing establishment (except

canning factories) in three provinces; limit the hours of

labor for women and children to ten hours a day and sixty

hours a week; and specify the amount of overtime permissible

for these classes of workers. The Shops Acts, upon the whole,

allow greater latitude to the employers of children; thus the

hours of labor are longer and the conditions often not less

injurious than those in factories. Except in Ontario, no age

limit is set under which a child may not begin work in a shop.

Again by the Mines Acts of British Columbia, children of

twelve may be employed above ground, and by those of

Saskatchewan and Nova Scotia boys of twelve may work under

ground. The enforcement of the laws restricting child labor

has, from various causes, proved somewhat inadequate. For

instance, Nova Scotia has had a Factories Act since 1901, but

no inspector of factories till the present year; while

Ontario, with a Truancy Act that, if enforced, would prevent

many children from engaging in unsuitable labor, has vested

the appointment of truancy officers in the municipalities, and

these, in many instances, have neglected to make

appointments."

The Outlook,

November 14, 1908.

Recent changes in child labor laws in Canada are as follows:

In Ontario the Factories Act limits the working time of boys

under sixteen to ten hours, forbids the employment of children

under twelve within doors, and restricts the privileges

extended to canning factories. The Shops Act is amended by

raising the age limit from ten to twelve years. Manitoba

forbids the employment of minors as bartenders. Alberta has

raised the age limit of children employed in mines from twelve

to sixteen years. British Columbia prohibits the employment of

boys under fourteen and girls under fifteen except in the

canning of fish.

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: England:

The Employment of Children Act, 1903.

An Act "to make Better Provision for Regulating the Employment

of Children" became law in August, 1903. Most of the

responsibility for a proper protective regulation of child

labor was imposed by this enactment on the local authorities

of the Kingdom. Among its provisions were the following:

"1. Any local authority may make byelaws—

(i) prescribing for all children, or for boys and girls

separately, and with respect to all occupations or to any

specified occupation,—

(a) the age below which employment is illegal; and

(b) the hours between which employment is illegal; and

(c) the number of daily and weekly hours beyond

which employment is illegal:

(ii) prohibiting absolutely or permitting, subject to

conditions, the employment of children in any specified

occupation.

"2. Any local authority may make byelaws with respect to

street trading by persons under the age of sixteen. …

"3.

(1) A child shall not be employed between the hours of nine

in the evening and six in the morning: Provided that any

local authority may, by byelaw, vary these hours either

generally or for any specified occupation.

(2) A child under the age of eleven years shall not be

employed in street trading.

(3) No child who is employed half-time under the Factory

and Workshop Act, 1901, shall be employed in any other

occupation.

(4) A child shall not be employed to lift, carry, or move

anything so heavy as to be likely to cause injury to the

child.

(5) A child shall not be employed in any occupation likely

to be injurious to his life, limb, health or education,

regard being had to his physical condition. …

"4.

(1) A byelaw made under this Act shall not have any effect

until confirmed by the Secretary of State, and shall not

be so confirmed until at least thirty days after the local

authority have published it in such manner as the

Secretary of State may by general or special order direct. …

"13. In this Act—The expression ‘child’ means a person under

the age of fourteen years:

"The expression ‘guardian,’ used in reference to a child,

includes any person who is liable to maintain or has the

actual custody of the child:

"The expression ‘employ’ and ‘employment,’ used in reference

to a child, include employment in any labour exercised by way

of trade or for the purposes of gain, whether the gain be to

the child or to any other person: …

"The expression ‘street trading’ includes the hawking of

newspapers, matches, flowers, and other articles, playing,

singing, or performing for profit, shoe-blacking, and any

other like occupation carried on in streets or public places."

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: Germany:

Child Labor Legislation and its operation.

The Reichstag, in 1903, passed a new law for the protection of

children, concerning the operation of which a well known

English student of social conditions in Germany wrote as

follows in 1908:

"Several significant facts may be noted in relation to the

protection of childhood in Germany. The legal age of admission

to full employment in factories and workshops is fourteen

years, though on the production of efficiency certificates

children may be employed for not more than six hours daily at

the age of thirteen, yet of the 5,607,657 industrial workers

subject to inspection in 1905 only 10,245, or under 0.2 per

cent., were below fourteen years, and in some States there

were none. To show the progress which has been made in this

respect it may be stated that in 1875 10 per cent. (88,000 out

of a total of 880,500) of the factory workers were between

twelve and fourteen years of age. … At the same time there is

reason to believe that a serious exhaustion of juvenile

strength takes place in the unregulated home industries of

Germany. Further, from the age of six the child of the people

attends the primary school for seven or eight years, and in

many cases he is required to attend a continuation school

several years longer. In most of the large towns the scholar

from first to last receives free systematic medical care at

the hands of the school doctors. It begins with a thorough

examination on admission, and the health record thus opened is

continued throughout the whole period of school life, so that

the child is under constant medical supervision until it

reaches the working age. Many towns have gone further, and

have established dental surgeries, and attached eye and ear

specialists to the primary schools."

W. H. Dawson,

The Evolution of Modern Germany,

page 327 (Unwin, London; Scribner’s, New York).

{88}

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: United States:

Child Labor Laws of the several States in 1908,

and as amended since.

The requirements of an effective child labor law are set forth

in Pamphlet No. 60 of the National Child Labor Committee as

resting "primarily upon certain definite prohibitions, among

which are the following:

Labor is prohibited (1) for all children under the age of

fourteen years;

labor is prohibited (2) for all children under sixteen years

of age who do not measure sixty inches and weigh eighty pounds;

labor is prohibited (3) for all children under sixteen years

of age who cannot read fluently and write legibly simple

sentences in the English language;

labor is prohibited (4) for all children under the age of

sixteen years, between the hours of 7 p. m. and 7 a. m. or

longer than eight hours in any twenty-four hours, or longer

than forty-eight hours in any week;

labor is prohibited (5) for all children under the age of

sixteen years in occupations dangerous to life, limb, health

or morals."

Further prescriptions of the Committee relate to the

regulations and agencies of authority requisite to an

effective enforcement of the Law.

In Bulletin Number 62 of the United States Bureau of Labor

published in January, 1906, there is published a compilation

of the laws relating to child labor in each State of the

Union, as amended and in force at the close of the year 1905.

An examination of them shows that the proposed standard had

not then been measured up to in any State, or approached even

nearly by more than a few. In not one had the law prescribed a

test by weight or measure of the bodily development of a child

that should mark Nature’s consent to his employment in any

kind of work.

Thirteen States, namely, California, Connecticut, Delaware,

Indiana, Kansas, Minnesota, New Jersey, Ohio, Oregon,

Pennsylvania, Tennessee, West Virginia, and Wisconsin,

prohibited in general terms the employment of children under

fourteen years in mechanical, manufacturing or mercantile

establishments, or to that apparent effect. New York did the

same, with the proviso that children over twelve might have

employment during school vacation times. Rhode Island,

likewise, excepted the vacation time for children under

fourteen. The State of Washington allowed certain judges to

make exemptions from a similar prohibition, for the needed

support of helpless parents. Maine, Michigan, New Hampshire,

North Dakota, Texas, Vermont, Virginia, West Virginia, and

Wisconsin fixed the age under which no child may be employed

in wage-earning labor at twelve. Louisiana appointed it at

twelve for a boy and fourteen for a girl. Colorado placed it

at twelve for labor in mines only. Florida raised it to

fifteen, but only as prohibitory without consent of "those

having legal control" of the child. Alabama and Nebraska had

it lowered to ten years. South Carolina had kept it at ten

until 1903, at eleven until 1904, and at twelve until May,

1905. In the Massachusetts law no absolute prohibition of

child labor within any age line appeared.

Educational requirements, conditioning the employment of

children, were in most of the State laws, as they stood at the

end of 1905, and many of them satisfied the third rule

propounded by the National Child Labor Committee, as given

above.

In the next three years after the Bureau of Labor’s

compilation of child labor laws, great reforms in them were

brought about, as shown by comparison with the "Handbook 1908"

of "Child Labor Legislation" compiled by Josephine Goldmark

for the National Consumers’ League, and published originally

as a Supplement to the Annals of the American Academy of

Political and Social Science, May, 1908. Some statements from

this are given below:

"The age below which child labor is prohibited varies from

sixteen to ten years. The number of employments prohibited

also varies greatly—from all employment during school hours to

mine work only. … Eleven states prohibit work to the sixteenth

birthday in either mines or specific occupations injurious to

health, or both. These are, for mines, New York, Oklahoma,

Pennsylvania (inside anthracite mines), Texas; for specific

occupations, Kentucky, Minnesota, Missouri, Ohio, Wisconsin;

for both, Illinois and Montana."

The fifteen year age limit is prescribed in only one State,

South Dakota, which forbids it in mines, factories, hotels,

laundries, theatres, bowling alleys, elevators, messenger

service, or places where liquors are sold.

The age limit of fourteen years is prescribed differently in

different States. With various qualifications, employment

below that age in factories, stores, offices, laundries,

hotels, theatres, bowling alleys, is prohibited in California,

Idaho, Illinois, Iowa, Indiana, Kentucky, Michigan, Missouri,

Nebraska, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.

In factories or stores it is forbidden in Connecticut,

Massachusetts, North Dakota, Oregon, Rhode Island, and

Washington.

In factories it is not permitted in Arkansas, Colorado,

Delaware, Kansas, Louisiana, Maine, Minnesota, New Jersey,

Tennessee, Texas, Wisconsin.

In messenger service it is made unlawful in California, Idaho,

Illinois, Kentucky, Maryland, Michigan, Missouri, Nebraska,

New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Vermont, Washington,

Wisconsin.

Children under this age are excluded from mines in Arkansas,

Colorado, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Minnesota,

Missouri, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Tennessee,

Utah, Washington, Wisconsin, Wyoming.

In all the prohibitions above cited many and various

exceptions are allowed in the laws of different States—as for

school-vacation periods, for children of widows and disabled

fathers, etc. In like manner, the following State laws which,

on general principles, forbid all employment of children under

fourteen years during school hours, provide for numerous and

different exceptional circumstances: California, Colorado,

Connecticut, District of Columbia, Idaho, Illinois, Kentucky,

Massachusetts, Minnesota, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, New

Hampshire, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, South Dakota,

Vermont, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin.

{89}

The thirteen year age limit is fixed only in North Carolina,

which excepts apprentices.

The twelve year limit is applied (with exceptions for the

vacation months) to factories or stores in California, to most

descriptions of regular employment in Maryland, and to

factories in West Virginia. It is applied to factories, with

varied exceptions, in Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana,

Mississippi, New Hampshire, North Dakota, South Carolina, and

Texas. It applies to factories, quarries, railroads, and

messenger service in Vermont, and to factories, stores, and

mines in Virginia. To mines distinctly it applies in Alabama,

Florida, Maryland (if the twelve-year child is not wholly

illiterate), North Carolina, North Dakota (in school hours),

Pennsylvania (in bituminous mines only), South Carolina,

Virginia, West Virginia (vacation excepted).

The ten year old limit for labor to be lawful was only in

Georgia factories, with exceptions for the babes of widows and

disabled fathers.

As to hours of labor, "six states limit employment to 9 hours

in one day and 54 in one week:—California, Delaware, Florida,

Idaho, Missouri, and New York (applying to children under 16

in stores and as messengers).

"Twenty-four states restrict work to 10 hours in one day and

either 55, 58 or 60 hours in one week.

"Five states, Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina, Pennsylvania

and Tennessee allow more than 10 hours work in one day," in

the hours per week they permit.

"Those states which fail to restrict the hours of labor

allowed in one week as well as in one day invite

the possibility of seven days’ labor. In Washington, for

example, women and girls may not only work ten hours at night,

they may do this every night, including Sunday.

"Work at night is effectively restricted to the 16th birthday

in 18 states. Twelve states set an early closing hour for

children under 16 years, New York fixing 5 p. m.; Michigan,

Ohio, Oregon and Wisconsin 6 p. m., and Alabama, Idaho,

Illinois, Kentucky, Minnesota, Missouri and New Jersey (in

stores) fixing 7 p. m. Of these, the Ohio law is the most

comprehensive, since it includes girls to the 18th birthday."

"Children have no positive immunity from night work unless the

hours are explicitly stated between which it is unlawful to

employ them. … The District of Columbia, 4 territories and 20

states fail to prohibit work at night after a definite closing

hour. The sinister feature of this list is the presence of

Connecticut, Delaware, Indiana, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland,

New Hampshire, Tennessee and West Virginia, all of them

important manufacturing states having industries in which

children are employed."

Since the compilation of the above several states have made

important changes in or additions to their child labor laws,

as follows:

In Kentucky the age limit is raised to 14 years during school

terms, children between 14 and 16 not to be employed without

certificate from school authorities. The hours of labor are

limited to ten hours a day and sixty hours a week, and night

work is prohibited for children under 16 years.

In Louisiana a fourteen-year age limit is established, with a

9 hour working day, and night work is prohibited for boys

under 16 and girls under 18 years.

Mississippi has established a twelve-year limit, applicants

under sixteen being required to furnish a certificate of age

and educational advantages, and one from county health officer

showing physical condition. The time limit is ten hours daily,

58 hours a week.

"New Jersey enacted a compulsory education law, requiring

school attendance of all children between the ages of seven

and seventeen, except that children of fifteen who have

completed the grammar grades and are regularly employed may be

excused. This places the age limit for employment during the

school period at fifteen years.

"In New York a law was passed transferring the enforcement of

the mercantile child labor law from local boards of health in

cities of the first class to the State Labor Department, and

providing for the creation of a bureau of mercantile

inspection. This law became effective October 1st, 1908." It

made important changes, affecting dangerous employments, which

became effective October 1st, 1909.

"In Ohio an important measure was passed limiting the hours

for boys under sixteen and girls under eighteen to eight per

day and forty-eight per week."

National Child Labor Committee

(General Secretary’s Annual Report).

An act to regulate the employment of child labor in the

District of Columbia was passed by Congress on May 28, 1908.

This law prescribes an age limit of fourteen years, and

prohibits employment during school hours. Exceptions may be

made for children in the service of the Senate, or for those

whose labor is necessary for the support of a disabled or

widowed parent. Street trades are forbidden to boys under ten

and girls under sixteen years of age. The time limit for

children under sixteen is eight hours a day and forty-eight

hours a week.

The report of the National Child Labor Committee, for the year

ending September 30, 1909, gives the following additional

changes: In South Carolina a system of factory inspection was

adopted. The hours of labor, however, were changed from 10 to

11 hours a day. In Maine an educational test was adopted, and

the hours reduced from 60 to 58 per week. Rhode Island reduced

the hours for women and children from 60 to 56 per week.

Pennsylvania enacted a law requiring adequate proof of age of

children seeking employment, and requiring school certificate.

Hours of labor have been reduced in the following States:

Michigan to 54 hours a week for all women and for males under

18; Kansas, Oklahoma, North Dakota to 8 hour day and 48 hour

week; Delaware to 9 hour day and 54 hour week; Maine to 10

hour day and 58 hour week for boys under 16, and girls under

18; Rhode Island to 56 hour week for minors under 16 and all

women.

Night work has been prohibited in the following additional

States: Delaware, Kansas, North Dakota, Michigan, Oklahoma,

California.

Compulsory education laws have been passed in Arkansas and

Tennessee, and revised and improved in New Jersey, New York,

and Missouri.

See, also.

LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

----------CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: End--------

{90}

CHILDREN, Public Playgrounds for.

See (in this Volume)

PLAYGROUND MOVEMENT.

CHILDS, RICHARD S.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

----------CHILE: Start--------

CHILE: A. D. 1901-1906.

Participation in Second and Third International Conferences

of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

CHILE: A. D. 1902.

Noble Peace Agreements between Chile and the Argentine

Republic.

Treaty for Arbitration of all Disputes.

Limitation of Armaments.

See (in this Volume)

War, The Revolt against: A. D. 1902.

CHILE: A. D. 1903.

Sale of war vessels to Great Britain.

Pursuant to her Convention with Argentina, for the reduction

of armaments, Chile, in this year, sold two newly built war

vessels to Great Britain.

CHILE: A. D. 1906.

Installation of President Montt.

His prospective difficulties.

Don Pedro Montt, elected President of Chile in June, 1906,

was installed in office on the 10th of September following—the

anniversary of Chilean independence. United States Minister

Hicks, reporting the ceremony to his Government, added the

following remarks on the political situation:

"The new President takes office while enjoying great personal

popularity. He is the son of Don Manuel Montt, who was

President of Chile from 1851 to 1862. His reputation is that

of a calm, well-balanced man, of unimpeachable integrity,

strong and self-reliant, but conciliatory and far-seeing. He

begins his career with many difficulties on his hands. One

question left over from the last administration—that of the

rectorship of the university—is already causing considerable

trouble. Under the law the President appoints the rector from

three persons named by the doctors of the university itself.

Señor Letelier has been so named, but as he is said to be a

liberal and even a freethinker, the church party and the

conservatives generally are fighting him. The new President

selected a cabinet last week entirely different from the one

now in office, but owing to the rectorship question and some

other things it failed and a new one had to be appointed

hurriedly.

"Among other difficulties to be met by the new President is

the opposition of the Senate. It is understood that there is a

majority in that body against him, and it is liable to operate

unfavorably to him. Still his friends have full confidence that

he will succeed in quieting opposition and will retain the

unlimited confidence of the people.

"Under the Chilean constitution much of the power delegated to

the President under the American Constitution is retained by

Congress. That body really dictates to the President the

appointment or removal of his cabinet and thus his functions

are quite different from those of the President of the United

States."

CHILE: A. D. 1906.

Destructive earthquake.

See (in this Volume)

EARTHQUAKES: CHILE.

CHILE: A. D. 1907.

Diplomatic relations with Peru reestablished.

Diplomatic relations with Peru were reestablished in 1907; but

the old sore question between the two countries, concerning

the interpretation of the peace treaty of Ancón (1884),

relative to the provinces of Tacna and Arica, which Chile took

from Peru in the preceding war, remains open.

See (in Volume VI.)

CHILE.

CHILE: A. D. 1909.

Contract given for the Arica-La Paz Railway.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: CHILE-BOLIVIA.

CHILE: A. D. 1909.

Arbitration of the Alsop Claim of the United States.

"Many years ago diplomatic intervention became necessary to

the protection of the interests in the American claim of Alsop

and Company against the government of Chili. The government of

Chili had frequently admitted obligation in the case, and had

promised this government to settle it. There had been two

abortive attempts to do so through arbitral commissions, which

failed through lack of jurisdiction. Now, happily, as the

result of the recent diplomatic negotiations, the governments

of the United States and Chili, actuated by the sincere desire

to free from any strain those cordial and friendly relations

upon which both set such store, have agreed by a protocol to

submit the controversy to definitive settlement by his

Britannic Majesty, Edward VII."

Message to Congress of President Taft,

December, 1909.

The claim referred to is that of "the Alsop Company of New

York and Connecticut which advanced large sums of money to the

Bolivian government in exchange for the right to valuable

guano deposits in that country and other concessions. The

government contracted further to return a part of the loan

from the receipts of customs at the port of Arica. Before her

contract could be fulfilled Bolivia lost Arica and the

adjoining districts to Chili in war. In 1885, following

representations by the American State Department, Chili agreed

to assume the obligations of Bolivia to the Alsop Company. She

has never, however, made good her promise, and the matter has

been the subject of diplomatic negotiations ever since. The

claim now amounts to more than $1,500,000."

CHILE: A. D. 1909.

Building of the Transandine Railway Tunnel.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: ARGENTINA-CHILE.

CHILE: A. D. 1909 (October).

Naval plans.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL: CHILEAN.

----------CHILE: End--------

----------CHINA: Start--------

CHINA: A. D. 1887-1907.

Increase of Christian Mission Schools.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: CHINA.

CHINA: A. D. 1900-1905.

Sudden and rapid upspringing of newspapers.

"Without giving actual statistics, it may be mentioned that

Peking, which had no newspaper up to the time of the Boxer

rising—except a short-lived weekly started by the Peking

Reform Club and suppressed by the Empress Dowager—has now

three daily newspapers and two fortnightly ones, some of these

being partly illustrated. Tientsin has at least three dailies,

one of these, the ‘Ta-kung Pao’ ('The Impartial’),

having the very respectable circulation of twenty thousand.

The official organ which calls itself the ‘Times’ (the

‘Shih Pao’), although not so widely circulated, is well

written under European auspices and has considerable

influence.

{91}

In Shanghai there are now sixteen daily papers (price, eight

to ten cash each), some of which have circulations of

as much as ten thousand, and besides these there are many

journals published there. Further south (at Foochow, Soochow,

and Canton), there are in all some six or seven daily papers,

and at Hong-Kong five, while Kiaochow has one, which is

supported by the local German government. In addition to

these, several papers are now published in the interior, but

the majority, for various reasons, flourish in the treaty

ports."

A. R. Colquhoun

The Chinese Press of To-day

(North American Review, January, 1906).

CHINA: A. D. 1900-1906.

Progressive tariff and internal taxation measures to check

the consumption of opium.

See (in this Volume)

OPIUM PROBLEM.

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.

The Russian grip on Manchuria.

Coercive negotiations with China.

Protests from other Powers.

The Manchurian Treaty of 1902 and its impotence.

Early in December, 1901, the American Minister to China, Mr.

Conger, reported to Secretary Hay, at Washington, an impending

treaty which Russia seemed likely to force on the Chinese

Government, which would practically secure to that aggressive

Power, through a prolonged agreement of China with the

Russo-Chinese Bank, exclusive railway and mining concessions

in Manchuria, and which would protract the Russian evacuation

of that country through three years. England and Japan were

using all their influence at Peking to prevent the signing of

the treaty, and Mr. Hay entered a vigorous protest on the part

of the Government of the United States, "animated now, as

heretofore, by the sincere desire to insure to the whole world

full and fair intercourse with China on equal footing." The

pressure from Russia on China was so potent, however, that Mr.

Conger, on the 29th of January, 1902, reported to Mr. Hay that

Prince Ch’ing, who acted with authority from his Government in

the negotiation with Russia, had informed him "that the latter

has done the best he could and has held out as long as

possible, but that Russian possession of Manchuria has become

intolerable, and that China must at once sign the convention

or lose everything; that he has therefore agreed to sign the

convention [modified in some particulars] and will also sign

the separate agreement with the Russo-Chinese Bank, which

practically gives exclusive privileges of industrial

development in Manchuria." Nevertheless the consummation of

the Russian project of coercive diplomacy was delayed until

the 8th of April, and the terms of the treaty then signed were

considerably moderated from the original design. Its

provisions of interest to others than the contracting parties

were as follows:

"ARTICLE I.

His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, desiring to give a

fresh proof of his love of peace and his sentiments of

friendship for His Majesty the Emperor of China,

notwithstanding the fact that the first attacks upon the

peaceable Russian population were made from various points of

Manchuria, which is situated on the frontier, consents to the

reestablishment of the authority of the Chinese Government in

the aforesaid province, which remains an integral part of the

Empire of China, and restores to the Chinese Government the

right to exercise governmental and administrative powers there

as before its occupation by the Russian troops.

"ARTICLE II.

In resuming possession of governmental and administrative

powers in Manchuria, the Chinese Government confirms, as well

in regard to the terms as to all the other articles, the

engagement strictly to observe the stipulations of the

contract concluded with the Russo-Chinese Bank on the 27th of

August, 1896, and assumes, according to article 5 of said

contract, the obligation to protect the railroad and its

personnel by every means, and also pledges itself to guarantee

the security in Manchuria, of all Russian subjects in general

who reside there and the enterprises established by them. The

Russian Government, in view of the assumption of this

obligation by the Emperor of China, consents on its part, in

case there shall be no agitations of any sort, and if the

action of the other powers shall offer no obstacle thereto,

gradually to withdraw all its troops from Manchuria so as

(a) To withdraw, in the course of six months from the

signing of the convention, the Russian troops from the

southwest portion of the province of Moukden, as far as the

Liao-he River, and again to place China in control of the

railways;

(b) To withdraw, in the course of the six months

following, the Imperial Russian troops from the remaining

portion of the province of Moukden and the province of Kirin;

and

(c) To withdraw, in the course of the six months following,

the remainder of the Imperial Russian troops now in the

province of Hei-lung Kiang.

"ARTICLE. III.

In view of the necessity of obviating in future a repetition

of the disturbances of 1900, in which the Chinese troops

quartered in the provinces adjacent to Russia took part, the

Russian Government and the Chinese Government agree to order

the Russian military authorities and the dzian-dziuns, to come

to an understanding for the purpose of regulating the number

and determining the places of cantonment of the Chinese troops

in Manchuria until the Russian troops shall have been

withdrawn therefrom. The Chinese Government further pledges

itself not to organize any other troops above the number thus

agreed upon by the Russian military authorities and the

dzian-dziuns which shall be sufficient to exterminate the

brigands and to pacify the country. After the complete

evacuation of the country by the Russian troops, the Chinese

Government shall have the right to make an examination of the

number of troops in Manchuria which are subject to increase or

diminution, giving timely notice of such examination to the

Imperial Government, for the maintenance of troops in the

aforesaid province in superfluous numbers would manifestly

lead to the increase of the Russian military forces in the

adjacent districts, and would thus occasion an increase of

military expenses, to the great disadvantage of both

countries. For police service and the maintenance of internal

order in this region outside of the territory ceded to the

Chinese Eastern Railway Company, there shall be formed, near

the local dzian-dziun governors, a police force, both on foot

and mounted, composed exclusively of subjects of the Emperor

of China

"ARTICLE IV.

The Russian Government consents to restore to their owners the

railway lines of Shan-hai-kwan—Yin-kow—Simminting, which have

been occupied and protected by the Russian troops since the

end of the month of September, 1900. In consideration of this

the Government of the Emperor of China pledges itself:

{92}

"1. That in case it shall become necessary to insure the

security of the aforesaid railway lines it will itself assume

that obligation, and will not request any other power to

undertake or participate in the defense, construction, or

exploitation of these lines, and will not permit foreign

powers to occupy the territory restored by Russia.

"2. That the above-mentioned railway lines shall be completed

and exploited on the precise bases of the agreement made

between Russia and England April 16, 1899, and on those of the

contract concluded September 28, 1898, with a private company,

relative to a loan for the construction of the aforesaid

lines, and, moreover, in observance of the obligations assumed

by the company, especially: Not to take possession of the

Shan-hai-kwan—Yin-kow—Simminting line or to dispose of it in

any manner whatever.

"3. That if a continuation of the railway lines in the south

of Manchuria, or the construction of branch lines connecting

with them, and the construction of a bridge at Yin Kow or at

the transfer of the terminus of the Shan-hai-kwan Railroad,

which is situated there, shall hereafter be undertaken, it

shall be done after a previous understanding between the

Government of Russia and that of China."

Papers relating to the Foreign Relations

of the United States, 1902, pages 271-281.

During the next two years Russia was accused from all sides of

infidelity to the engagements of this treaty, and her conduct,

which seemed especially menacing to Japan, gave rise to the

Russo-Japanese War.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.

Edicts for educational reform.

Modernizing examinations for literary and military degrees.

Establishing universities, colleges, and schools.

Sending students abroad.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1904.

Persistent occupation of Manchuria by the Russians.

Remonstrances of the Japanese.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

Settlement of the indemnity to be paid to fourteen Powers on

account of the Boxer Rising.

Remission of part of it by the United States.

In April, 1901, when the record of events connected with the

Boxer rising against foreigners in China was closed in Volume

VI. of this work, the Chinese government had promised

satisfaction and indemnity to the fourteen Powers whose

subjects had suffered from the barbarous attack and whose

forces had overcome it, and the measure of indemnity to be

paid was then being discussed. The discussion and the

reckonings involved were prolonged till September. The final

protocol was signed September 7, but it was not until the 30th

of that month that the formulated claims of the Powers

concerned were accepted by China, and the responsibility of

payment assumed by an imperial decree. The total was

450,000,000 taels, equivalent to $334,000,000, divided between

Austria-Hungary, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Great

Britain, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, Portugal, Russia, Spain,

Sweden, and the United States. The sum was not reckoned solely

for the covering of losses and expenses, consequent on the

Boxer outrages, but was intended to be, in some degree, a

penalty imposed on the Chinese nation; and some of the

claimant nations were said to be more exacting on this score

than others were.

The amount for which the United States stipulated was

$24,440,000, and the American government received an indemnity

bond for that sum. But when the expenses of the American

relief expedition had been accurately ascertained, and all

losses and destruction of property belonging to American

claimants had been settled, it was found that they would be

largely overpaid. It was possible, according to common

practice in international dealings, to regard the excess as

justly punitive; but a different view was dictated by the wish

to show friendliness to China, and a return of the overpayment

was proposed. Recommended by President Roosevelt, the

necessary sanction was given by Congress, and on the 11th of

July, 1908, the American Minister to China addressed the

following communication to the Prince of Ch’ing, President of

the Wai-Wu-Pu, or Board of Foreign Affairs, at Peking:

"Your Highness:   "It is with great satisfaction that I have the honor to inform

your Highness, under direction of the Secretary of State of

the United States, that a bill has passed the Congress of the

United States authorizing the President to modify the

indemnity bond given the United States by China under the

provisions of Article VI. of the final protocol of September

7, 1901, from twenty-four million, four hundred and forty

thousand dollars ($24,440,000), United States gold currency,

to thirteen million, six hundred and fifty-five thousand, four

hundred and ninety-two dollars and twenty-nine cents

($13,655,492.29), with interest at four per cent (4%) per

annum. Of this amount two million dollars ($2,000,000) are

held pending the result of hearings on private claims

presented to the Court of Claims of the United States within

one year. Any balance remaining after such adjudication is

also to be returned to the Chinese Government, in such manner

as the Secretary of State shall decide.

"The President is further authorized under the Bill to remit

to China the remainder of the indemnity as an act of

friendship, such payments and remissions to be made at such

times and in such a manner as he may deem just.

"I am also directed by the Secretary of State to request the

Imperial Government kindly to favor him with its views as to

the time and manner of the remissions.

"Trusting that your Imperial Highness will favor me with an

early reply to communicate to my Government, I avail myself of

this occasion to renew to your Highness the assurance of my

highest consideration

—W. W. ROCKHILL."

In his reply, after reciting the statements conveyed to him by

Mr. Rockhill, the Prince wrote (as translated) the following:

"On reading this despatch I was profoundly impressed with the

justice and great friendliness of the American government, and

wish to express our sincerest thanks.

"Concerning the time and manner of the return of the amounts

to be remitted to China, the Imperial Government has no wishes

to express in the matter. It relies implicitly on the friendly

intentions of the United States Government, and is convinced

that it will adopt such measures as are best calculated to

attain the end it has in view.

{93}

"The Imperial Government, wishing to give expression to the

high value it places on the friendship of the United States,

finds in its present action a favorable opportunity for doing

so. Mindful of the desire recently expressed by the President

of the United States to promote the coming of Chinese students

to the United States to take courses in the schools and higher

educational institutions of the country, and convinced by the

happy results of past experience of the great value to China

of education in American schools, the Imperial Government has

the honor to state that it is its intention to send henceforth

yearly to the United States a considerable number of students

there to receive their education. The Board of Foreign Affairs

will confer with the American Minister in Peking concerning

the elaboration of plans for the carrying out of the intention

of the Imperial Government.

"A necessary despatch.

"SEAL OF THE WAI-WU-PU."

Simultaneously with the note from Prince Ch’ing, the Wai-Wu-Pu

as a body addressed the following to Mr. Rockhill:

"To his Excellency W. W. Rockhill,

American Minister, Peking:

"Referring to the despatch just sent to your Excellency

regarding sending students to America, it has now been

determined that from the year when the return of the indemnity

begins, one hundred students shall be sent to America every

year for four years, so that four hundred students may be in

America by the fourth year. From the fifth year and throughout

the period of the indemnity payments a minimum of fifty

students will be sent each year.

"As the number of students will be very great, there will be

difficulty in making suitable arrangements for them.

Therefore, in the matter of choosing them, as well as in the

matters of providing suitable homes for them in America and

selecting the schools which they are to enter, we hope to have

your advice and assistance. The details of our scheme will

have to be elaborated later, but we take this occasion to

state the general features of our plan, and ask you to inform

the American Government of it. We sincerely hope that the

American Government will render us assistance in the matter.

"Wishing you all prosperity,

(Signed)

PRINCE OF CH’ING, YUAN-SHIH-K’AI,

NA-TUNG    LIEN-FANG

LIANG-TUN-YEN."

The remittance of somewhat more than $10,000,000 of the

indemnity did not involve a repayment of that sum of money to

the Chinese government, for the reason that payments on the

original indemnity bond were to be in annual instalments,

running until 1940, certain revenues being pledged to secure

them. The remittance is effected, accordingly, by a

readjustment of those payments hereafter.

Writing in The Outlook of this transaction, and of the

impression it has made in China, Mr. George Marvin, who has

been for some time in official connection with the Chinese

Government, says:

"In pledging itself to the American educational mission the

Chinese Government has given the fullest evidence of its

appreciation. According to estimates made in Peking last

summer, it was calculated that by and after the fourth year of

the proposed educational foundation the investment necessary

to finance the Chinese students in America would amount to

$500,000 annually, a sum nearly equivalent to the entire

yearly revenue remitted. Already, and quite apart from the

scheme proposed in the note of the Wai-Wu-Pu, there are

maintained in the United States by Imperial and Provincial

funds one hundred and fifty-five Chinese students, picked boys

and young men, sons of officials and prominent and wealthy

merchants, chosen often by competitive examinations. The

students now to be sent annually by the Imperial Government

will be still more carefully selected. These are the men

destined for positions of responsibility and influence in that

‘Awakening China’ of which we hear so much."

G. Marvin, in The Outlook, November 14, 1908.

A Special Ambassador from China, bearing a letter of thanks

from the Emperor, presented it to the President on the 2d of

December, 1908.

CHINA: A. D. 1902.

Return to Peking of the Emperor, Empress-Dowager, and Court.

Receptions to foreign representatives.

Withdrawals of foreign troops.

Recurrence of Boxer outbreaks.

The Emperor, Empress Dowager, and their suite reentered Peking

on the 7th of January, 1902. On the 22d the foreign

representatives were admitted to audience with the Emperor; on

the 28th the Emperor and Empress-Dowager, together, gave a

reception to the diplomatic body, the Empress-Dowager being

throned on a higher seat than the Emperor; on the 1st of

February the Empress-Dowager entertained the ladies of the

foreign legations at a banquet, where presents of jewelry were

made to all the guests. Sorrow for the misdoings from which

the foreigners in China had suffered was expressed on all

these occasions, and there seemed to be an earnest desire to

make amends for them.

Foreign troops were withdrawn from Tien-tsin on the 15th of

August, 1902, and the city delivered to the Chinese Viceroy.

Many improvements in streets, bridges, and public grounds had

been made by the provisional government which the Allies

instituted in 1900. Shanghai was evacuated by the allied

forces at the end of the year 1902.

Some recurrence of Boxer movements and insurrections occurred

in different parts of the Empire during 1902. Several

missionaries and a number of native converts were murdered,

chapels were burned, and other outrages committed; but in

general there was a restoration of order in the country, and

considerable building of railways and forwarding of other

enterprises went on.

CHINA: A. D. 1902.

Russo-Chinese Treaty concerning Tibet.

See (in this Volume)

TIBET: A. D. 1902.

CHINA: A. D. 1902 (January).

Agreement respecting China between Great Britain and Japan.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1902.

CHINA: A. D. 1902 (February).

Wei-hai-wei found to be strategically worthless by the

British Government.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (FEBRUARY).

CHINA: A. D. 1902-1904.

The British opening of Tibet by force.

See TIBET: A. D. 1902.

{94}

CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

Treaty with the United States.

Opening of two ports in Manchuria.

Rights and privileges enlarged.

"In the protocol of September 7, 1901,  China had agreed to

extend the scope of her commercial treaties with the powers.

See, (in this Volume)

above, A. D. 1901-1908.

When the negotiation of a new treaty was begun by

Consul-General Goodnow at Shanghai, the United States demanded

that at least two new ports in Manchuria be opened to foreign

trade and residence. The Chinese commissioners declined to

discuss this subject, on the alleged ground that they had no

instructions to do so. It was evident that there was secret

opposition somewhere, and on May 7, 1903, Mr. Conger reported

that it came from the Russian charge d'affaires. Later he

secured a written acknowledgment from the Chinese government

that such was the case. … Mr. Hay then appealed with the

utmost directness to the Russian government. … On July 14 a

definite answer was at length received from Russia, in which

she declared that it had never entered into her views to

oppose the opening of certain cities in Manchuria to foreign

commerce, but that this declaration did not apply to Harbin,

one of the cities selected by the United States, which was

situated within the railway zone, and therefore was not under

the complete jurisdiction of China. A copy of this note was

shown to the Chinese government; which finally agreed to

insert in the treaty on October 8 (the date on which Russia

had agreed to completely withdraw from Manchuria) a provision

for the opening of two ports. The United States agreed to this

arrangement, and on October 8 the treaty was signed, and

Mukden and Antung named as the open ports."

John H. Latané,

America as a World Power,

chapter 6 (Harper & Bros., New York, 1907).

The further scope of the treaty was announced by President

Roosevelt in his Message to Congress, December 7, 1903, as

follows: "It provides not only for the ordinary rights and

privileges of diplomatic and consular officers, but also for

an important extension of our commerce by increased facility

of access to Chinese ports, and for the relief of trade by the

removal of some of the obstacles which have embarrassed it in

the past. The Chinese Government engages, on fair and

equitable conditions, which will probably be accepted by the

principal commercial nations, to abandon the levy of ‘liken’

and other transit dues throughout the Empire, and to introduce

other desirable administrative reforms. Larger facilities are

to be given to our citizens who desire to carry on mining

enterprises in China. We have secured for our missionaries a

valuable privilege, the recognition of their right to rent and

lease in perpetuity such property as their religious societies

may need in all parts of the Empire."

CHINA: A. D. 1904.

Railways and Chinese travel on them.

Unused British Concessions.

"It may not have passed out of the public mind that in

February, 1899, Mr. Balfour came down to the House of Commons

and paraded before it and the country the magnificent triumph

England had won in China in respect of Railway Concessions.

See, in Volume VI.,

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER.).

They totalled up to 2,800 miles! The House cheered, the

country indulged in a fit of self-complacency, and the critic

who asked questions was an ignoramus or a nuisance. Well, five

years have gone by, and not one mile of those railways is in

existence except the Chinese Northern State Railway, which has

passed out of our hands. Of the rest the two great trunk

lines, one from Hankow to Canton, and the other in Yunnan,

have been abandoned, while among those of shorter length the

only one that still remains in active force is the subject of

this paper. …

"In more than one recently published consular dispatch

attention has been drawn to the fact that the Chinese,

backward or hesitating in the adoption of every other European

or Western innovation, have shown no reluctance to avail

themselves of improved means of locomotion. The Northern

Railway is used by several million passengers every year; the

sections already open of the German railway in Shantung and of

the Belgian in Shansi can complain of no lack of traffic. The

fears of an earlier period as to what the Chinese would do

with regard to railways have been dissipated by experience."

D. C. Boulger,

The Shanghai-Nanking Railway

(Contemporary Review, June, 1904).

CHINA: A. D. 1904.

The Russo-Japanese War in Manchuria.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY) and after.

CHINA: A. D. 1904-1909.

The Hankau Sze-chuen Railway Loan.

The question of American participation.

In 1904 the American Minister at Peking concluded an agreement

with the Chinese Government to the effect that, when loans for

the construction of a projected railway into the western

province of Sze-chuen, from Hankau, should be negotiated,

Americans should have an opportunity to subscribe to it.

Nearly five years passed before arrangements for the loan were

made, and then, in the spring of 1909, it was found that terms

had been concluded with a group of British, German, and French

bankers for the whole sum sought, of $27,500,000, while

American capitalists had not been given the promised

opportunity. On behalf of the latter the Government of the

United States intervened, claiming fulfilment of the agreement

of 1904. The matter was regarded as being both politically and

financially important. "A precedent is what we want to

establish," said Mr. Crane, the newly appointed Minister to

China, in an interview on the subject at New York. "The task

of this Government to maintain its position with the European

Powers in the East will be less difficult. We are looking

twenty years ahead." As the result of communications in July

from Washington to Peking, in which President Taft took part

personally, the loan arrangement was readjusted, and American

capitalists became participant in it to the extent of

one-fourth.

According to a despatch from Peking, August 17, the matter was

settled definitely that day, on the following terms: "The loan

to be increased from $27,500,000 to $30,000,000, and of this

latter amount American bankers to get one-quarter, the other

three-quarters going to British, French, and German interests.

Americans are to have equal opportunity with the other nations

to supply material for both the Sze-chuen and the Canton lines

and the branches; they will appoint subordinate engineers, and

they will have also one-half of all future loans of the

Sze-chuen Railroad and its branches with the corresponding

advantages."

{95}

Subsequently, however, some difficulty in the readjustment of

business details in the matter arose, which delayed the final

settlement. The motives of the American Government in claiming

a participation in the enterprise were stated as follows by

President Taft in his Message to Congress, December 6, 1909:

"By the treaty of 1903 China has undertaken the abolition of

likin with a moderate and proportionate raising of the customs

tariff along with currency reform. These reforms being of

manifest advantage to foreign commerce as well as to the

interests of China, this government is endeavoring to

facilitate these measures with the needful acquiescence of the

treaty Powers. When it appeared that Chinese likin revenues

were to be hypothecated to foreign bankers in connection with

a great railway project, it was obvious that the governments

whose nationals held this loan would have a certain direct

interest in the question of the carrying out by China of the

reforms in question. Because this railroad loan represented a

practical and real application of the open-door policy through

coöperation with China by interested Powers, as well as

because of its relations to the reforms referred to above, the

Administration deemed American participation to be of great

national interest. Happily, when it was as a matter of broad

policy urgent that this opportunity should not be lost, the

indispensable instrumentality presented itself when a group of

American bankers, of international reputation and great

resources, agreed at once to share in the loan upon precisely

such terms as this government should approve. The chief of

those terms was that American railway material should be upon

an exact equality with that of the other nationals joining in

the loan in the placing of orders for this whole railroad

system. After months of negotiation the equal participation of

Americans seems at last assured. It is gratifying that

Americans will thus take their share in this extension of

these great highways of trade, and to believe that such

activities will give a real impetus to our commerce, and will

prove a practical corollary to our historic policy in the Far

East."

CHINA: A. D. 1905 (August).

New agreement respecting China between Great Britain and Japan.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

CHINA: A. D. 1905 (December).

Treaty with Japan relative to Manchuria.

By a treaty with Japan, concluded December, 1905, China

consented to lease to Japan the Kwangtung peninsula, at the

southern extremity of which are Port Arthur and Dalny,

formerly held by Russia under lease from China, and concede to

Japan the control of the railway on the peninsula northward as

far as Changchin. China also conceded to Japan the right to

build a railway from Antung on the Yalu River to Mukden, the

ancient capital of Manchuria, provided, however, that at the

end of a certain period the road may be purchased by China.

More important is the fact that China agreed in the treaty to

open to the world’s commerce and trade sixteen principal ports

and cities in Manchuria, including Harbin, or Kharbin, the

modern Russian capital of the province and its most important

railway center.

CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908.

The stir of new ideas.

Imperial Commission to study Representative

Systems of Government.

Signs of fruit from it.

Reformative movements.

The Constitutional Programme set forth in August, 1908.

Nine years of approach to a Promised Constitution.

A significant token of the dawning in China of a changed state

of mind respecting the western world of Europe and America,

and its very different development of scientific knowledge and

of social institutions, was afforded in the fall of 1905, when

an imperial commission, headed by Prince Tsai-Tse, was sent

abroad to study representative systems of government. The

Commission returned in the following July, and in August a

committee of high dignitaries, with Prince Ch’ing for its

chairman, was appointed to consider the report it had

submitted on administrative reforms. The outcome, soon

afterwards, was an imperial edict which recognized a "lack of

confidence between the highest and the lowest, between the

throne and ministers and the masses," and went so far as to

say that "foreign countries become wealthy and powerful by

granting a constitution to the masses and allowing suffrage to

all." While intimating that China must look forward to a

similar admission of the masses to some voice in the

government, the edict set forth the prior need of many

reforms, in the official system, in the laws, in education, in

the finances, and in the army and police. To begin the

undertaking of such reforms, Prince Tsai-Tse was put at the

head of a committee for dealing with the official system, and

before the year closed there were several changes of

importance introduced, tending towards more simplicity of

methods in public business and more centering of

responsibilities. Examinations in Western subjects of

knowledge began to replace the old conventional examinations

in classic Chinese literature, as tests for admission and

promotion in official service, and eagerness was shown in the

opening of schools and colleges that approached the European

and American type. Simultaneously with these stirrings of a

new consciousness and purpose in China, a great moral reform

was taken in hand. This was no less than an attempt to rescue

the nation from its opium curse. Some account of the opium

edict issued in September, 1906, will be found elsewhere.

See, (in this Volume)

OPIUM PROBLEM.

That these reformative steps were actually taken with a view

to the ultimate granting of "a constitution to the masses and

allowing suffrage to all" was proved in the summer of 1908,

when a programme of gradual approach to constitutional

government, by stages which extend through the next nine

years, was promulgated at Peking on August 27th. According to

Western ideas the document lacks definiteness, but it is not

difficult to believe in the sincerity of its intent. There may

be great wisdom of sincerity in the serial planning of

successive measures that are to unfold and introduce a

constitution at the end of nine years.

The edict of August 27 was summarized and partially translated

in a communication to the New York Tribune, as follows:

"The preamble alone fills twenty large pages and is written in

an incongruous mixture of Chinese Classical terms and new

Japanese terminology invented to fit Western meanings. The

efforts of the authors have been aimed at conveying to the

Chinese mind an understanding of things hitherto beyond its

comprehension. The explanations often convey nothing to the

Western mind.

{96}

"The subject is approached in an almost prayerful attitude.

The fact that China obtains this constitution ‘by the imperial

will’ is reiterated again and again. It is set forth that the

imperial government, under the constitution, shall not be

criticised, on the principle that the ‘sacred majesty of the

sovereign may not be offended against,’ and that the leaders

of the political parties are to be appointed by the throne.

Full government under this constitution will become effective

at the end of nine years. While the proposed system is called

constitutional, it is far removed from Western constitutional

government.

"Broadly speaking, the document follows the constitution of

Japan. Some of its most striking clauses follow:

"‘We beg, as the condition of the country is perilous, and the

hearts of the people are uneasy—trouble within and calamity

from without, danger threatening, and no parliament at the

side to investigate matters—that urgent measures may be taken

to overcome half-heartedness and procrastination, that there

may be peace above and completion below.

"‘We have therefore laid down the general principles of the

constitution and the programme for the work of getting

everything in readiness in nine years. These may not be

changed in the least particular.

"‘There will be boundless daily improvement. May the "silken

sounds" descend to inform the empire and fix the road for ten

thousand years, comforting the hopes of the myriads who long

for peace.’

"Fourteen laws are then submitted, as follows:

"1. The Ta Ch’ing Emperor will rule supreme over the Ta Ch’ing

Empire for one thousand generations in succession, and be

honored forever.

"2. Majesty of the sovereign.

"3. Right of promulgating laws.

"4. Convocation, suspension, extension and dissolution

of parliament.

"5. Appointment, payment, promotion, degradation of officials.

"6. Command over army and navy.

"7. Power to make war, peace, treaties; to receive and appoint

ambassadors.

"8. Martial law.

"9. Rewards and pardons.

"10. Right over judges and the administration of laws.

"11. Injunction.

" 12. Right of raising funds when parliament is not in session.

"13. Right of fixing the expenses of the imperial household.

"14. Respecting authority over the imperial clan.

"‘We look to our Empress Dowager and Emperor and see that they

take the measure of heaven and earth as their measure and the

heart of the people as their heart. The officials and people

within the wide seas are reverently grateful.

"‘The people should earnestly fulfil all the duties without

selfish reservations, which would hinder the public welfare,

and without rash impatience, which would confuse the

regulation; not looking on the matter as too easy, so that the

deliberations become empty wrangling, not failing to

understand the limitation of powers, so as to make laws which

overstep authority.

"‘The sovereign has absolute power, which he exercises in

constitutional form.’

"It is then set forth that on the dissolution of parliament

the people shall be called on to elect a new parliament, and

the document continues:

"‘Mercy is from above; officials, below, may not arrogate it

to themselves.

"‘Officers and people who keep within the law will have

freedom of speech, of the press and of assembly. They shall

not be disturbed without cause in their possession of

property, nor interfered with in their dwellings; and they

have the obligation to pay taxes and render military service

and the duty of obedience to the law of the land.

"‘Members of parliament shall not speak disrespectfully of the

court or slander others. Violation of this law will be

punished.’

"The nine year programme is as follows:

"‘Thirty-fourth year of Kwang Hsu, or 1908—Local

self-government; rules for reorganization of finance; fusion

of the Manchu and Chinese military; revision of criminal code.

"‘Thirty-fifth year, or 1909—Election of provincial

assemblymen; election to constitutional commission; local

self-government bureaus established; census; provincial

budgets; determination of functions of Peking officials;

issuing of school books.

"‘Thirty-sixth year, or 1910—Provincial assemblies opened;

local self-government established; census reports; tax rate

fixed; organization of provincial officials; courts of law at

provincial capitals and treaty ports; publishing criminal

code; extension of schools; preparation for organization of

sub-prefecture; department and district police.

"‘Thirty-seventh year, or 1911—Local self-government

continued; public account; imperial budget; rules on imperial

taxation; rules governing appointments and salaries of civil

officials; extension of schools; codes of municipal and

commercial laws and civil and criminal procedure drawn up.

"‘Thirty-eighth year, or 1912—Completion of general

arrangement of urban self-government; census reports;

publication of taxation laws of empire; perfection of

arrangements for provincial and lesser courts; extension of

schools.

"‘Thirty-ninth year, or 1913—Police registration; imperial

trial budget of variable expenses; Supreme Court; courts of

law in prefectures, sub-prefectures, departments and

districts; criminal code promulgated; urban self-government

established; rules for rural self-government; rules for urban

police.

"‘Fortieth year, or 1914—Imperial trial budget of fixed

expenses; publication of system of national accounts; rural

self-government established; rules for lower courts.

"‘Forty-first year, or 1915—Imperial household expenses fixed;

organization of the Banners’ controller’s office; public

accounting enforced; lower courts established; municipal and

commercial laws and civil and criminal procedure rules

established; police system complete.

"‘Forty-second year, or 1910—Promulgation of full constitution

and the laws of the imperial clan; parliamentary rules and

rules for parliamentary elections; budget for consideration of

parliament; reorganized official system; appointment of a

premier.’

"The document concludes with these words:

{97}

"'In the forty-third year of Kwang Hsu, or 1917, China will

be, by following this plan, a parliamentary country like Japan

or Russia.'"

China's Constitution

(New York Tribune, October 19, 1908).

Prince Ito, the veteran statesman of Japan, regards the

constitutional experiment in China with more anxiety than

hopefulness. Speaking on the subject in August, 1909, he

expressed doubt of its success, and thought failure would

imperil peace in the Far East. His reasoning in brief was

this:

"First—the enormous area of the Empire and the defective

facilities for communication would greatly impede the

assembling of a Parliament, especially in time of emergency.

Secondly, the immovable character of Chinese conservatism

forbade a change even of the system of taxation,

notwithstanding the State’s urgent need of funds, and there

was, therefore, still greater difficulty in effecting the

radical alterations required by a constitutional system.

Thirdly, the Chinese were untrained in local administration,

the institution of which was an essential prelude to a

national Assembly. He said he was astonished at the silence of

Occidental publicists on this question so vital to the peace

of the Orient."

CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908.

Chinese Exclusion Laws of the United States.

Boycott of American goods in the Empire.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909.

Disputes with Japan.

The Fa-ku-menn Railway and the Antung-Mukden Railway questions.

Settlement of the latter by Japanese ultimatum.

It could hardly have been possible for cordially friendly

relations to be maintained between China and Japan, in the

circumstances which transferred to the latter the extensive

rights and privileges in Southern Manchuria, which Russia had

acquired in that Chinese province by treaty and lease. By a

protocol of December, 1905, after the closing of the

Russo-Japanese War, there was an attempt, between Peking and

Tokyo, to define the effects of the Treaty of Portsmouth,

especially in the bearings of that article of the Treaty which

ceded to Japan, "with the consent of the Government of China,

the lease of Port Arthur, of Talien, and of the adjacent

territories and territorial waters, as well as the rights,

privileges and concessions connected with this lease or

forming part thereof," and likewise, of "all the public works

and property within the territory over which the above lease

extends"; but misunderstandings and differences of opinion

were sure to arise. Whether it has been more by the fault of

Japan than of China that they arose and increased until, in

the past year, they became a serious estrangement, is a

question on which the judgment of foreign observers is

conflicting. The veteran representative of the London Times at

Peking, whose friendship for the Chinese is fast-fixed by long

residence among them, lays the greater weight of

responsibility on Japan, though he finds a lack of

reasonableness on both sides. Japan, he says (writing July 19,

1909), was welcomed in China with open arms after her

victorious war. "No nation ever had a greater opportunity, and

faulty must have been the policy which in so short a time has

wrought so great a change. Japan is now regarded with a

comprehensive distrust that is most disquieting.

Not long ago more than 1,000 Japanese of different classes

were employed in China, in schools and colleges, in the army

and police, in law and prison reform, in agriculture and

sericulture, in telephone and electric light companies, on

railways, and in many other capacities. At present there are

fewer than 400, 52 of whom are in Peking, and these numbers

will be further reduced as existing contracts expire. Similar

reductions are noted in the number of Chinese being educated

in Japan. Three years ago there were more than 20,000; last

year there were more than 10,000. The number now is 5,125, and

only yesterday it was arranged that in the case of a body of

300 Government students just returned to China, only 88 would

be sent to take their places."

"At present each country, through its Press, is protesting

against the unreasonableness of the other. Contradictory

statements on questions of fact are made on almost every point

at issue."

The main contention has related to the projected extension by

China of a railway to Fa-ku-menn from the terminus of an

existing line at Hsin-min-tun, west of Mukden. It was in the

agreement of December, 1905, that no railways in competition

with the South Manchurian line, which Japan took from Russia,

should be built. The Japanese assert that they had in view

this very Fa-ku-menn extension when that stipulation was

inserted. The Chinese declare that the negotiation on their

part had reference solely to the area east of the Liao River.

Japan made two alternative proposals for the settlement of

this question: "One that the Chinese should build a railway

from Fa-ku-menn to the South Manchurian Railway instead of to

Hsin-min-tun, or that the Japanese should build a railway from

the South Manchurian line to Fa-ku-menn and thence to the

North, in which case Japan would withdraw her objection to the

Fa-ku-menn-Hsin-min-tun railway, provided that China undertook

not to extend the line beyond Fa-ku-menn without a previous

agreement with Japan." China is said to have declined

discussion of these proposals, but offered arbitration of the

whole matter. Japan objected to arbitration without previous

discussion of her new proposals. And so the dispute seemed

deadlocked.

Another dispute turned on the interpretation of a clause in

the Agreement of December, 1905, which reads: "China agrees

that Japan has the right to improve the Antung-Mukden Railway

so as to make it fit for the conveyance of commercial and

industrial goods of all nations." Japan undertook, as a

necessary "improvement" of the road, to reconstruct it, with a

change of gauge to connect it with the standard gauge of the

South Manchuria and Korean roads. China denied that the

agreement gave a right to reconstruction. Several other

questions arising between the two peoples have helped to raise

hard feeling on both sides; but these have seemed to be at the

front.

At length on the 6th of August, 1909, Japan brought discussion

of the Antung-Mukden Railway question to a summary ending, by

a note to the Chinese Government which announced that "the

Imperial Government is now compelled to take independent

action, and to proceed to carry out the necessary work of

reconstruction and improvement according to treaty rights."

{98}

Before taking this decisive step, the Japanese Government is

said to have consulted Great Britain and other powers, and to

have had approval of her action from London, if not from

elsewhere. China yielded to the ultimatum, and this leading

cause of quarrel between the great nations of the East was

removed on the 4th of September by the signing, at Mukden, of

a memorandum of agreement, reported in substance as follows:

China agrees, first, not to construct the

Hsin-min-tum-Fa-ku-men Railroad without consulting Japan;

second, that half the capital required to extend the Kirin

Railroad shall be borrowed in Japan; third, that Japan will be

permitted to extend the Yinkow and improve and modernize the

Antung-Mukden Railroads, to which China was bitterly opposed;

fourth, that Japan may work the mines in the Fushun and Yentai

districts, and have joint exploitation of the mines reached by

the Antung and Manchurian Railroad lines.

In the Chientao boundary dispute Japan agrees to recognize

China’s sovereignty, while China agrees to open four trade

marts in the district.

In a letter to a London journal, a few days before this

settlement of the Antung-Mukden Railway question, Lord

Stanhope said:

"The Chinese have surely deeper reasons for opposing this

scheme than the mere fact of reconstruction. They well realize

that this railway, crossing narrow valleys, can have no

commercial future, but is virtually a strategic railway to

strengthen the Japanese grip on Manchuria."

CHINA: A. D. 1906.

A Commission sent to America and Europe for the study of

political and other institutions.

The new spirit astir in China was manifested in the early

months of 1906 by the sending of a large Commission of

carefully chosen men to the United States and Europe, for

observations that would be helpful toward reforms in their own

country. It was headed by two High Commissioners of

distinction, Tai Hung-chi and Tuan Fang, and they were

attended by thirty-five scholars and functionaries of note.

They received much attention during their stay of five weeks

in the United States, and were placed by the Government under

the special charge of Professor J. W. Jenks. Writing

subsequently of their mission Professor Jenks said:

"The purpose of the commission is, primarily, to make such a

study of the political institutions of the various countries

visited that they will be able, on their return, to offer

valuable suggestions for the improvement of their own. There

is even serious talk among the high officials in China of some

form of a constitution. In consequence, the commissioners are

as eager to learn regarding the working of some of our

institutions as regarding their form of organization. Inasmuch

as political reform necessarily involves social reform, even

as a condition precedent, the commission is devoting special

attention to the study of education, in universities and

schools, and to methods of social amelioration, in prisons and

asylums for the insane and the poor. They, however, are not

neglecting the study of our large manufacturing plants, and

have clearly in mind, also, the improvement of the industrial

conditions of China. It is a matter of peculiar interest that

the Empress-Dowager charged them to inquire especially into

the education of girls in the United States, since she hoped,

on their return, to be able to found a school for the

education of the daughters of the princes."

CHINA: A. D. 1906.

Sixty cities being opened to foreign settlement.

A memorandum on the subject of the foreign settlements at the

open ports of China, prepared by the Chinese Secretary of the

American Legation at Peking, was transmitted to the State

Department at Washington in December, 1906. It conveyed the

following information:

"In China proper and in Manchuria 46 cities and towns have

been thrown open already to foreign residence and

international trade. This does not include Dalny, in

Manchuria, leased to Japan; Wei-hai-wei, in Shantung, leased

to Great Britain; Kiaochow, in Shantung, leased to Germany;

Kowloon, in Kuangtung, leased to Great Britain; nor

Kuang-chou-wan, in Kuangtung, leased to France. Besides the

above, there are 3 cities in Tibet thrown open to trade,

making 49 ports in the Empire. In addition to these already

declared open, there are 13 cities whose opening in the

immediate future is arranged for, and 3 others whose opening

depends upon the acceptance by other treaty powers of the

provisions of Article VIII. of the last commercial treaty

between China and Great Britain. No account is taken of the

cities of Turkestan, Mongolia, and the Amur region, in which

Russian subjects have for many years enjoyed privileges of

trade and consular jurisdiction. It will be seen, therefore,

that in the immediate future foreigners will enjoy the right

of residence for purposes of trade at more than 60 cities of

the Chinese Empire."

CHINA: A. D. 1906.

Edict against the use of opium.

See (in this Volume)

OPIUM PROBLEM.

CHINA: A. D. 1906 (January).

Chinese students in Japan.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1906.

CHINA: A. D. 1906-1907.

Flood and famine in the region traversed by the Grand Canal.

One of the frequent destructive floods in China which produce

famine befell the region that is traversed by the Grand Canal

in the summer of 1906. Heavy rains covered its vast plains

with lakes of water, which drowned out the crops throughout an

area estimated at 40,000 square miles. From ten to fifteen

millions of people were reduced to famine, and could only be

kept alive until the harvests of another year by the

generosity of the outside world. It was not vainly appealed

to; but the suffering and death in the afflicted country were

appallingly great.

CHINA: A. D. 1906-1907.

Christian Missions.

See (in this Volume)

MISSIONS: CHINA.

CHINA: A. D. 1907-1909.

Restriction on Chinese immigration to Canada.

Labor hostility.

Riotous attacks.

Lately modified regulations.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: CANADA.

CHINA: A. D. 1908.

Expansion of the Postal Service.

According to a report from Peking on the working of the

Imperial Chinese Post Office in 1908, "the operations show an

unprecedented expansion." The postal routes cover 88,000

miles, of which 68,000 are courier lines. The number of post

offices open in 1901 was 176. There were 2,803 open in 1907,

and 3,493 in 1908. The number of postal articles handled in

1901 was 10,000,000. The number was 168,000,000 in 1907, and

252,000,000 in 1908. The number of parcels was 127,000,

weighing 250 tons, in 1901; 1,920,000, weighing 5,509 tons, in

1907; and 2,445,000, weighing 27,155 tons, in 1908.

CHINA: A. D. 1908.

Administration of the Department of Education.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1908.

{99}

CHINA: A. D. 1908.

Chinese students in the United States.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1908.

CHINA: A. D. 1908 (November).

Death of the Emperor, Kuang-hsu,

and of the Empress-Dowager, Tze-Hsi.

Accession of the child-Emperor, Hsuan-Tung (Pu-Yi).

The circumstances of the death, almost simultaneously, of the

late Emperor, Kuang-hsu, and of the Dowager-Empress, Tze-Hsi,

who had been the real ruler of the Empire, are involved in

considerable obscurity. The Emperor is said to have died on

the 14th of November, 1908, and the Empress on the following

day. The announcement of their decease was preceded by the

publication of two imperial edicts, one of which made Prince

Chun, of the royal family, Regent of the Empire, while the

other named Pu-Yi, the Prince’s son, three years old, as the

heir presumptive to the throne. As communicated later to

foreign governments, the Regent was given, by another imperial

rescript, full power over the civil and military departments

of government, and the entire appointment and dismissal of

officials. The promised creation of a Parliament was

anticipated in the prescription of his duties, among which

were the following:

"When a Parliament has been established the Prince Regent

shall attend the same in place of the Emperor, but he need not

attend the ordinary sessions. When the Constitutional

Commission meets, the Prince Regent shall likewise represent

the Emperor there.

"The Prince Regent shall have full authority in negotiating

treaties and in appointing representatives abroad.

"The Prince Regent shall enter and leave his chair at the

Ch’ien Ch’ing gate. The yamens, according to their duty, shall

draw up and report on regulations modelled on the precedent

established by Prince Jui-Chung regarding the equipage,

escort, and general preparations for movements of the Prince

Regent outside the palace.

"Every year the Board of Finance shall transfer to the

Department of the Imperial Household the sum of taels 150,000

for disbursement. When the Emperor comes of age, his studies

being completed, and his marriage takes place, the official

body shall unite in asking him to assume personal direction of

the government."

On the 21st of November the members of the Diplomatic Corps at

Peking were received in a body at the palace, to present the

condolences of the Governments they represent on the deaths of

the late Emperor and Empress. As reported to the Associated

Press, there were present on the occasion "every official or

member of the imperial family who recently has been reported

ill, dead by his own hand or estranged from the government,

and the desired impression of official stolidity at Pekin

which, it was most evident, this occasion was intended to

convey, was imparted successfully. This was the answer of the

government to the rumors of suicides and deaths current in

Pekin for the last week.

"Prince Ching, for the first time since the passing away of

their majesties, appeared officially as the head of the

foreign board. The heads of the various governmental

departments were present, with the members of the imperial

clan, and, in addition, several thousand minor officials, all

in white, had assembled at imperial command. At the conclusion

of the functions, in honor of the dead, the diplomats paid

homage to Prince Chun, the regent."

On the 2d of December the strict mourning observed at Peking

was suspended briefly, to permit the ceremonies attending the

ascension of the dragon throne by the child-Emperor, Pu-Yi,

who, as Emperor, took the name of Hsuan-Tung. The ceremonies,

described to the Associated Press, lasted but half an hour.

"The function began by the princes of the imperial family and

the high officials of the empire kowtowing to the memorial

tablets of their late majesties. After this they all kowtowed

in turn to Pu-Yi: Pu-Yi then offered a sacrifice before the

tablets of the Emperor and the Dowager Empress. After this he

was relieved of his dress of mourning and clad with much care

in a diminutive imperial garment, embroidered with the

imperial dragon. His nurses performed this duty with great

attention and care. Thus arrayed, the toddling Emperor

ascended the throne amid a fanfare of drums, bells and

firecrackers. He made his way alone and showed no need of the

assistance which willing hands would have given him had his

little feet faltered. From the throne Pu-Yi kowtowed to his

stepmother, the Dowager Empress Yiahonala. He then received

the kowtows, while still on the throne, of all the princes and

officials present. This over, he descended from the throne and

was again clad in his little dress of mourning.

"The ceremony took place in the throne hall of the Forbidden

City. The officials present were selected with great care and

were the highest men in the empire. According to an old

established custom, a number of humble coolies, men from the

lowest walks of life, were brought into the sacred precincts

of the Forbidden City to act as witnesses. The soldiery played

but an inconspicuous part in the proceedings."

Following the ceremony, an imperial edict proclaiming the

ascension was issued. This edict grants amnesty for certain

specified offences; rewards all the imperial princes,

princesses, and dukes; promotes all officials by one degree

and bestows honors on their parents; erases the demerits

entered against minor officials; advances the degree of

scholars; dismisses all pending petty criminal cases; excuses

certain liabilities, and grants bounties to the soldiers in

the service of the empire.

CHINA: A. D. 1908 (December).

Decree reaffirming the Constitutional Programme of the late

Empress Dowager.

An imperial edict reaffirming the determination of the new

government of China to carry out in its entirety the

Constitutional programme laid down by the late Empress Dowager

of China in August, 1908, was promulgated on the 4th of

December. A literal translation was made public at Washington

in January as follows:

"On the first day of the 8th moon (August 27, 1908), the late

Emperor reverently received the excellent decree of the late

great Empress Dowager strictly ordering the officials and

people of Peking and of the provinces to carry out completely

by the ninth year all the preparatory work, so that at the

appointed time the Constitution may be proclaimed. Also

proclamations for the members of Parliament to assemble, and

other decrees brightly manifested the sacred instructions, and

all between the seas applauded.

{100}

From ourselves down to the officials and people high and low

all must sincerely obey the excellent decree previously

issued. The eighth year of Hsuan T’ung [whose first year dates

from January 22, 1909] is the limit of time. Let there be no

‘reabsorption of sweat’ in this matter. Our hope is that this

will certainly be carried out. Let the officials of Peking and

the provinces on no account look idly on, and procrastinate,

delaying the opportune time. Let patriotism be shone forth.

Exert yourselves that constitutional government may be

established. And court and ‘wilds’ (people) may have peace;

and so we may comfort the spirits of the late great Empress

Dowager and the late Emperor in heaven, and make firm the

foundations of countless years of peaceful government."

CHINA: A. D. 1909.

Progress in the opium reform.

See (in this Volume)

OPIUM PROBLEM.

CHINA: A. D. 1909.

Progress in technical education.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1909.

CHINA: A. D. 1909.

Existing treaties with United States and existing laws in the

latter country relative to the admission of Chinamen.

The question of their consistency with each other.

Present status of the question.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: IN THE UNITED STATES.

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (January).

Abrupt dismissal of Viceroy Yuan Shih-kai from his offices.

Much disturbance of feeling and apprehension of a troublesome

reaction in Chinese policy was excited among the foreign

representatives in China, on the 2d of January, 1909, by the

sudden dismissal of the able and powerful Viceroy of Chi-li,

Yuan Shih-kai, from all his offices. He had been looked upon

as the great leader of progress in China,—the statesman to be

counted on for the most and best influence in the government

of the Empire for some years to come. He had the confidence of

foreign powers, and was supposed to have acquired a sure

footing in the councils at Peking. Latterly, however, it is

said to have become known in Peking that "a powerful Manchu

cabal was working for his downfall, led by Tieh-liang, the

Minister of War, and supported by the aged doctrinaire and

Chinese ex-Viceroy, Chang Chih-tung," and the stroke which

overthrew him at the beginning of the new year was ascribed to

that source. "The cabal has been successful," was the wired

message of the Peking correspondent of the London Times   to his paper; and he summarized the merits of the fallen

statesman thus: "No man in China deserved better of his

country. He has been in the forefront of progress, and is the

best administrator China has produced in this generation. When

Governor of Shantung in 1900 his action in resisting the Boxer

insurrection and in safeguarding foreigners really saved the

Empire from disruption. He created China’s modern army and was

the leader of the modern educational movement in China, and

his famous memorial of September 2, 1905, urging the summary

abolition of the antiquated system of literary examination was

epoch-making. Under his Viceroyalty the Metropolitan province

became the most advanced in the Empire. With Tang Shao-yi he

led the anti-opium movement. Since he entered the Ministry for

Foreign Affairs China has attained a measure of respect among

the Powers which was unknown before."

Some weeks after the blow had fallen, and when the peculiarly

Oriental manner of its infliction had been learned, a letter

from Peking to the New York Evening Post told of it as

follows:

"At 11 a. m. on Saturday, January 2, the grand councillors

were summoned by the regent. Prince Ching had evidently heard

a whisper of what was to come, and he pleaded illness. The

other grand councillors answered the summons promptly, but

when Yuan reached the door of the council chamber he was told

that he was not wanted. Three grand councillors therefore went

in and found the regent awaiting them with the edict

dismissing Yuan Shih-kai already drawn up. ‘I want no

discussion. Sign this edict!’ said the regent. Chang Chih-tung

turned to reply. The regent repeated his words impressively,

and the edict was signed without further demur.

"Within the next hour, while Yuan Shih-kai was hastily making

plans for his personal safety, the news flew around Peking and

the city throbbed with excitement. Every one but his immediate

councillors was astounded at Prince Chun’s temerity. Never in

the history of China had such a man as Yuan been thrown out of

office at such short notice. To the Western mind, however,

there was nothing very harsh in the edict; it said simply:

"‘Yuan Shih-kai, a member of the Grand Council and president

of the Waiwupu, formerly received repeated offices and

advancement under the late Emperor. After our enthronement we

gave him great honors, because we considered that his talent

certainly was one that could be made use of, if he exerted

himself in the public service. Unexpectedly Yuan Shih-kai has

now contracted rheumatism in the foot, which makes it hard for

him to walk and difficult for him to attend to the duties of

his offices. Yuan Shih-kai, therefore, is ordered to vacate

his posts and return to his native place to nurse his

disorder. Thus is our great mercy to him manifested.’"

Yuan Shih-kai left Peking in haste, evidently in fear of his

life, and it was expected that his whole following of friends

and supporters would be swept out of their offices and

employments. But no such result followed, and credit began to

be given to the assurances of the Imperial Government that the

dismissal of Yuan meant no reversal of policy or reaction

whatever. He was distrusted, it was intimated, because he had

been disloyal to the late Emperor in 1898, when the latter

attempted great reforms.

See, in Volume VI. of this work,

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-SEPTEMBER), and after.

Yuan Shih-kai was then the chief agent and instrument of the

Dowager-Empress in overcoming the well-meaning but weak

sovereign and annulling his reformative work. Hence, it was

claimed, the present Government’s distrust of him.

The Ministers of Great Britain and the United States had

ventured some questions as to the significance of the act, but

their colleagues did not join them, and no further discussion

of the matter diplomatically took place.

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (February).

Meeting of the International Opium Commission at Shanghai.

See (in this Volume)

OPIUM PROBLEM.

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (May).

New Russo-Chinese Agreement concerning the

Chinese Eastern Railway.

Municipalities on the Line.

The Kharbin question.

The Chinese Eastern Railway, so named, is the line which

Russia, by Convention with China in August, 1896, obtained

permission to construct, from a point on her Trans-Siberian

Railway, through Northern Manchuria, to Vladivostok.

{101}

Under that agreement the Russian authorities claimed a right

to institute certain organizations of municipal administration

at Kharbin and other towns of rising importance on the line.

This right was challenged in 1908 by the American Consul at

Kharbin (sometimes written Harbin), Mr. Fisher, who refused to

recognize some ordinances of the Russian administration, on

the ground that he was accredited to China, only, and could

know no other sovereignty in Manchuria than the Chinese. This

led to a new Russo-Chinese Agreement, signed at Peking on the

10th of May, 1909, distinctly authorizing the "organization of

municipalities on the lands" of the Chinese Eastern Railway.

The "sovereign rights of China" are "not to be prejudiced in

any way," says the new Agreement; but "municipal bodies are to

be established in the commercial centres of a certain

importance situated on the lands of the railway. The

inhabitants of these commercial centres, according to the

importance of the localities and the number of the residents,

shall elect delegates by vote, who shall choose an Executive

Committee; or else the residents themselves shall take part in

the business of the municipality and a representative shall be

elected from amongst them who will take upon himself to carry

out the resolutions decided upon by meeting of all the

residents.

"No difference shall be made on the lands of the railway

between the Chinese population and that of other

nationalities; all residents shall enjoy the same rights and

be subject to the same obligations.

"The right to vote shall belong to every member of the

community who owns real estate of a fixed value or who pays a

fixed annual rental and taxes."

Reading no farther in the Agreement than this, imperial Russia

and China would seem to have jointly planted a seed of

democratic municipalities in Manchuria; but that impression is

destroyed by qualifying provisions, such as this:

"The President of the Chiao-She-Chu [a Mixed Russo-Chinese

Court, formerly created] and the director of the railway,

occupying a position superior to the Presidents of the

assemblies of delegates and of committees, have a right of

control and personal revision, which they may exercise

whenever they think fit. … in the event of decisions by the

assembly of delegates not being approved by the President of

the Chiao-She-Chu or the director of the railway, these

decisions shall be returned to the assembly for further

consideration. If the original decision is adopted by a

majority of three-quarters of the members present, it becomes

binding."

The effect of the whole agreement would undoubtedly be to give

the Russian railway officials supreme authority in the

so-called municipalities. Remonstrances against it by the

Government of the United States have been supported by Great

Britain, Germany, and Austria. The question remains open and

troublesome. Dr. Morrison, of The Times, wrote of the

situation in November as follows:

"The situation in Manchuria is receiving close attention from

the Legations because of the increasing difficulty of the

problems created by Russian and Japanese claims to territorial

and administrative jurisdiction in connexion with their

respective railways, claims which conflict with China’s

unimpaired sovereignty and with the treaty rights of other

nations. A tentative proposal was recently submitted to the

consideration of the Diplomatic Body, with the approval of the

Wai-wu-pu and M. Korostovetz, to create an international

settlement at Kharbin on a separate site adjoining the railway

settlement. The proposal was unacceptable to the Powers

interested because it implied a fundamental discrimination in

favour of the railway company, leaving it to exercise, in an

important trade centre, powers which are incompatible with

treaties and which are not conferred by its charter. …

"The Chinese Government entirely fails to avail itself of its

opportunities at this juncture. The local authorities are

unable, and the Peking Government is unwilling, to take any

initiative. The Wai-wu-pu adheres to its policy of shifting

opportunism, as shown by its proposal to the Russian Minister

to cancel, in deference to the protests of the Powers, the

agreement with regard to the Kharbin municipal regulations

concluded on May 10, a proposal unaccompanied by any practical

alternative whereby political requirements might be reconciled

with the undeniable vested interests of the railway. In this

connexion it is interesting to note that, whereas England,

America, France, Germany, Italy, and Austria-Hungary refused

an unqualified assent to the Kharbin agreement, yet no

exception has been taken to the regulations of the Japanese

railway settlements, although, without any reference to China,

they confer the widest powers on the Japanese authorities,

including the right of arbitrary taxation and forcible

expulsion."

The Russian side of the question was presented in a

semi-official statement, made public in October, 1909, as

follows:

"The representatives of certain Powers which have trade

interests in China have, both in Peking and St. Petersburg,

expressed doubts as to the rights of authority exercised by

the Kharbin municipality. These representatives have

endeavoured, in notes presented to the Chinese and Russian

Governments on the matter, and in verbal communications, to

prove that certain paragraphs of the treaty which was signed

at Peking on May 10, 1909, violated the extra-territorial

rights granted to their nationals by treaty with China, and

further that some of the measures taken by the Kharbin

authorities were opposed to the regulations of the

international concession which, in their opinion, has been

recently established at Kharbin.

"It is easy to demonstrate that such a point of view is based

on a misunderstanding. Extra-territorial rights, so far as

they are secured by treaty, comprise exclusively the right of

every foreigner to be judged by his own Consul. They do not,

however, in any way exempt him from the obligation to pay town

and other taxes, or to submit to established regulations. The

difference between the pure Chinese open ports where there are

no foreign concessions and places which lie in the territorial

zone of the Chinese Eastern Railway, and are open to foreign

trade, consists solely in the fact that in the former the

Chinese authorities have the power to make administration

rules at their own discretion, while in places in the

territorial zone of the Eastern Railway the Chinese Government

has, by the concession agreement signed on August 28, 1896,

and the convention of May 10, 1909, transferred the rights of

administration to the Chinese Eastern Railway Company, as a

private concession, so that the company acts as the agent of

the Chinese Government in supervising the administration of

Kharbin and other places.

{102}

"Another misunderstanding has evidently given rise to the

statement that Kharbin has recently been converted into an

international concession. The contracting parties never had

any such intentions. By reason of legal acts, as well as of

traditions and conditions of a local character, under which

Kharbin originated, it is clear that this is a special kind of

concession, which is distinguished from other concessions by

its exceptionally liberal and exceedingly hospitable

regulations in regard to foreigners."

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October).

Naval plans.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL: CHINESE.

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October).

Opening of the Peking-Kalgan Line of Railway.

A purely Chinese undertaking.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: CHINA.

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October).

Death of Chang Chih-Tung.

Chang Chih-Tung, Grand Councillor of the Empire of China, died

on the 4th of October, 1909, and Tai Hung-tze, President of

the Board of Justice, was appointed his successor in office.

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October-November).

Election and opening of Provincial Assemblies.

Beginnings of the institution of Constitutional and

Representative Government.

The following, from the Peking reports to The Times,

London, narrates the actual beginning of the series of

proceedings planned and promised for the gradual institution

of representative constitutional government. The first is of

the date of October 14, 1909:

"To-day marks an era in the establishment of constitutional

government in China. In obedience to the Imperial decrees of

October 19, 1907, and of July 22, 1908, ordering the

establishment, within one year of the latter date, in each of

the 22 provinces of China proper and in Manchuria and the New

Dominion of provincial deliberative assemblies, elections have

been in progress for some time past, and the assemblies meet

in accordance with the regulations for the first time to-day,

the first day of the ninth moon. …

"The elections have taken place according to the regulations,

and halls have been erected for the assemblies to sit wherever

a Viceroy or a Governor has his seat. The number of members

varies from 140 in Chih-li, 114 in Che-kiang, to 30 each in

Kirin, Lchlun-chiang, and Hsin-kiang. The incomplete returns

which have been published show nearly 1,000 voters for each

representative.

"For weeks past reports have been coming in from provincial

authorities asking for instructions and information concerning

this new departure. An edict issued last night renews the

Imperial admonitions to members of the assemblies as to their

deliberations, and to Viceroys and Governors as to their

supervision of the deliberations, and exhorts all to display a

loyal patriotism so that the country may attain strength and

prosperity. The event may be one of great historical

importance."

The next was sent from Peking on the 6th of the following

November:

"Already, in the opening debates of these Provincial

Assemblies, one apprehends the coming chaos, one hears the

first whispering of the approaching storm. Peking, panoplied

in ignorance and petrified in medieval statecraft, trifles

with Demos at its doors, evidently hoping that the Assemblies

will consume their own smoke, and that the Mandarin may be

preserved by the time-honoured device of holding the balance

between contending classes. But the spirits which the

Vermilion Pencil has called from the Celestial deep, though

elected with all possible precautions of ‘silkcoated’

franchise, and under the close direction of Viceroys and

Governors, show signs of scant respect for the Central

Government and of little sympathy for its difficulties.

Already, within a fortnight of their birth, many of the

Assemblies have passed resolutions denouncing several of the

Government’s pet proposals—e. g., the opium monopoly, the

stamp tax, and the foreign loan for the Hankau-Canton and

Hankau-Szechuan Railways. In the case of the stamp tax, 15

provinces have expressed the opinion, and have induced the

local officials in many cases to endorse it, that the proposed

levy is impracticable, so that, in the words of the native

Press, 'its imposition is deferred and the Ministry of Finance

is at its wits’ end.’ Concerning the vexed question of the

railway loan, the Hupei Assembly is reported to have endorsed,

without a dissentient, their chairman’s declaration that the

Government’s scheme should be resisted ‘to the death.’

"The spirit which animates these Assemblies is evidently very

similar to that which speaks through the vernacular Press;

iconoclastic, patriotic—in the sense that it denounces

everything foreign—but lacking, so far, in intelligent

leadership and constructive policy. Their attitude towards the

Central Government is generally one of scarcely veiled

contempt. I cannot illustrate better its general tendency than

in the words of a native journalist who, in a recent criticism

of the Grand Council, congratulated these rulers of China on

their remarkable longevity, but observed that ‘there is little

hope of longevity for an Empire that is governed by such

incompetent survivals.’"

A few weeks later, after the forty days’ session of the new

Provincial Assemblies had ended, this writer had changed his

view. Writing on the 22d of December, he said: "A study of the

reports of the proceedings so far available of the first

session of the Provincial Assemblies supports the contention

that the Throne has been justified in granting the subjects of

the Empire a limited right of speech through their chosen

representatives. The programmes of debate have been strictly

in accordance with the Imperial edict, and the proceedings

have been marked with dignity and decorum. The net result

justifies the declaration made by a high authority, who has

been given special opportunity of forming a judgment, that the

‘members have fulfilled their appointed task of working in

harmony with the executive authorities in the interests of

their respective provinces.’"

CHINA: A. D. 1909-1910.

Proposal of the United States for the neutralization of

Manchurian Railways.

Proposed Chinchow-Aigun Railway.

Late in December, 1909, the United States Government submitted

to that of China, and to the interested Powers, a proposition

which contemplated the neutralization of the railways in

Manchuria, now partly under Russian and partly under Japanese

control, and which looked, also, to an international

undertaking of the construction of a Chinchow-Aigun line, to

tap the Russian Trans-Siberian road at Tsitshar.

{103}

In a published statement subsequently, the American Secretary

of State, Mr. Knox, explained that his Government, during the

recent railway loan negotiations, had pointed out to the

interested Powers that the greatest danger to the policy of

the open door in China and the development of her foreign

trade arose from disagreements among the great Western

nations, and had expressed the opinion that nothing would

afford so impressive an object-lesson to China and the world

as the spectacle of the four great capitalist nations—Great

Britain, Germany, France, and the United States—standing

together for equality of commercial opportunity. The American

Government believed that one of the most effective steps to

this end in order to secure for China the enjoyment of all

political rights in Manchuria and to promote the normal

development of the Eastern provinces was to take the

Manchurian railroads out of Eastern politics and to place them

under an economic and impartial administration by vesting in

China herself the ownership of the railways. Such a policy

would require the cooperation, not only of China, but of

Russia and Japan, both of whom it would enable to shift their

onerous responsibilities in connexion with those railways on

to the shoulders of the combined Powers, including themselves,

and would effect a complete commercial neutralization of

Manchuria.

The proposal of a neutralization of the existing Manchurian

railways was not received with favor in either Japan or

Russia, and the other Powers concerned have manifested a

disposition to defer to the view taken by those two

Governments, which are most immediately touched by it. The

position of the Japanese Government on the question was stated

publicly in an address to the Diet on the 27th of January by

Baron Komura, Minister for Foreign Affairs, who said:

"The United States government recently proposed a plan

regarding the neutralization of Manchurian railways. The

Imperial government, in view of the important Japanese

interests involved, and considering that the proposal came

from a friendly Power with which the empire was on terms of

close intimacy, submitted the question to the most careful

examination. While determined to adhere scrupulously to the

policy of the open door and equal opportunity, it should be

recognized that the realization of the proposed plan would

involve radical changes in the condition of affairs in

Manchuria which were established by the treaties of Portsmouth

and Peking. The change must be attended by serious

consequences. In the region affected by the South Manchurian

Railway numerous undertakings have been promoted in the belief

that the railway would remain in our possession. As a

consequence, the Imperial government, with regret, was obliged

to announce its inability to consent to the proposal. I trust

that the United States will appreciate our position and that

the other Powers will equally recognize the justice of Japan’s

attitude."

The Russian Government is understood to have taken

substantially the same ground, on the general question of a

neutralization of Manchurian railways. There and elsewhere,

however, there is said to be a readiness to consider the

incidental proposition of an internationally financed

Chinchow-Aigun road.

----------CHINA: End--------

CHINA EMERGENCY APPEAL COMMITTEE.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1909.

CHINCHOW-AIGUN RAILWAY, Proposed.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1909-1910.

CHINESE HIGHBINDER ASSOCIATIONS:

Their dangerous character.

See (in this Volume)

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1902.

CHINESE IMMIGRATION:

The Resistance to it in America, Australia, and South Africa.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS.

CH’ING, Prince of.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

CHOATE, Joseph H.:

Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

CHRISTENSEN, Jens Christian.

See (in this Volume)

DENMARK: A. D. 1901, and 1905-1909.

CHRISTIAN IX., King of Denmark:

Death.

See (in this Volume)

DENMARK: A. D. 1906.

CHRISTIAN MISSIONS.

See (in this Volume)

MISSIONS, CHRISTIAN.

CHUN, Prince:

Regent of China.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:

Act of Parliament authorizing change of the Formula of

Subscription required from its ministers.

See (in this Volume and Volume 4.)

SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.

CHURCH, Roman Catholic.

See (in this Volume and Volume 4.)

PAPACY.

CHURCH AND STATE:

The French Separation Law and its execution.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906, 1906, and 1907;

also, PAPACY.

CHURCH AND STATE:

Russia: Emancipation of the Church urged by M. Witte.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-AUGUST).

CHURCH SCHOOL CONTROVERSIES.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1903;

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902, and 1906;

CANADA: A. D. 1905.

CHURCHILL, Winston L.:

Under Secretary for the Colonies.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

CHURCHILL, Winston L.:

President of the Board of Trade.

See ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (April).

CHURCHILL, Winston L.:

To the British Suffragettes.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

CHURCHILL, Winston L.:

On the Budget of 1909 and the House of Lords.

See ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

CITIZENSHIP, American:

Principles of Naturalization defined.

The New Law.

See (in this Volume)

NATURALIZATION.

CITY GOVERNMENT.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

CITY PLANNING.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIAL BETTERMENT;

also, CHICAGO: A. D. 1909.

CIVIC FEDERATION, The National.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES;

also, NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION.

{104}

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: CANADA: A. D. 1908.

Introduction of Competitive Examinations and the Merit

System of appointment and promotion.

An "Act to Amend the Civil Service Act," which came into force

September 1, 1908, divides the Civil Service of the Dominion

into the Inside Service and the Outside Service, the former

embracing "that part of the public service in or under the

several departments of the Executive Government of Canada and

in the offices of the Auditor General, the Clerk of the Privy

Council, and the Governor-General’s Secretary, employed at the

City of Ottawa, or at the Experimental Farm Station or the

Dominion Astronomical Observatory near Ottawa." The employés

of this Inside Service are required to be classified according

to their salaries, in three divisions, and all appointments to

positions in it are (except as otherwise provided in the Act)

to "be by competitive examination, which shall be of such a

nature as will determine the qualifications of candidates for

the particular positions to which they are to be appointed,

and shall be held by the Commission from time to time in

accordance with the regulations made by it and approved by the

Governor in Council."

For the administration of the Act a Civil Service Commission

is created, consisting of two members appointed by the

Governor in Council, who are to have no other office or

employment, and who may employ necessary assistance for the

examinations they conduct. The following are provisions of the

Act:

"No person shall be admitted to such an examination unless he

is a natural-born or naturalized British subject, and has been

a resident of Canada for at least three years, and is, at the

time of the examination, of the full age of eighteen years and

not more than thirty-five years, and presents the required

certificates as to health, character and habits.

"Before holding any such examination the Commission shall

require each head of a department to furnish it with the

number of additional permanent officers or clerks likely to be

required in his department within the next six months.

"On this basis, and having regard also to the requirement of

the several departments for temporary services, a computation

shall be made by the Commission of the number of competitors

to be selected at the next ensuing examination.

"If there remain from a previous examination successful

competitors who have not received appointments, their number

shall be deducted in making the computation, and their names,

in the order of merit, shall be placed at [the top of the

list] to be prepared in accordance with section 17 of this

Act.

"Thereupon due notice of the examination shall be given by the

Commission, stating the character and number of the positions

to be competed for.

"Immediately after the examination the Commission shall make

out a list of the successful competitors thereat for each

position, in the order of merit, up to the number computed in

accordance with Section 15.

"From the said list the Commission, on the application of the

deputy head, with the approval of the head, of any department,

shall supply the required clerks, whether for permanent or

temporary duty. …

"The selections shall be, so far as practicable, in the order

of the names on the list, but the Commission may select any

person who in his examination shows special qualifications for

any particular subject. …

"The cause of the rejection shall be reported by the deputy

head to the Commission, who shall thereupon select another

person to take the place of the one rejected, and decide

whether the latter shall be struck off the list or allowed a

trial in another department.

"After a person so selected has served a probationary term of

six months, [he shall be deemed] to be permanently accepted

for the service. …

"The head of the department, on the report in writing of the

deputy head, may, at any time after two months from the date

of assignment, and before the expiration of six months, reject

any person assigned to his department. …

"Promotion, other than from the third to the second division,

shall be made for merit by the Governor in Council upon the

recommendation of the head of the department, based on the

report in writing of the deputy head and accompanied by a

certificate of qualification by the Commission to be given

with or without examination, as is determined by the

regulations of the Commission.

"Except as herein otherwise provided, vacancies in the first

division shall be filled by promotions from the second

division."

Regulations prepared by the Civil Service Commission appointed

under the Act require fees, ranging from $2 to $10 to be paid

by the candidates for examination.

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: United States: A. D. 1901-1909.

Progress of reform under President Roosevelt.

At the close of the administration of President Roosevelt, the

journal published by the National Civil Service Reform League,

entitled Good Government, bore the following testimony

to the fidelity with which the principles of the reform had

been upheld and promoted by the retiring executive:

"One of the first acts of President Roosevelt was the

reorganization of the civil service commission, which, under

the administration of President McKinley, had become lax and

ineffective. Since then the enforcement of the law and rules

by the commission has been sincere, vigorous and impartial.

Particularly strict has been the enforcement of the

prohibition against political assessments. Twice in the midst

of political campaigns has the President ordered the removal

of prominent officials for levying assessments on their

subordinates.

"During his administration President Roosevelt has extended

the scope of competition to many new and important offices.

Notable among these extensions have been the restoration of

the field service of the War Department (withdrawn by

President McKinley) and the classification of the rural free

delivery service (now numbering some 40,000), the forestry

service, deputy collectors of internal revenue, deputy

collectors of customs, deputy naval officers, and cashiers and

finance clerks in post offices. Prevented by the civil service

law from ‘classifying’ unskilled laborers, President

Roosevelt, under general executive authority, has prescribed a

system of examination for laborers in Washington and the

principal cities. By executive order of June 27, 1906, he

provided a system of examination and promotion for the

consular service which has done away with the more flagrant

evils of that service. His latest and most striking extension

has been the classification of over 15,000 fourth-class

postmasters, thereby taking them out of politics.

{105}

"He has prohibited the participation of competitive officials

in politics further than to vote as they please and to express

privately their opinions, and has made this prohibition

effective by incorporating it in the civil service rules, thus

giving to the commission the power to investigate. He has by

vetoing the Crumpacker census bill defeated the attempt by

Congress to obtain as spoils some 4,000 clerkships for the

next census.

"This is a brief record of President Roosevelt’s service to

civil service reform during his administration. In considering

the criticisms of his course which have been made from time to

time by the League and the press, this service should be kept

in mind and carefully weighed. For instance, against this

record of constant advancement, the suspension of the rules in

individual cases—in all about 370—although in our opinion

arbitrary and dangerous as precedents, are of comparatively

minor importance. A few have been made for political reasons;

the far greater number, however, were acts of charity or

personal impulse, and President Roosevelt himself realized the

danger in this practice and took steps to curtail it.

"In passing on the justice of the other criticisms of

President Roosevelt’s course regarding the civil service one

should keep in mind the distinction which he has so sharply

drawn between the classified and the unclassified service.

This is clearly set forth in a reply to a letter from the

civil service commission calling his attention to the omission

from the postal regulations of President Cleveland’s

‘pernicious activity’ order, and quoting a passage from the

11th report of the commission. President Roosevelt said:

‘I personally drew the paragraph which you quote. The

paragraph was drawn with a view to making a sharp line between

the activity allowed to public servants within the classified

service and those without the classified service—the latter

under our system are as a rule chosen largely with reference

to political considerations, and as a rule are, and expect to

be, changed with the change of parties. … It seemed to me at

the time, and I still think, that the line thus drawn was wise

and proper.’

"In considering such appointments to positions in the

unclassified service as that of James C. Clarkson as surveyor

of the Port of New York for instance, a just analysis must

take into account these frankly expressed views. President

Roosevelt drew a line between the classified and unclassified

service, and as to the latter recognized and availed himself

to some extent of existing conditions. He believed that so

long as positions remained in the unclassified service it was

impractical to eliminate political considerations and that any

attempt to do so led to hypocrisy. His remedy was to place the

positions in the classified service, wherever practicable. And

he has extended the line of the classified service higher than

ever before. The League does not believe this theory is ideal,

but in carrying it out the President has certainly not set the

reform back. Criticism based only on the fact that one who has

rendered great service to a cause has not accomplished all

that its ardent supporters wish to accomplish can be properly

set down as captious.

"In performing its duty to the public, the League has at

various times during his administration frankly criticised

certain acts of President Roosevelt, which in its opinion were

not in line with the best interests of the service. But this

does not prevent us from recognizing that during his entire

administration President Roosevelt has been loyal to the

reform with which he has been so prominently identified. We do

not believe that any act of his was intended to injure the

reform. Wherever he has thought it practicable to extend the

reform he has done so. A President less devoted to the reform

would not have been criticised for what President Roosevelt

has failed to do."

Good Government,

March, 1909.

The following exhibit of the whole progress in civil service

reform, from its beginning to the end of 1908, was made in the

annual report of the Council of the National Civil Service

Reform League, presented at the meeting of the League, on the

17th of December in that year:

"The whole United States civil service, in 1883, consisted of

110,000 persons, and of these 14,000 were put under the civil

service law. Now the federal civil service has grown to

352,000 positions, and, including the last extension, those

under the competitive system have increased from 14,000 to

about 222,000. Not only in numbers but in proportion to the

total has the competitive service increased from 12.7% in 1883

to 63% now."

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1902-1903.

Extension of classification to the Rural Free Delivery Service.

Order concerning unclassified laborers.

"During the year ended June 30 [1903], 25,566 persons were

appointed through competitive examinations under the

civil-service rules. This was 12,672 more than during the

preceding year, and 40 per cent of those who passed the

examinations. This abnormal growth was largely occasioned by

the extension of classification to the rural free-delivery

service and the appointment last year of over 9,000 rural

carriers. A revision of the civil-service rules took effect on

April 15 last, which has greatly improved their operation. …

Executive orders of July 3, 1902; March 26, 1903, and July 8,

1903, require that appointments of all unclassified laborers,

both in the Departments at Washington and in the field

service, shall be made with the assistance of the United

States Civil Service Commission, under a system of

registration to test the relative fitness of applicants for

appointment or employment. This system is competitive, and is

open to all citizens of the United States qualified in respect

to age, physical ability, moral character, industry, and

adaptability for manual labor: except that in case of veterans

of the civil war the element of age is omitted. This system of

appointment is distinct from the classified service and does

not classify positions of mere laborer under the civil-service

act and rules. Regulations in aid thereof have been put in

operation in several of the Departments and are being

gradually extended in other parts of the service. The results

have been very satisfactory, as extravagance has been checked

by decreasing the number of unnecessary positions and by

increasing the efficiency of the employees remaining."

President’s Message,

December 7, 1903.

{106}

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1906.

Excellent legislation in Pennsylvania.

See (in this Volume)

PENNSYLVANIA.

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1906-1909.

The Reform of the Consular Service.

A great and greatly needed reformation of the consular service

of the United States was begun in 1906, by the passage of an

Act of Congress, approved April 5, which provided for the

reorganization of the service, primarily by the classifying

and grading of the consuls-general and the consuls, and the

fixing of salaries in each class. Consuls-general were placed

by the Act in seven classes, with salaries as follows:

Class one, twelve thousand dollars.

London, Paris.

Class two, eight thousand dollars.

Berlin, Habana, Hongkong, Hamburg, Rio de Janeiro, Shanghai.

Class three, six thousand dollars.

Calcutta, Cape Town, Constantinople, Mexico City,

Montreal, Ottawa, Vienna, Yokohama.

Class four, five thousand five hundred dollars.

Antwerp, Barcelona, Brussels, Canton, Frankfort, Marseilles,

Melbourne, Panama, Saint Petersburg, Seoul, Tientsin.

Class five, four thousand five hundred dollars.

Auckland, Beirut, Buenos Ayres, Callao, Chefoo, Coburg,

Dresden, Guayaquil, Halifax, Hankau, Mukden, Munich,

Niuchwang, Rome, Rotterdam, Saint Gall, Singapore.

Class six, three thousand five hundred dollars.

Adis Ababa, Bogota, Budapest, Guatemala, Lisbon, Monterey,

San Salvador, Stockholm, Tangier.

Class seven, three thousand dollars.

Athens, Christiania, Copenhagen.

Consuls were divided among nine classes, receiving salaries

that range from $8000 in the first class and $6000 in the

second, down to $2000 in the ninth. The first and second

classes hold but one incumbent each, at Liverpool and

Manchester, respectively. There are eight places in the third

class, twelve in the fourth, and then the numbers mount

rapidly, up to the sixty-nine included in the ninth class.

All fees allowed to be collected for services rendered in

connection with the duties of the consular office (which the

President may prescribe) are directed by the Act to be

accounted for thereafter and paid into the Treasury of the

United States. All consular officers whose salaries exceed

$1000 are forbidden to be interested in or to transact any

business as a merchant, factor, broker, or other trader, or a

clerk or other agent of one, or to practice as a lawyer for

compensation, or to be interested in the fees or compensation

of any lawyer. The whole service is placed under inspection by

five inspectors, to be appointed from the members of the

consular service; and each consular office must be inspected

at least once in every two years.

In June following this important enactment, the Secretary of

State, Mr. Root, submitted to President Roosevelt the draft of

a recommended executive order, which prescribed new rules to

be followed in filling the consular offices, as classified by

the recent Act. In doing so, the Secretary made this

explanation: "The main features of the order were embodied in

the early forms of the Consular Reorganization Bill passed at

this session of Congress, but they were dropped out, largely

for the reason that their enactment by Congress would appear

to be an infringement upon the President’s constitutional

power to appoint consuls. Your adoption of these rules by

executive order will be free from that objection, and judging

from the very positive commendation which many members of both

Houses have expressed for the proposed change in the method of

appointing consuls, I do not doubt that the new system will

receive the hearty approval of the Senate and of Congress

whenever occasion may arise for an expression upon the

subject."

The recommended order was approved and issued by the

President. "Subject to the advice and consent of the Senate,"

it declared in substance as follows:

(1) Vacancies in the office of Consul-General and in the

office of Consul above class 8 (salary, $2500) shall be filled

by promotion from the lower grades of the service, based upon

"ability and efficiency, as shown in the service";

(2) vacancies in the office of Consul of these two remaining

classes, 8 and 9, are to be filled

(a) by promotion, "on the basis of ability and efficiency, as

shown in the service," of consular clerks, vice-consuls, and

consular agents, and

(b) by new appointments from candidates who have passed an

examination;

(3) officials in the service of the Department of State, with

salaries of $2000 or upward, shall be eligible for promotion,

always on the basis of ability and efficiency, as shown in the

service, to any grade of the consular service above the eighth

class;

(4) the board of examiners for admission to the service shall

consist of the Secretary of State (or such other officer of

the department as the President shall designate), the chief of

the Consular Bureau, and the chief examiner of the Civil

Service Commission (or such other officer, as this commission

shall designate);

(5) this board of examiners shall formulate the rules for

examinations;

(6) among the compulsory subjects shall be at least one modern

language other than English, the natural industrial and

commercial resources and commerce of the United States,

political economy, and the elements of international,

commercial, and maritime law;

(7) 80 per cent. shall be necessary for eligibility;

(8) candidates must be over twenty-one and under fifty years

of age, citizens of the United States, and of good character

and physique. They must also have been specially designated by

the President for examination.

Other significant provisions of the order are to the effect

that no promotion shall be made except for efficiency and

conduct, that "neither in the designation for examination or

certification or appointment will the political affiliations

of the candidate be considered"; and that "due regard should

be had to the rule that, as between candidates of equal merit,

appointments should be made so as to secure in the service

proportional representation of all the States and

Territories."

The first examination of candidates for appointment under this

order was held on the 14th and 15th of March, 1907, since

which time no one has entered the consular service of the

United States without satisfying that test.

In June, 1908, Secretary Root announced the promotion or

transfer of nearly sixty consular offices, setting in motion

the desirable advancement of these officials from post to

post, to make the best use of their proved capacity and

acquired experience. About a year later, Mr. Root’s successor,

Secretary Knox, made public the promotion of twenty-seven

incumbents of consular office, and the appointment of

twenty-three new recruits to the service from his eligible

list. So the long striven-for reform of the American consular

service may safely be said to have arrived.

{107}

A bill introduced in the Senate, providing for a permanent

consular service, based on competitive examinations, was

decided by the Committee on Foreign Relations to be

unconstitutional, for the reason that the Constitution itself

confers the power of appointment of consular officers upon the

President, and that Congress has no right to limit this power

in any way. President Taft, by an executive order, has

practically put the scope of the proposed bill into effect,

thereby, in part, limiting the power conferred upon himself.

This, in the opinion of the Senators, is all that can be done

legally.

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1908.

Extension of the Merit System to nearly one-third of the

Fourth Class Postmasters of the country.

In the Annual Report of the Council of the National Civil

Service Reform League, presented at the annual meeting of the

League in December, 1908, it was said:

"The great event of the year, which so aptly commemorates the

25th anniversary of the passage of the Pendleton bill, is the

extension of the competitive system to all fourth class

postmasters in the part of the country north of the Ohio and

east of the Mississippi, that is, in the New England States,

New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois,

Wisconsin, and Michigan. This is an extension covering more

positions than suggested by the civil service commission. It

is an extension large enough to be of present advantage, is

made in the more thickly settled portions of the country,

where it is easiest to carry it out, and yet it is not on so

large a scale as to invite mistakes or perhaps partial

failure. This extension covers about 15,000 positions. The

order of President Cleveland of May 26, 1896, covered about

31,000 places; and yet, from the point of political

significance, this present extension is the most important, we

believe, in the history of civil service reform since January

16, 1883, and when its purpose is fully carried out it will

include some 53,000 places."

See, in Volume VI. of this work,

Civil Service Reform: United States.

The report then reviewed the efforts that had been in progress

since 1889, with the support of Presidents Cleveland and

Roosevelt, to bring about the inclusion of this class of

postmasters, at the least, under the rule of appointment

subject to competitive examination. President Roosevelt, in

his annual Message of 1907, had said:

"The fourth-class postmasters’ convention has passed a very

strong resolution in favor of placing the fourth-class

postmasters under the civil-service law. The Administration

has already put into effect the policy of refusing to remove

any fourth-class postmasters save for reasons connected with

the good of the service; and it is endeavoring so far as

possible to remove them from the domain of partisan politics.

It would be a most desirable thing to put the fourth-class

postmasters in the classified service. It is possible that

this might be done without Congressional action, but, as the

matter is debatable, I earnestly recommend that the Congress

enact a law providing that they be included under the

civil-service law and put in the classified service."

Congress refused the desired legislation. The law committee of

the League was unanimous in the opinion that the President

held authority already to make the change by Executive Order,

and Mr. Roosevelt gave a hearing on the subject to Messrs.

McIlhenny and Greene, of the National Civil Service

Commission, and the Honorable Richard Henry Dana, Chairman of

the Council of the League. Evidently he became persuaded that

his authority was sufficient, and was prepared to act

accordingly. About the middle of November, 1908, the National

League of Postmasters of the United States, which had been

organized in 1905, sent a Committee, with its President, Mr.

A. K. Hoag, of Orchard Park, New York, to present to the

authorities at Washington their claim to a footing of

non-political appointment under civil service rules. By good

fortune they met at Washington Mr. Dana and Mr. Goodrich, of

the National C. S. R. League, who were visiting the Capital on

the same errand, and the doubled appeal had quick success. In

an interview with President Roosevelt, the Committee of the

Postmasters’ League received assurances that he would issue an

order on the subject, provided that the President-elect, Mr.

Taft, would approve his taking that step. The Committee went

at once to the Hot Springs in Virginia, where the

President-elect was then sojourning, received his ready

endorsement of the plan, and conveyed it to the President in

power. A fortnight later, on the 1st day of December, the

memorable order was proclaimed. On the 1st of the following

February a plan of filling vacancies was put into effect.

It was wise, no doubt, to apply the extension of the reform in

post-office appointments to one large and important section of

the country, and obtain a showing of practical results, before

attempting to overturn the old system as a whole. That more

will follow in due time is reasonably sure. Mr. Hoag, the

President of the National League of Postmasters, in a private

note, remarks:

"It is already evident that the change is to redound to a

better service. Scores of new buildings, new quarters and new

equipments are being installed by the emancipated postmasters;

which shows that postmasters of this class dare, for the first

time, to invest their money in better equipment, feeling that

they are likely to remain postmasters long enough to make the

investment a paying one, now that their tenure of office does

not depend upon their relations to a political faction or

boss."

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1909.

The Census Bill.

Inveteracy of Spoils-seeking in Congress.

Veto of the bill in its first form by the President.

The Amended Bill which became law.

The greatness of the advance of civil service reform in the

United States, within the quarter century since its beginning,

is one of the most hopefully inspiring facts in recent

American history. But, by the side of it stands the warning

and shaming fact, that it has been achieved, from first to

last, by forces outside of Congress, and outside of all other

legislative bodies which supposedly represent the political

will of the people. Every measure of legislation that has

promoted it has been wrung from unwilling majorities in those

bodies,—yielded only when they feared to refuse. That

Congress, in both Houses, would wreck with eagerness, to-day,

if it dared, the bettered public service of the nation, to

recover for its members and their party henchmen the old

"spoils" of office and place, was shown unmistakably, within

the last year of this record, by its action on the bill to

provide for the taking of the Census of 1910.

{108}

The President, and every responsible official connected with

the Census Bureau, had borne testimony to the inefficiency and

wasteful costliness of previous census-taking under the old

system of appointment, and had besought Congress to provide in

the bill for an effective test of qualification for the

employment by competitive examination. Considerable majorities

in both House and Senate turned an equally deaf ear to all

considerations of public interest in the matter, and passed a

bill which enabled Senators and Representatives to parcel out

between themselves the large number of appointments to be

made.

President Roosevelt did not hesitate to veto the bill, and

gave it a thorough dissection in the Message which explained

his disapproval. In part, his comments on the Act offered to

him were as follows:

"Section 7 of the act provides in effect that appointments to

the census shall be under the spoils system, for this is the

real meaning of the provision that they shall be subject only

to non-competitive examination. The proviso is added that they

shall be selected without regard to political party

affiliations. But there is only one way to guarantee that they

shall be selected without regard to politics and on merit, and

that is by choosing them after competitive examination from

the lists of eligibles provided by the Civil Service

Commission. The present Director of the Census in his last

report states the exact fact about these non-competitive

examinations when he says:

‘A non-competitive examination means that every one of the

many thousands who will pass the examinations will have an

equal right to appointment, and that personal and political

pressure must in the end, as always before, become the

determining factor with regard to the great body of these

temporary employments. I cannot too earnestly urge that the

Director of the Census be relieved from this unfortunate

situation.’

"To provide that the clerks and other employés shall be

appointed after non-competitive examination, and yet to

provide that they shall be selected without regard to

political party affiliations, means merely that the

appointments shall be treated as the perquisites of the

politicians of both parties, instead of as the perquisites of

the politicians of one party. I do not believe in the doctrine

that to the victor belongs the spoils; but I think even less

of the doctrine that the spoils shall be divided without a

fight by the professional politicians on both sides; and this

would be the result of permitting the bill in its present

shape to become a law. Both of the last censuses, the eleventh

and the twelfth, were taken under a provision of law excluding

competition; that is, necessitating the appointments being

made under the spoils system. Every man competent to speak

with authority because of his knowledge of and familiarity

with the work of those censuses has stated that the result was

to produce extravagance and demoralization."

The veto went to Congress on the 5th of February, 1909, one

month before the expiration of President Roosevelt’s term of

office. His successor-to-be was well known to be in sympathy

with his views of the public service, and no attempt was made

either to pass the bill over the veto, or to proffer its

spoils-seeking provisions to the new occupant of the

Presidency when he came in. Congress was compelled, in this

case, as in many before, to surrender its cherished spoils of

salaried public employment to civil service reform, simply

because public interests and public sentiment are better

represented, as a rule, in the White House than in the

Capitol, which is not a pleasing fact.

During the extra session that was called by President Taft, in

March, an amended bill was passed which came near to

satisfying the demands of reform. It kept a little opening for

political favoritism, in a proviso, that the director of the

Census may, "when the exigencies of the service require," make

his selections from the list of eligibles, not by the

candidates’ rating, but on the ground of "immediate

availability" or previous experience in census work; but this

was so small a loophole that the President’s signing of the

bill was generally approved. "The act empowers the director of

the census to appoint special agents to whom will be assigned

principally the work of obtaining statistics from

manufacturing establishments, mines and quarries. While no

qualifying test is required by law for the appointment of

these agents, Director Durand has nevertheless provided for

their selection subject to a carefully worked out scheme of

competitive examinations, to be conducted by the United

States civil service commission. In rating the candidates the

experience declaration and practical test are to be given

equal credit. All candidates who receive a combined rating of

70 will be placed on an eligible list, from which selection

will be made as the needs of the service require. Eligibility,

according to the instructions, ‘is not of itself a guarantee

of appointment, but selection will be made solely with

reference to equipment and availability for appointment.’"

Good Government,

October, 1909.

CIVIL VETO, in Papal Elections.

See (in this Volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1904.

CIVILISTAS, The.

See (in this Volume).

PERU.

CLANRICARDE ESTATE, Evicted tenants of the.

See (in this Volume)

IRELAND: A. D. 1907.

CLARION FELLOWSHIP.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

CLARK, Edgar E.:

On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

CLEMENCEAU, Eugene:

In the Sarrien-Clemenceau Ministry, and as Prime Minister.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1906, and after.

CLEMENCEAU, Eugene:

Disclaims for France the desire to revenge the German

conquest of Alsace.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.

CLEMENCEAU, Eugene:

Triumph in the senatorial elections of 1909.

See FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

CLEMENCEAU, Eugene:

His downfall from Premiership produced by an

intemperate speech.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE. A. D. 1909 (JULY).

CLERICAL PARTY.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1903;

BELGIUM: A. D. 1904;

GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

CLEVELAND, Grover:

Trustee of stock controlling the

Equitable Life Assurance Society.

See (in this Volume)

INSURANCE, LIFE.

{109}

CLEVELAND, Ohio: A. D. 1901-1908.

The Farm Colony Experiment.

See (in this Volume)

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY, PROBLEMS OF.

COAL, Wasteful mining and use of.

See (in this Volume)

Conservation of Natural Resources.

COAL AND COKE CARTELS.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL (IN GERMANY).

COAL COMBINATION, Alleged Anthracite:

Proceedings of Government against it.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909,

AND RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

COAL MINES EIGHT HOURS ACT.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR: ENGLAND.

COAL MINING STRIKES.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION.

COBALT SILVER MINES.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1903, and 1906-1907.

COLLECTIVISM.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIALISM.

COLLEGES.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION.

COLOGNE:

Insurance against unemployment.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: UNEMPLOYMENT.

COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.

Castro, of Venezuela, and the Liberals (Yellows) of Colombia.

How they helped one another.

The following passages are from an article in the American

Review of Reviews on "South American War Issues," by Edwin

Emerson, Jr., who spent some time with the Colombian

insurgents in 1902 and acquired a good knowledge of the

troubled political conditions in that republic and its near

neighbors. It adds something to what is told in Volume VI. of

this work concerning the revolt started in 1899 by Rafael

Uribe-Uribe, and about its relation to the beginnings of the

career of Cipriano Castro, in Venezuela

See, in Volume VI,

COLOMBIA, and VENEZUELA).

"At the time when Spain was losing Cuba, the last Congress of

Colombia sat in Bogota. The Liberal party had but one

spokesman in the Congress—to wit, Rafael Uribe-Uribe. The

government majority championed the cause of Spain. Many of the

more ardent Liberals were fighting in the field for ‘Cuba

Libre.’ Uribe-Uribe was the only man in the Congress who spoke

for America as against Spain. He was hissed down. Next, the

Panama Canal question came up. The French concession was to be

extended for ten years. Again Uribe-Uribe spoke for America as

against France. The project was voted down. The Congress was

dissolved. President San Clemente, on his own motion, extended

the French concession. For this he is said to have received one

million dollars, cash. Then the revolution broke out, and

Uribe-Uribe took the field, in Santander, the richest

coffee-growing state of Colombia. He fell upon the town of

Cúcuta and took it, only to be driven out again after a

disastrous rout at Palo Negro. To make things worse for the

rebels, the Bishop of Santander ordered the excommunication of

those who would not renounce liberalism or all connection with

Liberals. It was a crushing blow, aimed at the wives and

daughters of the fighting insurgents.

"While affairs were thus disturbed in Santander, Cipriano

Castro, a Venezuelan exile living in Cúcuta, profited by the

occasion to lead a small band of Colombian Liberals into

Venezuela. They dashed across the border by night, and fell

into Castro’s native town, Capachio Viejo. Castro’s father and

five brothers, with other townsfolk, joined his standard and

helped him win his first battle over a small detachment of

Venezuelan government troops. Now the number of his adherents

grew, especially as he won battle after battle or bought over

his rival leaders. After a crushing defeat at Valencia,

President Andrade fled the country, and Castro entered Caracas

in triumph. His early Colombian adherents got Venezuelan

government jobs.

"All went well for a while, especially after the prompt

suppression of a counter-revolution, until Castro’s sympathies

with the Colombian Liberals in the field began to tell on his

foreign policy. Uribe-Uribe had been badly beaten in Colombia.

He was made welcome by Castro in Venezuela, and was intrusted

with the command of a division on the Colombian frontier. The

command was recruited from Colombians across the border. At

the same time, Castro arbitrarily stopped all navigation on

the Zulia and Catacumbo rivers, running from Colombian

Cordillera to the Lake of Maracaibo, in Venezuela. This was a

death-blow to the coffee industry of the Colombian state of

Santander, which has no other outlet to the sea. Cúcuta was

ruined. A German house failed for half a million dollars, an

American hacienda lost $200,000, and other foreign merchants

suffered in proportion. All commerce in Cúcuta and Maracaibo

coffee almost came to a standstill. Then it was that the

government forces in Santander, to bring relief to the

stricken district, tried to open the closed rivers by a sudden

armed invasion into that region. For the sake of appearances,

they were led by Ranjel Garbiras, a Venezuelan revolutionist.

They made for the prosperous town of San Cristobal, but

Uribe-Uribe had managed to gather his corps of insurgents, and

beat off the attack in a three days’ battle. Some two thousand

men fell on both sides. Uribe-Uribe promptly prepared a

counter invasion. He was aided in this by Castro, who

practically put all Venezuelan forces in the Cordillera at his

disposal.

"President Castro, who was furious at so overt an act of war

on the part of his old enemies, the Colombian Clericals,

furthermore sent another expedition across the Goajira desert

to aid his Colombian insurgent friends in that peninsula to

take the Colombian port of Rio Hacha. Venezuelan gunboats

appeared before Rio Hacha to do their part in the capture.

Unfortunately for the Liberal cause, the Venezuelan army in

the Goajira was taken unawares while on the march, and was all

but annihilated. The gunboats chose to retire without firing a

shot. Castro never recovered from this reverse. The expenses

of his various armed expeditions ate up all his ready

finances. When he could no longer maintain Uribe-Uribe’s

troops, Uribe cut loose and recrossed the border, to join

forces with other insurgent leaders in the interior of

Colombia. Uribe’s cousin proceeded to Panama, and the civil

war there broke out with fresh vigor. By their recent

brilliant stroke in the harbor of Panama, the Colombian

Liberals have won the command of the sea on the Pacific side.

To assist them in doing the same on the Atlantic side, Castro

has now supplied them with a torpedo-boat and a small

gunboat."

{110}

These last mentioned successes of Uribe-Uribe had no permanent

effectiveness, for his surrender, with 1300 men and 10 pieces

of artillery, was announced presently as having occurred on

the 25th of October, 1902. It seemed unfortunate that he did

not succeed in overthrowing the Conservatives, or "Blues," who

held the government, since most accounts of their rule

represented it as hopelessly bad; but a change for the better

came without revolution after no long time.

The state of civil war was closed by a treaty of peace, signed

on board the United States battleship Wisconsin, November 21.

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1901-1906.

Participation in Second and Third International Conferences

of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1903.

Rejection of Treaty with the United States for the

building of the Panama Canal.

Revolt and independence of Panama.

See (in this Volume )

PANAMA CANAL.

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1903-1906.

Feeling toward the United States.

Of the feeling in Colombia toward the United States,

consequent on what occurred in Panama, Mr. Barrett, American

Minister at Bogota, reported in 1906 as follows:

"The question is continually asked me: What is the attitude of

the Colombian Government and people toward Americans and

American interests on account of the Panama affair? Without

entering upon any political discussion, I wish, in answering

this pertinent inquiry, to take advantage of the opportunity

to pay a just and frank tribute to Colombia. Speaking in the

first place for myself as minister, I can truthfully say that,

ever since my arrival here seven months ago, I have been

treated with a generous kindness and sincere hospitality that

have made a deep impression on me and increased my respect for

Colombians in particular and Latin Americans in general. The

United States minister has been extended invitations official

and personal, and the United States legation in turn has been

continually frequented by leading men of all parties, as if

nothing had ever happened to mar the entente cordiale   of the two countries.

"In the granting of concessions and in the hearing of claims

the Government has treated Americans with as much

consideration as Europeans. During my stay here, and up to

this writing, there has not been one complaint lodged by

Americans in this legation of unkind treatment by Colombians

due to any political anti-American feeling. In my own travels

in various parts of the country, officials and peons alike

have everywhere accorded me polite and even gracious

attention. To let it be known that I was United States

minister has always led to extra courtesies rather than to any

lack of them.

"I could not, however, have it understood abroad that there is

not still strong feeling against the United States. It does

exist, but the passing of years, and generous, fair treatment

of Colombia and Colombians by the United States and its

citizens, in international relations and friendly social and

commercial intercourse, can effect its gradual disappearance.

Such feeling does not take the attitude of personal enmity

toward Americans. The Colombians, high and low, are too polite

and sensible for that. It is a feeling in the minds and

hearts, based on high political and patriotic grounds, which,

however, with commendable philosophy, recognizes the

inevitable and now turns to the future to bring blessings that

will counterbalance the losses and sorrows of the past. The

very courage and nobility of this attitude of Colombia is one

of the chief reasons why I predict for her a magnificent

future. Already this policy—if I may call it a policy—is

bearing fruit in the development of a greater and more

friendly and sympathetic interest throughout the United States

in Colombia, which is destined to lead to a mutually favorable

understanding and settlement of all differences in the near

future."

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1904.

Arbitration of boundary dispute with Equador.

A treaty for the arbitration of boundary questions with

Equador was concluded November 4, 1904 .

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1905.

Arbitration Treaties with Peru.

See (in this Volume)

PERU: A. D. 1905.

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1905-1906.

A New Era, under President Reyes.

"The New Era in Colombia" is the title of an article in the

American Review of Reviews, May, 1906, by Francis P.

Savinien, writing from the country in question.

"By judicious, if not generous, action," says the writer,

"President Rafael Reyes [who became President in the previous

year] has succeeded in harmonizing nearly all elements of the

population. His administration is neither Liberal nor

Conservative. It is Nationalist. Placed in power by

Conservatives and sustained by Liberals, his favors to the

former preserve order in the center of the country, and his

implicit trust in the latter insures peace on the frontiers.

He has made General Uribe-Uribe minister to Chile, Argentina,

and Brazil, and General Herrera commander along the Venezuelan

border, thus bestowing the highest diplomatic and military

honors on Liberals. From Conservatives he chose all his

ministers (except Dr. Modesto Garees, of the Department of

Public Works), the governor of the capital district, and other

high officials for the center of government. His government is

like that of Panama, the secession of which made a policy of

reconciliation predominant in both countries. … The Colombian

army has become a body of laborers. Troops are converted into

sappers and employed in building or improving ways of

communication. Idleness, as well as agitation, is beginning to

receive general condemnation. It is true that there is little

liberty. There is, however, less persecution than formerly.

Journals are abject and individuals mute. There is no free

speech or press. But there are few persons in prison or exile

for political reasons. The policy of the government has become

that of abstention rather than restraint."

General Reyes had represented Colombia at the Pan-American

Conference in the City of Mexico, in 1902, and had made a most

favorable impression on the delegates from the United States.

Referring to the occasion long afterwards, Mr. Sylvester

Baxter said of him: "It is notable that in that Conference

Colombia was represented by General Rafael Reyes, a high type

of man—gentleman by birth and education, of scientific

attainments, a natural leader, one of the strong characters of

Spanish America; a man whose existence makes things seem

hopeful when else they might look hopeless; a

soldier-statesman in whom many see the potentialities of a

second Diaz."

{111}

A similar expression of admiration appears in an interesting

special report, entitled "Colombia, a Land of Great

Possibilities," made in June, 1906, by the Honorable John

Barrett, then American Minister to Colombia, more recently the

Director of the International Bureau of American Republics.

"Great credit," wrote Mr. Barrett, "is due to General Rafael

Reyes, President of this Republic, for his untiring efforts to

restore the prosperity of his country to the position it

occupied before the last civil war and the loss of Panama. If

he succeeds, he will deserve a place in history like that of

President Diaz in Mexico. He has so far effectually stopped

revolutions, and, if his life and health are spared, Colombia

would seem to be assured of peace at least during his

administration."

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

Troubles with Venezuela over the navigation of rivers flowing

through both countries.

The arbitrary action begun by the ill-tempered and arrogant

Castro, of Venezuela, in 1902, when he stopped navigation on

the rivers which flow from Colombia to Lake Maracaibo, in

Venezuela, and thus open communication to the sea (see above),

was continued or resumed in subsequent years, and was a

distressing trouble to his Colombian neighbors.

In July, 1905, the Colombian Government appealed to that of

the United States for its good offices in maintaining the

principle of free navigation on rivers that are common to

neighboring countries. "From the time of the award which

decided the boundary dispute between the two countries," said

the Colombian Minister to the United States, in a

communication to the American Secretary of State, "the policy

of Venezuela in matters relating to the transit trade of

Colombia and the navigation of the common rivers, has been

marked by a conspicuous spirit of hostility. … Neither logical

arguments nor historic precedents, such as those submitted by

the Colombian chancellery to the Government of Venezuela for

the recognition by the latter of the principle of free trade

over the natural waterways placed by God at the disposal of

all nations, have availed."

The writer then reviewed at considerable length the arguments

with which the Government of the United States had contended

in the past with Spain and Great Britain for the free

navigation of the Mississippi and the St. Lawrence, and said

in conclusion: "It would be desirable, and I would ask that it

be done if this note were favorably received by the Government

of the United States, that the American minister at Caracas be

appropriately instructed in the sense of declaring on behalf

of the commercial interests of the citizens of the United

States his desire that the Government of Venezuela make the

navigation of the Zulia and Orinoco rivers free, and urging,

by persuasion, that the principle be solemnly consecrated in

its public treaties. My Government will join in such an

action, which comes within its traditional policy in the

matter, and will interpose no obstacle or delay to the meeting

of an international mixed commission for the framing of

regulations concerning the use of the above-named rivers

without detriment to the legitimate interests of the countries

through which they flow."

To this request the then Acting Secretary of State, Mr. Adee,

made a favorable reply, August 5, saying:

"The principle of the free navigation of rivers has been

advocated by the United States and maintained in its relations

with its neighbors for many years. This government is ready,

therefore, to use its good offices in the sense requested, and

Mr. Russell has been instructed upon arriving at his new post

in Venezuela to take advantage of fitting occasion to express

to the minister for foreign affairs the great satisfaction

with which the United States would view the adoption and

proclamation by Venezuela of the general principle of the free

navigation of rivers and fluvial arteries of communication

common to neighboring countries.

"It is of course to be understood that in touching upon this

matter this government does not seek to intervene or mediate

in any way in the relations between Colombia and Venezuela,

but is merely interested in the universal recognition of a

policy beneficial to the commerce of the world."

In the following December, the endeavor seemed promising; for

the American Minister to Colombia was able to report the

signing, at Bogota, of a protocol, preparatory to a new treaty

of amity, commerce, and navigation, to be concluded at

Caracas. Four months later, on the 27th of April, 1906,

Minister Russell, at Caracas, announced the arrival there of

the Colombian plenipotentiary, General Benjamin Herrera,

appointed for the negotiation of the treaty agreed upon, but

reported further that the Venezuelan Government had refused to

receive him, demanding that somebody else be sent. No

settlement of the matter could be obtained while Castro

controlled Venezuela. Since his elimination it has been

reported that President Gomez, his successor, has annulled his

decrees of hostility to Colombian commerce.

COLUMBIA: A. D. 1906-1909.

Efficient but arbitrary Government produces discontent.

Opposition to treaty with Panama and the United States.

Vacation of President Reyes which ends in resignation.

Revolt.

Elections.

While the Government organized under President Reyes was

undoubtedly efficient and effective in restoring order and

prosperity to the country, it was not satisfactory to the

people; and perhaps it speaks well for them that they showed

discontent. It was not a representative government, the

existing Congress not being an elective body, but a

provisional legislature made up by appointment. As admitted in

the quotation above from a friendly Colombian writer, the

citizens under it were tongue-tied subjects, having no free

speech or Press. The political situation and the differing

states of feeling produced by it were discussed in April,

1909, by a special correspondent of the New York Evening Post,

who wrote from Bogotá:

"It seems to be confessed by the great majority of the people

here that the country has not entered on that stage of

political development in which the people can govern

themselves by parliamentary methods. The history of their

nearly one hundred years of independent national life has been

that of almost continual civil strife, and of frequent civil

wars, which have interrupted and almost destroyed all efforts

at self-government; so that the present system of government

by executive decrees, to be ratified by an appointed

‘Constitutional and Legislative Assembly,’ is about the only

one that can preserve the peace and direct the country into

the line of prosperity and progress.

{112}

"Under this system of government the country has enjoyed

almost perfect internal peace during the year. This is the

political theory that is most widely accepted at the present

time in Colombia. Of course, there are those who do not agree

with this theory, which they consider as the natural action of

men who are more anxious to preserve order than they are to

establish truth and justice, and there are not lacking those

who say that in the long run it will be found to be a foolish

system.

"It is pointed out that the idea that grievances can be done

away with by forbidding men to complain, or that the

criticisms can be met by excommunicating the critics, or that

changes can be prevented by putting the troublers to silence,

is contradicted by the experience of the rest of the world.

The kind of effort that is being made in Colombia to prevent

the liberty of the press, of public speech, and of personal

opinion, is like the effort to prevent the escape of steam by

the safety valve, and is very likely to result in an

explosion."

The state of public feeling in Colombia became further

complicated, no doubt, when, early in January, 1909, a

tripartite treaty was negotiated, with Panama and the United

States, for the settlement of questions connected with the

secession of Panama in 1903. Panama, in this treaty, agreed to

pay Colombia the sum of $3,500,000, as her share of the

Colombian public debt, receiving recognition of her

independence in return. The treaty was submitted to the

Colombian Congress by President Reyes on the 24th of February,

with a special message of recommendation; but public feeling

was said to be bitterly against it, for the reasons that no

wrongfulness in the transaction was recognized and the

indemnity was insufficient. Disturbances which broke out at

Bogota and in the provinces about the middle of March were

attributed mostly to this cause of discontent. For some reason

of discouragement or disgust, the President was reported to

have resigned his office on the 13th, but was persuaded to

resume it next day.

It was now decided to suspend consideration of the tripartite

treaty, until it could be submitted to an elected National

Congress, the election for which would be held on the 20th of

the coming July. In June, a few weeks before the appointed

election, President Reyes made a sudden departure for Europe.

Rumors that he had gone because tired of political strife and

would not return were contradicted by the Colombian Consul at

New York, in a published note which said: "His departure, the

causes of which are well known throughout Colombia, was due to

the fact that after five years’ strenuous labor he desired a

rest, and last March to the National Assembly expressed his

desire to retire temporarily from the Presidency, but, owing

to the opposition of public sentiment and the strong desire of

the people to have him remain, he determined not to leave the

Presidency until elections to the coming Congress had been

made. To this Congress, about to be convened, and in which all

parties are represented, President Reyes confides many of the

cares of government, left by law under his jurisdiction until

Congress should assemble, and withdraws, temporarily only,

from the discharge of his Presidential duties, leaving in his

stead General Jorge Holguin, his most intimate friend and

former minister of war, who will continue to pursue in all

matters the same policy as that adopted by his predecessor.

General Reyes during his stay in Europe, whence he has gone,

will perfect plans for developing railroad and other

industries in Colombia. There is absolute peace and

tranquillity in all parts of the country."

But the "absolute peace and tranquillity" of the country was

shaken in the first week of July by a revolutionary outbreak

at Barranquilla, soon suppressed, and the resignation of

President Reyes was received soon thereafter, from abroad. The

election of his successor now devolved on the new National

Congress, elected by the people on the 20th of July. It gave

the office, for the remainder of the unfinished term (which

expires August 7, 1910) to Señor Gonzales Valencia, who had

been proclaimed by the Barranquilla revolutionists the month

before, though he disavowed their movement.

COLONIAL CONFERENCES, British.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE.

COLONIAL DOMINION, The passing of the age of.

See (in this Volume)

WORLD MOVEMENTS.

COLONIZATION: The colonizable regions of Africa.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA.

COLORADOS.

See (in this Volume)

PARAGUAY: A. D. 1902.

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY:

Interchange of Professors with German and Scandinavian

universities.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

COMBES, Justin Louis Émile:

Head of French Ministry.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (April-October;

also 1903, and 1905-1906.

COMBES, Justin Louis Émile:

Vindication under scandalous charges.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1904 (JUNE-JULY).

--------COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL: Start------

COMBINATIONS: AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.

Decision of the Federal High Court on the Anti-Trust Law.

Prosecutions by the Government.

"The first case brought under the Federal Anti-Trust Law ended

in June last in a decision of the High Court to the effect

that two important sections of the Act were ultra vires, as

the Constitution only empowered the Commonwealth to regulate

foreign and inter-State trade and gave it no authority to

interfere with trade within a State. The Federal Government is

now instituting proceedings against 27 firms which are alleged

to belong to a coal combine trading with other countries and

among the States of the Commonwealth. Each firm has been

called upon to answer certain questions under the Act in

question."

Reuter Telegram,

Melbourne, September 27, 1909.

{113}

COMBINATIONS: Canada: A. D. 1909.

Merger of Dominion Iron, Steel, and Coal Companies.

Cement Combination.

The following is a Press despatch from Halifax, Nova Scotia,

November 13, 1909:

"The formation of the Canada Steel Corporation, the proposed

$70,000,000 merger of the Dominion Iron and Steel Company and

the Dominion Coal Company, was made possible by the agreement

of James Ross of Montreal, president of the Dominion Coal

Company, to transfer to a syndicate of Toronto capitalists a

portion of his holdings of the coal company stock. Final

arrangements regarding the stock transfer will be made here

to-day. President Ross owns coal company stock of a par value

of $5,000,000, and, although he does not dispose of all this,

he is to transfer enough to give control of the coal company

to the Toronto capitalists, who have already acquired a

controlling interest in the steel company. The plants of the

Dominion Iron and Steel Company and the Dominion Coal Company

are in Cape Breton, where they give employment to thousands of

men, and where they have caused little fishing villages to

spring up into flourishing cities."

Announcement of the completion of the merger was made in

December.

COMBINATIONS: CANADA: A. D. 1910.

Anti-Trust Bill in the Dominion Parliament.

A strongly constructed measure for controlling and regulating

commercial and industrial combinations, to check restraints of

trade and undue enhancement of prices, was brought into the

Dominion House of Commons on the 18th of January, 1910, by the

Minister of Labor, Mr. Mackenzie King, and its passage was

said to be assured. Mr King’s explanation of the Bill, as

summarized for the Associated Press, was as follows:

"The Bill, Mr. King stated, was not designed to interfere with

trade, but to protect the public from the operation of

monopolies. The bill provides that if six or more persons show

prima facie evidence to a superior court judge that a combine

exists, which has unduly enhanced the price of a manufactured

article, unduly limited the production of any commodity, or

unduly restricted trade in any way, the judge shall order the

minister of labor to have an investigation made. This shall be

done by a board of three, one member to be appointed by those

who complain, one by those complained against, and a chairman

by the first two, and if they fail to select the judge who has

heard the complaint shall act.

"This board has the full powers of a court to compel the

attendance of witnesses and the production of evidence. The

board must report to the minister and he must give the report

the fullest publicity.

"Two remedies are provided where a combination is reported to

exist. The government may withdraw the tariff protection from

the articles produced by the combine and bring the

manufacturers into competition with the world.

"The other remedy is a provision that if the combine persists

in its course after ten days there shall be a fine of $1,000 a

day imposed until the abuse is remedied. There is also

provision that when a patentee makes use of the protection of

the patent act to restrict trade or unduly enhance prices his

patent may be revoked.

"The act provides for its expeditious and thorough

enforcement, and all expenses of investigation are to be borne

by the government.

"Where question is raised as to the scope of the

investigation, the board shall make it as thorough and

complete as public interest requires. Boards are to conduct

their investigations in public and the decision of two members

shall be the decision of the board. Whenever the minister of

labor believes that counsel should aid the investigation, the

board may retain the services of a lawyer upon the consent of

the minister of justice. Witnesses are to be allowed the same

fees and traveling expenses allowed at the present in civil

suits. With the consent of the minister of labor a board may

employ experts to examine books and to report upon technical

questions."

COMBINATIONS: GERMANY:

Corporation Reform as the Germans have handled it.

"Thirty years ago the German people went through corporation

experiences much like our own. There, as here, the

corporation, as originally designed, was a mere shell. There,

as here, under the shelter of that shell, the property of the

country was being transferred from the German people at large,

even the little they had, to the few. There, thirty years ago,

as here now, great corporate scandals were exposed. And there,

as here, the human nature that is everywhere behind

civilization eventually began to recoil. It began there before

it began here, only because conditions reached a climax there

earlier than here, and because we as a people were too

prosperous and too busy to look even a little way beneath the

surface of things.

"But when the work of reform did come there, it was a genuine

reform. It did not content itself with indiscriminate

denunciation, or with mere lawsuits. Nor did it die out,

leaving the door still open to every character of corporation

the cunning of men might conceive. Before a corporation can be

organized in that country, it must prove, as in a court

proceeding, its rightful title to a corporate existence. In

the same way it must establish the amount and the character of

the capitalization it is allowed to put out. When property is

turned in, its value must be judicially ascertained. Upon

officers and directors is not conferred supreme power; in the

German corporation the shareholders’ meeting is the

counterpart of our New England town meetings—a genuine

assembly intended to do something more than pass resolutions

of approval. And every violation of trust, not merely to the

public, but to the shareholder as well, is quickly punished

with punishment that smarts. There is in the German

corporation no room for one to do, with impunity, in his

capacity as a corporation officer or promoter, what if done

individually would land him in the penitentiary."

Judge Peter S. Grosscup,

The Corporation and the People

(The Outlook, January 12, 1907).

COMBINATIONS: The Cartels.

Industrial combinations, quite as effective as the Trusts of

the United States, have been created in Germany on a wholly

different plan. The constituent organizations in them, of

capital and industry, are simply knitted or tied together by

hard and fast agreements, instead of being fused into huge

corporations, as the Trusts are. For the kind of covenant

which unites them a military term has been borrowed, and they

are called Cartels. The difference between the Cartel and

the Trust is described by a Scottish writer, D. H. Macgregor,

in his work on Industrial Combinations, as follows:

{114}

"The Cartel is an agreement for a time, the Trust is a

permanent structure; the former is therefore a factor in

industry full of speculative possibilities, both as regards

its actual operation, and because the 'residual' competition

of parties who break away at the end of the period is

considerably to be feared. … The principle of the pure Cartel

is compensatory action. It is an organization in which certain

producers deal with themselves, and exist for that purpose in

a double relation; they are producers of goods, and purchasers

of their own produce. What they stand to lose in one aspect

they stand to gain in the other. …

"The operation is broadly as follows. The members of the

Cartel, meeting as producers in general assembly, determine a

price for their product which covers cost of production, being

in fact practically a competitive price. This is the base or

normal price (Richtpreis). Thus they assure themselves, in

this capacity, of adequate remuneration. They then sell to the

Syndicate, that is to themselves as members of the Syndicate,

for what is called the ‘taking over’ or ‘accounting’ price

(Verrechnungspreis) which is usually on the average higher

than the base price, so that they have now created for

themselves as producers a ‘Cartel advantage.’ The Syndicate

then resells to the consumer, for a price which will be as

high as it can get, but which varies with the competition to

be met in different parts of the market; this price

(Verkaufspreis) may not in some cases be so high as the

taking-over price, or may not exceed it by more than the

margin necessary to cover the Syndicate’s expenses of

management. … It is the Syndicate which figures in the public

eye; and while it itself offers no sign of monopoly profit it

shelters the companies which gain by its handling of their

goods. It conceals monopoly dividends."

D. H. Macgregor,

Industrial Combination

(G. Bell & Sons, London, 1906).

COMBINATIONS: The Coal and Coke Cartels.

Their influence.

An elaborate history and description of the "Monopolistic

Combinations in the German Coal Industry," by Francis Walker,

was published for the American Economic Association in 1904.

These are treated as representative, because, says Mr. Walker,

"the most important and fundamental of all German castellated

industries" are those in mining and metallurgy. He traces

their development from a beginning in 1858, when an

association of the mining interests of the mining district of

Dormund was founded. In part, his conclusions as to the effect

of the coal cartels are as follows:

"The German coal cartels have not had an injurious influence,

in general, on the production of coal. More particularly they

cannot be accused, justly, of unduly limiting production among

themselves. Nor have they attempted to accomplish the same end

by crushing outside competition, by unfair methods. It would

be preposterous to say that they have hindered technical

progress. The cost of production, on the other hand, probably

has been somewhat increased by the preservation of weak and

costly mines through participation in the cartels. In regard

to prices, the policy of the coal cartels, on the whole, has

been moderate, taking circumstances into consideration, while

the policy of the coke cartel may be fairly pronounced

extortionate. The prices of coal have been more stable than

they would have been under free competition; during the

hausse they were not screwed up so high as they might

easily have been, but, on the other hand, they have not

declined so quickly with the baisse. The like may be said of

the coke prices, but, at the same time, they were exorbitant

considered from the point of view of costs and profits. … The

déroute of the iron industry was not due to the coal or

coke cartels in any important degree, i. e., even with low

prices, disaster to the iron industry would have been

inevitable. No other industry was affected so much as iron,

and it is at least very questionable whether the cartels in

general (excluding the coal cartels in particular) are to be

blamed for the crisis. … That they are to be blamed for the

ill-judged over-development of certain industries, which was

apparently the real cause of the crisis, does not seem to be a

just conclusion. On the other hand, the cartels may be

accused, with more probability of truth, of retarding the

convalescence of German industry by not reducing prices, and

if this is true, the coal and coke cartels are specially to

blame."

F. Walker,

Monopolistic Combinations in the German Coal Industry

(American Economic Association), 1904.

COMBINATIONS: Growing magnitude of companies.

Industrial concentration.

"The tendency to industrial concentration is shown by the

returns of public companies, which point to the growing

domination of large undertakings. Of 4,749 registered public

companies in 1895, 13.6 per cent. had a share capital not

exceeding £5,000, but in 1906, of 5,000 such companies, only

9.6 per cent. had a capital of that amount; the companies with

a capital of from £5,000 to £12,500 decreased from 14.0 to

10.4 per cent., and those with a capital of from £12,500 to

£25,000 decreased from 16.9 to 14.2 per cent. On the other

hand the companies with a capital of from £25,000 to £50,000

increased from 20.7 to 21.3 percent.; those with a capital of

from £50,000 to £250,000 increased from 28.5 to 35.0 per

cent.; those with a capital of from £250,000 to £500,000

increased from 3.4 to 5.4 per cent., and those with a capital

exceeding £500,000 increased from 2.9 to 4.1 per cent. In 1896

there were only two companies with a capital exceeding five

millions; in 1906 there were nine such companies, and their

combined capital was over seventy millions, having been more

than doubled since 1896. In spite of this tendency towards the

concentration of capital and the multiplication of large

undertakings, however, Germany is still an interesting

illustration of an industrial country which has not yet

entirely gone over to the factory system of production. The

handicrafts, the characteristic feature of which is the small,

independent master-workman, surrounded by his handful of

journeymen and apprentices, contend tenaciously, yet

unfortunately with only partial success, against the on-coming

tide of ‘great capitalism’ (private joint stock, and

cooperative), and the house industries continue to afford

employment to a multitude of workers of both sexes, estimated

at half a million."

William H. Dawson,

The Evolution of Modern Germany,

pages 59-60 (Unwin, London; Scribner's, New York, 1909).

{115}

"Among the home interests of the country nothing loomed up so

large last year [1904] as the subject of industrial

combinations. The process of consolidating industries and

banks into powerful organizations again made gigantic strides;

and the public mind, dazed and disquieted, is wondering what

will be its final outcome. All the largest steel manufacturers

have united in an association that shall have complete control

of the steel and iron products of the country; and it is

already effecting agreements with manufacturers of other

countries for parceling out the world’s markets. At the same

time the Coal Syndicate was reorganized to include all the

independent producers of the West; and in connection with it,

a great shipping and selling company was formed for the

purpose of controlling the retail trade and eliminating

recalcitrant dealers. These steel and coal combinations are

working in complete harmony, and no independent manufacturer

can exist against their will.

"In that great industrial region many large iron companies had

come into possession of coal mines. In order to induce these

to put their mines into the Syndicate, they were given the

right to produce, over and above their allotments, all the

coal that they might need for their own furnaces. A new

impetus was thus given to the process of consolidation. Strong

coal companies hastened to absorb iron establishments, in

order to earn larger profits by consuming their own coal in

indefinite quantities. Furthermore, as the allotments were

fixed absolutely for a long period, the strongest companies

proceeded to buy weaker, less economically worked collieries,

in order to shut them down and produce their allotments

elsewhere at lower cost. This movement assumed large

proportions. Miners by the thousand had to betake themselves

to other parts of the country, and entire communities were

threatened with depopulation. Industrial towns held

indignation meetings, to protest, and to demand the

nationalization of the mines; and excited operatives are still

holding conferences to discuss a general strike. The

Government has sent a commission to inquire into the movement;

and the Minister of Commerce has urged the coal magnates to

proceed as mildly as possible.

"This powerful concentric movement of industries has taken a

strong hold upon the thoughts of people and Government alike.

The public is deeply concerned at the growth of private

monopolies, and many persons who had hitherto favored letting

economic development take its own course now call for drastic

measures of prevention and repression. Country squires of the

most conservative type advocate the nationalization of all

coal deposits; and it is already asserted that a majority of

the Prussian Diet would vote for such a measure. This

convergence of the views of extreme Conservatism and radical

Socialism is certainly one of the oddest results of the

movement under discussion,—and one of the most instructive.

The natural trend of events is unquestionably in the direction

of some form of socialism. The Social Democracy clearly

perceives this, and so hails every industrial consolidation as

but another milestone on the way to state collectivism."

W. C. Dreher,

Recent Events in Germany

(Atlantic Monthly, March, 1905).

COMBINATIONS: International:

Of Transatlantic Shipping Companies.

Agreements with the British Government.

Announcement was made in October, 1902, of the incorporation

on the 1st of that month, under a New Jersey charter, of the

International Mercantile Marine Company, with a capital of

$120,000,000, and an issue of 4½ per cent. bonds to the amount

of $75,000,000. The combination included the American, the Red

Star, the White, the Atlantic Transport, the Leyland and the

Dominion lines. Both American and British capitalists were

represented in the board of directors, the former in the

majority. Several partners in the firm of J. Pierpont Morgan &

Company were included, and Mr. Morgan was understood to be the

architect of the combination; but he did not appear personally

in its organization.

The first step towards such a shipping combination had been

taken sixteen years before, when the British Inman steamship

line was taken over by the International Navigation Company,

made up of Americans, at the head of whom was Mr. Clement A.

Griscom, of Philadelphia. "The British Government promptly

withdrew the liberal subsidy which it had been paying to the

Inman liners; but Mr. Griscom and his comrades brought the

New York and Paris beneath the Stars and

Stripes, built the St. Louis and St. Paul, secured a

subsidy from the United States and gave the first-class

British lines a most formidable competitor. Indeed, commercial

rivalry in high grade ships on the North Atlantic soon became

too keen to permit of reasonable dividends and Mr. Griscom

found British ship-owners in a responsive mood when he

broached anew the great idea of an international combination.

"This union was made all the easier by the fact that meanwhile

another important British steamship concern, the Leyland line,

had been acquired by Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan in the spring of

1901. This line, itself the fruit of several consolidations,

controlled the largest British tonnage in the North Atlantic

trade. It owned no fast mail ships, no greyhounds. But it did

possess forty or fifty good, useful steamships of moderate

speed, many of them of large tonnage, and fit for passengers

as well as freight. The main Leyland service lay between

Boston or New York on this side, and Liverpool or London on

the other, and the business of the company had been so

profitable for a long term of years that its shares were

quoted at a handsome premium. Mr. Morgan paid a generous price

for his maritime investment. It is said that he gave £14 10s.

for each £10 share, or a bonus of 45 per cent. But amazement

at Mr. Morgan’s ‘liberality’ ceased when the next stage in the

great, far-sighted negotiation was unfolded.

"This was the dramatic uniting of the Leyland line with the

American and Red Star lines of the International Navigation

Company, and the Atlantic Transport line, another British

steam fleet owned by American capital. Later still it

transpired that the famous White Star line of fast mail,

passenger, and freight ships and the smaller but excellent

Dominion line were embraced in the huge consolidation. The

White Star was one of the two lines—the Cunard was the

other—which performed the British mail service between

Queenstown and New York. Its fleet included the great liners

Oceanic and Celtic, the swift Teutonic   and Majestic, and the favorite Britannic and

Germanic which had held ocean records in their day,

together with a considerable number of large and efficient

freighters. The American purchase of the White Star line was

long disputed, and when it was finally confirmed, something

like consternation seized the British press and people, for

the White Star fleet had been regarded as distinctively a

British institution as the Bank of England. Its fast ships

received not only the mail pay of the post-office, but the

subventions of the Admiralty, and were enrolled on the

‘merchant cruiser’ list."

Winthrop L. Marvin,

The Great Ship "Combine"

(American Review of Reviews, December, 1902).

{116}

The anxieties with which the combination was regarded at first

in Great Britain were allayed materially by Mr. G. Balfour,

President of the Board of Trade, who made public, in a speech

at Sheffield, the terms of an arrangement that had been made

by the Government with the Cunard Company, on one hand, and

the Combination on the other. The Cunard Company, he said,

"pledged themselves to remain in every respect a British

company, managed by British directors—the shares not to be

transferred to any but British subjects. Their ships were to

be officered by British officers. They also engaged to

construct two vessels of twenty-four to twenty-five knots

which, as well as the entire Cunard fleet, the Admiralty would

have the right to charter or purchase at any time on terms

fixed in the agreement. The money for the construction of the

fast steamers would be advanced to the company at the rate of

2¾ per cent. interest, while in lieu of the present Admiralty

subvention—£28,000 a year for the contingent use of three

ships—the company would receive £150,000 a year. With Mr.

Pierpont Morgan, the head of the Shipping Combination, who had

shown the utmost readiness to meet the wishes of His Majesty’s

Government, it had been agreed that the British companies in

the Combination should remain British, not merely in name but

in reality. The majority of their directors were to be British

subjects. All their ships now flying the British flag were to

continue to fly it, and at least one-half of those hereafter

to be built for the Combination would likewise fly British

colours, be commanded by British officers, and manned in

reasonable proportion by British sailors. On the other hand,

the combined companies would continue to be treated, as

heretofore, on a footing of equality with other British

companies in respect of any services, whether postal, or

military, or naval, which His Majesty’s Government might

require from the British mercantile marine. It had been

further stipulated that in the event of the Combination

pursuing a policy hostile to our mercantile marine or to

British trade, the King’s Government should have the right to

terminate the agreement."

COMBINATIONS: United States: A. D. 1900.

Definition of the term Industrial Combination formulated

at the Census Bureau.

Statistics as collected in 1900.

"The officials of the Census Office, in order to prevent

misconceptions and insure consistency in the plan and system

of tabulation, formulated the following definition of the term

‘industrial combination’:

"‘For the purpose of the Census, the rule has been adopted to

consider no aggregation of mills an industrial combination,

unless it consists of a number of formerly independent mills

which have been brought together into one company under a

charter obtained for that purpose. We therefore exclude from

this category many large establishments comprising a number of

mills, which have grown up, not by combination with other

mills, but by the erection of new plants or the purchase of

old ones.’ …

"So far as can be ascertained from the data in the Census

Office, the number of these industrial consolidations is 183.

They control 2203 separate plants, scattered throughout the

United States, 2029 being active and 174 idle during the

census year. For 56 of the idle plants no returns could be

obtained, making the total number of reporting plants 2147.

The 183 combinations extend to almost all lines of industry,

producing articles of luxury, materials essential to the

upbuilding and growth of the country, and even the very

necessities of life. Fully 50 per cent. of these combinations

were chartered just prior to or during the census year; and it

is noteworthy that the epidemic of industrial consolidation,

as far as the so-called monopolies are concerned, has been

practically confined to the past four years. It is evident,

therefore, that the disease—if it be regarded as such—has

spread very rapidly.

"Naturally enough, iron and steel, with 69 combinations, heads

the list. The number of reporting plants engaged in this

industry is 469, and the capital invested, consisting of land,

buildings, machinery, tools and implements, and cash and

sundries, is valued at $348,000,000."

W. R. Merriam,

"Trusts" in the Light of Census Returns

(Atlantic Monthly, March, 1902).

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1901-1903.

The question of Federal Control and Regulation.

Urgency of President Roosevelt for effective legislation.

In his first Message to Congress, three months after his

succession to the Presidency, President Roosevelt expressed

his mind frankly and clearly on the then increasing demand in

the country for more stringent measures of government, to

control and regulate the exercise of the power which great

aggregations of incorporated capital have created in recent

times. In part, he then said:

"The tremendous and highly complex industrial development

which went on with ever accelerated rapidity during the latter

half of the nineteenth century brings us face to face, at the

beginning of the twentieth, with very serious social problems.

The old laws, and the old customs which had almost the binding

force of law, were once quite sufficient to regulate the

accumulation and distribution of wealth. Since the industrial

changes which have so enormously increased the productive

power of mankind, they are no longer sufficient. The growth of

cities has gone on beyond comparison faster than the growth of

the country, and the up building of the great industrial

centers has meant a startling increase, not merely in the

aggregate of wealth, but in the number of very large

individual, and especially of very large corporate, fortunes.

… The process has aroused much antagonism, a great part of

which is wholly without warrant. It is not true that as the

rich have grown richer the poor have grown poorer. On the

contrary, never before has the average man, the wage-worker,

the farmer, the small trader, been so well off as in this

country and at the present time. There have been abuses

connected with the accumulation of wealth; yet it remains true

that a fortune accumulated in legitimate business can be

accumulated by the person specially benefited only on

condition of conferring immense incidental benefits upon

others. …

{117}

The captains of industry who have driven the railway systems

across this continent, who have built up our commerce, who

have developed our manufactures, have on the whole done great

good to our people. Without them the material development of

which we are so justly proud could never have taken place. …

It cannot too often be pointed out that to strike with

ignorant violence at the interests of one set of men almost

inevitably endangers the interests of all. … Much of the

legislation directed at the trusts would have been exceedingly

mischievous had it not also been entirely ineffective. In

accordance with a well-known sociological law, the ignorant or

reckless agitator has been the really effective friend of the

evils which he has been nominally opposing.

"All this is true; and yet it is also true that there are real

and grave evils, one of the chief being over-capitalization

because of its many baleful consequences; and a resolute and

practical effort must be made to correct these evils. There is

a widespread conviction in the minds of the American people

that the great corporations known as trusts are in certain of

their features and tendencies hurtful to the general welfare.

This springs from no spirit of envy or uncharitableness, nor

lack of pride in the great industrial achievements that have

placed this country at the head of the nations struggling for

commercial supremacy. … It is based upon sincere conviction

that combination and concentration should be, not prohibited,

but supervised and within reasonable limits controlled; and in

my judgment this conviction is right. … The first essential in

determining how to deal with the great industrial combinations

is knowledge of the facts—publicity. In the interests of the

public, the Government should have the right to inspect and

examine the workings of the great corporations engaged in

interstate business. …

"When the Constitution was adopted, at the end of the

eighteenth century, no human wisdom could foretell the

sweeping changes, alike in industrial and political

conditions, which were to take place by the beginning of the

twentieth century. At that time it was accepted as a matter of

course that the several States were the proper authorities to

regulate so far as was then necessary, the comparatively

insignificant and strictly localized corporate bodies of the

day. The conditions are now wholly different and wholly

different action is called for. I believe that a law can be

framed which will enable the National Government to exercise

control along the lines above indicated; profiting by the

experience gained through the passage and administration of

the Interstate-Commerce Act. If, however, the judgment of the

Congress is that it lacks the constitutional power to pass

such an act, then a constitutional amendment should be

submitted to confer the power."

President’s Message to Congress,

December 3, 1901.

In the following summer, during a tour which he made through

some of the New England States the President gave prominence

to the same subject in his addresses, emphasizing the

necessity of federal legislation to arm the General Government

with more effective authority for regulating the action of

corporations engaged in interstate trade. In speaking at

Providence especially, his remarks caused a great stir of

feeling in the country, and seem to have signalled the

beginning of an open array of hostile corporate interests

against him. On that occasion he spoke partly as follows:

"Those great corporations containing some tendency to

monopoly, which we have grown to speak of rather loosely as

trusts, are the creatures of the State, and the State not only

has the right to control them, but is in duty bound to control

them wherever the need for such control is shown. There is

clearly a need of supervision—need to exercise the power of

regulation on the part of the representatives of the public,

wherever, as in our own country at the present time, business

corporations become so very strong, both for beneficent work

and for work that is not always beneficent. It is idle to say

that there is no need for such supervision. A sufficient

warrant for it is to be found over and over again in any of the

various evils resulting from the present system, or, rather,

lack of system.

"There is in our country a peculiar difficulty in the way of

exercising such supervision and control because of the

peculiar division of governmental power. When the industrial

conditions were simple, very little control was needed, and no

trouble was caused by the doubt as to where power was lodged

under the constitution. Now the conditions are complicated,

and we find it difficult to frame national legislation which

shall be adequate, while as a matter of practical experience

State action has proved entirely insufficient, and in all

human probability cannot or will not be made sufficient, to

meet the needs of the case. Some of our States have excellent

laws—laws which it would be well indeed to have enacted by

the national legislature. But the wide differences in these

laws, even between adjacent States, and the uncertainty of the

power of enforcement result practically in altogether

insufficient control.

"I believe that the nation must assume this power of control

by legislation, and if it becomes evident that the

constitution will not permit needed legislation, then by

constitutional amendment. The immediate need of dealing with

trusts is to place them under the real, not nominal, control

of some sovereign to which, as its creature, the trusts shall

owe allegiance, and in whose courts the sovereign’s orders may

with certainty be enforced. That is not the case with the

ordinary so-called 'trust’ to-day, for the trust is a large

State corporation, generally doing business in other States

also, and often with a tendency to monopoly. Such a trust is

an artificial creature not wholly responsible to or

controllable by any legislature, nor wholly subject to the

jurisdiction of any one court. Some governmental sovereign

must be given full power over these artificial and very

powerful corporate beings. In my judgment this sovereign must

be the national government. When it has been given full power,

then this full power can be used to control any evil

influence, exactly as the government is now using the power

conferred upon it under the Sherman Anti-Trust law.

"Even when the full power has been conferred it would be

highly undesirable to attempt too much or to begin by

stringent legislation. The mechanism of modern business is as

delicate and complicated as it is vast, and nothing would be

more productive of evil to all of us, and especially to those

least well off in this world’s goods, than ignorant meddling

with this mechanism, and, above all, if the meddling was done

in a spirit of class or sectional rancor.

{118}

It is desirable that this power should be possessed by the

nation, but it is quite as desirable that the power should be

exercised with moderation and self-restraint. The first

exercise of that power should be the securing of publicity

among all great corporations doing an interstate business. The

publicity, though non-inquisitorial, should be real and

thorough as to all important facts with which the public has

concern. The full light of day is a great discourager of evil.

Such publicity would by itself tend to cure the evils of which

there is just complaint, and where the alleged evils are

imaginary, it would tend to show that such is the case. When

publicity is attained it would then be possible to see what

further should be done in the way of regulation.

"Above all, it behooves us to remember not only that we ought

to try to do what we can, but that our success in doing it

depends very much upon our neither attempting nor expecting

the impossible. …

"I see no promise of a complete solution for all the problems

we group together when we speak of the trust question. But we

can make a beginning in solving these problems, and a good

beginning if only we approach the subject with a sufficiency

of resolution, of honesty and of that hard common sense which

is one of the most valuable, and, unfortunately, not one of

the most common, assets in the equipment of any people. I

think the national administration has shown its firm intention

to enforce the laws as they now stand on the statute books

without regard to persons, and I think that good has come from

this enforcement. I think, furthermore, that additional

legislation should be had, and can be had, which will enable

us to accomplish much more than has been accomplished along

these same lines."

Theodore Roosevelt,

Address at Providence, August 23, 1902

(New York Tribune, August 24, 1902).

In his next Message to Congress, President Roosevelt renewed

his urgency for the needed legislation. "No more important

subject can come before the Congress," he said, "than this of

the regulation of interstate business. This country cannot

afford to sit supine on the plea that under our peculiar

system of government we are helpless in the presence of the

new conditions, and unable to grapple with them or to cut out

whatever of evil has arisen in connection with them. The power

of the Congress to regulate interstate commerce is an absolute

and unqualified grant, and without limitations other than

those prescribed by the Constitution. The Congress has

constitutional authority to make all laws necessary and proper

for executing this power, and I am satisfied that this power

has not been exhausted by any legislation now on the statute

books."

President’s Message to Congress,

December 2, 1902.

A year later, when the President addressed his Message to the

next Congress, at the opening of its first session, he was

able to say:

"The country is especially to be congratulated on what has

been accomplished in the direction of providing for the

exercise of supervision over the great corporations and

combinations of corporations engaged in interstate commerce.

The Congress has created the Department of Commerce and Labor,

including the Bureau of Corporations, with for the first time

authority to secure proper publicity of such proceedings of

these great corporations as the public has the right to know.

It has provided for the expediting of suits for the

enforcement of the Federal anti-trust law; and by another law

it has secured equal treatment to all producers in the

transportation of their goods, thus taking a long stride

forward in making effective the work of the Interstate

Commerce Commission."

President’s Message to Congress,

December 1, 1903.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1901-1906.

A summary of governmental action against corporate

wrongdoers, by Elihu Root.

Legislation.

Litigation.

Court decisions.

"The act creating the bureau of corporations, the act

expediting the trial of trust cases, the anti-rebate act, the

act for the regulation of railroad rates, have made possible

redress which was impossible before. Under the direction of

two successive Attorney Generals of the first order of

ability, sincerity and devotion, in hundreds of courts,

incessant warfare has been waged and is being waged under the

federal laws against corporate wrongdoers.

"The Northern Securities Company, which sought to combine and

prevent competition between two great continental railroads,

has been forced to dissolve by the judgment of the Supreme

Court of the United States. The methods of the Beef Trust in

combining to suppress competition in the purchase of livestock

and the sale of meat have been tried and condemned, and the

trust has been placed under injunction to abandon these

practices by judgment of the Supreme Court. The combination of

paper manufacturers in the territory from Chicago to the Rocky

Mountains has been dissolved by the judgment of the Supreme

Court, and the combination has been abandoned, and the price

of white paper in that territory has gone down 30 per cent.

The Retail Grocers’ Association in this country has been

dissolved by decree of the court. The elevator combination in

the West has been dissolved in like manner. The salt

combination west of the Rocky Mountains has been dissolved by

decree of the court. The Wholesale Grocers’ Association in the

South, the meat combination and the lumber combination in the

West, the combination of railroads entering the city of St.

Louis to suppress competition between the bridges and ferries

reaching that city; the Drug Trust, which suppresses

competition all over the country, are being vigorously pressed

in suits brought by the federal government for their

dissolution. The salt combination has been indicted and

convicted and fined for failing to obey the judgment of

dissolution. The Beef Trust has been indicted for failing to

obey the injunction against them, and have been saved so far

only by a decision that they had secured temporary immunity by

giving evidence against themselves. One branch of the Tobacco

Trust is facing an indictment of its corporations and their

officers in the federal court in New York, and the other

branches are undergoing investigation. The lumber combination

in Oklahoma is under indictment. The Fertilizer Trust, a

combination of thirty-one corporations and twenty-five

individuals to support and fix prices, has been indicted, the

indictments have been sustained by the courts, and the

combination has been dissolved. The ice combination of the

District of Columbia is facing criminal trial. Special counsel

are investigating the coal combination, and special counsel

are investigating the Standard Oil combination.

{119}

"Three of the causes won in the Supreme Court of the United

States have furnished decisions of the utmost importance. In

the Tobacco Trust case of Hale agt. Henkel, the Supreme Court

denied the claim of the trust corporations to be exempt under

the Constitution from furnishing testimony against themselves

by the production of their books and papers before a federal

grand jury. Thus, the protection of secrecy for corporate

wrongdoing is beaten down. In the Northern Securities case the

Supreme Court held that a wrong accomplished by means of

incorporating in accordance with the express provision of the

New Jersey statute was just as much a violation of federal law

as if there had been no incorporation. Thus, the state rights

defence of protection from favoring state statutes is beaten

down. In the Beef Trust case the Supreme Court held that,

although the business of manufacture was carried on within the

limits of a single state, yet the purchase of the raw material

in different states and the sale of the finished product in

different states brought the business within the interstate

commerce clause of the Constitution and gave the federal

government authority over it. Thus, the defence that the state

alone can deal with manufacturing corporations, however

widespread their business, is beaten down.

"The obstacles to the enforcement of the federal anti-trust

act thus removed are obstacles which stood in the way of all

proceedings, and they had to be cleared away before any

proceedings of the same character against the same classes of

corporations could be successfully maintained. They have been

removed, not by newspaper headlines and denunciation, but by

skill, ability, and energy of the highest order.

"After the Elkins anti-rebate law was passed by Congress in

1903 it was supposed, and the Interstate Commerce Commission

reported, that the railroads had substantially abandoned

giving rebates. Their good resolutions do not seem, however,

to have lasted. The struggle for business enabled the shippers

soon to secure a renewal of rebates, or, by ingenious devices

advantages equivalent to rebates. Thereupon the Department of

Justice began active prosecutions for the enforcement of the

law. Fifty-three indictments have been found against hundreds

of defendants and covering many hundreds of transactions.

There have been fourteen criminal convictions. Fourteen

individuals have been fined, to the gross amount of $66,125.

Nine corporations have been fined to the amount of $253,000.

Thirty-five indictments are ready for trial in their regular

order upon the court calendar. The original statute provided

only for punishment by fine. Last winter it was amended by

providing for punishment by imprisonment, and, if the lines

imposed under the original law shall not prove to have stopped

the practice, we shall see whether fear of the penitentiary

under the amendment will not do so.

"Under this statute also it was necessary to sweep away

defences which stood as barriers to general prosecution, and

in the New York, New Haven & Hartford Railroad case, decided

by the Supreme Court February 19 of this year, and the

Milwaukee Refrigerator Transit case, decided in the Seventh

Circuit on May 31 of this year, the courts have held that the

substance and not the form is to control in the application of

the statute, and that, however the transaction may be

disguised, an unlawful discrimination can be reached and

punished. The way is therefore cleared for all other

prosecutions.

"The Railroad Rates act, which was the subject of such excited

discussion during the last session of Congress, has already

justified itself. Since the passage of the act, less than five

months ago, there have been more voluntary reductions of rates

by our railroads than during the entire nineteen years of the

previous life of the Interstate Commerce Commission. On the

single day of the 29th of August, 1906, two days before the

act went into force, over five thousand notices of voluntary

reduction of rates were filed with the Interstate Commerce

Commission by the railroads of the United States."

Elihu Root,

Speech at Utica, November 1, 1906

(New York Tribune, November 2, 1906).

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1903-1906.

The "Beef Trust" suits and investigations.

The United States v. Swift & Co. et al.

Commissioner Garfield’s investigation.

Indictment of Armour & Co. and others.

Immunity decision of Judge Humphrey.

Fines for receiving rebates from railways.

In the case known as that of the United States v. Swift &

Company et al., the defendants were seven corporations, one

copartnership, and twenty-three other persons (commonly styled

"the Beef Trust"), charged with violations of the anti-trust

law, by combination in restraint of the trade which they

conducted, namely, the buying of live stock, slaughtering the

same in different states and selling the meats thus produced.

It was affirmed by the Government that they, together,

controlled about sixty per cent. of the total Volume of that

trade in the country, and that if the alleged combination

among them did not exist they "would be and remain in

competition with each other"; but that by such "unlawful

combination and conspiracy" they were directing and requiring

their agents

(1) not to bid against one another in the live-stock markets

of the different States;

(2) to bid up prices for a few days so as to induce cattlemen

to send their stock to the stock-yards;

(3) to fix prices at which they would sell, and hence, when

necessary, to restrict shipments of meat;

(4) to establish a uniform rule of credit to dealers and to

keep a blacklist;

(5) to make uniform and improper charges for cartage; and

(6) to obtain less than lawful rates from the railways to the

exclusion of all competitors.

The case, on motion for injunction, was tried first in the

Circuit Court of the Northern District of Illinois, Judge

Peter S. Grosscup. The Opinion of the Court, given April 18,

1903, held that, under the definition of the term by the

Supreme Court in the Trans-Missouri Freight Association Case

(see, in this Volume, Railways: United States: A. D.

1890-1902), "there can be no doubt that the agreement of the

defendants to refrain from bidding against each other in the

purchase of cattle is combination in restraint of trade: so

also their agreement to bid up prices to stimulate shipments,

intending to cease from bidding when the shipments have

arrived.

{120}

The same result," continued the judge, "follows when we turn

to the combination of defendants to fix prices upon and

restrict the quantities of meat shipped to their agents or

their customers. Such agreements can be nothing less than

restriction upon competition, and, therefore, combination in

restraint of trade; and thus viewed, the petition, as an

entirety, makes out a case under the Sherman Act. … The

demurrer is overruled, and the motion for preliminary

injunction granted."

On appeal, the case went to the Supreme Court, where it was

argued in January, 1905, and decided on the 30th of the same

month. The Opinion of the Court, rendered by Justice Holmes,

with no dissent, affirmed, but modified, the decree of

injunction issued by Judge Grosscup; the aim of the

modifications being to give more definiteness to the decree.

"The defendants," said Justice Holmes, for example, "cannot be

ordered to compete, but they properly can be forbidden to give

directions or to make agreements not to compete. The

injunction follows the charge. No objection was made on the

ground that it is not confined to the places specified in the

bill. It seems to us, however, that it ought to set forth more

exactly the transactions in which such directions and

agreements are forbidden. The trade in fresh meat referred to

should be defined somewhat as it is in the bill, and the sales

of stock should be confined to sales of stock at the

stock-yards named, which stock is sent from other States to

the stock-yards for sale or is bought at those yards for

transport to another State."

Federal Anti-Trust Decisions, 1900-1906,

Volume 2, prepared and edited by James A. Finch,

by direction of the Attorney-General

(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1907).

COMBINATIONS:

Investigation by the Commissioner of Corporations.

On the 7th of March, 1904, the House of Representatives

adopted a resolution requesting the Secretary of Commerce and

Labor to "investigate the causes of the low prices of beef

cattle in the United States since July 1st, 1903, and the

unusually large margins between the prices of beef cattle and

the selling prices of fresh beef, and whether the said

conditions have resulted in whole or in part from any

contract, combination, in the form of trust or otherwise, or

conspiracy, in restraint of commerce among the several States

and Territories or with foreign countries; also, whether said

prices have been controlled in whole or in part by any

corporation, joint stock company, or corporate combination

engaged in commerce among the several States or with foreign

nations; and, if so, to investigate the organization,

capitalization, profits, conduct and management of the

business of such corporations, companies, and corporate

combinations, and to make early report of his findings

according to law."

In compliance with this resolution, the Commissioner of

Corporations, Mr. James R. Garfield, went to Chicago in April

and began the requested investigation, which was prosecuted

throughout most of the ensuing year. "The inquiries of the

Bureau of Corporations were naturally concerned chiefly with

the six great concerns which, by the injunction of 1902, were

grouped together, and which were popularly considered as the

Beef Trust. The ‘Big Six,’ in the approximate order of their

magnitude as indicated by the number of animals slaughtered,

are: Swift & Company, with seven large plants; Armour &

Company, and the Armour Packing Company, which have the same

stockholders, and which together operate five packing-houses;

the National Packing Company, with eight comparatively large

plants and two or three minor ones; Morris & Company,

operating three plants; the Cudahy Packing Company, with three

plants in the middle West and a minor one at Los Angeles; and

the Schwarzschild & Sulzberger Company, operating three

plants. Nearly all of the important packing-houses of these

six companies are situated in the eight great live-stock

markets,—Chicago, Kansas City, South Omaha, East St. Louis,

South St. Joseph, Fort Worth, South St. Paul, and Sioux City."

As for the National Packing Company, it grew, apparently, out

of an abortive scheme for the consolidation of the other five

concerns which was rumored in 1902. "Shortly prior to the

formation of this company the Armour interests had acquired

control of the G. H. Hammond Company and the Omaha Packing

Company, the Swifts had secured the Anglo-American Provision

Company and the Fowler Packing Association, and the Morris

family had become dominant in the United Dressed Beef Company

of New York. The National Packing Company, organized in 1903,

took over the control of the various corporations thus

previously acquired by the three packing interests named, and

has since absorbed two or three other smaller concerns. The

directorate of the National Company consists almost wholly of

representatives of the Armour, Swift, and Morris companies.

Aside from this community of interest, the bureau finds that

there is no important inter-ownership of securities among the

six leading packing companies."

"The ‘Big Six’ are by no means the only slaughterers of cattle

in the United States. They, with a few minor affiliated

concerns, killed 5,521,697 cattle in 1903, while, from the

best available data, the Bureau of Corporations computes the

total slaughter of the country at about 12,500,000. But the

proportion of 45 per cent. thus indicated by no means measures

the full economic significance of the six great packers. Their

importance lies in the fact that they are the only concerns

which do an extensive business in shipping dressed beef. … The

‘Big-Six’ kill about 98 percent, of the cattle slaughtered at

the eight leading Western markets above named."

Edward Dana Durand,

The Beef Industry and the Government Investigation

(American Review of Reviews, April, 1905).

Early in March, 1905, just before the adjournment of Congress,

his report of it, in part, was transmitted by the President to

Congress. The following summary of important facts set forth

in the extended report was published in The Outlook of

the following week:

"The report as sent to Congress deals with the prices of

cattle and dressed beef, the margins between such prices, and

the organization, conduct, and profits of the corporations

engaged in the beef-packing business. In some respects the

conclusions presented are distinctly favorable to the packers;

in others, quite as unfavorable. It appears that the profits

of the six great companies whose operations were covered by

the investigation were very much smaller during the years 1902

and 1903 than the public had been led to suppose,—that, in

fact, for a part of that period the business was conducted at

an actual loss.

{121}

The percentage of profit on the gross Volume of business

during the years 1902-1904 was comparatively low. That realized

by Swift & Company is placed at two per cent. This, however,

we repeat, is the percentage on total sales, which is a very

different thing from profit on the investment. It is a

well-known fact that the actual capitalization of the packing

companies is very much less than the annual Volume of

business. From statements made by the six companies to the

Bureau of Corporations it appears that their gross business is

not less than $700,000,000 per year, while their nominal

capitalization is only $88,000,000, exclusive of $5,000,000

bonds of Swift & Company. On the other hand, it is practically

impossible, as the report shows, to determine accurately just

what proportion of the total investment represents plants and

properties concerned with the beef industry exclusively.

Still, it is obvious that Swift & Company’s net profit of two

per cent. on their sales would amount to very much more than

two per cent, on their investment. The report makes an

approximate estimate of twelve per cent.

"On one other count the report is favorable to the companies.

It declares that they are apparently not overcapitalized. This

conclusion, it is true, is robbed of some of its exculpatory

force when the private-car system is taken into consideration.

It is shown that the companies’ profits on refrigerator cars,

derived from mileage paid by the railroads, has ranged from 14

to 22 per cent. The report gives clear and definite

information as to the trust’s field of operations. It shows

that the six companies slaughtered in 1903 only about 45 per

cent. of all the cattle killed in that year, but that these

companies slaughter nearly 98 per cent. of all the cattle

killed in the leading Western packing centers, and that they

control a large percentage of the trade in beef in many large

cities—75 per cent. in New York, 85 per cent. in Boston, 95

per cent. in Providence, and in a number of other important

cities from 50 to 90 per cent. In all these centers of

population the consumer is now paying more for meats than ever

before, while the cattle-grower on the Western plains is

receiving less for his beeves. These two facts are doubtless

capable of explanation, but the published results of the

investigation ordered by Congress throw little light on the

matter."

COMBINATIONS:

Case of the United States v. Armour & Company et al.

Soon after the publication of the report of the Bureau of

Corporations a special Federal Grand Jury at Chicago began the

investigation of charges brought by the Attorney-General of

the United States against five of the corporations engaged in

the meat-packing business and seventeen of their officials. An

indictment was returned by the Grand Jury on the 1st of July,

1905, charging, in a number of counts, persistent violation of

the injunction laid on these corporations and their officials

by Judge Grosscup with affirmation by the Supreme Court, and

continued combination in restraint of trade,—by requiring

their purchasing agents to refrain from bidding in good faith

against one another; by agreements that fixed the prices of

beef; by restricting sales to maintain prices, etc. On the

trial of the indictment, which was begun on the 29th of

January and concluded on the 21st of March, 1906, the

defendants claimed immunity, under that clause of the Fifth

Amendment to the Constitution of the United States which

reads:

"Nor shall any person be compelled in any criminal case to be

a witness against himself."

Their claim for immunity under this constitutional

prescription was founded on the fact that "upon the lawful

requirement of the Commissioner of Corporations" they "had

furnished evidence, documentary and otherwise, of and

concerning the matters charged in the indictment"; and that a

section of the Act creating the Department of Commerce and

Labor provides that persons testifying or producing evidence

before the Commissioner shall be entitled to the immunities

conferred by the Act in relation to testimony before the

Interstate Commerce Commission of February 11, 1893. Judge

Humphrey, of the United States District Court, before whom the

case was tried, sustained the plea in his charge to the jury,

so far as concerned the individual defendants, saying: "Under

the law of this case, the immunity pleas filed by the

defendants will be sustained as to the individual defendants,

the natural persons, and denied as to the corporations, the

artificial persons, and your verdict will be in favor of the

defendants as to the individuals, and in favor of the

Government as to the corporations."

COMBINATIONS:

Fines for accepting rebates.

The same Federal Grand Jury at Chicago which returned the

indictments dealt within the case mentioned above brought

another indictment against four men in the employ of one of

the meat-packing companies, who were accused of unlawfully

combining and agreeing to solicit rebates for their

corporation from the Michigan Central, the Chicago, Rock

Island and Pacific, the Grand Trunk Western, the Lehigh

Valley, the Boston and Maine, and the Mobile and Ohio

railroads. It was charged that the defendants conspired with

one another in presenting to the railroad companies pretended

claims for damages which were in fact claims for rebates. They

were brought for trial before Judge Humphrey in September,

1905, and pleaded guilty. The Judge then pronounced sentence

on them as follows:

"Punishment for this offense as fixed by Congress has a wide

range, giving the Court unusual latitude, ranging from a

nominal fine without imprisonment to a heavy fine and two

years’ imprisonment, all in the discretion of the Court. I am

disposed to consider this case with reasonable moderation. The

sentence of the Court in the case of the defendant Weil will

be a fine of $10,000 and costs, and commitment to the county

jail until the fine is paid, and in the cases of Todd,

Skipworth, and Cusey a fine of $5,000 and costs, with the same

provision in regard to payment."

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1904-1909.

The Standard Oil Company.

Federal Government investigation of its methods of business.

Criminal prosecutions for violation of the law against

rebates.

The $29,000,000 fine and its annulment.

Acquittal of the Company.

After a dozen years or more of slight oil production in

Kansas, that state became quite suddenly, in 1904, one of the

important sources of petroleum supply. The Standard Oil

Company had taken care to be prepared for whatever development

might occur, and had organized its operations in this western

field under the name of the Prairie Oil and Gas Company, of

Kansas.

{122}

Its refineries were ready to furnish a market to the Kansas

producers of crude oil, and they had no other. Independent

enterprises in oil refining were made quite impossible, and

the Prairie Oil and Gas Company was complete master of the

situation. The Kansas oil producers were soon writhing under

its dictation of prices and rules of dealing, as the

Pennsylvanians had been years before, and the Kansas

Legislature came promptly to their rescue. In the winter of

1904-1905 it passed five vigorous acts; authorizing the

establishment of a State oil refinery; making pipe lines

common carriers within the State; placing them under the

jurisdiction of the State board of railroad commissioners;

fixing maximum rates for the transportation of oil by freight

or pipe line; and, finally, prohibiting discrimination between

localities in the sale of any commodities. Furthermore, the

anti-trust laws of the State were brought into action against

the Standard Oil Company and the railroads accused of giving

it special rates and privileges.

At the same time, the Kansas situation was brought to the

attention of Congress and the Federal Executive. On motion of

a Kansas representative, the lower House of Congress, in

February, adopted a resolution calling on the President for an

investigation of the methods of business pursued by the

Standard Oil Company. The desired investigation was conducted

in the following year by Commissioner Garfield, the head of

the Bureau of Corporations, and his report was communicated to

Congress on the 5th of May, 1906, with an accompanying special

message, by the President. Nothing of the detail of facts in

the report can be given here; but the conclusions drawn from

them by the Commissioner were summed up by him, as follows:

"Upon the request of its attorney, all the essential facts

discovered by this Bureau were presented to the company at the

close of the investigation, and an exhaustive statement

relating thereto was made by its chief traffic officer. There

was no denial of the facts found, but explanations of

particular situations were offered, and it was urged that the

facts did not show any violation by the Standard of the letter

or spirit of the interstate-commerce law. A most careful

review of the facts and the explanations leads to the

following conclusions:

"The Standard Oil Company has habitually received from the

railroads, and is now receiving, secret rates and other unjust

and illegal discriminations.

"During 1904 the Standard saved about three-quarters of a

million dollars through the secret rates discovered by the

Bureau of Corporations, and of course there may be other

secret rates which the Bureau has not discovered. This amount

represents the difference between the open rates and the rates

actually paid. Many of these discriminations were clearly in

violation of the interstate-commerce law, and others, whether

technically illegal or not, had the same effect upon

competitors. On some State business secret rates were applied

by means of rebates.

"These discriminations have been so long continued, so secret,

so ingeniously applied to new conditions of trade, and so

large in amount as to make it certain that they were due to

concerted action by the Standard and the railroads.

"The Standard Oil Company is receiving unjust discriminations

in open rates.

"The published rates from the leading Standard shipping points

are relatively much lower than rates from the shipping points

of its competitors. The advantage to the Standard over its

competitors from such open discriminations is enormous,

probably as important as that obtained through the secret

rates.

"If an unfair discrimination be obtained by one shipper

through a device which in itself is seemingly not prohibited

by law, that fact shows that the law is defective and should

be strengthened; it does not show that the discrimination is

proper or just.

"The following are a few of the most important discriminations

and the methods by which they were obtained:

"(1) For about ten years the New England territory has been in

control of the Standard Oil Company by reason of the refusal

of the New York, New Haven and Hartford road and of the Boston

and Maine road, on all but a few divisions, to pro-rate—i. e.,

to join in through rates—on oil shipped from west of the

Hudson River, and by means of the adjustment of published

rates. …

"(2) The Standard Oil Company has been able to absolutely

control for many years the sale of oil in the northeastern

part of New York and in a portion of Vermont by means of

secret rates from its refineries at Olean and Rochester. …

"The saving to the Standard during 1904 by the secret rate

from Olean to Rochester alone was $115,000. This and other

less important rates from Olean were unknown to the

independent refiners, and were not published on the ground

that they were wholly State rates; yet in fact they were used

for oil consigned to points beyond the State boundary of New

York. Furthermore, all shipments from Olean on these secret

rates were blind-billed—i. e., the rates were not shown

on the waybills.

"(3) The Standard Oil Company has maintained absolute control

of almost the whole section of the country south of the Ohio

River and east of the Mississippi by means of secret rates and

open discriminations in rates from Whiting, Indiana. …

"(4) The Standard Oil Company has for at least ten years

shipped oil from Whiting to East St. Louis, Illinois, at a

rate of 6 or 6¼ cents on three of the five railroads running

between those places, while the only duly published rate on

all roads has been 18 cents during all that period! This

discrimination saved the Standard about $240,000 in 1904. …

"Whiting is located in Indiana, about two miles from the

Illinois line. East St. Louis is in Illinois, just across the

river from St. Louis. The secret low rates were given by the

Chicago, Burlington and Quincy, Chicago and Alton, and Chicago

and Eastern Illinois railroads. They were not published, on

the ground that they were State rates. …

"(5) In the Kansas-Territory field there were some unfair open

rates. …

"(6) In California direct rebates, as well as discriminations

by the use of secret rates, have been given on oil. …

"(7) Open published rates from Whiting into a large part of

the United States have given the Standard Oil Company an

unfair advantage of from 1 to 20 cents per hundred pounds.

{123}

"This discrimination seriously limits independent refiners in

some markets, and shuts them out completely from other

markets. It is accomplished by the use of commodity rates—that

is, rates which apply only to petroleum and its products—and

by refusal to pro-rate."

Report of the Commissioner of Corporations on the

Transportation of Petroleum,

May 2, 1906, Letter of Submittal, pages xxi-xxv.

(59th Congress, 1st Session House Document. number 812).

Consequent on the information secured by this investigation,

criminal proceedings against the Standard Oil Company in its

various State organizations were instituted in 1906-1907. The

number and character of the indictments found in these cases

are set forth in tabular form, in an article on "The Oil Trust

and the Government," by Francis Walker, published in the

Political Science Quarterly, March, 1908. The following

statement of them is summarized from that table:

In the Northern District of Illinois, August 27, 1906, against

the Standard Oil Co. of Indiana, 1903 and 134 indictments on

shipments over the Chicago and Alton Railway, from Whiting,

Indiana, to East St. Louis, Illinois, and from Chappell,

Illinois, to St. Louis, Missouri.

In same District, same date, against same Company, 2124 and

220 indictments on shipments over the Chicago, Burlington and

Quincy Railway, from Whiting to East St. Louis and St. Louis.

In same District, same date, against same Company, 1318 and

597 indictments on shipments over the Chicago and Eastern

Illinois and the Evansville and Terre Haute railways, from

Whiting to Evansville.

In same District, same date, against same Company, 103

indictments, on shipments over the Chicago and Eastern

Illinois and the Evansville and Terre Haute railways from

Whiting, via Grand Junction, Tennessee, to various points in

the South.

In the Eastern Division of the Western District of Tennessee,

October 16, 1906, against the Standard Oil Company of Indiana,

1524 indictments, on shipments over the Illinois Central and

Southern railways, from Evansville, via Grand Junction, to

various points.

In the Eastern District of Missouri, November 18, 1906,

against the Waters-Pierce Oil Company, 76 indictments, on

shipments over the St. Louis, Iron Mountain and Southern

Railway, to various points.

In the Western District of Louisiana, January 28, 1907,

against the Waters-Pierce Oil Company, 32 indictments, on

shipments over the St. Louis, Iron Mountain. and S. Railway,

to various points.

In the Western District of New York, August 10, 1907, against

the Vacuum Oil Company, 23 indictments, on shipments from

Olean to Vermont.

In the Western District of New York, August 24, 1906, against

the Standard Oil Company of New York, 23 and 123 indictments,

on shipments from Olean to Vermont.

In same District, August 9, 1907, against same Company, 188

and 40 indictments, on shipments from Olean, New York, to

Burlington, Vermont, over New York Central and Rutland and

Vermont Central railways.

In same District, same date, against the Vacuum Oil Company,

188 and 40 indictments on shipments from Olean to Burlington

and to Rutland and Burlington.

In same District, September 6, 1907, against the Standard Oil

Company of New York, 54 indictments, on shipments from Olean

and Rochester to points in Vermont.

The most notable of these criminal prosecutions has been the

one described first in the list above. The opening chapter of

its history is sketched as follows by Mr. Walker, in the

article already referred to:

"The only important case which, up to December, 1907, had come

to trial, was the indictment against the Standard Oil Company

of Indiana for accepting a secret rate on shipments over the

Chicago and Alton Railway, from Whiting, Indiana, to East St.

Louis, Illinois, and from Chappell, Illinois, to St. Louis,

Missouri. The published rate on this traffic was eighteen

cents per hundred pounds (as far as East St. Louis, a bridge

toll of one and a half cents being added on shipments to St.

Louis); while the rate paid by the Standard Oil Company of

Indiana, during the period of about three years covered by the

indictment and for many years before, was only six cents per

hundred pounds. On this rate, the Standard had transported, as

charged in the indictment, 1903 carloads of oil, each carload

being made the subject of a distinct count and separate proof.

The trial of this case began in Chicago, on March 4, 1907.

"The defence not only exhausted every device of technical

objection and obstruction but also attacked the

constitutionality of the ‘Elkins’ law forbidding rate

discrimination, alleging the right of the railroads and

shippers to make private contract rates, an impudent assertion

which the court justly characterized as an ‘abhorrent heresy.’

The question of guilt in the matter of technical proof

depended to a large extent on the requirements of the law that

carriers must file rates, and the argument of the prosecution

was that shippers must be charged with the knowledge as to

whether such rates were lawfully filed or not. The defendant

pretended ignorance of the fact that the six-cent rate had not

been filed by the Alton and alleged that it was an

unreasonable requirement to charge it with such knowledge. On

this point the court said in rendering judgment:

"‘The honest man who tenders a commodity for transportation by

a railway company will not be fraudulently misled by that

company into allowing it to haul his property for less than

the law authorizes it to collect. For the carrier thus to

deceive the shipper would be to deliberately incriminate

itself, to its own pecuniary detriment, which it may safely be

trusted not to do. The only man liable to get into trouble is

he who, being in control of the routing of large Volumes of

traffic, conceives a scheme for the evasion of the law, and

connives with railway officials in its execution.’

"The jury returned a verdict of guilty on 1462 counts, on

April 14, 1907: a considerable number of counts, namely 441,

were thrown out on technical grounds. In the matter of

penalty, the Standard’s counsel argued

(1) that there were only three offences shown, namely, one for

each year in which the rate was in force;

(2) that there were only 36 offences shown, namely, one for

each monthly settlement of freight charges; and

(3) that each train load constituted a separate offence. The

court held, however, that the unlawful rate was made on a

carload basis, and that each carload unlawfully transported

constituted a distinct offence.

{124}

In considering the amount of the fine to be levied, the court

demanded information from the officials of the Standard Oil

Company regarding the net earnings and dividends of the chief

holding company of the trust—the Standard Oil Company of New

Jersey. Their attendance and testimony were obtained only by

writ of subpoena; and it was admitted that the net profits

during the years 1903 to 1905 (when these rebates existed)

amounted to $81,336,994, $61,570,110, and $57,459,356

respectively.

"In view of the fact that the counsel of the defendant openly

maintained the right of the railways and shippers to make

private contracts for rates, the court declared that it was

‘unable to indulge the presumption that in this case the

defendant was convicted of its virgin offence.’ The defendant

also claimed that, as there were no other shippers of oil over

the Chicago and Alton Railway, no one was injured by the

secret rate. On this matter the court said:

"‘It is novel, indeed, for a convicted defendant to urge the

complete triumph of a dishonest course as a reason why such a

course should go unpunished.

"‘Of course, there was no other shipper of oil, nor could

there be, so long as, by secret arrangement, the property of

the Standard Oil Company was hauled by railway common carriers

for one-third of what anybody else would have to pay.’

"Moved by these considerations, the court adjudged, on August

3, 1907, that the defendant should pay the maximum penalty and

fined the Standard Oil Company $20,000 for each offence, that

is, for each of the 1462 counts in the indictment upon which

conviction was obtained. The total fine, therefore, amounted

to $29,240,000."

Francis Walker,

The Oil Trust and the Government

(Political Science Quarterly, March, 1908).

On a writ of error the case went now to the United States

Circuit Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, where it was

argued at the April session, 1908, and the opinion, by Judge

Peter S. Grosscup, Circuit Judge, delivered on the 22d of the

following July. In this opinion the District Court was held to

have erred in deciding that each single carload of oil was to

be dealt with as a separate offence, and that it reasoned

erroneously in determining the fine imposed. On this latter

point Judge Grosscup said:

"Did the court, in the fine imposed, abuse its discretion? The

defendant indicted, tried, and convicted, was the Standard Oil

Company, a corporation in Indiana. The capital stock of this

corporation is one million dollars. There is nothing in the

record, in the way of evidence, either before conviction, or

after conviction and before sentence, that shows that the

assets of this corporation were in excess of one million

dollars. There is nothing in the record, either before

conviction, or after conviction and before sentence, that

shows that the defendant, before the court, had ever before

been guilty of an offence of this character. It may,

therefore, be safely assumed, that but for the relation of the

defendant before the court to another corporation, not before

the court—a relation to be presently stated—the court would

have measured out punishment on the basis of the facts just

stated.

"That under such circumstances the punishment would have been

the maximum punishment, does not seem possible; for the

maximum sentence, put into execution against the defendant

before the court, would wipe out, many times, and for its

first offence, all the property of the defendant. …

"Briefly stated, the reason of the trial court for imposing

this sentence was because, after conviction and before

sentence, it was brought out, on an examination of some of the

officers and stockholders of the Standard Oil Company of New

Jersey, that the capital stock of the Standard Oil Company of

Indiana, the defendants before the court, was principally

owned by the New Jersey corporation, a corporation not before

the court—the trial court adding (upon no evidence however to

be found in the record, and upon no information specially

referred to) that in concessions of the character for which

the defendant before the court had been indicted, tried, and

convicted, the New Jersey corporation was not a ‘virgin’

offender.

"Is a sentence such as this, based on reasoning such as that,

sound? Passing over the fact that no word of evidence or other

information supporting the trial court’s comment is to be

found in the record, would the comment, if duly proven,

justify a sentence such as this—one that otherwise would not

have been imposed? Can a court, without abuse of judicial

discretion, wipe out all the property of the defendant before

the court, and all the assets to which its creditors look, in

an effort to reach and punish a party that is not before the

court—a party that has not been convicted, has not been tried,

has not been indicted even? Can an American judge, without

abuse of judicial discretion, condemn any one who has not had

his day in court?

" That, to our mind, is strange doctrine in Anglo-Saxon

jurisprudence. …

"The judgment of the District Court is reversed and the case

remanded with instructions to grant a new trial, and proceed

further in accordance with this opinion."

The Government failed in attempts to secure a rehearing before

the Appellate Court, as well as in an application for the

reviewing of the case by the Supreme Court.

On the new trial to which the case was remanded Judge Landis,

whose judgment had been set aside, declined to sit, and Judge

A. B. Anderson, of Indianapolis, was called to Chicago to

occupy his bench. The trial was opened on the 23d of February,

1909. On the 2d of March Judge Anderson sustained the motion

of the defence that the government must proceed on the theory

that there were thirty-six alleged offences—that is, that each

settlement on which an alleged rebate was paid instead of each

carload, constituted a separate offence. This made it

impossible to claim a penalty beyond $720,000, being at the

rate of $20,000 for each offence. But even that was put out of

the question by the ultimate decision of the Judge, that the

law, as laid down by the United States Court of Appeals,

required him to direct the jury to find the Standard Oil

Company not guilty on the charge of accepting rebates from the

Chicago and Alton Railroad. This instruction he gave on the

10th of March, thus bringing the case to an end.

{125}

The outcome in this case was said to mean that all but two of

the pending indictments against the Standard Oil Company of

Indiana, as recapitulated above, are void and would be

abandoned by the Government. The two cases not affected are

cases involving the shipment of 1915 carloads of oil from

Whiting, Indiana, to Evansville, Indiana, via Dolton Junction,

over the Chicago and Eastern Illinois Railroad.

On the 15th of March, five days after the acquittal of the

Company in Illinois, a fine of $20,000 was imposed upon it by

the United States District Court of the Western District of

New York, on one of the indictments founded on shipments from

Rochester and Olean to points in Vermont. Previously, the New

York Central Railroad had paid a heavy fine for granting

rebates on those shipments.

Numerous State prosecutions, under State laws in Missouri,

Texas, Minnesota, Ohio, and elsewhere, had been assailing the

monopolistic corporation simultaneously with the proceedings

of the General Government against it, and some of them with

greater seriousness of effect than the Federal prosecutors had

accomplished. The more important of these were in Texas,

against the subsidiary Waters-Pierce Oil Company of Missouri,

and in Missouri, against that Company in association with the

Standard of Indiana, and with another of the same Trust

family. The Texas suit, after making its slow way through the

State courts and to the United States Supreme Court, came to

its conclusion early in 1909, with the result of a fine of

$1,623,500, and the exclusion of the Company from business in

the State. The suit in Missouri, as decided at about the same

time by the Supreme Court of the State, resulted in an order

for the dissolution of the Waters-Pierce Company and for the

perpetual exclusion of the other companies, chartered

elsewhere, from operations within the State. The outcome of

this vindication of the law of the State is understood to have

been an arrangement under which the business of the

Waters-Pierce Company is taken over by a new company, the

stock of which is held by trustees approved by the Supreme

Court of the State and acting as officers of the Court.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1905-1906.

The Tobacco Trust Case of Hale v. Henkel.

Denial by the Supreme Court of the claim of corporations

to be exempt from the production of books and papers

before a Grand Jury.

A proceeding begun by the Government of the United States, in

the spring of 1905, to ascertain the lawfulness or

unlawfulness of the methods of business pursued by the

so-called Tobacco Trust, was embarrassed by the refusal of a

witness to give evidence for which he was summoned before the

grand jury of the Circuit Court of the United States for the

Southern District of New York. The case pending was between

the United States and the American Tobacco Company and

MacAndrews & Forbes Company. The witness, Hale, was secretary

and treasurer of the MacAndrews & Forbes Company. He refused

to answer any questions that were put to him concerning the

business of that company, or to produce any of the books,

accounts, contracts, correspondence, etc., that were demanded,

being advised by counsel that he was under no legal obligation

to do so, and that the evidence given or produced by him might

tend to incriminate himself. He was held to be in contempt of

Court and was committed to the custody of the United States

Marshal. Being then, on a writ of habeas corpus,

brought before another judge of the same Court, after a

hearing, the writ was discharged and he was remanded to

custody (June 18, 1905). An appeal to the Supreme Court

followed, which was argued in the early days of January, 1906,

and decided on the 12th of March following.

The decision of the Court, rendered by Justice Brown, was on

two issues which it found to be presented in the case: The

first involving "the immunity of the witness from oral

examination; the second the legality of his action in refusing

to produce the documents called for by the subpœna duces

tecum." The witness justified his refusal to answer questions,

"1st upon the ground that there was no specific ‘charge’

pending before the grand jury against any particular person;

2d that the answers would tend to criminate him." On the first

point the Court found it "entirely clear that under the

practice in this country, at least, the examination of

witnesses need not be preceded by a presentment or indictment

formally drawn up, but that the grand jury may proceed, either

upon their own knowledge or upon the examination of witnesses,

to inquire for themselves whether a crime cognizable by the

Court has been committed." As to the plea of an apprehended

self-incrimination, the Court held that the witness was

protected by the act which provides that no person shall be

prosecuted on account of anything concerning which he may

testify or produce evidence. But it was further insisted that

while the immunity statute may protect individual witnesses it

would not protect the corporation of which the appellant was

the agent and representative. "This is true," says the Court,

"but the answer is that it was not designed to do so. The

right of a person under the Fifth Amendment to refuse to

incriminate himself is purely a personal privilege of the

witness. It was never intended to permit him to plead the fact

that some third person might be incriminated by his testimony,

even though he were the agent of such person."

On the second issue in the case, the substance of the decision

is in the following passages from it:

"Having already held that, by reason of the immunity act of

1903, the witness could not avail himself of the Fifth

Amendment, it follows that he cannot set up that Amendment as

against the production of the books and papers, since in

respect to these he would also be protected by the immunity

act. … We are of the opinion that there is a clear distinction

in this particular between an individual and a corporation,

and that the latter has no right to refuse to submit its books

and papers for an examination at the suit of the State. … The

individual may stand upon his constitutional rights as a

citizen. He is entitled to carry on his private business in

his own way. … Among his rights are a refusal to incriminate

himself, and the immunity of himself and his property from

arrest or seizure except under a warrant of the law. … Upon

the other hand, the corporation is a creature of the State. It

is presumed to be incorporated for the benefit of the public.

… Its rights to act as a corporation are only preserved to it

so long as it obeys the laws of its creation. There is a

reserved right in the Legislature to investigate its contracts

and to find out whether it has exceeded its powers. … The

defense amounts to this: That an officer of a corporation,

which is charged with a criminal violation of the statute, may

plead the criminality of such corporation as a refusal to

produce its books.

{126}

To state this proposition is to answer it. While an individual

may lawfully refuse to answer incriminating questions unless

protected by an immunity statute, it does not follow that a

corporation, vested with special privileges and franchises,

may refuse to show its hand when charged with an abuse of such

privileges."

Taking note of the fact that the franchises of the corporation

in this case were derived from one of the States, the Court

proceeds to say:

"Such franchises, so far as they involve questions of

inter-State commerce, must also be exercised in subordination

to the power of Congress to regulate such commerce, and in

respect to this the General Government may also assert a

sovereign authority to ascertain whether such franchises have

been exercised in a lawful manner, with due regard to its own

laws. … The powers of the General Government in this

particular, in vindication of its own laws, are the same as if

the corporation had been created by an act of Congress."

Justices Harlan and McKenna dissented from some of the views

set forth in the opinion of the majority, as declared by

Justice Brown, but concurred in the final judgment, which

affirmed the order of the Circuit Court, remanding the

prisoner to the custody of the Marshal. Justice Brewer and the

Chief Justice dissented from the conclusions relative to

corporations, and from the judgment, holding that "the order

of the Circuit Court should be reversed and the case remanded

with instructions to discharge the petitioner, leaving the

grand jury to initiate new proceedings not subject to the

objections to this."

Federal Anti-Trust Decisions, 1900-1906,

prepared and edited by

James A. Finch by direction of the Attorney-General,

Volume 2, page 874

(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1907).

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1906-1910.

The Standard Oil Company.

Suit of the Government for its dissolution.

Decree for its dissolution by the Circuit Court.

Appeal to the Supreme Court.

Entirely distinct from the criminal prosecutions of the

Standard Oil Company by the United States Government, as

reviewed above was a suit begun in November, 1906, in the

United States Circuit Court for the Eastern Division of

Missouri. The former actions were to penalize the Company for

violations of the Elkins Act, by the procuring of railway

rebates. The later suit was to dissolve the combination in

restraint of trade which the Company was alleged to be, and

therefore illegally existing, in the view of the Sherman

Anti-Trust Law. The complaint was directed against the parent

organization, known as the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey,

with its various subsidiary corporations. It was also directed

against seven individuals namely, John D. Rockefeller, William

Rockefeller, Henry M. Flagler, Henry H. Rogers (now deceased),

John D. Archbold, Oliver H. Payne, and Charles M. Pratt. The

main company, its branches, and these individuals were charged

in the complaint with having entered into an agreement,

combination, and conspiracy to restrain trade and commerce

among the several States, to monopolize the trade in

petroleum, both in its purchase and its shipment and

transportation by pipe-line, steamships and by rail, also in

the manufacture and refining of petroleum.

One of the evidences of its monopoly adduced by the Government

was the enormity of its earnings which were summarized thus:

The Standard Oil Trust and the Standard Oil Company, on an

investment of $69,024,480, had earned up to the end of 1906,

$838,783,783. Adding the estimated profits of 1907 and 1908,

we have substantially, the brief states, a billion dollars

earned by this company in twenty-seven years, with an original

investment of about $69,000,000.

The United States asked for a perpetual injunction, and for

the dissolution of the Standard Oil combination. Hearings were

held in New York, Washington, Chicago, Cleveland, and St.

Louis, about four hundred witnesses being examined. It was not

until the 5th of April, 1909, that the case reached the stage

of argument, before Judges Walter H. Sanborn, Willis Van

Devanter, William C. Hook and Elmer B. Adams, constituting the

United States Circuit Court at St. Louis. The decision of the

Court was announced on the 20th of the following November, the

four judges concurring in the opinion, written by Judge

Sanborn, which held the Standard Oil Company to be an illegal

corporation and decreed its dissolution. The character of the

decision appears from the syllabus of Judge Sanborn’s opinion,

which reads:

"Congress has power under the commercial clause of the

Constitution to regulate and restrict the use in commerce

among the several States, and with foreign nations, of

contracts, of the method of holding title to property and of

every other instrumentality employed in that commerce, so far

as it may be necessary to do so, in order to prevent the

restraint thereof denounced by the Anti-Trust Act of July 2,

1890 (26 Stat. 29).

"Test of the legality of a combination under this act is its

necessary effect upon competition in commerce among the States

or with foreign nations. If its necessary effect is only

incidentally or indirectly to restrict the competition, while

its chief result is to foster the trade and increase the

business of those who make and operate it, it does not violate

that law. But if its necessary effect is to stifle or directly

and substantially to restrict free competition in commerce

among the States, or with foreign nations, it is illegal

within the meaning of that statute.

"The power to restrict competition in commerce among the

several States, or with foreign nations, vested in a person or

an association of persons by a combination, is indicative of

the character of the combination, because it is to the

interest of the parties that such a power should be exercised,

and the presumption is that it will be.

"The combination in a single corporation or person, by an

exchange of stock, of the power of many stockholders holding

the same proportions, respectively, of the majority of the

stock of each of the several corporations engaged in commerce

in the same articles among the States, or with foreign

nations, to restrict competition therein, renders the power

thus vested in the former greater, more easily exercised, more

durable, and more effective than that previously held by the

stockholders, and it is illegal.

{127}

"In 1899 the stockholders of the Standard Oil Company of New

Jersey owned a majority of the stock of nineteen other

corporations in the same proportions that they owned the stock

of the Standard Company, and those twenty corporations

controlled by the owners of the majority of their stock or

otherwise many other corporations. Each of these corporations

was engaged in some part of the business of producing, buying,

refining, transporting, and selling petroleum and its

products, and they were conducting about 30 per cent. of the

production of the crude oil and more than 75 per cent. of the

business of the purchasing, refining, transporting, and

selling petroleum and its products in this country. Many of

them were engaged in commerce in these articles among the

several States and with foreign nations, and were naturally

competitive.

"During the ten years prior to 1879 the seven individual

defendants had acquired control of many corporations,

partnerships, and refiners that had been competing in this

business, had placed the majority of the stock of those

corporations and the interests in property in business thus

obtained in various trustees to be held and operated by them

for the stockholders of the Standard Oil Company, one of the

nineteen companies in which the individual defendants were

principal stockholders, and had thereby suppressed competition

among these corporations and partnerships.

"In 1879, they and their associates caused all the trustees to

convey their interests in the stock, property and business of

these corporations to five trustees, to be held, operated and

distributed by them for the stockholders of the Standard

Company of Ohio. From 1879, until 1892, they prevented these

corporations and others engaged in this business, of which

they secured control, from competing in this commerce by

causing the control of their operations and generally of a

majority of their stocks, to be held in trust for the

stockholders of the Standard Company of Ohio, and, from 1892,

until 1899, they accomplished the same result by a similar

stock-holding device, and by the joint equitable ownership of

the majority of the stocks of the corporations."

Appeal from the decree has been taken to the Supreme Court,

where it was preceded by the appeal of the Tobacco Trust from

a similar decree, involving substantially the same questions,

according to what seems to be the general view of the Bar. On

the 17th of January, 1910, the Supreme Court of the United

States granted the motion of the Government for the

advancement on the docket of the Standard Oil case, and set

the hearing for March 14.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907.

The chief existing combinations.

Their operation through stock ownership.

"Passing the matter of railroad combinations, as to which it

may be said that through stock ownership the control of all

American lines is now concentrated in seven groups of parent

properties, we are chiefly concerned with the practical use

that has been made of the new corporate power by the largest

and strongest of our manufacturing and industrial enterprises.

"The United States Steel Corporation, organized under the laws

of New Jersey, with a capital stock of $1,100,000,000 owns a

majority of the stock of eleven subsidiary companies, and

controls industries scattered over the entire country under

different styles and corporate names. This corporation owns or

manages 213 manufacturing and transportation plants and

forty-one mines located in eighteen different States; it has

more than 1,000 miles of railroad tracks to ore, coke and

manufacturing properties, and a lake fleet of 112 vessels.

This stock ownership gives it control of hundreds of millions

of capital that is not represented by its own billion dollars

of stock.

"The Amalgamated Copper Company, incorporated in New Jersey,

has no asset whatever except the stocks of other corporations.

It owns all the stock of four operating companies and a

controlling interest in seven others, and has taken them over

by an issue of $155,000,000 of its own stock.

"The American Smelting and Refining Company, organized under

the laws of New Jersey, controls the business of thirteen

corporations, in which it either owns the entire stock or a

majority interest. Associated with it are the American Linseed

Company, the National Lead Company and the United Lead

Company, and they together control twenty-eight concerns and

ninety-three affiliated corporations.

"The Standard Oil Company, incorporated in New Jersey, with a

capital stock of $110,000,000, controls, directs and manages

more than seventy corporations through its possession of a

majority of their stock. Some of these companies own stock in

still other corporations, and all together the combine

operates more than 400 separate and distinct properties, thus

monopolizing 90 per cent, of the export oil trade and 84 per

cent. of the domestic trade. The market value of its

capitalization is about $650,000,000, and all this vast

property was brought together under one head without the

payment of a single dollar of cash, the whole consolidation

being effected through the issue of stock in the holding

company in payment of stock in the companies that are held.

"The United Gas Improvement Company, incorporated in

Pennsylvania, own stock in thirty corporations doing the

character of business for which it was organized, and in

addition to this is interested in numerous street railway

properties, including the New York City surface railways. With

it is allied the Public Service Corporation of New Jersey and

the Rhode Island Securities Company, which last named owns all

the stock of the Rhode Island Company, which again has leased

for 999 years several of the most important railroad companies

doing business in that State. The power of this corporation,

through this system of stock ownership, is scarcely

calculable, and the value of properties controlled would equal

hundreds of millions, although its own capital stock is but

$36,000,000.

"The American Tobacco Company, organized under the laws of New

Jersey, with a capital stock of $40,000,000, practically

controls the whole market through its ownership of the stock

of innumerable other corporations.

"The International Harvester Company, incorporated in New

Jersey, with a capital stock of $120,000,000, while probably

not a holding company, maintains most, if not all, the

corporations which it has bought out, and they are operated as

if they were distinct and competing concerns.

"The American Sugar Refining Company, incorporated in New

Jersey, with a common stock of $40,000,000, controls

fifty-three other corporations.

{128}

"The American Telegraph and Telephone Company, incorporated in

New York, with a capital stock of $250,000,000 controls,

through stock ownership, thirty-five subsidiary corporations.

"The Western Union Telegraph Company owns stock in twenty-four

other corporations; the Distillers’ Security Company owns 90

per cent. of the stocks of the Distilling Company of America,

and has acquired ninety-three plants, representing 60 per

cent. of the industry; the Philadelphia Rapid Transit Company

owns the stock of twelve elevated and street railway

companies; the Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company owns the stock

of seven others; the Metropolitan Securities Company of New

York owns the stock of many traction companies, and the

controlling interest in others; the Inter-State Railways of

New Jersey own all the stock of the United Power and

Transportation Company, which latter company controls the

capital and franchises of about forty other projected

companies in New Jersey and Pennsylvania; while the

International Mercantile Marine Company of New Jersey owns a

majority of the shares of many of the most important steamship

companies whose vessels cross the Atlantic Ocean.

"These are but a few instances of the promotion of

combinations through stock ownership."

Wade H. Ellis,

Attorney-General of Ohio,

Paper read at National Conference on Trusts and

Combinations, Chicago, October 22, 1907.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907.

National Conference on the Trust Question, invited

by the National Civic Federation.

A remarkably representative and impressive assembly at

Chicago, of delegates from all parts of the country, and

voicing all interests, was brought about by the invitation of

the National Civic Federation, in October, 1907, for a

thorough discussion of the questions which troubled the

country and confused its attitude toward Trusts and

Combinations, as subjects of regulation by law. There had been

a similar conference at Chicago in 1899, at the call of the

Civic Federation of that city; but no common ground of

agreement could then be found. The subject, as was afterwards

said, "was too new, too vaguely understood for men to be of

one mind in regard to it." But eight years later, in 1907, "it

appeared to the leaders of the National Civic Federation not

improbable that a new conference might lead to some definite

pronouncement of opinion. … Leaders of opinion in all walks of

life gave the project their hearty endorsement. … The matter

was taken up with great interest by the Governors of the

several States and by the presidents of commercial bodies, who

named delegates in response to the invitation of the National

Civic Federation. A significant evidence of this greater

interest is found in the larger number of delegations

appointed in 1907 than in 1899. The records show the

following:

Delegations.             1899. 1907.

Appointed by Governors    33    39

Appointed by national

and State organizations   22    33

Appointed by

labor organizations        7    14

Appointed by local

commercial bodies         33    58

Total                     95   144

"Furthermore, the attendance of 492 delegates in 1907 might be

contrasted with that of 238 delegates at the earlier

conference.

"The conference of 1907, though larger in numbers, was much

more of a unit in sentiment. It developed at an early stage of

the discussion that there was no important element

antagonizing the trust and combination as such. There were few

speakers who failed to dwell upon the advantages which had

accrued to the nation from some combinations, and from the

spirit of association which, after all, cannot be separated

from them. On the other hand, there was no lack of emphasis in

dwelling upon the evils which had been disclosed among trusts

and combinations.

"The resolutions of the conference, adopted by a unanimous

vote, reveal these tendencies. They are a call for further

examination and more light, but a call for such examination

along certain pretty well-defined lines. They should receive

the attention of Congress as an expression of the popular will

on this pressing question."

The Conference held nine sessions, extending over four days,

focusing the thought of the best minds of the country, and the

counsels of the largest practical experience, on all points in

the many-sided problem before it. On all that appear most

important among those points it came to a full and clear

agreement in its conclusions, as embodied in the following

resolutions, which were adopted by unanimous vote, a committee

being appointed to present them to Congress and to the

President:

"After twenty years of Federal legislation as interpreted by

the courts, directed against the evils of trusts and

combinations, and against railroad rebates, beginning with the

interstate commerce act of 1887 and the anti-trust act of

1890, a general and just conviction exists that the experience

gained in enforcing these federal acts and others succeeding

them demonstrates the necessity of legislation which shall

render more secure the benefits already gained and better meet

the changed conditions which have arisen during a long period

of active progress, both in the enforcement of statute law and

in the removal of grave abuses in the management of railroads

and corporations. These changes now demanded are:

"First—Immediate legislation is required, following the

recommendation of President Roosevelt and the Interstate

Commerce Commission, permitting agreements between railroad

corporations on reasonable freight and passenger rates,

subject in all respects to the approval, supervision, and

action of the Interstate Commerce Commission.

"Second—The enforcement of the Sherman act and the proceedings

under it during the administrations of Presidents Harrison,

Cleveland, McKinley, and Roosevelt have accomplished great

national results in awakening the moral sense of the American

people and in asserting the supremacy and majesty of the law,

thus effectually refuting the impression that great wealth and

large corporations were too powerful for the impartial

execution of law. This great advance has rendered more secure

all property rights, resting, as they must, under a popular

government, on universal respect for and obedience to law. But

now that this work is accomplished, it has revealed the

necessity for legislation which shall maintain all that the

Sherman act was intended to secure and safeguard interests it

was never expected to affect.

{129}

"As the next step in executing the determination of the

American people to secure in all industrial and commercial

relations justice and equality of opportunity for all, with

full sympathy and loyal support for every effort to enforce

the laws in the past, we urge upon Congress without delay to

pass legislation providing for a non-partisan commission, in

which the interests of capital, of labor, and of the general

public shall be represented. This commission, like a similar

commission, which proved most successful in Germany in 1870,

shall consider the entire subject of business and industrial

combinations and report such proposals, as to the formation,

capitalization, management and regulation of corporations (so

far as the same may be subject to federal jurisdiction) as

shall preserve individual initiative competition, and the free

exercise of a free contract in all business and industrial

relations. Any proposed legislation should also include

modification of the prohibition now existing upon combinations

on the following subjects:

"1. National and local organizations of labor and their trade

agreements with employers relating to wages, hours of labor,

and conditions of employment.

"2. Associations made up of farmers, intended to secure a

stable and equitable market for the products of the soil free

from fluctuations due to speculation.

"3. Business and industrial agreements of combinations whose

objects are in the public interest as distinguished from

objects determined to be contrary to the public interest.

"4. Such commission should make a thorough inquiry into the

advisability of inaugurating a system of federal license or

incorporation as a condition for the entrance of certain

classes of corporations upon interstate commerce and also into

the relation to the public interest of the purchase by one

corporation of the franchises or corporate stock of another.

"On no one of these subjects must what has been gained be

sacrificed until something better appears for enactment. On

each, this conference recognizes differences between good men.

On all, it asks a national non-partisan commission to be

appointed next winter to consider the question and report at

the second session of the approaching Congress for such action

as the national legislature, in the light of this full

investigation, may enact.

"Third—The examination, inspection and supervision of great

producing and manufacturing corporations, already begun by the

Department of Commerce and Labor and accepted by these

corporations, should be enlarged by legislation requiring,

through the appropriate bureaus of the Department of Commerce

and Labor, complete publicity in the capitalization, accounts,

operations, transportation charges paid, and selling prices of

all such producing and manufacturing corporations whose

operations are large enough to have a monopolistic influence.

This should be determined and decided by some rule and

classification to be devised by the commission already

proposed.

"Fourth—The conflicts between State and Federal authorities

raised in many States over railroad rates being now under

adjudication and under way to a final and ultimate decision by

the Federal Supreme Court, this conference deems the

expression of an opinion on these issues unfitting, and

confidently leaves this great issue to a tribunal which for

118 years has successfully preserved the balance between an

indissoluble union and indestructible State, defining the

supreme and national powers of the one and protecting the

sovereign and individual powers of the other."

Proceedings of the National Conference

on Trusts and Combinations,

Chicago, October 22-25, 1907

(New York: National Civic Federation, 1908).

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907-1909.

Thievery of the Sugar Trust.

In the fall of 1907 disclosures were made to the Government

which led to an investigation of the methods whereby imports

of raw sugar for the American Sugar Refining Company, known

commonly as the Sugar Trust, were weighed for the payment of

Customs duties, at the Company’s docks in Williamsburgh and

Jersey City. The result of the investigation was to prove that

this enormously wealthy corporation, not satisfied with

extortions of profit from the public by its monopoly of the

vast sugar trade of the country, had stooped to practices of

systematic theft from the Government, by devices that would

almost shame the professional players of a thimble rigging

game. Several ingenious inventions of trickery with the

weighing scales had been employed at the sugar docks prior to

1904, but the crowning one appears to have been brought to use

in that year. "This," said the New York Evening Post of

April 29, 1909, in a full rehearsal of the story of the Sugar

Trust larcenies, "consisted of a thin steel corset spring,

which was inserted through a hole drilled in the uprights or

stanchions supporting the scales. If inserted at a time when

there was a load on the platform, its pressure against the

walking beam of the scale resulted in creating a false

balance, and in making the load appear considerably lighter

than it really was. This little device proved to be so

satisfactory for the purposes for which it was designed that

it was fitted to all the seventeen government scales at the

Havemeyer & Elder refinery. Holes were drilled in the

stanchions of each of the scales—hence the ‘case of the

seventeen holes’ to which Mr. Stimson called attention. So

successful was the operation of this mechanism that it was

used constantly down to the very day, November 20, 1907, when

a United States Treasury agent found it in use.

"The method of use was simple. The scales were placed with the

stanchions in a dark corner, next to the wall, and close

beside this stanchion sat the company’s checker, whose

ostensible duty it was to record in a little book the weight

of each load as it was read off to him by the government

weigher standing at the other end of the scale. The checker’s

really important duty seems to have been, however, to

manipulate the steel spring through the hole in the stanchion,

so that on each truck load, the company which employed him was

saved the payment of duty on some fourteen pounds of sugar.

"Evidence was adduced at the subsequent trial to show that the

company considered this special service on the part of its

checkers worthy of additional compensation. For although there

were seventeen scales, all of which could be used for this

purpose, practically all the weighing was done on six, and the

six reliable checkers who, year in and year out, operated the

little steel springs, all received extra pay in their weekly

pay envelopes for this service."

{130}

Consequent on the discovery of these facts, "several

indictments were found against the Sugar Trust’s employees,

and with that discovery as a basis the government began to

work up its case. … When the government came to work up its

case and to fix approximately the amount out of which it had

been defrauded, it was found possible to present a piece of

evidence which so thoroughly clinched the case that defence,

when it came to be made, was so weak as to be negligible. This

evidence consisted of a tabulation comparing the weights of

sugar on which duty was paid and the weights for which the

company paid the planters between the time the first cargo of

sugar of December, 1901, arrived at the refinery and the

discovery of the fraud in November, 1907.

"It took a score or more of accountants working steadily for

six months to complete the tabulation, but when it was

finished the astonishing corroborative story it told made it

well worth all the time and trouble expended. Never was there

a better example of the deadly parallel. For every entry the

weights on which duties were levied was set alongside of the

weights for which the company paid the planters."

The first result of the proceedings of the Government against

the thievish Trust was a pecuniary settlement with it,

concerning which the following official statement was given

out at Washington, by Attorney-General Wickersham, on the 29th

of April, 1909:

"The Attorney-General, with the concurrence of the Secretary

of the Treasury, has just approved a settlement between the

American Sugar Refining Company and the United States

Government of all the claims which the latter has against it

arising out of the fraudulent weighing on the docks of its

refineries at Brooklyn and Jersey City. In making this

settlement the sugar company pays in full the recent judgment

for the penalty in the amount of $134,411.03, which was

awarded against it by the jury in the case tried in the

federal court last March, with interest, and agrees to take no

appeal from the judgment.

"In addition to this, it pays into the United States treasury

$2,000,000 more, representing the duties which have been

unpaid during the last twelve years, owing to the fraudulent

practices, $1,239,088.97 of this amount has already been paid

in under protest to Collector Loeb on his reliquidation, as a

result of the trial above mentioned, of the duties upon the

cargoes entered at the Havemeyer & Elder refineries between

the years 1901 and 1907, when the frauds were discovered.

"The sugar company abandons its protests on these payments and

gives up its right to appeal from Mr. Loeb’s reliquidation and

in addition to this pays into the United States treasury the

above judgment and over $760,000 more to cover the duties

unpaid at the Havemeyer & Elder docks prior to 1901 and at the

Jersey City refinery between 1896 and 1906.

"This settlement with the sugar company in nowise affects the

criminal prosecution of the individuals who are responsible

for the perpetration of these frauds, and such prosecutions

will be pressed to a finish by the government."

[Soon after this settlement with the Government by the Sugar

Trust for shortage in payment of duties, the firm of Arbuckle

Brothers made a similar settlement, paying $695,573.19.]

A few days after the above announcement of a pecuniary

settlement with the American Sugar Refining Company, the Grand

Jury of the Circuit Court in the New York District presented

indictments against Oliver Spitzer, who was superintendent on

the company’s docks, Thomas Kehoe, Eugene M. Voelker, Edward

A. Boyle, J. R. Coyle, J. M. Halligan, Jr., and Patrick J.

Hennessy.

In November, further indictments were found against these

employees of the company, and James F. Bendernagel, general

superintendent of the Williamsburgh refinery for many years

past, was arrested on an indictment found by the same grand

jury. The trial of the accused, in the United States District

Court, was opened on the 30th of November.

On the 17th of January, 1910, Charles R. Heike, secretary and

treasurer of the American Sugar Refining Company, was

arraigned before Judge Hough in the criminal branch of the

United States Circuit Court, charged with making false entries

and conspiring to defraud the government.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907-1909.

Suit of the Government against the Tobacco Trust.

Decree of Circuit Court restraining the combined

companies from interstate and foreign trade.

On the 10th of July, 1907, the Government began suit at New

York against the so-called Tobacco Trust. The defendants in

the case included 65 corporations and 27 individuals, the

principals, however, being six companies, namely, the American

Tobacco Company, the British-American Tobacco Company, the

Imperial Tobacco Company, the American Snuff Company, the

American Cigar Company, and the United American Cigarette

Company. Of these the parent organization, dominating all the

others, is the American Tobacco Company, which began the

finally gigantic combination in a small way in 1890. The

object sought in the Government’s suit was an injunction to

restrain the combination as such from engaging in interstate

and foreign trade, or for the appointment of receivers to take

the management of the business concerned.

The case was argued before the Second Circuit Court of the

United States in May, 1908, and the decision of the Court was

announced on the 7th of November following, Judges Lacombe,

Noyes, and Coxe agreeing and Judge Ward dissenting. The Court

found that an injunction should issue against some, but not

all, of the principal defendants, to prevent the continuance

of their violation of the Sherman Anti-Trust Law. It acquitted

the Trust, however, of the charge of dishonest and oppressive

practices, and it denied the application for receiverships.

The final decree of the Court was filed on the 15th of

December, 1908.

Appeals to the Supreme Court of the United States were taken,

both by the Government and by the defendants, and the case was

pending in that Court at the close of the year 1909. Mean time

the decree has been in suspense.

{131}

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907-1909.

Suit to dissolve the alleged Anthracite Coal Combination.

The following statements were made in an Associated Press

despatch from Philadelphia, March 8, 1909:

"Testimony of the Government in its suit against the

anthracite coal-carrying railroads and several coal companies,

to dissolve a so-called Trust agreement, alleged to be

existing among them, has been filed in the Circuit Court of

the United States for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

"Suit was begun here on June 12, 1907, and in the course of

three months all the defendants made answer, denying the

allegations of the Government. Subsequently, the court

appointed an examiner to take testimony, and a great part of

last year was taken up in hearing witnesses, sessions being

held mainly in Philadelphia and New York.

"The Government closed its case in New York several weeks ago,

having taken more than its allotted time, and the next move

will be for the Government to file a motion apportioning a

certain amount of time for the defendant companies to present

their witnesses for examination. Much of the testimony thus

far has been documentary, and it is believed this will be the

case with the defendants. After all the testimony is filed

with the court for review, arguments will be had on the case.

"It is impossible at this time to indicate when the case will

be ended, but it seems probable that a year or more will have

elapsed before it is legally decided whether a hard coal

monopoly, as alleged, exists in Pennsylvania."

See, also, proceedings under the "Commodities Clause" of

the Hepburn Act, and decision of United States Supreme

Court, in this Volume, under RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D.

1906-1909.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1908.

Declarations in Party Platforms on Trusts.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1908-1909.

Amending the Sherman Anti-Trust Law.

Action of the National Civic Federation.

The resolutions adopted at the great National Conference of

1907 on the Trust Question, as recited above, were duly

presented to Congress at its next session, and to the

President, with results which were stated at the annual

meeting of the National Civic Federation in December, 1908, by

its President, the Honorable Seth Low, as follows:

"When these resolutions were presented to the two Houses, the

Conference Committee was asked to submit a definite Bill in

legislative form to carry out its proposals. The Conference

itself had given no such authority to any Committee; but, in

view of the situation as it had developed, the Executive

Committee of the Federation took the matter up. The result of

its action was the preparation of a Bill, which was submitted

in due time to Congress, and which became the subject of

numerous hearings before the Judiciary Committees both of the

House and of the Senate, but especially of the House. The Bill

of last spring was based upon the belief that at that time,

and before the approaching Presidential election, it would be

impossible to change the substantive law as embodied in the

Sherman Anti-Trust Act. This being taken for granted, it

became impossible to do more than propose a method by which,

without changing the law, certain restraints of trade, if not

disapproved in advance by some government authority, might be

assured freedom from prosecution. The hearings before the

Congressional Committees made it evident that no relief from

the embarrassments caused by the Sherman Anti-Trust Law can be

looked for along this line of procedure. Perhaps it ought also

to be said that none ought to be looked for, because the

situation really calls for a change in the substantive

provisions of the law. Let no one imagine, however, that it is

an easy thing to say what such changes in the law ought to be.

Your Committee last spring began its work in the hope that it

would be able to submit a law which would command very large

support, not only from employers but also from organized

labor. After working upon the subject for many weeks, the Bill

which it actually presented commanded no large measure of

support from either. The mercantile classes favor amendments

to the law which, instead of forbidding all restraints of

trade, will forbid only unreasonable restraints of trade; and

which will provide amnesty for the past,

(1) on the theoretical ground that what has been done has

often been done without any realization that it was contrary

to the law; and

(2) on the practical ground that to attempt to rip up what has

already been done will destroy the industry of the country. The

representatives of organized labor, on the other hand, ask to

be omitted altogether from the provisions of the Sherman Act.

It is evident to your Committee that the changes desired by

the mercantile classes are going to meet with very serious

objection, unless they are combined with some positive

legislation which will provide some effective method of

assuring to the country, in the future, the power to protect

itself in advance from new combinations in the industrial

sphere, such as have been made in the past, and which

originally created the sentiment which placed the Sherman

Anti-Trust Law upon the statute books.

"In other words, precisely as a city may desire to limit the

height of buildings, for the future, without taking down those

that are already erected, so many persons believe that the

right to make commercial combinations, in the future, should

be under some sort of governmental control, even though those

already formed be left unmolested; and such persons, also,

believe that there is the same inherent right in the body

politic to do the one as the other. On the other hand, the

demand of organized labor to be exempted altogether from the

operations of this Act has been objected to in the past, and

is likely to be objected to in the future, as class

legislation of a kind that has no place on American soil,

because organized labor is believed to be capable of

exercising restraint of trade no less than commercial

corporations.

"These being the terms of the problem, it is apparent, on the

face of things, that the effort to amend the Sherman

Anti-Trust Law in any effective way is beset by difficulties

at every turn. … The whole subject is made infinitely

difficult by the Constitutional limitations upon the power of

Congress, which have led the United States Supreme Court to

decide, in effect, that Congress can regulate inter-State

commerce, but cannot regulate the corporation that does it;

because the corporation that does inter-State commerce is a

creature of the State and not of the United States. The

separate States, on the other hand, can regulate the

corporations that do inter State commerce, because they create

them; but the States cannot regulate the inter-state commerce

that is done, because under the United States Constitution,

inter-State commerce is under National control. It cannot be

too clearly apprehended that the effect of this situation is,

that neither sovereignty—neither the National sovereignty nor

the State sovereignty—can regulate both the agent that does

inter-State commerce and the inter-State commerce that is

done."

{132}

In the National Civic Federation Review of March, 1909,

it was announced that "the Executive Council of the National

Civic Federation has appointed a committee to draft proposed

amendments to the Sherman Anti-Trust act. By request of the

lawyers upon the committee Seth Low will serve as chairman.

The other members are Frederick P. Fish, of Boston; Frederick

N. Judson, of St. Louis; Reuben D. Silliman, of New York, and

Henry W. Taft, of New York.

"No attempt will be made to submit anything to the present

session of Congress. It is proposed to draft a tentative bill

as soon as a careful study of the problems will permit. This

will then be submitted for examination and suggestion to

various representative bodies in all parts of the country, and

with the aid of the comments thus received the final draft of

the bill to be submitted will be prepared."

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.

Report of the Commissioner of Corporations on the

Tobacco Combination, or so-called Trust.

Parts of an elaborate report on the organization of the

Tobacco Combination were published in February, 1909, by the

Commissioner of Corporations, Herbert Knox Smith. It showed

the combination to be composed of "the American Tobacco

Company and its three great subsidiary combinations, the

American Snuff Company, the American Cigar Company, and the

British-American Company, besides eighty two other subsidiary

concerns doing business in the United States, Porto Rico, and

Cuba. The combination represents a total net capitalization of

over $316,000,000. A very small group of ten stockholders

controls 60 per cent. of the outstanding voting stock of the

American Tobacco Company, through which company the entire

combination is controlled."

A list of the subsidiary companies controlled, "including over

twenty hitherto secretly controlled, so-called ‘bogus

independent concerns,'" is given in the report. It is shown

also that the combination is practically the only important

exporter of tobacco manufactures from this country. In 1891

the combination controlled 89 per cent. of the business of

cigarette manufactures, and this proportion practically is

maintained. In cigars its output increased from 4 per cent. of

the business in 1897 to 14.7 per cent, in 1906; while in

manufactured tobacco (chewing, smoking, fine-cut, and snuff)

"the combination’s output increased from 7 per cent. of the

total in 1891 to 77 per cent. in 1906. Finally, in 1906, the

combination controlled of these separate products,

respectively, plug, 82 per cent.; smoking, 71 per cent.;

fine-cut, 81 per cent., and snuff, 96 per cent." In the year

1906 the combination used in the manufacture of its various

products nearly 300,000,000 pounds of leaf tobacco. The report

adds:

"An idea of the absorption of competing plants and of the

changes through combination within the last decade may be had

from the fact that in 1897 the combination had ten plants,

each producing over 50,000 pounds of manufactured tobacco or

snuff per year, while there were 243 independent plants of the

same class. In 1906, on the other hand, the combination had 45

plants of this class, and independent manufacturers 140.

Especially conspicuous has been the absorption of the large

plants. In 1897 the combination had eight plants, each

producing over 1,000,000 pounds of these products per year,

while its competitors had forty-six such plants. In 1906 the

combination had thirty-four plants of this size, and

independent concerns only seventeen."

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.

Merger of Telephone and Telegraph Corporations.

Announcement of one of the most important financial mergers of

recent years was made November 16, 1909, when the American

Telephone and Telegraph Company disclosed its acquirement of

control of the Western Union Telegraph Company. "The American

Telephone and Telegraph Company has obtained the control of a

substantial minority interest in the shares of the Western

Union Telegraph Company," was the wording of the official

statement, but it became known that sufficient voting rights

of other stock had been obtained to give the telephone

interests control of the telegraph company.

According to a statement issued on May 1, 1909, the total

capital and outstanding interest-bearing obligations of the

American Telephone and Telegraph Company and allied systems

was $592,475,400. This amount included capital stock

aggregating $361,636,800, subdivided as follows: American

Telephone and Telegraph Company, $208,393,500; associated

operating companies in the United States and Canada, about

thirty-five in number, $142,674,400; associated holding and

manufacturing companies, $10,668,900. "The Western Union has a

capitalization of $125,000,000 in stock and $40,000,000 in

bonds.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.

Threatened combination to control the Water Power of the

country.

Speaking at the National Irrigation Congress, convened at

Spokane, Washington, in August, 1909, the National Forester,

Gifford Pinchot, declared that, notwithstanding the

contradictions issued by the parties in interest, a gigantic

combination was forming to seize the sources of the country’s

water power, and be in a position later to dominate all

industry.

"There could be no better illustration," he said, "of the

eager, rapid, unwearied absorption by capital of the rights

which belong to all the people than the Water Power Trust, not

yet formed, but in rapid progress of formation. This statement

is true, but not unchallenged. We are met at every turn by the

indignant denial of the water power interests. They tell us

that there is no community of interest among them, and yet

they appear year after year at these Congresses by their paid

attorneys, asking for your influence to help them remove the

few remaining obstacles to their perpetual and complete

absorption of the remaining water powers. They tell us it has

no significance that the General Electric interests are

acquiring great groups of water powers in various parts of the

United States, and dominating the power market in the region

of each group. And whoever dominates power, dominates all

industry. … The time for us to agitate this question is now,

before the separate circles of centralized control spread into

the uniform, unbroken, nation-wide covering of a single

gigantic Trust. There will be little chance for mere agitation

after that. No man at all familiar with the situation can

doubt that the time for effective protest is very short."

{133}

The same warning has been given by others who are in a

position to speak with knowledge, and heed has been given to

them by the Government. The annual report of the Secretary of

the Interior, the Honorable Richard A. Ballinger, made public

November 28, 1909, contained the following important

announcement: "In anticipation of new legislation by Congress

to prevent the acquisition of power sites on the public domain

by private persons or corporations with the view of

monopolizing or adversely controlling them against the public

interest, there have been temporarily withdrawn from all forms

of entry approximately 603,355 acres, covering all locations

known to possess power possibilities on unappropriated lands

outside of national forests. Without such withdrawals these

sites would be enterable under existing laws, and their

patenting would leave the general government powerless to

impose any limitations as to their use.

"If the Federal government desires to exercise control or

supervision over water-power development on the public domain,

it can only do so by limitations imposed upon the disposal of

power and reservoir sites upon the public lands, the waters of

the streams being subject to State jurisdiction in their

appropriation and beneficial use. I would, therefore, advise

that the Congress be asked to enact a measure that will

authorize the classification of all lands capable of being

used for water-power development, and to direct their

disposal, through this department. …

"Unreasonable or narrow restrictions beyond the necessity of

public protection against monopoly, or extortion in charges,

will, of course, defeat development and serve no useful

purpose. The statute should, therefore, while giving full

protection against the abuses of the privileges extended, so

far as consistent, encourage investment in these projects; and

it must always be borne in mind that excessive charges for the

franchise will fall upon the consumer. Legislation of this

character proceeds upon the theory that Congress can impose

such contractual terms and conditions as it sees fit in the

sale or use permitted of government lands so long as such

limitations do not conflict with the powers properly exercised

by the State wherein they may be situated."

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.

The Sugar Trust settles a conspiracy charge.

While the American Sugar Refining Company, in the spring of

1909, was being forced to make good to the Government its long

cheating of the Custom House, it was being compelled, at the

same time, to indemnify a competitor in business, whom it had

ruined by means which the Sherman Anti-Trust Law forbade. Its

victim was the Pennsylvania Sugar Refining Company, whose

refinery had been established by Mr. Adolph Segal, of

Philadelphia, in 1903. Segal became financially embarrassed,

and was lured into taking a loan of $1,250,000, from a person

who acted secretly in the transaction for the American Sugar

Refining Company. The loan was made on terms which gave the

lender control of a majority of the stock of the Pennsylvania

Sugar Refining Company, and Mr. Segal found, when too late,

that the real lender was the Sugar Trust. It used its power to

shutdown the plant, which was said to be the most perfect of

its kind, and the Pennsylvania Company was wrecked. It brought

a suit for damages to the amount of $30,000,000, inflicted

upon it in contravention of the Anti-Trust Law. Before the

trial ended, the defendants found so much reason to fear its

outcome that negotiations were opened which resulted (June 8,

1909) in a settlement of the claim outside of court. The

settlement was said to involve a cash payment by the American

Company to the Pennsylvania Company of $750,000, the

cancellation of the $1,250,000 loan made by the trust to

Adolph Segal, of Philadelphia, and the return of the

securities given by Segal as collateral for the loan.

Subsequently the Government procured indictments of certain of

the officials of the American Sugar Refining Company for their

participation in the conspiracy; but the prosecution was

blocked in October by a decision from Judge Holt, of the

United States Circuit Court, that the acts charged were

outlawed by the statute of limitations. Later, in November, it

was reported that the Government was preparing an appeal to

the Supreme Court.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.

Dissolution of a Paper-making Combination.

By a decree of the United States Circuit Court, Judge Hough,

at New York, in May, 1909, the Fiber and Manila Association, a

combination of 25 paper manufacturers, located in many parts

of the country, East and West, was adjudged to be an illegal

combination in restraint of trade, and perpetually enjoined

from further operations in such combination. The members were

enjoined further from fixing prices or the qualities that

shall be manufactured or to maintain any pool or fund made up

of contributions from its members. Counsel for the Association

announced that no appeal would be made.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.

Chartering of the United Dry Goods Companies.

"Details of the greatest dry goods combination ever attempted

in this country were available to-day for the first time since

the United Dry Goods Companies took out a Delaware charter

last Friday [April 21, 1909], The concern will control many of

the largest dry goods stores in this city and at important

commercial centres of the South and West, acting first as a

holding company and later possibly as an operating concern,

with headquarters here. John Claflin will be the head of the

combination. The present managers of the various absorbed

stores will be continued. J. P. Morgan & Co. are financing the

deal, and public announcement will be made immediately.

"The United Dry Goods Companies will have a capital of

$51,000,000. Of this only $20,000,000 will be immediately

issued in the form of $10,000,000 7 per cent. cumulative

preferred stock and $10,000,000 common stock. The preferred

stock has preference as to both assets and dividends. The new

combination will purchase $8,650,000 of the outstanding

$17,250,000 capital stock of the Associated Merchants’

Company. …

"John Claflin said this afternoon that the new company would

not buy any mills, as it was not the purpose of the

combination to control the sources of production. All the

stores—there are more than forty, which the United Companies

and its allies will own in whole or in part—will be free to

purchase from whatever interests they wish, without being

restricted to any one market or to the product of any special

mills. The general business will be directed from the city,

but resident directors at different centres will have full

charge of the detail work."

New York Evening Post,

May, 25-26, 1909.

{134}

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.

The illegality of a Trust invalidates a debt to it.

In a suit brought by the Continental Wall Paper Company to

recover a debt, payment of which was resisted on the ground

that the Company was an illegal combination in restraint of

trade, the Supreme Court of the United States, on the 1st of

February, 1909, affirmed a judgment of the Circuit Court of

Appeals which had dismissed the suit. The case was so decided

by a bare majority of one. The opinion of the majority,

delivered by Justice Harlan, held that a judgment in favor of

the Company would give effect to agreements constituting the

illegal combination. "Upon the whole case," said Justice

Harlan, "and without further citation of authority, we adjudge

upon the admitted facts that the combination represented by

the plaintiff in this case was illegal under the anti-trust

act of 1890; is to be taken as one intended, and which would

have the effect, directly to restrain and monopolize trade

among the several states and with foreign states; and that the

plaintiff cannot have a judgment for the amount of the account

sued on because such a judgment would, in effect, be in aid of

the execution of agreements constituting that illegal

combination. We consequently hold that the circuit court of

appeals properly sustained the third defense in the case and

rightly dismissed the suit."

In the dissenting opinion by Justice Holmes and others it was

set forth that "whenever a party knows that he is buying from

an illegal trust, and still more when he buys at a price that

he thinks unreasonable, but is compelled to pay in order to

get the goods he needs, he knows that he is doing an act in

furtherance of the unlawful purpose of the trust, which always

is to get the most it can for its wares. But that knowledge

makes no difference, because the policy of not furthering the

purposes of the trust is less important than the policy of

preventing people from getting other people’s property for

nothing when they purport to be buying it."

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909-1910.

Morgan & Co. Banking Combination.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES.

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1910.

Special Message of President Taft

on Legislation touching "Trusts."

An important special Message, recommendatory of legislation on

the two subjects of interstate commerce and the combinations

called "Trusts," was addressed to Congress by President Taft

on the 7th of January, 1910. It had been expected that the

Executive would advise amendments to the Sherman Anti-Trust

Law, so-called, but he did not. On the contrary he favored the

policy of leaving that law untouched, on the ground that its

defects have been cured already to a great extent by judicial

decisions, and that it is safer and better for the business

interests of the country to trust the law to the gradual

molding which the courts are giving it, than to undertake

amendments which would start anew series of judicial

interpretations. But the President’s conclusions on this point

were supplemented by the advocacy of an enactment to provide

for the federal chartering of corporations engaged in

interstate commerce, as a means of substituting continuous

regulation of such organizations for the spasmodic and

disturbing investigations which the Government is now

compelled frequently to institute.

In part, the President’s discussion of these questions is as

follows:—

"The statute has been on the statute book now for two decades,

and the Supreme Court in more than a dozen opinions has

construed it in application to various phases of business

combinations and in reference to various subjects-matter. It

has applied it to the union under one control of two competing

interstate railroads, to joint traffic arrangements between

several interstate railroads, to private manufacturers engaged

in a plain attempt to control prices and suppress competition

in a part of the country, including a dozen States, and to

many other combinations affecting interstate trade. The value

of a statute which is rendered more and more certain in its

meaning by a series of decisions of the Supreme Court

furnishes a strong reason for leaving the act as it is, to

accomplish its useful purpose, even though if it were being

newly enacted useful suggestions as to change of phrase might

be made.

"It is the duty and the purpose of the Executive to direct an

investigation by the Department of Justice, through the grand

jury or otherwise, into the history, organization, and

purposes of all the industrial companies with respect to which

there is any reasonable ground for suspicion that they have

been organized for a purpose, and are conducting business on a

plan which is in violation of the Anti-Trust law. The work is

a heavy one, but is not beyond the power of the Department of

Justice, if sufficient funds are furnished, to carry on the

investigations and to pay the counsel engaged in the work. But

such an investigation and possible prosecution of corporations

whose prosperity or destruction affects the comfort not only

of stockholders, but of millions of wage-earners, employees,

and associated tradesmen, must necessarily tend to disturb the

confidence of the business community, to dry up the now

flowing sources of capital from its places of hoarding, and

produce a halt in our present prosperity that will cause

suffering and strained circumstances among the innocent many

for the faults of the guilty few. The question which I wish in

this message to bring clearly to the consideration and

discussion of Congress is whether in order to avoid such a

possible business danger something cannot be done by which

these business combinations may be offered a means, without

great financial disturbance, of changing the character,

organization, and extent of their business into one within the

lines of the law under Federal control and supervision,

securing compliance with the anti-trust statute.

"Generally, in the industrial combinations called ‘Trusts,’

the principal business is the sale of goods in many States and

in foreign markets; in other words, the interstate and foreign

business far exceeds the business done in any one State. This

fact will justify the Federal government in granting a Federal

charter to such a combination to make and sell in interstate

and foreign commerce the products of useful manufacture under

such limitations as will secure a compliance with the

Anti-Trust law. It is possible so to frame a statute that

while it offers protection to a Federal company against

harmful, vexatious, and unnecessary invasion by the States, it

shall subject it to reasonable taxation and control by the

States, with respect to its purely local business.

{135}

"Many people conducting great businesses have cherished a hope

and a belief that in some way or other a line may be drawn

between ‘good Trusts’ and ‘bad Trusts,’ and that it is

possible, by amendment to the Anti-Trust law, to make a

distinction under which good combinations may be permitted to

organize, suppress competition, control prices, and do it all

legally, if only they do not abuse the power by taking too

great profit out of the business. … Now, the public, and

especially the business public, ought to rid themselves of the

idea that such a distinction is practicable or can be

introduced into the statute. Certainly under the present

Anti-Trust law no such distinction exists. It has been

proposed, however, that the word ‘reasonable’ should be made a

part of the statute, and then that it should be left to the

court to say what is a reasonable restraint of trade, what is

a reasonable suppression of competition, what is a reasonable

monopoly. I venture to think that this is to put into the

hands of the court a power impossible to exercise on any

consistent principle which will insure the uniformity of

decision essential to just judgment. It is to thrust upon the

courts a burden that they have no precedents to enable them to

carry, and to give them a power approaching the arbitrary, the

abuse of which might involve our whole judicial system in

disaster.

"In considering violations of the Anti-Trust law, we ought, of

course, not to forget that that law makes unlawful, methods of

carrying on business which before its passage were regarded as

evidence of business sagacity and success, and that they were

denounced in this act, not because of their intrinsic

immorality, but because of the dangerous results toward which

they tended, the concentration of industrial power in the

hands of the few, leading to oppression and injustice. In

dealing, therefore, with many of the men who have used the

methods condemned by the statute for the purpose of

maintaining a profitable business, we may well facilitate a

change by them in the method of doing business. …

"To the suggestion that this proposal of Federal incorporation

for industrial combinations is intended to furnish them a

refuge in which to continue industrial abuses under Federal

protection, it should be said that the measure contemplated

does not repeal the Sherman Anti-Trust law, and is not to be

framed so as to permit the doing of the wrongs which it is the

purpose of that law to prevent, but only to foster a

continuance and advance of the highest industrial efficiency

without permitting industrial abuses. …

"A Federal compulsory license law, urged as a substitute for a

Federal incorporation law, is unnecessary except to reach that

kind of corporation which, by virtue of the considerations

already advanced, will take advantage voluntarily of an

incorporation law, while the other State corporations doing an

interstate business do not need the supervision or the

regulation of a Federal license and would only be

unnecessarily burdened thereby.

"The attorney-general, at my suggestion, has drafted a Federal

incorporation bill embodying the views I have attempted to set

forth, and it will be at the disposition of the appropriate

committees of Congress."

COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1910.

Renewed investigation of the Beef Trust.

A renewed investigation of the business methods of the great

meat-packing concerns at Chicago, by the grand jury of the

United States District Court, Judge K. M. Landis, was begun on

the 24th of January, 1910. It is understood to have special

reference to the causes of the rising prices of meats. The

firms against which the Government is thus preparing to

proceed are: Swift & Co., Armour & Co., and Morris & Co., who,

it is alleged, control the National Packing Company, for their

common benefit.

----------COMBINATIONS: End--------

COMMERCE AND LABOR, The United States Department of.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903 (FEBRUARY).

COMMERCIAL UNIVERSITIES, in Germany:

Their recent rise.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: GERMANY: A. D. 1898-1904.

"COMMISSION PLAN," of City Government.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

COMMITTEE OF ONE HUNDRED.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH.

COMMITTEE OF UNION AND PROGRESS.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

COMMODITIES CLAUSE, of the Hepburn Act:

Supreme Court decision on.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

COMMUNAL SYSTEM, Russian:

Its modification.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 AND 1909 (APRIL).

CONCENTRATION CAMPS.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

CONCILIATION BOARDS, Canadian.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907-1908.

CONCILIATION COMMITTEE, of National Civic Federation.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.

CONCORDAT OF 1802, The.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

CONFÉDÉRATION GÉNÉRALE DU TRAVAIL.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1884-1909.

CONFERENCE OF STATE GOVERNORS.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

CONFERENCES FOR EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH, Annual.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1898-1909.

CONGER, Edwin H.: U. S. Minister to China.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

CONGESTED ESTATES.

See (in this Volume)

IRELAND: A. D. 1909.

{136}

----------CONGO STATE: Start--------

CONGO STATE:

How the natives have been enslaved and oppressed.

The "Domaine Privé."

"The Berlin Conference laid it down that no import dues should

be established in the mouth of the Congo for twenty years. But

in 1890 King Leopold, alleging the heavy expenses to which he

had been put by the campaign against the Arabs in the Upper

Congo, applied for permission to levy import duties. It was

the first disillusionment; and the British Chambers of

Commerce began to wonder whether their opposition to the

Anglo-Portuguese Convention had not been mistaken. The King’s

request was granted (the Powers merely reserving to themselves

the right to revert to the original arrangement in fifteen

years), but not without the bitter opposition of the Dutch,

who had very important commercial interests in the Congo,

backed by the British Chambers of Commerce and all the traders

in the Congo, irrespective of nationality. A representative

gathering was held in London on November 4th, 1900, presided

over by Sir Albert Rollit, to protest against the imposition

of import duties and to denounce the hypocrisy which

attributed to philanthropic motives the desire on the part of

the Congo State so to impose upon them. …

"They were able to show that … King Leopold, notwithstanding

his formal assurances to the commercial world that the Congo

State would never directly or indirectly itself trade within

its dominions, was buying, or rather stealing, ivory from the

natives in the Upper Congo and retaining the proceeds of the

sale on the European market. They proved that, profiting by

the silence of the Berlin Treaty on the subject of export

duties, the Congo State had already imposed taxes amounting to

17½ per cent. on ivory, 13 per cent, on rubber and 5 per cent.

on palm kernels, palm-oil and ground-nuts, the total taxation

amounting to no less than 33 per cent. of the value of the

whole of the trade. Finally they had no difficulty in

demonstrating that, with all his professed wish to stamp out

the slave-raiding carried on by the half-caste Arabs in the

Upper Congo, His Majesty was himself tacitly encouraging the

slave trade by receiving tribute from conquered Chiefs in the

shape of slaves, who were promptly enrolled as soldiers in the

State army. …

"Five months after the termination of the Berlin Conference

King Leopold issued a decree (July, 1885) whereby the State

asserted rights of proprietorship over all vacant lands   throughout the Congo territory. It was intended that the term

vacant lands should apply in the broadest sense to lands not

actually occupied by the natives at the time the decree

was issued. By successive decrees, promulgated in 1886, 1887

and 1888, the King reduced the rights of the natives in their

land to the narrowest limits, with the result that the whole

of the odd 1,000,000 square miles assigned to the Congo State,

except such infinitesimal proportions thereof as were covered

by native villages or native farms, became ‘terres

domaniales.' On October 17th, 1889, the King also issued a

decree ordering merchants to limit their commercial operations

in rubber to bartering with the natives. This decree was

interesting merely as a forewarning of what came later,

because at that time the rubber trade was very small. In July,

1890, the same year as the Brussels Conference, the Congo

State went a step further. A decree issued in that month

confirmed all that was advanced in November of the same year

by the speakers at the London Conference held to protest

against the imposition of import duties by the State. By its

terms King Leopold asserted that the State was entitled to

trade on its own account in ivory—the first open violation of

his pledges. Moreover the decree imposed sundry extra taxes

upon all ivory bought by merchants from the natives, which,

since the State had become itself a trading concern,

constituted an equally direct violation of the Berlin Act, by

establishing differential treatment in matters of trade. Such

were the plans King Leopold made, preparatory to obtaining

from the Powers the power to impose import duties. Everything

was ready for the great coup, which should also

inaugurate the Fifth Stage of His Majesty’s African policy.

"The Brussels Conference met. The Powers with inconceivable

fatuity allowed themselves to be completely hoodwinked, and

within a year the greatest injury perpetrated upon the

unfortunate natives of Africa since the Portuguese in the XVth

century conceived the idea of expatriating them for labour

purposes had been committed, and committed too by a Monarch

who had not ceased for fifteen years to pose as their

self-appointed regenerator. On September 21st, 1891, King

Leopold drafted, in secret, a decree which he caused to be

forwarded to the Commissioners of the State in the

Uban-ghi-Welle and Aruwimi-Welle districts, and to the Chiefs

of the military expeditions operating in the Upper Ubanghi

district. This decree never having been published in the

official Bulletin of the State, its exact terms can only be a

matter of conjecture, but we know that it instructed the

officials to whom it was addressed ‘to take urgent and

necessary measures to preserve the fruits of the domain to the

State, especially ivory and rubber.’ By ‘fruits of the domain’

King Leopold meant the products of the soil throughout the

‘vacant lands’ which he had attributed to himself, as already

explained, by the decree of 1885. The King’s instructions were

immediately followed, and three circulars, dated respectively

Bangala, 15th December, 1891, Basankusu, 8th May, 1892, and

Yokoma, 14th February, 1892, were issued by the officials in

question. Circular Number 1 forbade the natives to hunt

elephants unless they brought the tusks to the State’s

officers. Circular Number 2 forbade the natives to collect

rubber unless they brought it to the State’s officers.

Circular Number 3 forbade the natives to collect either ivory

or rubber unless they brought the articles to the State’s

officers, and added that ‘merchants purchasing such articles

from the natives, whose right to collect them the State only

recognised provided that they were brought to it, would be

looked upon as receivers of stolen goods and denounced to the

judicial authorities.’ Thus did the Sovereign of the Congo

State avail himself of the additional prestige conferred upon

him by the Brussels Conference. …

{137}

"In theory, then, the decrees of September, 1891, and October,

1892, made of the native throughout the Domaine Privé a

serf. In theory a serf he remained, for a little while. But as

the grip of Africa’s regenerator tightened upon the Domaine

Privé, as the drilled and officered cannibal army, armed

with repeating rifles, gradually grew and grew until it was

larger than the native forces kept up by any of the great

Powers of Europe on African soil, as the radius of the rubber

taxes was extended, as portions of the country began to be

farmed out to so-called 'Companies' whose agents were also

officials of the King, the native of the Domaine Privé   became a serf not in theory only but in fact, ground down,

exploited, forced to collect rubber at the bayonet’s point,

compelled to pay onerous tribute to men whose salaries depend

upon the produce returns from their respective stations—the

punishment for disobedience, slothfulness or inability to

comply with demands ever growing in extortion, being anything

from mutilation to death, accompanied by the destruction of

villages and crops."

E. D. Morel,

The Belgian Curse in Africa

(Contemporary Review, March, 1902).

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

The alleged oppressiveness, barbarity, and rapacity of its

administration under King Leopold.

Observations of Lord Cromer on the Nile border.

Reports of a British Consular Officer, and of King Leopold’s

Belgian Commission.

Action of the British Government.

Serious accusations of oppression and barbarity in the

exploiting of the natural wealth of the so-called Independent

Congo State, under the administration of its royal proprietor,

King Leopold, of Belgium, were beginning to be made a dozen

years ago, as will be seen by reference to the subject in

Volume VI. of this work. The King and the companies which

operated in the region under his grants were reputed to be

taking enormous profits from it. Of one of those

concessionaire companies, sometimes referred to as the A. B.

I. R. Co. and sometimes as "the Abir," it was stated in 1901

that its £40,000 of shares could have been sold for

£2,160,000, and that half of its profits went to Leopold. But,

as was said later by a member of the British Parliament, who

wrote on the subject in one of the reviews, "meanwhile Europe

was becoming aware of the price that was being paid in Africa

for these profits in Belgium. Travellers, missionaries of

various nationalities, administrators in the neighbouring

territories belonging to England and France, sent home graphic

reports of the cruel oppression that was being practised on

the helpless population. In England especially, through the

efforts of Sir Charles Dilke, of Mr. Fox-Bourne, the secretary

of the Aborigines Protection Society, of Mr. E. D. Morel and

of other disinterested men, public opinion was informed of the

truth. In May, 1903, a resolution, which I had the honor of

moving in the House of Commons, calling upon the Government to

take action with a view to the abatement of the evils

prevalent in the Congo Free State, was accepted by Mr. Balfour

and unanimously passed. A diplomatic correspondence ensued

between the two governments. The British Consul in the Lower

Congo, Mr. Roger Casement, was sent on a tour of inquiry into

the interior, and his lengthy and detailed report fully

confirmed—in some respect extending—the indictment that had

been drawn. A Congo Reform Association was founded, and

immediately secured influential support. … At last King

Leopold, pressed by the despatches of the British Government

and bowing to the storm of public opinion, yielded so far as

to authorise further inquiry into the charges that had been

made. The investigation by an International Commission, which

had been proposed, he rejected. He nominated three

Commissioners of his selection, one a legal officer in the

service of the Belgian Government, one a judge in the service

of the Congo State, and the third a Swiss jurist of repute. In

October, 1904, the Commission reached the Congo. It stayed for

five months and made an extended journey into the interior.

After an unexplained delay of eight months its report was

published on the 6th of November of this year [1905]. …

"Had the report embodied an acquittal of the Congo State it

would not, under the circumstances, have been surprising. The

Commissioners, however, have to a great degree risen superior

to their natural prepossessions. … It is most regrettable …

that they present no minutes of the evidence taken before

them—a circumstance which deprives the report of actuality

and force, and prevents outside observers from drawing their

own conclusions from the facts which had been ascertained. But

the inquiry was painstaking. The case was fairly tried. The

judgment is an honest judgment.

"Being honest, it is necessarily a condemnation. The Belgian

defenders of the Congo Government, who were led by a

conception of patriotic duty as profoundly false as that of

the anti-Dreyfusards in France to deny everything and to meet

the critics merely with unceasing torrents of abuse, now have

their answer. A tribunal, not of our choosing, selected by the

defendant in their cause, has shown that those who denounced

Congo misrule were in the right, that the atrocities were not

imaginary, that a cruel oppression of the natives has been

proceeding unchecked for years."

Herbert Samuel,

The Congo State

(Contemporary Review, December, 1905).

Before this report appeared many witnesses had testified for

and against the impeached Government and its commercial

monopoly of the Congo State. Atrocities of slaughter,

mutilation and flogging, committed by the soldiery, the

sentries and other extortioners of a labor tax from the

helpless natives, were asserted and denied. It is best,

perhaps, to drop these blackest counts from the Congo

indictment, because of the controversy over them; and enough

remains in the Report of the King’s own Commission of Inquiry,

and in general conditions which are flagrantly in evidence, to

convict King Leopold and his agents of soulless rapacity, in

their treatment of the vast African country that was entrusted

to him by the Conference of Powers assembled at Berlin in

1884-1885.

There is great weight of meaning, for example, in a few words

that were written, in January, 1903, by Lord Cromer, while

returning from a long trip up the Nile, in which his steamer

passed along about eighty miles of Congolese shore. Before

reaching that border of Leopold’s domain he had traversed 1100

miles of the country lately wrested by the British from

dervishes and slave dealers, where, he remarks, "it might well

have been expected that much time would be required to inspire

confidence in the intentions of the new Government." But,

"except in the uninhabitable ‘Sudd’ region," he wrote,

"numerous villages are dotted along the banks of the river.

{138}

The people, far from flying at the approach of white men, as

was formerly the case, run along the banks, making signs for

the steamer to stop. It is clear that the Baris, Shilluks, and

Dinkas place the utmost trust and confidence in the British

officers with whom they are brought in contact. …

"The contrast when once Congolese territory is entered is

remarkable. From the frontier to Gondokoro is about 80 miles.

The proper left, or western, bank of the river is Belgian. The

opposite bank is either under the Soudanese or the Uganda

Government. There are numerous islands, and as all these are

under British rule—for the thalweg which, under Treaty, is the

Belgian frontier, skirts the western bank of the river—I

cannot say that I had an opportunity of seeing a full 80 miles

of Belgian territory. At the same time, I saw a good deal, and

I noticed that, whereas there were numerous villages and huts

on the eastern bank and on the islands, on the Belgian side

not a sign of a village existed. Indeed, I do not think that

any one of our party saw a single human being in Belgian

territory, except the Belgian officers and men and the wives

and children of the latter. Moreover not a single native was

to be seen either at Kiro or Lado. I asked the Swedish officer

at Kiro whether he saw much of the natives. He replied in the

negative, adding that the nearest Bari village was situated at

some distance in the interior. The Italian officer at Lado, in

reply to the same question, stated that the nearest native

village was seven hours distant. The reason of all this is

obvious enough. The Belgians are disliked. The people fly from

them, and it is no wonder they should do so, for I am informed

that the soldiers are allowed full liberty to plunder, and

that payments are rarely made for supplies. The British

officers wander, practically alone, over most parts of the

country, either on tours of inspection or on shooting

expeditions. I understand that no Belgian officer can move

outside the settlements without a strong guard."

This is in line with some parts of the experience of Mr.

Casement, the British Consular Officer referred to in the

article quoted above, who travelled for about ten weeks on the

Upper Congo in 1903, and whose report of what he saw includes

such accounts as the following, of conditions around Lake

Matumba:

"Each village I visited around the lake, save that of Q. and

one other, had been abandoned by its inhabitants. To some of

these villages the people have only just returned; to others

they are only now returning, In one I found the bare and burnt

poles of what had been dwellings left standing, and at another

—that of R—the people had fled at the approach of my steamer,

and despite the loud cries of my native guides on board,

nothing could induce them to return, and it was impossible to

hold any intercourse with them. At the three succeeding

villages I visited beyond R., in traversing the lake towards

the south, the inhabitants all fled at the approach of the

steamer, and it was only when they found whose the vessel was

that they could be induced to return."

An incident related by Mr. Casement is this:

"Steaming up a small tributary of the Lulongo, I arrived,

unpreceded by any rumour of my coming, at the village of A. In

an open shed I found two sentries of the La Lulanga Company

guarding fifteen native women, five of whom had infants at the

breast, and three of whom were about to become mothers. The

chief of these sentries, a man called S—who was bearing a

double-barrelled shot-gun, for which he had a belt of

cartridges—at once volunteered an explanation of the reason

for these women’s detention. Four of them, he said, were

hostages who were being held to insure the peaceful settlement

of a dispute between two neighbouring towns, which had already

cost the life of a man. … The remaining eleven women, whom he

indicated, he said he had caught and was detaining as

prisoners to compel their husbands to bring in the right

amount of india-rubber required of them on next market day.

When I asked if it was a woman’s work to collect india-rubber,

he said, ‘No; that, of course, it was man’s work.’ ‘Then why

do you catch the women and not the men?’ I asked. ‘Don’t you

see,’ was the answer, ‘if I caught and kept the men, who would

work the rubber? But if I catch their wives, the husbands are

anxious to have them home again, and so the rubber is brought

in quickly and quite up to the mark.’ When I asked what would

become of these women if their husbands failed to bring in the

right quantity of rubber on the next market day, he said at

once that then they would be kept there until their husbands

had redeemed them."

Parliamentary Papers, Africa,

Number 1 (1904), Cd. 1933.

But the facts which condemn the Congo administration most

conclusively are found in the report of the Commission of

Inquiry appointed by King Leopold himself,—especially in what

it represents of the heartless oppression of the labor tax, or

labor imposed on the natives, in their compulsory carrying of

goods or collection of rubber, food and wood, for the State

and for the companies that operate under the King’s grants. As

to the labor tax exacted in food, for example, the Commission

expresses itself as follows:

"The decree fixes at forty hours per month the work which each

native owes to the State. This time, considered as a maximum,

is certainly not excessive, especially if one takes account of

the fact that the work ought to be remunerated; but as in the

immense majority of cases … it is not precisely the work which

is demanded of the native, but rather a quantity of products

equivalent to forty hours of work, the criterion of time

disappears in reality and is replaced by an equivalent

established by the Commissioner of the district after diverse

methods. …

"Chikwangue (kwanga)is nothing but manioc bread. … The

preparation of this food requires many operations: the

clearing of the forest, the planting of manioc, the digging up

of the root and its transformation into chikwangue,

which comprises the operations of separating the fibers and

stripping the bark, pulverizing, washing, making it into

bundles, and cooking it. All these operations, except clearing

the land, fall to the women. The chikwangues so

prepared are carried by the natives to the neighboring post

and served for the food supply of the personnel of the

State—soldiers and laborers. … As the chikwangue keeps

only a few days, the native, even by redoubling his activity,

cannot succeed in freeing himself from his obligations for any

length of time.

{139}

The requirement, even if it does not take all his time,

oppresses him continually by the weight of its recurrent

demands, which deprive the tax of its true character and

transform it into an incessant corvée. … Doubtless the

adage, ‘time is money,’ cannot be applied to the natives of the

Congo; it is none the less inadmissible that a taxpayer should

be obliged to travel over ninety-three miles to carry to the

place of collection a tax which represents about the value of

twenty-nine cents. …

"Natives inhabiting the environs of Lulonga were forced to

journey in canoes to Nouvelle-Anvers, which represents a

distance of forty to fifty miles, every two weeks, to carry

their fish; and taxpayers have been seen to submit to

imprisonment for delays which were perhaps not chargeable to

them, if we take into account the considerable distances to be

covered periodically to satisfy the requirements of the tax."

As applied to the collection of rubber, the so-called labor

tax was found by the commission to consume so much of the time

of the natives subjected to it that it practically made slaves

of them, and nothing less.

When the abused native is pretendedly paid for his labor or

its product, it is by some trifle in metal or flimsy woven

stuff, which costs the State and its tributary companies next

to nothing and is next to worthless to the recipient.

And not only does the State exercise over the unfortunate

subjects that were delivered to it an authority of Government

which appears to be little else than a power of extortion, but

it has taken all their lands from them, substantially, and

left them next to nothing on which to perform any labor for

themselves. It has decreed to itself the ownership of all land

not included in the native villages or not under cultivation.

Concerning which decree the Commission remarks:

"As the greater part of the land in the Congo has never been

under cultivation, this interpretation gives to the State a

proprietary right, absolute and exclusive, to almost all the

land, and as a consequence it can grant to itself all the

product of the soil and prosecute as robbers those who gather

the smallest fruit and as accomplices those who buy the same.

… It thus happens sometimes that not only have the natives

been prohibited from moving their villages, but they have been

refused permission to go, even for a time, to a neighboring

village without a special permit."

In the summer of 1903 the British Government was moved to

address a formal communication to all the Powers which had

been parties to the Act of the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885,

whereby the Congo State was created and entrusted to King

Leopold, asking them to consider whether the system of

government and of trade monopoly established in that State was

in conformity with the provisions of the Act. The British

Foreign Secretary, Lord Lansdowne, in his despatch (August 8,

1903), rehearsed at length the charges that were brought

against the Congo administration, concerning its extortion of

labor from the natives by a method "but little different from

that formerly employed to obtain slaves," saying: "His

Majesty’s Government do not know precisely to what extent

these accusations may be true; but they have been so

repeatedly made, and have received such wide credence, that it

is no longer possible to ignore them, and the question has now

arisen, whether the Congo State can be considered to have

fulfilled the special pledges, given under the Berlin Act, to

watch over the preservation of the native tribes, and to care

for their moral and material advancement."

At the same time, the dispatch called the attention of the

Powers to the question of rights of trade in the Congo,

saying: "Article I of the Berlin Act provides that the trade

of all nations shall enjoy complete freedom in the basin of

the Congo; and Article V provides that no Power which

exercises sovereign rights in the basin shall be allowed to

grant therein a monopoly or favour of any kind in matters of

trade. In the opinion of His Majesty’s Government, the system

of trade now existing in the Independent State of the Congo is

not in harmony with these provisions. … In these

circumstances, His Majesty’s Government consider that the time

has come when the Powers parties to the Berlin Act should

consider whether the system of trade now prevailing in the

Independent State is in harmony with the provisions of the

Act; and, in particular, whether the system of making grants

of vast areas of territory is permissible under the Act if the

effect of such grants is in practice to create a monopoly of

trade."

Parliamentary Papers, Africa,

Number 14 (1903), Cd. 1809.

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1904.

Feeling in Belgium concerning the charges of oppression and

inhumanity to the natives.

See (in this Volume)

BELGIUM: A. D. 1904.

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

Reform Decrees and their small effect.

Continued reports of rapacious exploitation.

Concession secured by American capitalists.

Annexation of the State by Belgium.

Recognition of the annexation withheld by

Great Britain and the United States.

Apparently the endeavor of the British Government to set in

motion some action of the Powers which had been parties to the

creation of the Congo State, for the purpose of ascertaining

whether the provisions of the Berlin Act were being complied

with in the administration of that great trust, had no

practical result. During the next two years the Congo

Government was persistent in denying and attempting to refute

some parts of the reports sent home by British consular

officers in the Congo; but after the publication of the report

of its own investigating Commission, in 1905, there seems to

have been more reticence observed. In June, 1906, a series of

new decrees, supposed to embody the recommendations of the

Reforms Commission, was sanctioned by the King. But the

Consuls who reported to London from the Congo country do not

seem to have found the wretched natives much relieved by these

decrees. Vice-Consul Armstrong, writing from Boma December,

1907, after a prolonged journey through rubber-collecting

regions, declared his conviction that "the people worked from

twenty to twenty-five days a month" to satisfy their labor

tax. He added:

"The improvement that has been made by the application of the

Reform Decrees of June 1906 is solely in the withdrawal of

armed sentries, a reform which the serious decimation of the

population by the sentries demanded. … I saw nothing which led

me to view the occupation of this country in the light of an

Administration.

{140}

The undertakings of the Government are solely commercial, with

a sufficient administrative power to insure the safety of its

personnel and the success of its enterprise. … The

following is an estimate of the profits of the State on their

rubber tax. I take the village of N’gongo as being a large

one, and one of the few villages that supply the amount

actually assessed:—

Amount assessed yearly. 1,440 kilograms of rubber.

£    s.  d.

1,440 kilograms of rubber at 10 fr.           576   0   0

Amount paid to natives at 50 c. per kilogram   28  16   0

"I calculate the rubber at 10 fr. per kilogram, the value

placed upon it by the State in the Commercial Report issued

this year. The market value in Antwerp is from 12 fr. to 13

fr. per kilogram. From this amount of 576£. must be deducted

the cost of transport, which cannot be more than 2 fr. per

kilogram rendered at Antwerp, so that the net profits derived

from this one village would be a little more than 456£. per

annum. One hundred and twenty natives, together with their

wives and children, which would bring the population of the

town to about 400 souls, share this amount of 28£ 16s., and as

this is paid in cloth at 7½d. per yard and salt at 1s. 7½d.

per kilogram, it is evident that they cannot receive very much

each, and that they complain of their remuneration."

These were not the only official witnesses now testifying to

the barbarities of commercial exploitation that were

perpetrated in the Congo country under pretences of

administering the Government of a State. Reports to the same

effect were coming to the Government of the United States from

its Consuls in the Congo. Consul-General C. R. Slocum wrote on

the 1st of December, 1906, to the Department of State at

Washington:

"I have the honour to report that I find the Congo Free State,

under the present regime, to be nothing but a vast commercial

enterprise for the exploitation of the products of the

country, particularly that of ivory and rubber. Admitted by

Belgian officials and other foreigners here, the State, as I

find it, is not open to trade in the intended sense of article

5 of the Berlin Act under which the State was formed."

A year later, the succeeding Consul-General of the United

States in the Congo State, Mr. James A. Smith, made a similar

report:

"In excluding the native," he wrote, "from any proprietary

right in the only commodities he possessed which would serve

as a trade medium—that is, the products of the soil—and in

claiming for itself and granting to a few concessionary

companies in which it holds an interest exclusive ownership of

these products, the Administration, in its commercial

capacity, has effectively shut the door to free trade and

created a vast monopoly in all articles the freedom of buying

and selling which alone could form a proper basis for

legitimate trade transactions between the native and

independent purchasers. Competition, by which alone can a

healthy condition of trade be maintained, has been entirely

eliminated. The Government is but one tremendous commercial

organization; its administrative machinery is worked to bar

out all outside trade and to absolutely control for its own

benefit and the concessionary companies the natural resources

of the country."

In the same report Mr. Smith gave details of an experiment he

had made, in conjunction with the chef de secteur at

Yambata, to test the truth of the assertions made by the

natives as to the length of time necessary to gather the

rubber which they are compelled to furnish. The place for the

experiment was selected by the chef de secteur, and he

chose the five natives who were employed in the experiment,

and who were promised rewards as an incentive to do their

best. The men worked for four hours, and although Mr. Smith

vouches for the fact that they did not lose a minute, they

only succeeded in gathering 650 grammes. From this, as Mr.

Smith argues, the amount of time they would have to spend in

collecting the rubber tax works out at 93 hours a month, or,

counting eight hours a day, at 140 days a year. This did not

include the time spent in travelling to and from the

rubber-bearing districts.

Before this time, American interest in the Congo State had

become more than humanitarian, and more than a commercial

interest in the general opportunities of trade; for heavy

American capitalists had secured concessions from King Leopold

in a large territory for the development of railways, rubber

production and mines. The fact was announced in the fall of

1906, and the names of John D. Rockefeller, Jr., Thomas F.

Ryan, Harry Payne Whitney, Edward B. Aldrich and the Messrs.

Guggenheim were mentioned as prominent in the group to which

the grant was made.

Under the Convention of 1890 between King Leopold and the

Congo State, as one party, and the Kingdom of Belgium as the

other, it became the right of the latter, on the expiration of

ten years, in 1900, to annex the Congo State to itself.

See, in Volume VI. of this work,

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1900.

The right was not then exercised; but the question of taking

over the sovereignty of that great African domain came under

warm discussion in Belgium before many years, and, finally, in

1908, it reached the point of a keen negotiation of terms with

the King, attended by lively conflicts in the Belgian

Chambers. While the question was thus pending in Belgium, the

British Government took occasion to express its views to the

Belgian Government, as to the obligations which such an

annexation would involve. This was done on the 27th of March,

1908, in a despatch from the Foreign Minister, Sir Edward

Grey, communicating an extended "Memorandum respecting

Taxation and Currency in the Congo Free State." The language

of the despatch, in part, was as follows:

"His Majesty’s Government fully recognize that the choice of

the means by which the administration of the Congo may be

brought into line by the Berlin Act rests exclusively with

Belgium. Nevertheless, while disclaiming all idea of

interference, His Majesty’s Government feel that in fairness

they should leave the Belgian Government in no doubt that in

their opinion the existing administration of the Congo State

has not fulfilled the objects for which the State was

originally recognized, or the conditions of Treaties, and that

changes are therefore required, which should effect the

following objects:

1. Relief of the natives from excessive taxation.

2. The grant to the natives of sufficient land to ensure their

ability to obtain not only the food they require, but also

sufficient produce of the soil to enable them to buy and sell

as in other European Colonies.

3. The possibility for traders whatever their nationality may

be to acquire plots of land of reasonable dimensions in any

part of the Congo for the erection of factories so as to

enable them to establish direct trade relations with the

natives. …

{141}

"Taking the three points enumerated above in order, it appears

to His Majesty’s Government that—

"1. As regards the question of taxation in labour, the abuses

to which the system has given rise have only been rendered

possible by the absence of a proper standard of value. They

believe, therefore, that the only sure and efficacious means

of precluding the existence of such abuses in the future is

the introduction of currency throughout the State at the

earliest possible date. Both the Reports of the Commission of

Inquiry and the experience of His Majesty’s Consular officers

agree in the conclusion that the native has learnt the use of

money, and that currency would be welcomed by all classes,

native and European alike.

"2. The natives in the concessionary areas should not be

compelled, by either direct or indirect means, to render their

labour to the Companies without remuneration. The introduction

of currency should contribute greatly to the protection of the

native against the illicit and excessive exactions on the part

of private individuals. Such protection, however, cannot be

adequately secured unless the latter be compelled to pay the

native in specie at a fair rate to be fixed by law.

"3. They would urge that a large increase should be made in

the land allotted to the natives."

The exceptional failure of the Congo State, among African

colonies, to introduce the use of currency in transactions

with the natives, and the connection of this failure with the

state of things existing there, is discussed at length in the

Memorandum, with a practical summing up in these sentences:

"The Secretaries-General said the native in the Congo had no

specie. True, but why has he no specie? Because, as already

explained, during the twenty-three years that the Congo State

has been in existence no serious attempt, in spite of all

assertions to the contrary, has ever been made by the State to

introduce currency on a sufficiently large scale. In every

other European Colony in Africa has the native come to learn

the practical value of a medium of exchange. What are the

reasons that the Congo State should stand in an exceptional

position in this respect? They are unfortunately obvious

enough. The truth is that it is precisely owing to the absence

of a proper standard of value that the Congo Government and

the Concessionary Companies have been able to abuse the system

of taxation in labour, and realize enormous profits out of the

incessant labour wrung from the population in the guise of

taxation."

This communication from Great Britain to the Belgian

Government was followed soon (in April) by memoranda from the

Government of the United States, setting forth the hopes and

expectations of administrative reform with which it

contemplated the proposed annexation of the Congo State.

A few months later the treaty of annexation was agreed upon,

and the annexation consummated by an Act of the Belgian

Parliament, promulgated on the 20th of October, 1908. To an

announcement of the fact by the Belgian Minister at

Washington, Secretary Root replied at considerable length, in

a communication which bears the date of June 11, 1909: "The

Government of the United States," said the Secretary, "has

observed with much interest the progress of the negotiations

looking to such a transfer, in the expectation that under the

control of Belgium the condition of the natives might be

beneficially improved and the engagements of the treaties to

which the United States is a party, as well as the high aims

set forth in the American memoranda of April 7 and 16, 1908,

and declared in the Belgium replies thereto, might be fully

realized.

"The United States would also be gratified by the assurance

that the Belgian Government will consider itself specifically

bound to discharge the obligations assumed by the Independent

State of the Congo in the Brussels Convention of July 2, 1890,

an assurance which the expressions already made by the

Government of Belgium in regard to its own course as a party

to that convention leave no doubt is in entire accordance with

the sentiments of that Government. Among the particular

clauses of the Brussels Convention which seem to the United

States to be specially relevant to existing conditions in the

Congo region are the clauses of Article II., which include

among the objects of the convention:

"‘To diminish intestine wars between tribes by means of

arbitration; to initiate them in agricultural labour and in

the industrial arts so as to increase their welfare; to raise

them to civilization and bring about the extinction of

barbarous customs. …

"‘To give aid and protection to commercial enterprises; to

watch over their legality by especially controlling contracts

for service with natives; and to prepare the way for the

foundation of permanent centres of cultivation and of

commercial settlements.’

"The United States has been forced to the conclusion that in

several respects the system inaugurated by the Independent

State of the Congo has, in its practical operation, worked out

results inconsistent with these conventional obligations and

calling for very substantial and even radical changes in order

to attain conformity therewith." Moreover, it renders nugatory

the provisions of the successive declarations and conventions,

cited by the Secretary, which have given such rights in the

Congo State to citizens of the United States and others as

must be maintained.

"It should always be remembered," wrote Mr. Root, "that the

basis of the sovereignty of the Independent State of the Congo

over all its territory was in the treaties made by the native

Sovereigns who ceded the territory for the use and benefit of

free States established and being established there under the

care and supervision of the International Association, so that

the very nature of the title forbids the destruction of the

tribal rights upon which it rests without securing to the

natives an enjoyment of their land which shall be a full and

adequate equivalent for the tribal rights destroyed."

Referring to a statement made in the Belgian reply given to

his memorandum of April 16, which he quotes as in these

words:—

{142}

"When it annexes the possessions of the Independent State

Belgium will inherit its obligations as well as its rights; it

will be able to fulfil all the engagements made with the

United States by the declarations of April 22, 1884"—Mr. Root

closes his letter with these remarks:

"It would be gratifying to the United States to know that the

last clause of the statement just quoted is not intended to

confine the rights of the United States in the Independent

State to the declarations of the Commercial Association which

preceded the creation of the Congo State as a sovereign power,

but includes the conventional rights conferred upon the United

States by the treaty concluded with the Independent State

immediately after its recognition.

"In the absence of a fuller understanding on all these points,

I confine myself for the present to acknowledging your note of

November 4 last and taking note of the announcement therein

made."

Thus no recognition was given to the Belgian annexation.

Recognition was held in abeyance, awaiting further information

and evidence of reform in the administration of the Congo

State. And this is the attitude assumed by the British

Government, which waited long and with growing impatience for

assurances from Belgium, with proceedings that would give sign

of making them good. On the 24th of February, 1909, the

subject came up in Parliament, with assertions that

"oppression of the natives was still going on just as before

the annexation," and that "Great Britain had waited for months

while the cruelties against which she had protested still

continued." In the debate, Sir Charles Dilke referred to the

harmony of action in the matter by the United States and Great

Britain, and expressed his conviction that "the cooperation of

two such powerful Governments in the cause of humanity would

be irresistible." Sir Edward Grey, speaking for the Ministry,

said:

"I am glad that in the course of the debate it has been

emphasized that this attitude is not ours alone, but that the

United States has spoken with equal emphasis and taken up the

same position. I am sorry that no other Power has taken up the

same position so strongly; but as there is only one Power

which has declared itself so definitely on the question as

ourselves, I should like to say that I am glad it is the

United States."

Alluding to a remark made by one of the speakers in the

debate, that the Government might have prevented the

annexation of the State by Belgium, Sir Edward said:

"I do not think we should have prevented the annexation, but

in any case I should not have tried to prevent the annexation.

And for this reason among others—that if Belgium was not going

to take the Congo State in hand and put it right, who was? I

have never been able to answer that question. Certainly not

ourselves, because we have always denied the intention of

assuming any responsibility over an enormous tract of land

where we have sufficient responsibility already."

The Foreign Secretary concluded his speech by saying:

"If Belgium makes the administration of the Congo humane and

brings it into accord, in practice and spirit, with the

administration which exists in our own and neighbouring

African colonies, no country will more cordially welcome that

state of things than this or more warmly congratulate Belgium.

But we cannot commit ourselves to countersign, so to say, by

recognition a second time, the system of administration which

has existed under the old regime."

Again, in May, the question came up in Parliament, with

impatient criticism of the Government for not taking

peremptory measures to compel a reformation of Belgian rule in

the Congo State, one speaker suggesting a "peaceful blockade"

of the mouth of the Congo. Sir Edward Grey replied:

"If this question were rashly managed it might make a European

question compared to which those which we have had to deal

with in the last few months might be child’s play. Take, for

instance, the question of peaceful blockade. It is no good

talking of peaceful blockade. Blockade is blockade. It is the

use of force. If you are to have blockade you must be prepared

to go to war, and a blockade of the mouth of the Congo means

blockading a river which is not the property of the Congo or

Belgian Government. They have one bank of the river. It is a

river which by international treaty must be opened to

navigation, and if you are to blockade to any effect you must

be prepared to stop every ship going in or out of the Congo,

whether under the French, Belgian, German, or whatever flag it

is. Surely if you are going to pledge yourself to take steps

of that kind, and to accept the responsibility for them, it is

not too much to say that you must be prepared to raise a

European question which would be of the gravest kind. I do not

say there are not circumstances which might justify a question

of that kind, but do not let the House think that by smooth

words, such as by applying the adjective ‘peaceful’ to

blockade, you are going to minimize what will be the ultimate

consequences of the step you are taking."

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1909 (October).

Programme of reforms promised by the Belgian Government.

The programme of long promised reforms to be instituted by the

Belgian Government in its administration of the now annexed

Congo State was announced in the Belgian Chamber on the 28th

of October, 1909, by the Minister for the Colonies, M. Renkin.

"He repeated his solemn assurance that the charges of cruelty

or oppression made against the Belgian Colonial Administration

were false. He had questioned missionaries, officials, chiefs,

and other natives during his visit, and heard nothing to

justify the accusation. Individual breaches of the law might

possibly have occurred, but every abuse brought to the notice

of the authorities was immediately made the object of inquiry.

"It was useless, he said, to refer to the past; the situation

had been radically altered by the annexation. As regards the

land system, the assignment of vacant lands to the State was

juridically unassailable, but they must also have regard to

the development of the natives. The natives would therefore be

granted the right to take the produce of the soil in the

Domain. This would be accomplished in three stages. On July 1,

1910, the Lower Congo, Stanley Pool, Ubangi, Bangala, Kwango,

Kasai, Katanga, the southern portion of the Eastern Province,

Aruwimi, and the banks of the river as far as Stanleyville

would be opened to freedom of trade. On July 1, 1911, the

Domain of the Crown, and on July 1, 1912, the Welle district

would also be thrown open. Furthermore, the Government would

levy taxes in money, and the system of the provisioning of the

agents would be abolished."

{143}

M. Renkin said furthermore that in regard to the territories

held by concessionnaires in the Congo the Government

would make an investigation with a view to ascertaining

whether it would not be advisable to make fresh arrangements

in agreement with the persons interested.

Writing from Brussels a mouth later, an English correspondent

represents the Belgian Reformers, who had most bitterly

denounced the atrocities of the Leopold regime in the Congo

State, as believing that M. Renkin's scheme is on the whole a

reasonable and satisfactory scheme, and above all a practical

scheme, that the Belgian Government are sincerely determined

to carry it through, and that, even if there were any

sufficient reason for doubting their sincerity, the Belgian

nation is in earnest and has the means of enforcing the

execution of the reforms by the exercise of the Parliamentary

control with which it is now for the first time invested over

the affairs of the Congo as a consequence of annexation.

On the other hand, English opinion, which had been roused to

much heat on the Congo question, is far from satisfied with

the Belgian proposals, and criticises them with a sharpness

which the Belgians resent.

----------CONGO STATE: End--------

----------CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Start--------

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Australia:

Undertakings of Irrigation and Forestry.

During a brief visit to the United States in 1902, Sir Edmund

Barton, then Premier of the Commonwealth of Australia,

contributed to The Independent an article on "Australia

and her Problems," in which he wrote:

"Another great problem with which we are struggling is that of

irrigation, and a joint irrigation scheme is afoot for using

the waters of the Murray, our greatest river, to fertilize

lands in New South Wales and Victoria. The Murray forms the

boundary of those two States and afterward flows through South

Australia. It is to the interest of New South Wales and

Victoria to use the waters of the Murray for irrigation

purposes, and it is to the interest of South Australia to use

the Murray for navigation. We hope to harmonize those

interests and are working to that end.

"Just before I left Australia I attended a conference, held on

the border, between representatives of the various States as a

result of which each has appointed a hydraulic engineer to a

joint commission on irrigation. These will make an

investigation and report their opinion in regard to the best

practicable system for conserving, storing and distributing

the Murray’s waters without interfering with its navigation.

We have good reason to believe that by means of a system of

locks and weirs it is quite possible to irrigate a very large

extent of dry country by means of the Murray without injuring

its navigability. Later we will take up the problem of using

the waters of the Darling in a similar way. It is a very long

river, which during the rainy season sends an immense Volume

of water into the Murray.

"Another of our problems is in regard to forestry. We have

planted some trees but not nearly enough of them, and cannot

yet tell anything about results. Along with this tree

planting, also, denudation of our timber has been going on,

for Australian hard woods, being impervious to water, are now

used all over the world for street paving purposes. Great harm

has been done, and the waste is still going on, for our

national Government cannot interfere in the matter, and the

land owners are in many instances reckless. The remedy must

come from the common sense of the people."

Since the above was written, progress has been made in

carrying out the projects of irrigation, as was stated in a

speech by Lord Northcote after his return to England, in the

autumn of 1909, from five years of service as Governor-General

of Australia. "Both in New South Wales and Victoria," he said,

"very large irrigation works are in progress, and will be

completed in a very short time, adding enormously to the

acreage of land fit for cultivation."

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Canada:

The Dominion Forest Reserves Act.

Irrigation in the Northwest.

A Dominion Act of 1906, thus short-titled, provides as

follows:

"All Dominion lands within the respective boundaries of the

reserves mentioned in the schedule to this Act are hereby

withdrawn from sale, settlement and occupancy under the

provisions of the Dominion Lands Act, or of any other Act, or

of any regulations made under the said Act or any such Act,

with respect to mines or mining or timber or timber licenses

or leases or any other matter whatsoever; and after the

passing of this Act no Dominion lands within the boundaries of

the said reserves shall be sold, leased or otherwise disposed

of, or be located or settled upon, and no person shall use or

occupy any part of such lands, except under the provisions of

this Act or of regulations made thereunder."

The schedule referred to lists 21 Forest Reserves in British

Columbia, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta. They are placed

under the management of the Superintendent of Forestry, for

the maintenance and protection of the growing timber, the

animals and birds in them, the fish in their waters and their

water supply, the Governor in Council to make the needed

regulations.

In a paper read before the Royal Colonial Institute at London,

England, in January, 1910, Mr. C. W. Peterson, Manager of the

Canadian Pacific Irrigation Colonization Company, gave the

following account of what is being done in the Arid Belt, so

called, near Calgary, in the Canadian Northwest:

"The irrigated land in Alberta and Saskatchewan nearly

equalled half of the total irrigated area of the United

States. In the year 1894 the Dominion Government withdrew from

sale and homestead entry a tract of land containing some

millions of acres located east of the city of Calgary, along

the main line of the Canadian Pacific Railway. The object of

that reservation was to provide for the construction,

ultimately, of an irrigation scheme to cover the fertile Bow

River Valley. The Canadian Pacific Railway Company undertook

to construct the gigantic irrigation system in question, and

selected as part of its land grant a block comprising three

million acres of the best agricultural lands. It had now been

opened for colonization, and this project—the greatest of the

kind on the American continent—was being pushed to its

completion. The tract had an average width of forty miles from

north to south, and extended eastwards from Calgary 150 miles."

{144}

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Egypt: A. D. 1909.

Completion of the Esneh Barrage.

An important addition to the irrigation works in Egypt,

supplementing the great dam at Assouan and the Assiout

barrage, was completed in February, 1909, when the Esneh

barrage was formally opened, on the 9th of that month. Esneh

is a town of some 25,000 inhabitants, situated in Upper Egypt,

on the west bank of the Nile, and the work now completed will,

even in the lowest of floods, ensure a plentiful supply of

water to a great tract of land in the Nile valley from Esneh

northwards. In deciding to undertake the construction of this

latest barrage, at a point about 100 miles north of the

Assouan reservoir, the Government were influenced by the great

success of the Assiout barrage, but that work differs from the

new barrage in being designed as a low-water summer regulator,

whereas the function of the Esneh barrage is to hold up the

water in low floods.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Germany:

The work begun a century ago, and its result.

"Germany, a century ago, faced just such a situation as now

confronts us [the United States]. Then there began the work

which we must now undertake. New forests were planted,

wherever the land was unsuitable for other purposes. This

planting was done year after year, so that each year a new

tract would come to maturity. Forest wardens watched for

fires, and laws forbade careless hunters setting fires in the

woods. Timbermen were forced to gather and burn what twigs

from the slashings could not be used in the still or burned

for charcoal, and broad lanes were left through the forests as

stops for fires. In this way there arose those magnificent

German forests which now return the empire an average net

annual profit of two dollars and a half for each acre, on land

which is otherwise unusable; and, besides, give their services

free for the storage of water and for the retention of the

soil.

"In our own land something of this sort has already been done.

New York has nearly two million acres of land in forest

reserves which are being carefully tended. Pennsylvania has

half as much. Minnesota is already securing considerable

profit from the management of its white pine reserves and is

seeding down large areas; and the other lake states are also

moving, but all this is being done slowly, and lacks much of

the energy and cooperation which should accompany it."

J. L. Mathews,

The Conservation of our National Resources

(Atlantic Monthly, May, 1908).

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Great Britain:

Outline of undertakings by the Government in 1909.

Development and Road Improvement Act.

In his Budget speech to the House of Commons April 29, 1909,

the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. David Lloyd-George, gave

a broad indication of undertakings contemplated by the

Government, in forestry work (afforestation, or

reafforestation) and on other lines directed toward a more

effective preservation and development of the natural

resources of the country. In the afforestation of the waste

lands of the country, he said, "We are far behind every other

civilized country in the world. I have figures which are very

interesting on this point. In Germany, for instance, out of a

total area of 133 million acres, 34 millions, or nearly 26 per

cent., are wooded; in France, out of 130 million acres, 17 per

cent.; even in a small and densely-populated country such as

Belgium, 1,260,000 acres are wooded, or 17 per cent. In the

United Kingdom, on the other hand, out of 77 million acres,

only 3 millions, or 4 per cent., are under wood. Sir Herbert

Maxwell, who has made a study of this question for a good many

years, and whose moderation of statement is beyond challenge,

estimates that, in 1906, ‘eight millions were paid annually in

salaries for the administration, formation, and preservation

of German forests, representing the maintenance of about

200,000 families, or about 1,000,000 souls; and that in

working up the raw material yielded by the forests wages were

earned annually to the amount of 30 millions sterling,

maintaining about 600,000 families, or 3,000,000 souls.’ The

Committee will there perceive what an important element this

is in the labour and employment of a country. Any one who will

take the trouble to search out the census returns will find

that the number of people directly employed in forest work in

this country is only 16,000. And yet the soil and the climate

of this country are just as well adapted for the growth of

marketable trees as that of the States of Germany. Recently we

have been favoured with a striking report of a Royal

Commission, very ably presided over by my honourable friend

the member for Cardiff. A perusal of the names attached to

that report will secure for it respectful and favourable

consideration. It outlines a very comprehensive and

far-reaching scheme for planting the wastes of this country.

The systematic operation which the Commission recommend is a

gigantic one, and, before the Government can commit themselves

to it in all its details, it will require very careful

consideration by a body of experts skilled in forestry. I am

informed by men whom I have consulted, and whose opinion on

this subject I highly value, that there is a good deal of

preliminary work which ought to be undertaken in this country

before the Government could safely begin planting on the large

scale indicated in that report. … I am also told that we

cannot command the services in this country of a sufficient

number of skilled foresters to direct planting. …

"I doubt whether there is a great industrial country in the

world which spends less money directly on work connected with

the development of its resources than we do. Take the case of

agriculture alone. Examine the Budgets of foreign countries—I

have done it with great advantage in other directions—examine

them from this particular point of view, and honourable

members, I think, will be rather ashamed at the contrast

between the wise and lavish generosity of countries much

poorer than ours and the short-sighted and niggardly parsimony

with which we dole out small sums of money for the

encouragement of agriculture in our country. …

"I will tell the House what we propose. There is a certain

amount of money, not very much, spent in this country in a

spasmodic kind of way on what I will call the work of national

development—in light railways, in harbours, in indirect but

very meagre assistance to agriculture.

{145}

I propose to gather all these grants together into one grant

that I propose to call a development grant, and this year to

add a sum of £200,000 to that grant for these purposes. … The

grant will be utilized in the promotion of schemes which have

for their purpose the development of the resources of the

country, and will include such objects as the institution of

schools of forestry, the purchase and preparation of land for

afforestation, the setting up of a number of experimental

forests on a large scale, expenditure upon scientific research

in the interests of agriculture, experimental farms, the

improvement of stock—in respect of which I have had a good

many representations from the agricultural community—the

equipment of agencies for disseminating agricultural

instruction, the encouragement and promotion of co-operation,

the improvement of rural transport so as to make markets more

accessible, the facilitation of all well-considered schemes

and measures for attracting labour back to the land by small

holdings or reclamation of wastes."

In realization of this programme an important "Development and

Road Improvement Funds Act" was introduced by Mr. Lloyd-George

in August, and passed, after considerable amendment of its

administrative details in Committee of the Commons and in the

House of Lords. It is divided into two parts, the first

dealing with development, or the aiding and encouraging of

agriculture and other rural industries, inclusive of forestry,

reclamation and drainage of land, improvement of rural

transport, construction and improvement of inland navigation

and harbors, and the development and improvement of fisheries.

The Act enables the Treasury to make free grants and loans,

from a Development Fund fed by an annual Parliamentary vote

and by a charge on the Consolidated Fund. An independent

Development Commission is to be appointed by the Treasury,

consisting of five members appointed for ten years, whose

recommendation for the rejection of applications shall be

final, though not that for their acceptance. The second part

of the Act sets up a Road Board to carry out schemes of road

improvement, either under its own direct control or through

the existing highway authorities.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: North America:

International Conference of Delegates from Canada, Mexico,

and the United States.

The movement instituted in the United States for a better

conservation of the natural resources of the country was

broadened, early in 1909, into a continental and international

movement, by an invitation from President Roosevelt to the

Governments of Canada and Mexico to send delegates to a

general conference on the subject at Washington, for the

purpose of arranging some cooperative and harmonious plans of

action in the three countries. The invitation was cordially

accepted in both of the neighboring countries, and the

delegates sent were met, on the 18th of February, by many of

the leaders of the conservation movement in the United States,

including the National Conservation Commission. After being

received and addressed by the President at the White House, a

two days session of the Conference was held in the diplomatic

room of the State Department, with good results.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Turkey: A. D. 1909.

Reclamation projects in the Tigris-Euphrates Delta.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: United States:

The Great Movement for an Arresting of Waste.

An organized National care-taking of Forests, Waters, Lands,

and Minerals.

Forest Service, Irrigation, Development of Waterways.

It is more than possible that the administration of Government

in the United States under President Roosevelt will be

distinguished, in the judgment of coming generations, most

highly by the impulse and the organization it gave to measures

for conserving the natural resources of the country, in woods,

water sources, mineral deposits and fertile or fertilizable

soils,—rescuing them from a hitherto unrestrained recklessness

of waste. The key-note of a new determination in governmental

policy, pointed to this end, was sounded by the President in

his first Message to Congress, on the 3d of December, 1901,

when he opened the subject largely and earnestly, saying,

among other things, this:

"The preservation of our forests is an imperative business

necessity. We have come to see clearly that whatever destroys

the forest, except to make way for agriculture, threatens our

well-being. At present the protection of the forest reserves

rests with the General Land Office, the mapping and

description of their timber with the United States Geological

Survey, and the preparation of plans for their conservative

use with the Bureau of Forestry, which is also charged with

the general advancement of practical forestry in the United

States. These various functions should be united in the Bureau

of Forestry, to which they properly belong. The present

diffusion of responsibility is bad from every standpoint. It

prevents that effective cooperation between the Government and

the men who utilize the resources of the reserves, without

which the interests of both must suffer. The scientific

bureaus generally should be put under the Department of

Agriculture. The President should have by law the power of

transferring lands for use as forest reserves to the

Department of Agriculture. He already has such power in the

case of lands needed by the Departments of War and the Navy. …

"The wise administration of the forest reserves will be not

less helpful to the interests which depend on water than to

those which depend on wood and grass. The water supply itself

depends upon the forest. In the arid region it is water, not

land, which measures production. The western half of the

United States would sustain a population greater than that of

our whole country to-day if the waters that now run to waste

were saved and used for irrigation. The forest and water

problems are perhaps the most vital internal questions of the

United States. …

"The forests alone cannot, however, fully regulate and

conserve the waters of the arid region. Great storage works

are necessary to equalize the flow of streams and to save the

flood waters. Their construction has been conclusively shown

to be an undertaking too vast for private effort. Nor can it

be best accomplished by the individual States acting alone.

Far-reaching interstate problems are involved; and the

resources of single States would often be inadequate. It is

properly a national function. at least in some of its

features. …

{146}

"The reclamation of the unsettled arid public lands presents a

different problem. Here it is not enough to regulate the flow

of streams. The object of the Government is to dispose of the

land to settlers who will build homes upon it. To accomplish

this object water must be brought within their reach. …

Whatever the Nation does for the extension of irrigation

should harmonize with, and tend to improve, the condition of

those now living on irrigated land. We are not at the

starting-point of this development. Over two hundred millions

of private capital have already been expended in the

construction of irrigation works, and many million acres of

arid land reclaimed. A high degree of enterprise and ability

has been shown in the work itself; but as much cannot be said

in reference to the laws relating thereto. The security and

value of the homes created depend largely on the stability of

titles to water; but the majority of these rest on the

uncertain foundation of court decisions rendered in ordinary

suits at law. With a few creditable exceptions, the arid

States have failed to provide for the certain and just

division of streams in times of scarcity. Lax and uncertain

laws have made it possible to establish rights to water in

excess of actual uses or necessities, and many streams have

already passed into private ownership, or a control equivalent

to ownership."

President's Message to Congress,

December 3, 1901.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:

The Nationalizing of Irrigation Works.

The highest quality of statesmanship is represented by such

recommendations as these. So far as concerned the proposed

nationalization of irrigation works, to reclaim the arid lands

of the West, they bore fruit within a year, in the passage by

Congress of the Reclamation Act of June 17, 1902. It devoted

most of the proceeds of the sale of public lauds, in Arizona,

California, Colorado, Idaho, Kansas, Montana, Nevada, New

Mexico, North and South Dakota, Oklahoma, Utah, Washington,

and Wyoming, to a special Reclamation Fund in the Treasury,

for the creation and maintenance of irrigation works. This was

a measure for which the late Major John W. Powell, Director of

the United States Geological Survey, had labored incessantly

for many years. In his book on "The Lands of the Arid Regions"

he was the first to show the possibility of redemption for

most of the wide spaces of land then supposed to be hopeless

desert, and he pleaded with Congress, session after session,

for some national undertaking to store and distribute the

waters from the mountains that would give life to their soil.

In 1888 he succeeded so far as to win authority and means for

investigating the water supply for the region, and from that

time he had kept an efficient small corps of engineers at work

in the survey and measurement of streams, accumulating

information that was ready for immediate use when actual

constructive work was taken in hand. At once, on the passage

of the Reclamation Act, the Director of the Geological Survey,

acting under the Secretary of the Interior, began the

execution of plans already well matured, for irrigation in

Arizona and Nevada; and was able three years later to report

similar undertakings in progress within three of the ten

Territories and thirteen States.

In May, 1908, the following statement of the reclamation work

then in progress appeared in The Outlook: "The work as

a whole rivals the Panama Canal in the labor and expense

involved. The employment of 16,000 men and the expenditure of

$1,250,000 every month are but incidents in the service.

Already the canals completed reach a total of 1,815 miles—as

far as from New York to Denver. Homes have been made for ten

thousand families where before was desert. In the past five

years $33,000,000 has been spent, and the enterprises already

planned will add more than a hundred millions to this sum. Nor

is this money spent in one locality. In New Mexico one of the

largest dams in the world is being constructed. In California

and Nevada great reservoirs and irrigation plants are being

built. In western Kansas the beet-sugar raisers are to have a

$250,000 plant for pumping the ‘underflow,’ or the sheet water

found a few feet beneath the top-soil, of the Arkansas River

Valley to the surface, that ditches may be filled and crops

made certain. On seven great projects, involving the

expenditure of $51,000,000 and the reclamation of over a

million acres, the benefit is directly to the Northwest. These

projects lie in North and South Dakota, Montana, and

Washington. In these States lands that have been considered as

worthless except for the coarsest kind of grazing are being

transformed into productive farms. In South Dakota the largest

earth dam in the world is being constructed, that ninety

thousand acres of land may be made fertile; while just east of

the Yellowstone Park is being built a solid wall of masonry

310 feet high to hold back the waters of the Shoshone River

until a reservoir of ten square miles, capable of irrigating a

hundred thousand acres, is formed. The production of these

irrigated lands is marvelous."

The latest official statistics that are available represent

the total of acres irrigated at the end of the year 1907 as

being 11,000,000, in 167,200 farms, at an average cost (of

constructive work) of $13.46 per acre.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:

A National Forest Policy.

Less promptitude of action followed the President's urging of

measures for forest preservation, and his warnings to Congress

and the country, against the consequences of this inaction,

were repeated from year to year. His Message of December,

1904, carried a specially urgent plea for legislation to unify

the national forest work.

"I have repeatedly," he said, "called attention to the

confusion which exists in Government forest matters because

the work is scattered among three independent organizations.

The United States is the only one of the great nations in

which the forest work of the Government is not concentrated

under one department, in consonance with the plainest dictates

of good administration and common sense. The present

arrangement is bad from every point of view. Merely to mention

it is to prove that it should be terminated at once. As I have

repeatedly recommended, all the forest work of the Government

should be concentrated in the Department of Agriculture, where

the larger part of that work is already done, where

practically all of the trained foresters of the Government are

employed, where chiefly in Washington there is comprehensive

first-hand knowledge of the problems of the reserves acquired

on the ground, where all problems relating to growth from the

soil are already gathered, and where all the sciences

auxiliary to forestry are at hand for prompt and effective

coöperation."

{147}

During its following session Congress took the desired action,

and the whole forest service was transferred to the Department

of Agriculture in February, 1905.

Early in June of that year the efforts of the President to

waken attention to the seriousness of the forest destruction

in the country were greatly helped by a notable convention at

Washington of about twelve hundred men, having both interest

and knowledge in the matter, who came together to discuss the

problems involved. They were mostly practical foresters,

intelligent lumbermen, railway men, ranch-owners, engineers

and miners, and their urgency of a systematic conservative

treatment of the surviving forest wealth of the country

carried great weight. The convention was under the direction

of the Secretary of Agriculture, and was addressed by the

President.

During a journey through parts of the Southern States, in

October, 1905, the President took occasion, in some of his

speeches, to urge that a large part, at least, of the rapidly

disappearing forests on the Atlantic side of the country

should be nationalized, for preservation in the manner of the

forest reserves of the Far West. In his Message of 1906 he

submitted this to Congress, as a specific recommendation,

saying that the forests of the White Mountains and the

Southern Appalachian regions need to be preserved, and "cannot

be unless the people of the States in which they lie, through

their representatives in the Congress, secure vigorous action

by the National Government." This proposal encountered strong

opposition from selfish interests, and Congress was prevailed

upon with difficulty to authorize a survey of the forests of

the White Mountains and the Southern Appalachians, which

resulted in a recommendation by the Secretary of Agriculture

that 600,000 acres in the former region and 5,000,000 in the

latter be purchased for a National Reserve. A bill responsive

to this recommendation was passed by the Senate, but rejected

by the House, which appointed a commission, instead, to make

further investigations in the matter. Meantime, in the White

Mountains alone, busy slaughterers of the forests were said to

be stripping three hundred acres per day.

On the eve of the adjournment of Congress in March, 1907, the

President issued a proclamation adding some seventeen millions

of acres of forest lands to the National Forest Reserves

already established. This was just before he signed an Act of

Congress which abridged his authority to create reserves in

Colorado, Wyoming, Montana, Idaho, Oregon, and Washington. It

was a characteristic proceeding, for which the President had

ample power under a statute of 1891, and it simply held the

forests designated in safety from destruction until the

question of their treatment was more carefully considered. The

next Congress, or the next President, could give them up to

private ownership, in whole or in part, if the one or the

other found reason for doing so. Meantime they were sheltered

from the axeman, while undergoing study. As a matter of fact,

Mr. Roosevelt’s successor, President Taft, did conclude that

some of the lands reserved should be released for sale, and so

ordered soon after he entered the executive office.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:

The Inland Waterways Commission.

In his annual Message of December, 1907, the President

enlarged the range of considerations that connect themselves

with the question of economic forestry, by directing attention

to the importance of the waterways of the country and their

claim to a more systematic development. "For the last few

years," he said, "through several agencies, the Government has

been endeavoring to get our people to look ahead, and to

substitute a planned and orderly development of our resources

in place of a haphazard striving for immediate profit. Our

great river systems should be developed as National water

highways; the Mississippi, with its tributaries, standing

first in importance, and the Columbia second, although there

are many others of importance on the Pacific, the Atlantic and

the Gulf slopes. The National Government should undertake this

work, and I hope a beginning will be made in the present

Congress; and the greatest of all our rivers, the Mississippi,

should receive especial attention. From the Great Lakes to the

mouth of the Mississippi there should be a deep waterway, with

deep waterways leading from it to the East and the West. Such

a waterway would practically mean the extension of our coast

line into the very heart of our country. It would be of

incalculable benefit to our people. If begun at once it can be

carried through in time appreciably to relieve the congestion

of our great freight-carrying lines of railroads. …

"The inland waterways which lie just back of the whole eastern

and southern coasts should likewise be developed. Moreover,

the development of our waterways involves many other important

water problems, all of which should be considered as part of

the same general scheme. The Government dams should be used to

produce hundreds of thousands of horsepower as an incident to

improving navigation; for the annual value of the unused

water-power of the United States perhaps exceeds the annual

value of the products of all our mines. As an incident to

creating the deep waterway down the Mississippi, the

Government should build along its whole lower length levees

which taken together with the control of the headwaters, will

at once and forever put a complete stop to all threat of

floods in the immensely fertile Delta region. The territory

lying adjacent to the Mississippi along its lower course will

thereby become one of the most prosperous and populous, as it

already is one of the most fertile, farming regions in all the

world. I have appointed an Inland Waterways Commission to

study and outline a comprehensive scheme of development along

all the lines indicated. Later I shall lay its report before

the Congress."

The Inland Waterways Commission thus appointed by the

President in March, 1907, gave its attention first to the

project of a "Lakes-to-the-Gulf Deep Water Way," which had

been commanding wide interest in the Mississippi Valley for

some years. What the project, in its full magnitude,

contemplated, was stated as follows in the resolutions of a

great convention, of 4000 delegates, from 44 States, assembled

at Chicago in October, 1908:

"Any plan for the inland waterway development so imperatively

necessary to the material welfare of the valley should

comprise a main trunk line in the form of a strait connecting

Lake Michigan with the Gulf of Mexico by way of the Illinois

and Mississippi rivers.

{148}

The development of this trunk line should begin at once. The

improvement of the branches of this main line, such as the

upper Mississippi, with its tributaries; the Ohio, with its

leading tributaries, including the Tennessee and Cumberland;

the Missouri, the Arkansas, the Red, the White, and other

rivers, and the interstate inland waterway of Louisiana and

Texas, should proceed simultaneously with the development of

the principal line.

"The deep waterway is practically complete from Chicago to

Joliet through the courage and enterprise of the single city

of Chicago, which has by the expenditure of $55,000,000

created a deep waterway across the main divide between the

waters of Lake Michigan and those of the Mississippi. A

special board of survey, composed of United States engineers,

reported to Congress in 1905 that the continuation of the deep

waterway from Joliet to St. Louis was feasible and would cost

only $31,000,000. The State of Illinois, assuming that the

Federal Government will take the responsibility of completing

the waterway to the Gulf, is about to cooperate to the extent

of $20,000,000."

The waterway here mentioned as being "practically complete from

Chicago to Joliet" is that known as the Chicago Drainage

Canal. The $20,000,000 with which the State of Illinois would

cooperate in carrying out the whole project was voted by that

State in November, 1908, for building an extension of the

Drainage Canal from Joliet to Utica, Illinois, sixty-one

miles, for a development of water power. The depth of these

channels is and is to be twenty-four feet, and the project of

the Lakes-to-the-Gulf Deep Waterway contemplated that depth

throughout. The Board of Engineers to which the project was

referred reported, however, in June, 1909, against the

desirability of a waterway of such depth. Its cost from St.

Louis to the Gulf is estimated to be $128,000,000 for

construction, and $6,000,000 yearly for maintenance. In the

judgment of the board, the present demands of commerce between

St. Louis and the Gulf will be adequately met by an eight-foot

channel from St. Louis to the mouth of the Ohio and a channel

of not less than nine feet in depth below the mouth of the

Ohio. The board’s belief is that an eight-foot channel from

Chicago to St. Louis corresponding with the eight-foot project

from St. Louis to Cairo is the least that would adequately

meet the demands of commerce. It adds that such a waterway

would be desirable, provided its cost is reasonable. Present

and prospective demands of commerce between Chicago and the

Gulf would be adequately served, the board reports, by a

through nine-foot channel to the Gulf.

In the States bordering on the Atlantic a "Deeper Waterways

Association" is pressing long-mooted plans for uniting the

bays, sounds, and navigable rivers along the Atlantic coast by

canals, thus affording safe deep-water communication from

Boston on the east to Florida at the far south.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:

Conference of Governors at Washington.

In all his endeavors to establish a national policy directed,

systematically and scientifically, to the arresting of waste

in the use and treatment of the natural resources of the

country, President Roosevelt was assisted very greatly by the

knowledge and the energetic public spirit of the chief of the

National Forest Service, Mr. Gifford Pinchot. It is understood

to have been on the initiative of Mr. Pinchot that the

crowning expedient for stirring and determining public feeling

on the subject was planned, early in the winter of 1908, when

the President invited the Governors of all the States and

Territories to a Conference in Washington, for considering the

whole question of an economic conservation of natural

resources and concerting measures to that end. It was said,

indeed, by the President, in addressing the meeting of

Governors, that if it had not been for Mr. Pinchot "this

convention neither would nor could have been called." The

invitation went to others than Governors,—to men of national

prominence in public life, in scientific pursuits, in business

experience, and to heads of great associations. The resulting

assembly at the White House, on the 13th, 14th, and 15th of

May, 1908, marked an epoch in American history. There were

Governors from forty of the forty-six States of the Union,

with the President and members of his Cabinet, the Justices of

the Supreme Court, many Senators and Representatives from the

Congress, and a distinguished gathering of such citizens as

William Jennings Bryan, Seth Low, James J. Hill, Andrew

Carnegie, John Mitchell and Samuel Gompers. All sides of the

national thriftlessness that needed correction were discussed

by men who could best describe the evils produced and best

indicate the methods of remedy. Before adjourning their

meeting the Governors present adopted with unanimity a

declaration in which they say:

"We agree that our country’s future is involved in this: that

the great natural resources supply the material basis upon

which our civilization must continue to depend, and upon which

the perpetuity of the nation itself rests. We agree, in the

light of the facts brought to our knowledge and from the

information received from sources which we cannot doubt, that

this material basis is threatened with exhaustion. …

"We declare our firm conviction that this conservation of our

natural resources is a subject of transcendent importance

which should engage unremittingly the attention of the nation,

the States, and the people in earnest cooperation. These

natural resources include the land on which we live and which

yields our food; the living waters which fertilize the soil,

supply power, and form great avenues of commerce; the forests

which yield the materials for our homes, prevent erosion of

the soil, and conserve the navigation and other uses of the

streams; and the minerals which form the basis of our

industrial life, and supply us with heat, light, and power. …

"We commend the wise forethought of the President in sounding

the note of warning as to the waste and exhaustion of the

natural resources of the country, and signify our high

appreciation of his action in calling this Conference to

consider the same and to seek remedies therefor through

cooperation of the nation and the States. …

"We agree in the wisdom of future conferences between the

President, Members of Congress, and the governors of States on

the conservation of our natural resources with a view of

continued coöperation and action on the lines suggested; and

to this end we advise that from time to time, as in his

judgment may seem wise, the President call the governors of

States and Members of Congress and others into conference.

{149}

"We agree that further action is advisable to ascertain the

present condition of our natural resources and to promote the

conservation of the same; and to that end we recommend the

appointment by each State of a commission on the conservation

of natural resources, to coöperate with each other and with

any similar commission of the Federal Government."

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:

The National Conservation Commission and its Report.

The President acted with promptitude on the suggestion of a

National Commission on the Conservation of Natural Resources,

to coöperate with kindred State Commissions. Within a month he

announced the appointment of such a Commission, composed of

nearly fifty men of special qualification for the inquiries to

be pursued, the recommendations to be made, and the action to

be taken. All sections of the country are represented on the

Commission, including such authorities on waters as Professor

Swain, of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology; on

forests, as Professor Graves, of the Yale Forestry School, and

Mr. Charles Lathrop Pack, of New Jersey; on lands, as

Ex-Governor Pardee, of California, and Mr. James J. Hill, the

eminent railway president; on minerals, as Messrs. Andrew

Carnegie, of New York, John Hays Hammond, of Massachusetts,

and John Mitchell, of Illinois.

The Commission is divided into four sections, one to consider

forests, another waters, a third minerals, and the fourth

lands. Over these divisions is an executive committee, of which

Mr. Gifford Pinchot is chairman. In each section there are

representatives from the Senate and House of Representatives,

and officials of Government from the Department which has to

do with the subject referred to it.

State action on the lines commended by the Conference of

Governors had already been instituted in a number of States,

and in many others it was promptly set on foot; so that the

desired coöperative organization of effort was soon well under

way, and contributing to the first undertaking planned by the

Executive Committee of the National Commission, which was the

making of an inventory of the natural resources of the United

States. So effective was the work done in the summer and fall

of 1908 that a Second Conference of State Governors, jointly

with the State and National Commissions, was found desirable,

for consideration of the mass of facts collected as a basis

for definite plans. The Second Conference, like the First, was

in Washington, and it was opened on the 8th of December, under

the chairmanship of the then President-elect of the United

States, the Honorable William H. Taft. The draft of a report

prepared to be made by the National Conservation Commission to

the President of the United States was submitted

confidentially to this Conference, and was sent to Congress a

little later with its approval, as well as with that of the

President. The Conference adopted, furthermore, two important

resolutions, as follows:

"Resolved, That a joint committee be appointed by the

chairman, to consist of six members of state conservation

commissions and three members of the National Conservation

Commission, whose duty it shall be to prepare and present to

the state and national commissions, and through them to the

governors and the President, a plan for united action by all

organizations concerned with the conservation of natural

resources. (On motion of Governor Noel, of Mississippi, the

chairman and secretary of the conference were added to and

constituted a part of this committee.) "

"We also especially urge on the Congress of the United States

the high desirability of maintaining a National Commission on

the Conservation of the Resources of the Country, empowered to

coöperate with State Commissions, to the end that every

sovereign commonwealth and every section of the country may

attain the high degree of prosperity and the sureness of

perpetuity naturally arising in the abundant resources and the

vigor, intelligence and patriotism of our people."

In subsequently communicating to Congress, on the 22d of

January, 1909, the report of the National Conservation

Commission, the President said:

"With the statements and conclusions of this report I heartily

concur, and I commend it to the thoughtful consideration both

of the Congress and of our people generally. It is one of the

most fundamentally important documents ever laid before the

American people. It contains the first inventory of its

natural resources ever made by any nation."

The report of the Commission was prefaced by a brief

explanatory statement from the Chairman of its Executive

Committee, partly as follows:

"The executive committee designated in your letter creating

the commission organized on June 19 and outlined a plan for

making an inventory of the natural resources of the United

States. On July 1 work was undertaken, accordingly, with the

coöperation of the bureaus of the federal departments,

authorities of the different States, and representative bodies

of the national industries. The results of this coöperative

work are herewith submitted as appendices of the commission’s

report. … In its coöperation ‘with other bodies created for

similar purposes by States,’ the National Conservation

Commission has had most valuable assistance. Within the first

month after the creation of the commission, the governors of 5

States had appointed conservation commissions, and an equal

number of organizations of national scope had named

conservation committees. At the time of the recent joint

conservation conference 33 States and Territories had formed

conservation commissions. The number has now increased to 36,

with indications that nearly all of the remaining States will

soon take similar action. The number of national organizations

which have appointed conservation committees is 41."

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:

An Inventory of Natural Resources.

From the report itself it is only possible, in this place, to

glean a few of its most impressive and significant disclosures

of fact. For example:

CONCERNING FORESTS.

"Forests privately owned cover three-fourths of the total

forest area and contain four-fifths of the standing timber.

The timber privately owned is not only four times that

publicly owned, but is generally more valuable. Forestry is

now practiced on 70 per cent. of the forests publicly owned,

and on less than 1 per cent. of the forests privately owned,

or on only 18 per cent. of the total area of forests.

"The yearly growth of wood in our forests does not average

more than 12 cubic feet per acre. This gives a total yearly

growth of less than 7,000,000,000 cubic feet.

{150}

"We have 200,000,000 acres of mature forests, in which yearly

growth is balanced by decay; 250,000,000 acres partly cut over

or burned over, but restocking naturally with enough young

growth to produce a merchantable crop, and 100,000,000 acres

cut over and burned over, upon which young growth is lacking

or too scanty to make merchantable timber.

"We take from our forests yearly, including waste in logging

and in manufacture, 23,000,000,000 cubic feet of wood. We use

each year 100,000,000 cords of firewood; 40,000,000,000 feet

of lumber; more than 1,000,000,000 posts, poles, and fence

rails; 118,000,000 hewn ties; 1,500,000,000 staves; over

133,000,000 sets of heading; nearly 500,000,000 barrel hoops;

3,000,000 cords of native pulp wood; 165,000,000 cubic feet of

round mine timbers, and 1,250,000 cords of wood for

distillation.

"Since 1870 forest fires have destroyed a yearly average of 50

lives and $50,000,000 worth of timber. Not less than

50,000,000 acres of forest is burned over yearly. The young

growth destroyed by fire is worth far more than the

merchantable timber burned.

"One-fourth of the standing timber is lost in logging. The

boxing of long-leaf pine for turpentine has destroyed

one-fifth of the forests worked. The loss in the mill is from

one-third to two-thirds of the timber sawed. The loss of mill

product in seasoning and fitting for use is from one-seventh

to one fourth. Of each 1000 feet, which stood in the forest,

an average of only 320 feet of lumber is used.

"We take from our forests each year, not counting the loss by

fire, three and a half times their yearly growth. We take 40

cubic feet per acre for each 12 cubic feet grown; we take 260

cubic feet per capita, while Germany uses 37 and France 25

cubic feet.

"We tax our forests under the general property tax, a method

abandoned long ago by every other great nation. Present tax

laws prevent reforestation of cut-over land and the

perpetuation of existing forests by use.

"Great damage is done to standing timber by injurious forest

insects. Much of this damage can be prevented at small

expense.

"To protect our farms from wind and to reforest land best

suited for forest growth will require tree planting on an area

larger than Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia combined.

Lands so far successfully planted make a total area smaller

than Rhode Island; and year by year, through careless cutting

and fires, we lower the capacity of existing forests to

produce their like again, or else totally destroy them. …

"By reasonable thrift we can produce a constant timber supply

beyond our present need, and with it conserve the usefulness

of our streams for irrigation, water supply, navigation and

power. Under right management, our forests will yield over

four times as much as now. We can reduce waste in the woods

and in the mill at least one third, with present as well as

future profit. … We can practically stop forest fires at a

cost yearly of one fifth of the value of the merchantable

timber burned.

"We shall suffer for timber to meet our needs until our

forests have had time to grow again. But if we act vigorously

and at once, we shall escape permanent timber scarcity." The

report adds much of interest on this subject.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:

CONCERNING WATERS.

"Our mean annual rainfall is about 30 inches; the quantity

about 215,000,000,000,000 cubic feet per year, equivalent to

ten Mississippi rivers. Of the total rainfall over half is

evaporated; about a third flows into the sea, the remaining

sixth is either consumed or absorbed. These portions are

sometimes called, respectively, the fly-off, the run-off and

the cut-off. They are partly interchangeable. About a third of

the run-off, or a tenth of the entire rainfall, passes through

the Mississippi. The run-off is increasing with deforestation

and cultivation.

"Of the 70,000,000,000,000 cubic feet annually flowing into

the sea, less than 1 per cent. is restrained and utilized for

municipal and community supply; less than 2 per cent. (or some

10 per cent. of that in the arid and semi-arid regions) is

used for irrigation; perhaps 5 per cent, is used for

navigation, and less than 5 per cent, for power. …

"For irrigation it is estimated that there are $200,000,000

invested in dams, ditches, reservoirs, and other works for the

partial control of the waters; and that 1,500,000,000,000

cubic feet are annually diverted to irrigable lands,

aggregating some 20,000 square miles. Except in some cases

through forestry, few catchment areas are controlled, and few

reservoirs are large enough to hold the storm waters. The

waste in the public and private projects exceeds 60 per cent.

while no more than 25 per cent. of the water actually

available for irrigation of the arid lands is restrained and

diverted.

"There are in continental United States 282 streams navigated

for an aggregate of 26,115 miles, and as much more navigable

if improved. There are 45 canals, aggregating 2,189 miles,

besides numerous abandoned canals. Except through forestry in

recent years, together with a few reservoirs and canal locks

and movable dams, there has been little effort to control

headwaters or catchment areas in the interests of navigation,

and none of our rivers are navigated to more than a small

fraction even of their effective low-water capacity.

"The water power now in use is 5,250,000 horse power; the

amount running over government dams and not used is about

1,400,000 horse-power; the amount reasonably available equals

or exceeds the entire mechanical power now in use, or enough

to operate every mill, drive every spindle, propel every train

and boat, and light every city, town, and village in the

country. … Nearly all the freshet and flood water runs to

waste, and the low waters which limit the efficiency of power

plants are increasing in frequency and duration with the

increasing flood run-off. … The direct yearly damage by floods

since 1900 has increased steadily from $45,000,000 to over

$238,000,000. …

"A large part of that half of the annual rainfall not

evaporated lodges temporarily in the soil and earth. It is

estimated that the ground water to the depth of 100 feet

averages 16 2/3 percent, of the earth-Volume, or over

1,400,000,000,000,000 cubic feet, equivalent to seven years'

rainfall or twenty years’ run-off. This subsurface reservoir

is the essential basis of agriculture and other industries and

is the chief natural resource of the country. It sustains

forests and all other crops and supplies the perennial springs

and streams and wells used by four-fifths of our population

and nearly all our domestic animals. Its quantity is

diminished by the increased run-off due to deforestation and

injudicious farming."

{151}

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:

CONCERNING LANDS.

"The total land area of continental United States is

1,900,000,000 acres. Of this but little more than two-fifths

is in farms, and less than one-half of the farm area is

improved and made a source of crop production. We have nearly

6,000,000 farms; they average 146 acres each. The value of the

farms is nearly one-fourth the wealth of the United States.

There are more than 300,000,000 acres of public grazing land.

The number of persons engaged in agricultural pursuits is more

than 10,000,000. …

"There has been a slight increase in the average yield of our

great staple farm products, but neither the increase in

acreage nor the yield per acre has kept pace with our increase

in population. Within a century we shall probably have to feed

three times as many people as now; and the main bulk of our

food supply must be grown on our own soil.

"The area of cultivated land may possibly be doubled. In

addition to the land awaiting the plow, 75,000,000 acres of

swamp land can be reclaimed, 40,000,000 acres of desert land

irrigated, and millions of acres of brush and wooded land

cleared. Our population will increase continuously, but there

is a definite limit to the increase of our cultivated acreage.

Hence we must greatly increase the yield per acre. The average

yield of wheat in the United States is less than 14 bushels

per acre, in Germany 28 bushels, and in England 32 bushels. We

get 30 bushels of oats per acre, England nearly 45, and

Germany more than 47. Our soils are fertile, but our mode of

farming neither conserves the soil nor secures full crop

returns. The greatest unnecessary loss of our soil is

preventable erosion. Second only to this is the waste, nonuse,

and misuse of fertilizer derived from animals and men."

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:

CONCERNING MINERALS.

"The available and easily accessible supplies of coal in the

United States aggregate approximately 1,400,000,000,000 tons.

At the present increasing rate of production this supply will

be so depleted as to approach exhaustion before the middle of

the next century.

"The known supply of high-grade iron ores in the United States

approximates 3,840,000,000 tons, which at the present

increasing rate of consumption can not be expected to last

beyond the middle of the present century. In addition to this,

there are assumed to be 59,000,000,000 tons of lower grade

iron ores which are not available for use under existing

conditions.

"The supply of stone, clay, cement, lime, sand, and salt is

ample, while the stock of the precious metals and of copper,

lead, zinc, sulphur, asphalt, graphite, quicksilver, mica, and

the rare metals can not well be estimated, but is clearly

exhaustible within one to three centuries unless unexpected

deposits be found.

"The known supply of petroleum is estimated at 15,000,000,000

to 20,000,000,000 barrels, distributed through six separate

fields having an aggregate area of 8,900 square miles. The

production is rapidly increasing, while the wastes and the

loss through misuse are enormous. The supply can not be

expected to last beyond the middle of the present century.

"The known natural-gas fields aggregate an area of 9,000

square miles, distributed through 22 States. Of the total

yield from these fields during 1907, 400,000,000,000 cubic

feet, valued at $62,000,000, were utilized, while an equal

quantity was allowed to escape into the air. The daily waste

of natural gas—the most perfect known fuel—is over

1,000,000,000 cubic feet, or enough to supply every city in

the United States of over 100,000 population.

"Phosphate rock, used for fertilizer, represents the slow

accumulation of organic matter during past ages. In most

countries it is scrupulously preserved; in this country it is

extensively exported, and largely for this reason its

production is increasing rapidly. The original supply can not

long withstand the increasing demand. …

"The National Government should exercise such control of the

mineral fuels and phosphate rocks now in its possession as to

check waste and prolong our supply."

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:

CONCERNING LIFE AND HEALTH

"Since the greatest of our national assets is the health and

vigor of the American people, our efficiency must depend on

national vitality even more than on the resources of the

minerals, lands, forests, and waters. …

"Our annual mortality from tuberculosis is about 150,000.

Stopping three-fourths of the loss of life from this cause,

and from typhoid and other prevalent and preventable diseases,

would increase our average length of life over fifteen years.

There are constantly about 3,000,000 persons seriously ill in

the United States, of whom 500,000 are consumptives. More than

half this illness is preventable. …

"The National Government has now several agencies exercising

health functions which only need to be concentrated to become

coordinated parts of a greater health service worthy of the

nation."

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:

FINAL WORDS.

"The inventory of our natural resources made by your

commission, with the vigorous aid of all federal agencies

concerned, of many States, and of a great number of associated

and individual cooperators, furnishes a safe basis for general

conclusions as to what we have, what we use and waste, and

what may be the possible saving. But for none of the great

resources of the farm, the mine, the forest, and the stream do

we yet possess knowledge definite or wide enough to insure

methods of use which will best conserve them. … The pressing

need is for a general plan under which citizens, States and

Nation may unite in an effort to achieve this great end. The

lack of cooperation between the States and the Nation, and

between the agencies of the National Government, is a potent

cause of the neglect of conservation among the people. An

organization through which all agencies, state, national,

municipal, associate, and individual, may unite in a common

effort to conserve the foundations of our prosperity is

indispensable to the welfare and progress of the nation. To

that end the immediate creation of a national agency is

essential."

{152}

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:

Beginnings of a General Organization of all

Conservation Agencies.

The Joint Committee which the Chairman of the Second

Conference of Governors was instructed to appoint, for the

preparation of "a plan for united action by all organizations

concerned with the conservation of natural resources," met at

Washington on the 5th of March, 1909, for its first

consultation. The Committee, of eleven members, consists of

six chairmen of State Conservation Commissions, and five who

are members of the National Conservation Commission. In

preparation for the meeting the various conservation bodies

which have been actively at work for several months are

sending in suggestions based on their own experience.

Action for the preservation and increase of forests has been

stimulated in many if not all of the States of the Union by

the national agitation of the subject in these late years.

Nowhere has the influence been more effective than in New

York, which has not only greatly enlarged its control and

improved its care and treatment of the extensive forest tracts

in the Adirondack region, but has done even more important

reforesting work in other parts of its territory. "James S.

Whipple, forest, fish and game commissioner, has not only

planted more trees in this State than have been planted in any

other State, or even by the national government, but this year

he has made another great advance in the reforesting movement.

The commission has sold to private land owners at cost

1,034,050 pine and spruce trees for reforesting land within

the State."

New York Evening Post,

April 24, 1909.

These trees went to every county of the State, in numbers

ranging from 50 to 200,000.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:

Threatened Monopoly of Water Power.

See (in this Volume)

Combinations, Industrial, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:

Withdrawal of Water Power Sites from Land Office Entry.

What is said to be the largest number of acres of land

withdrawn for temporary water power sites in the history of

the Interior Department was made August 13, 1909, when Acting

Secretary Wilson withdrew 87,360 acres along the Colorado

River, in Utah. The land in question was withdrawn to prevent

"monopolies," and with a view to procure legislation from

Congress to preserve them to the Government.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:

The National Conservation Association.

"Great significance," said a Press despatch from Washington,

September 16, 1906, "is attached here to-day to the

announcement from Chicago of the formation of the National

Conservation Association, with Charles W. Eliot, ex-president

of Harvard University, as president. Friends of conservation

interpret the launching of the new organization to mean that a

national organization of the widest possible membership and

the greatest possible scope is to supplant the American

Forestry Association in administration favor as the

educational branch of the conservation movement."

Not long after its formation the Association issued an earnest

appeal to the country to bring the pressure of its opinion on

Congress for needed legislation. The special subject of this

appeal was the vast coal field in Alaska, which can only be

saved from monopoly by speedy amendment of existing laws. "We,

therefore," said the Association, "appeal to the American

people to bring the urgent needs of the situation to the

attention of their representatives in Congress, in order that

comprehensive legislation upon this vital matter may be

enacted at the next session of Congress. To this end, every

individual citizen is urged to do his part, and to act at

once."

On the request of Dr. Eliot, Mr. Gifford Pinchot, after the

withdrawal of the latter from the office of Chief Forester of

the United States, was made President of the Association, in

January, 1910, but Dr. Eliot was named Honorary President.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:

Legislation recommended by President Taft.

Earnestly upholding the Conservation policy instituted by his

predecessor, President Taft, in a Special Message to Congress,

January 14, 1910, recommended several measures of legislation,

for which suggested bills had been drafted by the Secretary of

the Interior.

"One of the most pressing needs," said the Message, "in the

matter of public-land reform is that lands should be

classified according to their principal value or use. …

"It is now proposed to dispose of agricultural lands as such,

and at the same time to reserve for other disposition the

treasure of coal, oil, asphaltum, natural gas, and phosphate

contained therein. This may be best accomplished by separating

the right to mine from the title to the surface, giving the

necessary use of so much of the latter as may be required for

the extraction of the deposits. The surface might be disposed

of as agricultural land under the general agricultural

statutes, while the coal or other mineral could be disposed of

by lease on a royalty basis."

The importance of an enlargement of the undertakings of the

Government in the line of irrigation works, for reclaiming

arid lands, is urged by the President with great force, and he

recommends "that authority be given to issue not exceeding

$30,000,000 of bonds from time to time, as the secretary of

the interior shall find it necessary, the proceeds to be

applied to the completion of the projects already begun and

their proper extension, and the bonds running ten years or

more to be taken up by the proceeds of returns to the

reclamation fund, which returns, as the years go on, will

increase rapidly in amount."

The Message gives approval to a Bill which passed the lower

House of the late Congress, directing that "the national

government appropriate a certain amount each year out of the

receipts from the forestry business of the government to

institute reforestation at the sources of certain navigable

streams to be selected by the Geological Survey with a view to

determining the practicability of thus improving and

protecting the streams for Federal purposes."

Finally, on the subject of waterway improvement, the Message

recommends the project of dams in the Ohio River from

Pittsburg to Cairo, and in the Upper Mississippi from St. Paul

to St. Louis.

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: A. D. 1910.

Removal from office of Chief Forester Pinchot.

Investigation of charges against Secretary Ballinger.

Unfortunate differences between the Secretary of the Interior,

Mr. Ballinger, and the head of the Bureau of Forestry, Mr.

Pinchot, led to the removal of the latter from office early in

January, 1910. As a further result, formal charges of

unfaithfulness to public interests, in conducting national

measures of conservation, were brought against Secretary

Ballinger, and are undergoing investigation by a Congressional

Committee at the time of the passing of this matter to the

printers (March, 1910).

----------CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: End--------

{153}

CONSERVATIVE-UNIONIST PARTY:

Surrender of the Government in Great Britain.

Defeat in the Elections.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

CONSPIRACY LAW, British, as affecting Trades Unions.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND A. D. 1906 (MARCH).

CONSTABULARY, The Philippine.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.

CONSTANTINOPLE: A. D. 1901.

Loss of political importance.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: THE ASIATIC FUTURE.

CONSTANTINOPLE: A. D. 1908-1909.

The Turkish Revolution.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA:

Proposed Amendments.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 and 1910.

CONSTITUTION OF BRITISH INDIAN GOVERNMENT:

The Indian Councils Act.

See (in this Volume )

INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

CONSTITUTION FOR CHINA:

Nine years of approach to it.

Promised for 1907.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908, 1908 (December),

and 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

CONSTITUTION OF ENGLAND:

Resolution of the Commons contemplating a change affecting

the Legislative Power of the House of Lords.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (APRIL-DECEMBER), and 1910.

CONSTITUTION OF GEORGIA:

Suffrage Amendment.

See (in this Volume)

GEORGIA: A. D. 1908.

CONSTITUTION OF MONTENEGRO.

See (in this Volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

CONSTITUTION OF OKLAHOMA.

Some of the more radical features of the Constitution under

which Oklahoma was admitted to the American Union are

summarized in the following:

"Legislative authority is vested in a legislature, but the

people reserve to themselves the power to propose laws and

amendments to the constitution and to enact or reject the same

at the polls independent of the legislature, and also reserve

power at their own option to approve or reject at the polls

any act of the legislature.

"Eight per cent of the legal voters have the right to propose

any legislative measure and 15 percent of the legal voters

have the right to propose amendments to the constitution by

petition. A referendum may be ordered, except as to laws

necessary for the immediate preservation of the public peace,

health or safety, either by petition signed by 5 per cent of

the legal voters or by the legislature as other bills are

enacted. The veto power of the governor does not extend to

measures voted on by the people. The powers of the initiative

and referendum are also reserved to the legal voters of every

county and district as to local legislation or action.

"Every railroad, car or express company is required to receive

and transport without delay or discrimination each other’s

cars, loaded or empty, and passengers under such regulations

as shall be prescribed by law or any commission created for

that purpose. All oil-pipe companies are made subject to the

reasonable control and regulation of the corporation

commission, to which telephone and telegraph lines are also

subject in the same manner. No public-service corporation may

consolidate with any other like corporation having under its

control a parallel or competing line except by enactment of

the legislature upon the recommendation of the corporation

commission. The legislature, however, shall never enact any

law permitting any public-service corporation to consolidate

with any other public-service corporation organized under the

laws of any other state or of the United States owning or

controlling a parallel or competing line in the state. The

giving of passes by railroad or transportation companies is

forbidden except in the case of employés and other specified

persons.

"A corporation commission is created, to be composed of three

persons, elected by the people for terms of six years. The

commission shall have power to supervise and control all

transportation and transmission companies in the state in all

matters relating to the performance of their public duties and

their charges therefor and of correcting abuses and preventing

unjust discrimination and extortion by such companies; and to

that end the commission shall from time to time prescribe and

enforce such rates, charges, classification of charges and

rules and regulations and shall require the companies to

establish and maintain until amended all such public service,

facilities and conveniences as may be reasonable and just.

"Railroads, other than street or electric roads, are forbidden

to charge more than 2 cents a mile for the transportation of

passengers. The corporation commission may, however exempt

those roads which submit proof that they cannot earn a just

compensation for the services rendered by them to the public

if not permitted to charge more than 2 cents a mile.

"No corporation may issue stock except for money, labor done

or property actually received to the amount of the par value

thereof and all fictitious increase of stock or indebtedness

shall be void.

"No corporation doing business in the state may be permitted

to influence elections or official duty by contributions of

money or anything of value.

"Every license issued or charter granted to a mining or public

service corporation, foreign or domestic, must contain a

stipulation that such corporation will submit any difference

it may have with employés in reference to labor to

arbitration.

"The selling by firms or corporations of commodities at a

lower rate in one locality than in another for the purpose of

creating a monopoly or for destroying competition is

prohibited.

"Municipal corporations may not be created by special but by

general laws, and every corporation now existing shall

continue with its present rights and powers until otherwise

provided by law. The powers of the initiative and referendum

are reserved to the people of every municipal corporation. No

municipal corporation may ever grant, extend or renew a

franchise without the approval of a majority of the qualified

electors residing within its limits, and no franchise may be

granted, extended or renewed for more than twenty-five years.

Women are qualified to vote at school-district elections only.

{154}

----------CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA: Start--------

A Constitution for Persia was signed by the Shah,

Muzaffer-ed-Deen, December 30, 1906, of which the following

is, in part, the text:

In the name of God the all Merciful! Whereas by our Firman of

the 5th August, 1906, we commanded the constitution of a

National Assembly [Medjliss] for the progress and welfare of

the State and nation, the strengthening of the foundations of

the kingdom, and the carrying out of the laws of Islam; and

whereas, in accordance with the clause by which it is provided

that, as each individual member of the State has a right to

take part in the superintendence and decision of public

affairs, we therefore have permitted the election and

appointment of Deputies on behalf of the nation; and whereas

the National Assembly has been opened through our gracious

benevolence, we have decreed the following Articles of

constitutional Regulations for the National Assembly,

including the duties and business of the Assembly and its

limitations and relations toward Government Departments:

THE INSTITUTION OF THE ASSEMBLY.

[Articles 1-14 declare the National Assembly to be "composed

of members elected at Tehran and in the provinces"; their

place of meeting to be at Tehran; their number 160, but may if

necessary be increased to 200; their term of service two

years: they are "representative of the whole Persian nation";

the Tehran deputies to have "the option of instituting the

Assembly and starting discussion and debates," and "their

decisions by majority during the absence of the provincial

deputies will be valid and are to be carried out." The

Assembly itself is given the right to fix the time of its

recess and its sitting; its members cannot be proceeded

against by any person; its proceedings must be public and open

to newspaper reporting, but false reporting shall be

punished.]

THE DUTIES OF THE ASSEMBLY, ITS LIMITATIONS AND RIGHTS.

Article 15.

The National Assembly has the right to discuss truthfully and

sincerely all matters it considers to be desirable in the

interests of the State and nation to investigate; and, subject

to the approval of a majority, to submit them, in the

enjoyment of the utmost safety and confidence, with the

approval of the Senate, to His Imperial Majesty the Shah,

through the first person of the Government, for His Majesty’s

signature, and to be then put into execution.

Article 16.

In general, all laws necessary for the strengthening of the

Government and kingdom, and the regulation of State affairs,

and for the Constitution of Ministries, must receive the

sanction of the National Assembly.

Article 17.

The necessary Bills for making new laws, or for the

alteration, amplification, or cancellation of existing laws,

will, when desirable, be prepared by the National Assembly to

be submitted to His Imperial Majesty the Shah for signature

with the approval of the Senate, and to be then put into

execution.

Article 18.

The regulation of financial matters, the modification of the

Budget, the alteration of the arrangement of taxation, the

refusal or acceptance of impositions, as well as the

inspections which will be undertaken by the Government, will

be done with the approval of the Assembly.

Article 19.

The Assembly will have the right, for the purpose of reforming

financial matters and facilitating the relations of the

Governors and the apportioning of the provinces of Persia, and

the reappointment of Governors, after the Senate has given its

approval, to demand from the Government authorities that the

decision arrived at should be carried out.

Article 20.

The Budget of each Ministry must be finished for the

succeeding year in the last half of each year, and must be

ready fifteen days before the 20th March.

Article 21.

Should it be necessary with regard to the constitutional laws

of the Ministries to make a new law, or to alter or cancel

existing laws, it will be done with the consent of the

National Assembly, whether its necessity be first pointed out

by the Assembly or by the responsible Minister.

Article 22.

Whenever a part of the revenue or property of the Government

or State is to be sold, or a change of frontier or border

becomes necessary, it will be done with the approval of the

National Assembly.

Article 23.

Without the approval of the National Assembly no concession

whatever for the formation of Companies or Associations shall

be granted by the Government.

Article 24.

Treaties, Conventions, the granting of concessions,

monopolies, either commercial, industrial, or agricultural,

whether the other party be a native or a foreigner, can only

be done with the approval of the National Assembly. Treaties

which it may be in the interests of the Government or nation

to keep secret are excepted.

Article 25.

All Government loans of any nature whatsoever, whether

internal or foreign, will be made with the knowledge and

approval of the National Assembly.

Article 26.

The construction of railways or roads, whether the cost be

defrayed by the Government, by Associations or Companies,

whether native or foreign, can only be undertaken with the

approval of the National Assembly.

Article 27.

Should the Assembly find in any place a fault, in the laws or

an irregularity in their fulfilment, it will draw the

attention of the responsible Minister to the same, and he will

have to give the necessary explanations.

Article 28.

Should a Minister, in contravention of one of the laws which

have received the Imperial sanction, by misrepresentations

obtain the issue of a written or verbal order from His

Imperial Majesty the Shah, and excuse himself thereby for his

delay and negligence, he will by law be responsible to His

Imperial Majesty the Shah.

{155}

Article 29.

Whichever Minister who in a matter or matters should not be

able to answer for his actions in accordance with the laws

approved by His Imperial Majesty, and if it should be apparent

that he has broken the law and transgressed the stipulated

limitations, the Assembly will petition His Imperial Majesty

for his dismissal, and when his fault has been determined by

the Courts of Justice he will not again be allowed to serve

the Government.

Article 30.

The National Assembly has the right whenever it considers it

desirable to make petitions direct to His Imperial Majesty by

the means of a body composed of the President and six Members

elected by the six classes. The time for the audience must be

arranged for through the Minister of Court.

Article 81.

The Ministers have the right to be present at the sittings of

the National Assembly, and to sit in the place set apart for

them, and to hear the debates of the Assembly; and should they

think it necessary, they may ask the President for permission

to speak and give the necessary explanations for the

discussion and investigation of affairs.

Article 32.

Any individual member of the public may make a statement of

his case, or complaints or criticisms, to the office of the

Assembly, and, if the matter concerns the Assembly itself, a

satisfying answer will be given to him; but should the matter

concern one of the Ministries, it will be sent to that

Ministry for investigation, and in order that a satisfying

answer be given.

Article 33.

New laws which are necessary will be prepared at the

responsible Ministries, and will be given to the National

Assembly by the responsible Minister or by the Sadr Azam, and

after receiving the approval of the Assembly will receive His

Imperial Majesty’s sign-manual and be put into execution.

Article 34.

The President of the Assembly can, if necessary, of his own

initiative or by the desire of ten Members of the Assembly or

of a Minister, form a Secret Committee, without the presence

of newspaper reporters or spectators, composed of a number of

persons chosen from among the Members of the Assembly, at

which the other Members of the Assembly will not have the

right to attend. The result of the deliberations of the Secret

Committee can, however, only be put into execution when the

Secret Committee in the presence of three quarters of the

persons elected accept the point at issue by a majority of

votes, and if the matter be not passed by the Secret

Committee, it will not be stated in the Assembly and will

remain secret.

Article 35.

Should the Secret Committee be instituted by the President of

the Assembly, he has the right to inform the public of any

part of it he thinks fit; but if the Secret Committee is

instituted by a Minister, the publication of the debate can

only be subject to that Minister’s permission.

[Articles 36-42 are regulative of the transaction of business

between the Assembly and the Ministries of the Government in

matters of debate, inquiry, action on bills, etc.]

THE INSTITUTION OF THE SENATE.

Article 43.

Another Assembly, called the Senate, will be constituted,

composed of sixty Members, whose sittings will coincide, after

its constitution, with those of the National Assembly.

Article 44.

The Regulations of the Senate must receive the approval of the

National Assembly.

Article 45.

The Members of the Assembly will be chosen from among the

enlightened, intelligent, orthodox, and respectable persons of

the State, thirty persons on behalf of His Imperial Majesty,

of whom fifteen from among the inhabitants of Tehran and

fifteen from the inhabitants of the provinces, and thirty

persons on behalf of the nation, of whom fifteen persons

elected by the people of Tehran and fifteen persons elected by

the people of the provinces.

Article 46.

After the constitution of the Senate all affairs must receive

the approval of both Assemblies. If those affairs are

initiated by the Senate or by the body of Ministers, they must

first be determined in the Senate and passed by a majority,

and then be sent to the National Assembly for approval; but

affairs initiated in the National Assembly will, on the

contrary, pass from that Assembly to the Senate, with the

exception of financial matters, which will be the prerogative

of the National Assembly, and the Senate will be informed of

the arrangements made by the Assembly regarding these affairs

in order that the Senate should make its observations on the

same to the National Assembly, which is, however, at liberty,

after the necessary investigations, either to accept or to

refuse the proposals of the Senate.

Article 47.

So long as the Senate is not constituted affairs will require

only the approval of the National Assembly and the sign-manual

of His Imperial Majesty to be put into execution.

[Article 48 provides for the constituting of a "third

assembly," composed of an equal number of members from the

National Assembly and the Senate, to deal with cases in which

those two bodies are in disagreement, and for the ultimate

dissolution of the National Assembly, preparatory to the

election of a new one, in case no settlement of the

disagreement is reached.

Article 49 allows the new Tehran deputies then elected to

begin their labors, outside of the points at issue, as soon as

they are ready.]

The conclusion of the Constitution is as follows:

Article 50.

During each term of election—that is to say, during two

years—a general election will not be called more than once.

Article 51.

It is decreed that the Sovereign who succeeds us should

protect these limitations and Articles, which aim at the

strengthening of the State and of the foundations of the

kingdom, and the protection of justice and contentment of the

nation, which we have decreed and put into execution, and

which they must look upon as their duty to fulfil.

In the month of Zilkade the Unclean, 1324.

O God the Almighty!

The Constitutional Laws of the National Assembly and the

Senate, containing fifty one Articles, are correct.

14th of the month of Zilkade, 1324

(30th December, 1906).

In the handwriting of Muzaffer-ed-Deen Shah;

It is correct.

(Sealed) Valiahd (Mohammed Ali Shah).

(Sealed) Mushir-ed-Dowleh (the Grand Vizier).

{156}

CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA:

The Constitutional Law, as passed by the National Assembly

and signed by the Shah on October 8, 1907.

One hundred and seven articles "to complete the fundamental

laws of the Constitution of Persia" were "added to the

Constitutional law "by the signature of the Shah on the 30th

of December, 1906. The first two are as follows:

Article 1.

The official religion of Persia is the branch of the Twelve

Imams of the Shia Sect of Islam. The Sovereign of Persia must

be of, and contribute to the spread of, this religion.

Article 2.

The National Assembly has been founded by the help of the

Twelfth Imam, the bounty of His Islamic Majesty, the

watchfulness of the Mujteheds and the common people. The laws

passed by it must never to all ages be contrary to the sacred

precepts of Islam, and the laws laid down by the Prophet. It

is obvious that the decision as to whether the laws passed by

the Assembly are in opposition to the precepts of Islam rests

with the Ulema. It is therefore officially decreed that for

all ages a Committee composed of five persons, who shall be

Mujteheds and religious doctors, and who also must be

acquainted with the requirements of the times, shall be

elected in the following manner: The Ulema and doctors of

Islam who are recognized by the Shias as the centre of

imitation shall make known to the National Assembly the names

of twenty of the Ulema possessing the above-mentioned

qualities. The National Assembly shall, by agreement on

casting of lots, elect five of them or more, according to the

requirements of the age, and admit them as members. This

Committee shall discuss and thoroughly investigate the Bills

brought in by the National Assembly, and reject every one of

these Bills which is contrary to the sacred precepts of Islam,

in order that it may not become law. The decision of this

Committee is final. This Article will not be liable to change

until the advent of the Twelfth Imam.

[Articles 3-7 relate to boundaries of the Kingdom, its

capital, its flag, protection of the lives and property of

foreigners, and the integrity of the Constitution.

Articles 8-25 are in the nature of a "bill of rights,"

affirming equality of rights to all; immunity from arbitrary

arrest, punishment, exile or sequestration of property;

freedom of "the study of teaching of arts, letters and

sciences" "except in so far as they are forbidden by the

Sheri"; freedom of publication for all "except heretical

works"; freedom of "societies and associations which do not

provoke religious or civil strife"; inviolability of postal

and telegraphic communications, except under authority of law.

All primary and secondary schools are placed under the

direction and surveillance of the Ministry of Education.

Articles 26-29 define, as follows:

THE POWERS OF THE REALM.

Article 26.

The powers of the realm spring from the people. The

Constitutional Law defines the method of using those powers.

Article 27.

The powers of the realm are divided into three parts:—

Firstly, legislative power, whose province it is to make and

amend laws. This power emanates from His Imperial Majesty the

Shah, the National Assembly, and the Senate. Each one of these

three sources possesses the right of originating laws; but

their passing is conditional to their not being contrary to

the laws of the Sheri, and to the approval of the two

Assemblies, and to their receiving the Imperial signature. But

the making and approval of laws relating to the revenue and

expenditure of the realm belong to the National Assembly

alone. The interpretation and commentary of laws is the

peculiar duty of the National Assembly.

Secondly, the judicial power, which consists in the

distinguishing of rights. This power belongs to the Sheri

Tribunals in matters appertaining to the Sheri, and to the

Courts of Justice in matters appertaining to the civil law

("urf").

Thirdly, the executive power, which rests with the Sovereign.

That is to say, the Laws and Decrees will be executed by the

Ministers and Government officials in the name of His Imperial

Majesty in the manner defined by law.

Article 28.

The three above-mentioned powers shall always be

differentiated and separated from one another.

Article 29.

The particular revenues of each province, department, and

commune shall be regulated by the Provincial and Departmental

Assemblies in accordance with their own particular laws.

[Articles 30-34 define the status of the members of the

National Assembly.]

RIGHTS AND POWERS OF THE CROWN.

[Articles 35-57 set forth the rights and powers of the Crown.

The sovereignty of Persia is declared to be "a trust which, by

the grace of God, has been conferred on the person of the

Sovereign by the people." The succession is vested in Muhammed

Ali Shah Kajar and his descendants; the Crown Prince to be

"the eldest son of the Sovereign whose mother is a Persian and

a princess." Provision is made for the election by a joint

committee of the Senate and the National Assembly on the

succession of a minor, who cannot govern personally till his

age is eighteen. The powers of the sovereign are thus

defined:]

Article 43.

The Sovereign cannot, without the approval and sanction of the

National Assembly and the Senate, interfere in the affairs of

another country.

Article 44.

The Sovereign is absolved from all responsibility. The

Ministers of State are responsible in all matters.

Article 45.

All the Decrees and Rescripts of the Sovereign shall only be

put into execution when they have been signed by the

responsible Minister, who is responsible for the accuracy of

the contents of that Firman or Rescript.

Article 46.

The dismissal and appointment of Ministers are by order of the

Sovereign.

Article 47.

The conferring of commissions in the army and orders and

honorary distinctions, with due observance of law, is vested

in the person of the Sovereign.

Article 48.

The Sovereign has the right, with the approval of the

responsible Minister, to choose the important officials of the

Government Departments, either at home or abroad, except in

cases excepted by law. But the appointment of the other

officials does not concern the Sovereign, except in cases

defined by law.

Article 49.

The issuing of Firmans for the execution of laws is one of the

rights of the Sovereign, but he may not delay or suspend the

execution of those laws.

Article 50.

The supreme command of the military and naval forces is vested

in the person of the Sovereign.

Article 51.

The declaration of war and the conclusion of peace rest with

the Sovereign.

{157}

Article 52.

Treaties which, in accordance with Article 24 of the

Constitutional Law of the 14th Zilaadeh, 1325 (30th December,

1906), must be kept secret, must, on the removal of this

necessity, and provided that the interests and security of the

country demand it, be communicated by the Sovereign to the

National Assembly and the Senate, with the necessary

explanations.

Article 58.

The secret clauses of any Treaty cannot annul the public

clauses of that Treaty.

Article 54.

The Sovereign can summon the National Assembly and the Senate

to an extraordinary Session.

Article 55.

Coins shall be struck, according to law, in the name of the

Sovereign.

Article 56.

The expenses of the Imperial household must be defined by law.

Article 57.

The powers and prerogatives of the Sovereign are only such as

have been defined by the existing constitutional laws.

[Articles 58-70 relate to the Ministers, who must be

Mussulmans and native Persian subjects, princes of the first

rank not eligible. They are severally and jointly responsible

to both Assemblies. Commands of the sovereign cannot divest

them of responsibility, which is to be defined by law. The

Assembly or the Senate can accuse and prosecute them for

offenses before the High Court of Appeal.]

JUDICIAL TRIBUNALS.

[The Judicial Tribunals of the Kingdom are the subject of

Articles 71-89. "The Supreme Court of Justice and the

subsidiary Courts" are declared to be "the official centres to

which all suits must be referred, and judgment in matters

appertaining to the Sheri rests with the fully qualified

Mujteheds." Suits relating to political rights concern the

Courts of Justice, excepting those which are excepted by law.

No Court of Law can be instituted except by law. One Court of

Appeal for the whole Kingdom is to be instituted at the

Capital. The sittings of all tribunals shall be public, except

in cases when the tribunal judges that this would be

prejudicial to order or decency. "The Presidents and the

members of the Courts of Justice will be chosen in the manner

decreed by the law of the Ministry of Justice, and will be

appointed by virtue of a royal Firman." No judge may be

suspended, temporarily, or permanently, without a trial or

proof of offence. Military tribunals will be instituted

according to a special law.]

MISCELLANEOUS.

[Provincial Assemblies of elected representatives are

provided for in Articles 90-93.

Articles 94-103 have relation to finances. They declare that

no taxes may be levied or exemptions from them allowed except

by law; that no favor to individuals shall be shown in

taxation; that nothing shall, on any pretext, be demanded from

the people, otherwise than by law; and provision is made for

the creation of a State Accounts Department, to be chosen by

the National Assembly.

The last four articles relate to the Army, which is required

to be in all particulars under regulation of law. "The army

vote must pass the National Assembly every year."]

----------CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA: End--------

CONSTITUTION OF RUSSIA, The so-called.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA, A. D. 1904-1905.

----------CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA: Start--------

Omitting the preamble, which sets forth the desirability and

expediency, "for the welfare and future progress of South

Africa, that the several British Colonies therein shall be

united under one Government in a legislative union under the

Crown of Great Britain and Ireland," the provisions of the

enactment for that purpose by the Parliament of the United

Kingdom, approved September 20, 1909, are as follows:

I.—PRELIMINARY.

1. This Act may be cited as the South Africa Act, 1909.

2. In this Act, unless it is otherwise expressed or implied,

the words "the Union" shall be taken to mean the Union of

South Africa as constituted under this Act, and the words

"Houses of Parliament," "House of Parliament," or

"Parliament," shall be taken to mean the Parliament of the

Union.

3. The provisions of this Act referring to the King shall

extend to His Majesty’s heirs and successors in the

sovereignty of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and

Ireland.

II.—THE UNION.

4. It shall be lawful for the King, with the advice of the

Privy Council, to declare by proclamation that, on and after a

day therein appointed, not being later than one year after the

passing of this Act, the Colonies of the Cape of Good Hope,

Natal, the Transvaal, and the Orange River Colony, hereinafter

called the Colonies shall be united in a Legislative Union

under one Government under the name of the Union of South

Africa. On and after the day appointed by such proclamation

the Government and Parliament of the Union shall have full

power and authority within the limits of the Colonies, but the

King may at any time after the proclamation appoint a

governor-general for the Union.

5. The provisions of this Act shall, unless it is otherwise

expressed or implied, take effect on and after the day so

appointed.

6. The colonies mentioned in section four shall become

original provinces of the Union under the names of Cape of

Good Hope, Natal, Transvaal, and Orange Free State, as the

case maybe. The original provinces shall have the same limits

as the respective colonies at the establishment of the Union.

7. Upon any colony entering the Union, the Colonial Boundaries

Act, 1895, and every other Act applying to any of the Colonies

as being self-governing colonies or colonies with responsible

government, shall cease to apply to that colony, but as from

the date when this Act takes effect every such Act of

Parliament shall apply to the Union.

III.—EXECUTIVE GOVERNMENT.

8. The Executive Government of the Union is vested in the

King, and shall be administered by His Majesty in person or by

a governor-general as His representative.

{158}

9. The Governor-General shall be appointed by the King, and

shall have and may exercise in the Union during the King’s

pleasure, but subject to this Act, such powers and functions

of the King as His Majesty may be pleased to assign to him.

10. There shall be payable to the King out of the Consolidated

Revenue Fund of the Union for the salary of the

Governor-General an annual sum of ten thousand pounds. The

salary of the Governor-General shall not be altered during his

continuance in office.

11. The provisions of this Act relating to the

Governor-General extend and apply to the Governor-General for

the time being or such person as the King may appoint to

administer the government of the Union. The King may authorise

the Governor-General to appoint any person to be his deputy

within the Union during his temporary absence, and in that

capacity to exercise for and on behalf of the Governor-General

during such absence all such powers and authorities vested in

the Governor-General as the Governor-General may assign to

him, subject to any limitations expressed or directions given

by the King; but the appointment of such deputy shall not

affect the exercise by the Governor-General himself of any

power or function.

12. There shall be an Executive Council to advise the

Governor-General in the government of the Union, and the

members of the council shall be chosen and summoned by the

Governor-General and sworn as executive councillors, and shall

hold office during his pleasure.

13. The provisions of this Act referring to the

Governor-General in Council shall be construed as referring to

the Governor-General acting with the advice of the Executive

Council.

14. The Governor-General may appoint officers not exceeding

ten in number to administer such departments of State of the

Union as the Governor-General in Council may establish; such

officers shall hold office during the pleasure of the

Governor-General. They shall be members of the Executive

Council and shall be the King’s ministers of State for the

Union. After the first general election of members of the

House of Assembly, as hereinafter provided, no minister shall

hold office for a longer period than three months unless he is

or becomes a member of either House of Parliament.

15. The appointment and removal of all officers of the public

service of the Union shall be vested in the Governor-General

in Council, unless the appointment is delegated by the

Governor-General in Council or by this Act or by a law of

Parliament to some other authority.

16. All powers, authorities, and functions which at the

establishment of the Union are in any of the Colonies vested

in the Governor or in the Governor in Council, or in any

authority of the Colony, shall, as far as the same continue in

existence and are capable of being exercised after the

establishment of the Union, be vested in the Governor-General

or in the Governor-General in Council, or in the authority

exercising similar powers under the Union, as the case may be,

except such powers and functions as are by this Act or may by

a law of Parliament be vested in some other authority.

17. The command in chief of the naval and military forces

within the Union is vested in the King or in the

Governor-General as His representative.

18. Save as in section twenty-three excepted, Pretoria shall

be the seat of Government of the Union.

IV.—PARLIAMENT.

19. The legislative power of the Union shall be vested in the

Parliament of the Union, herein called Parliament, which shall

consist of the King, a Senate, and a House of Assembly.

20. The Governor-General may appoint such times for holding

the sessions of Parliament as he thinks fit, and may also from

time to time, by proclamation or otherwise, prorogue

Parliament, and may in like manner dissolve the Senate and the

House of Assembly simultaneously, or the House of Assembly

alone: provided that the Senate shall not be dissolved within

a period of ten years after the establishment of the Union,

and provided further that the dissolution of the Senate shall

not affect any senators nominated by the Governor-General in

Council.

21. Parliament shall be summoned to meet not later than six

months after the establishment of the Union.

22. There shall be a session of Parliament once at least in

every year, so that a period of twelve months shall not

intervene between the last sitting of Parliament in one

session and its first sitting in the next session.

23. Cape Town shall be the seat of the Legislature of the

Union.

SENATE.

24. For ten years after the establishment of the Union the

constitution of the Senate shall, in respect of the original

provinces, be as follows:

(i) Eight senators shall be nominated by the Governor-General

in Council, and for each original province eight senators

shall be elected in the manner hereinafter provided:

(ii) The senators to be nominated by the Governor-General in

Council shall hold their seats for ten years. One-half of

their number shall be selected on the ground mainly of their

thorough acquaintance, by reason of their official experience

or otherwise, with the reasonable wants and wishes of the

coloured races in South Africa. If the seat of a senator so

nominated shall become vacant, the Governor-General in Council

shall nominate another person to be a senator, who shall hold

his seat for ten years:

(iii) After the passing of this Act, and before the day

appointed for the establishment of the Union, the Governor of

each of the Colonies shall summon a special sitting of both

Houses of the Legislature, and the two Houses sitting together

as one body and presided over by the Speaker of the

Legislative Assembly shall elect eight persons to be senators

for the province. Such senators shall hold their seats for ten

years. If the seat of a senator so elected shall become

vacant, the provincial council of the province for which such

senator has been elected shall choose a person to hold the

seat until the completion of the period for which the person

in whose stead he is elected would have held his seat.

{159}

25. Parliament may provide for the manner in which the Senate

shall be constituted after the expiration of ten years, and

unless and until such provision shall have been made—

(i) the provisions of the last preceding section with regard

to nominated senators shall continue to have effect;

(ii) eight senators for each province shall be elected by the

members of the provincial council of such province together

with the members of the House of Assembly elected for such

province. Such senators shall hold their seats for ten years

unless the Senate be sooner dissolved. If the seat of an

elected senator shall become vacant, the members of the

provincial council of the province, together with the members

of the House of Assembly elected for such province, shall

choose a person to hold the seat until the completion of the

period for which the person in whose stead he is elected would

have held his seat. The Governor-General in Council shall make

regulations for the joint election of senators prescribed in

this section.

26. The qualifications of a senator shall be as follows:

—He must—

(a) be not less than thirty years of age;

(b) be qualified to be registered as a voter for the election

of members of the House of Assembly in one of the provinces;

(c) have resided for five years within the limits of the Union

as existing at the time when he is elected or nominated, as

the case may be;

(d) be a British subject of European descent;

(e) in the case of an elected senator, be the registered owner

of immovable property within the Union of the value of not

less than five hundred pounds over and above any special

mortgages thereon. For the purposes of this section, residence

in, and property situated within, a colony before its

incorporation in the Union shall be treated as residence in

and property situated within the Union.

27. The Senate shall, before proceeding to the dispatch of any

other business, choose a senator to be the President of the

Senate, and as often as the office of President becomes vacant

the Senate shall again choose a senator to be the President.

The President shall cease to hold office if he ceases to be a

senator. He may be removed from office by a vote of the

Senate, or he may resign his office by writing under his hand

addressed to the Governor-General.

28. Prior to or during any absence of the President the Senate

may choose a senator to perform his duties in his absence.

29. A senator may, by writing under his hand addressed to the

Governor-General, resign his seat, which thereupon shall

become vacant. The Governor-General shall as soon as

practicable cause steps to be taken to have the vacancy

filled.

30. The presence of at least twelve senators shall be

necessary to constitute a meeting of the Senate for the

exercise of its powers.

31. All questions in the Senate shall be determined by a

majority of votes of senators present other than the President

or the presiding senator, who shall, however, have and

exercise a casting vote in the case of an equality of votes.

HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.

32. The House of Assembly shall be composed of members

directly chosen by the voters of the Union in electoral

divisions delimited as hereinafter provided.

33. The number of members to be elected in the original

provinces at the first election and until the number is

altered in accordance with the provisions of this Act shall be

as follows: Cape of Good Hope, fifty-one; Natal, seventeen;

Transvaal, thirty-six; Orange Free State, seventeen. These

numbers may be increased as provided in the next succeeding

section, but shall not, in the case of any original province,

be diminished until the total number of members of the House

of Assembly in respect of the provinces herein provided for

reaches one hundred and fifty, or until a period of ten years

has elapsed after the establishment of the Union, whichever is

the longer period.

34. The number of members to be elected in each province, as

provided in section thirty-three, shall be increased from time

to time as may be necessary in accordance with the following

provisions:

(i) The quota of the Union shall be obtained by dividing the

total number of European male adults in the Union, as

ascertained at the census of nineteen hundred and four, by the

total number of members of the House of Assembly as

constituted at the establishment of the Union:

(ii) In nineteen hundred and eleven, and every five years

thereafter, a census of the European population of the Union

shall be taken for the purposes of this Act:

(iii) After any such census the number of European male adults

in each province shall be compared with the number of European

male adults as ascertained at the census of nineteen hundred

and four, and, in the case of any province where an increase

is shown, as compared with the census of nineteen hundred and

four, equal to the quota of the Union or any multiple thereof,

the number of members allotted to such province in the last

preceding section shall be increased by an additional member

or an additional number of members equal to such multiple, as

the case may be:

(iv) Notwithstanding anything herein contained, no additional

member shall be allotted to any province until the total

number of European male adults in such province exceeds the

quota of the Union multiplied by the number of members

allotted to such province for the time being, and thereupon

additional members shall be allotted to such province in

respect only of such excess:

(v) As soon as the number of members of the House of Assembly

to be elected in the original provinces in accordance with the

preceding subsections reaches the total of one hundred and

fifty, such total shall not be further increased unless and

until Parliament otherwise provides; and subject to the

provisions of the last preceding section the distribution of

members among the provinces shall be such that the proportion

between the number of members to be elected at any time in

each province and the number of European male adults in such

province, as ascertained at the last preceding census, shall

as far as possible be identical throughout the Union:

(vi) "Male adults" in this Act shall be taken to mean males of

twenty-one years of age or upwards not being members of His

Majesty’s regular forces on full pay:

(vii) For the purposes of this Act the number of European male

adults, as ascertained at the census of nineteen hundred and

four, shall be taken to be—

For the Cape of Good Hope, 167,546;

for Natal,                  34,784;

for the Transvaal,         106,493;

For the Orange Free State,  41,014.

{160}

35.

(1) Parliament may by law prescribe the qualifications which

shall be necessary to entitle persons to vote at the election

of members of the House of Assembly, but no such law shall

disqualify any person in the province of the Cape of Good Hope

who, under the laws existing in the Colony of the Cape of Good

Hope at the establishment of the Union, is or may become

capable of being registered as a voter from being so

registered in the province of the Cape of Good Hope by reason

of his race or colour only, unless the Bill be passed by both

Houses of Parliament sitting together, and at the third

reading be agreed to by not less than two-thirds of the total

number of members of both Houses. A Bill so passed at such

joint sitting shall be taken to have been duly passed by both

Houses of Parliament.

(2) No person who at the passing of any such law is registered

as a voter in any province shall be removed from the register

by reason only of any disqualification based on race or

colour.

36. Subject to the provisions of the last preceding section,

the qualifications of parliamentary voters, as existing in the

several Colonies at the establishment of the Union, shall be

the qualifications necessary to entitle persons in the

corresponding provinces to vote for the election of members of

the House of Assembly: Provided that no member of His

Majesty’s regular forces on full pay shall be entitled to be

registered as a voter.

[Section 37 of the Act applies to the elections of members of

the House of Assembly all existing election laws in the

respective provinces relating to the elections for their more

numerous Houses of Parliament, excepting that it requires all

polls to be taken on one and the same day throughout the

Union.

Sections 38 to 43 inclusive provide for the creation of a

joint commission to determine the first division of the

provinces into equalized electoral divisions, and for

subsequent commissions of three judges of the Supreme Court of

South Africa for re-divisions, as they may become necessary.]

44. The qualifications of a member of the House of Assembly

shall be as follows:—He must—

(a) be qualified to be registered as a voter for the election

of members of the House of Assembly in one of the provinces;

(b) have resided for five years within the limits of the

Union as existing at the time when he is elected;

(c) be a British subject of European descent.

For the purposes of this section, residence in a colony before

its incorporation in the Union shall be treated as residence

in the Union.

45. Every House of Assembly shall continue for five years from

the first meeting thereof, and no longer, but may be sooner

dissolved by the Governor-General.

46. The House of Assembly shall, before proceeding to the

despatch of any other business, choose a member to be the

Speaker of the House, and, as often as the office of Speaker

becomes vacant, the House shall again choose a member to be

the Speaker. The Speaker shall cease to hold his office if he

ceases to be a member. He may be removed from office by a vote

of the House, or he may resign his office or his seat by

writing under his hand addressed to the Governor-General.

47. Prior to or during the absence of the Speaker, the House

of Assembly may choose a member to perform his duties in his

absence.

48. A member may, by writing under his hand addressed to the

Speaker, or, if there is no Speaker, or if the Speaker is

absent from the Union, to the Governor-General, resign his

seat, which shall thereupon become vacant.

49. The presence of at least thirty members of the House of

Assembly shall be necessary to constitute a meeting of the

House for the exercise of its powers.

50. All questions in the House of Assembly shall be determined

by a majority of votes of members present other than the

Speaker or the presiding member, who shall, however, have and

exercise a casting vote in the case of an equality of votes.

BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT.

[Section 51 prescribes the oath or affirmation of allegiance

to the British Sovereign which each senator and member of the

House of Assembly must subscribe to before taking his seat.]

52. A member of either House of Parliament shall be incapable

of being chosen or of sitting as a member of the other House:

Provided that every minister of State who is a member of

either House of Parliament shall have the right to sit and

speak in the Senate and the House of Assembly, but shall vote

only in the House of which he is a member.

53. No person shall be capable of being chosen or of sitting

as a senator or as a member of the House of Assembly who—

(a) has been at any time convicted of any crime or offence for

which he shall have been sentenced to imprisonment without the

option of a fine for a term of not less than twelve months,

unless he shall have received a grant of amnesty or a free

pardon, or unless such imprisonment shall have expired at

least five years before the date of his election; or

(b) is an unrehabilitated insolvent; or

(c) is of unsound mind, and has been so declared by a

competent court; or

(d) holds any office of profit under the Crown within the

Union:

Provided that the following persons shall not be deemed to

hold an office of profit under the Crown for the purposes of

this subsection:

(1) a minister of State for the Union;

(2) a person in receipt of a pension from the Crown;

(3) an officer or member of His Majesty’s naval or military

forces on retired or half pay, or an officer or member of the

naval or military forces of the Union whose services are not

wholly employed by the Union.

54. If a senator or member of the House of Assembly—

(a) becomes subject to any of the disabilities mentioned in

the last preceding section; or

(b) ceases to be qualified as required by law; or

(c) fails for a whole ordinary session to attend without the

special leave of the Senate or the House of Assembly, as the

case may be; his seat shall thereupon become vacant.

[Section 55 imposes a penalty of £100 for each day on which

any disqualified person may knowingly sit in Parliament.]

56. Each senator and each member of the House of Assembly

shall, under such rules as shall be framed by Parliament,

receive an allowance of four hundred pounds a year, to be

reckoned from the date on which he takes his seat: Provided

that for every day of the session on which he is absent there

shall be deducted from such allowance the sum of three pounds:

Provided further that no such allowance shall be paid to a

Minister receiving a salary under the Crown or to the

President of the Senate or the Speaker of the House of

Assembly. A day of the session shall mean in respect of a

member any day during a session on which the House of which he

is a member or any committee of which he is a member meets.

{161}

[Sections 57-58 relate to the privileges of each House of

Parliament and its right to make rules and orders of procedure

for the conduct of its business.]

POWERS OF PARLIAMENT.

59. Parliament shall have full power to make laws for the

peace, order, and good government of the Union.

60.—

(1) Bills appropriating revenue or moneys or imposing taxation

shall originate only in the House of Assembly. But a Bill

shall not be taken to appropriate revenue or moneys or to

impose taxation by reason only of its containing provisions

for the imposition or appropriation of fines or other

pecuniary penalties.

(2) The Senate may not amend any Bills so far as they impose

taxation or appropriate revenue or moneys for the services of

the Government.

(3) The Senate may not amend any Bill so as to increase any

proposed charges or burden on the people.

61. Any Bill which appropriates revenue or moneys for the

ordinary annual services of the Government shall deal only

with such appropriation.

62. The House of Assembly shall not originate or pass any

vote, resolution, address, or Bill for the appropriation of

any part of the public revenue or of any tax or impost to any

purpose unless such appropriation has been recommended by

message from the Governor-General during the Session in which

such vote, resolution, address, or Bill is proposed.

63. If the House of Assembly passes any Bill and the Senate

rejects or fails to pass it or passes it with amendments to

which the House of Assembly will not agree, and if the House

of Assembly in the next session again passes the Bill with or

without any amendments which have been made or agreed to by

the Senate and the Senate rejects or fails to pass it or

passes it with amendments to which the House of Assembly will

not agree, the Governor-General may during that session

convene a joint sitting of the members of the Senate and House

of Assembly. The members present at any such joint sitting may

deliberate and shall vote together upon the Bill as last

proposed by the House of Assembly and upon amendments, if any,

which have been made therein by one House of Parliament and

not agreed to by the other; and any such amendments which are

affirmed by a majority of the total number of members of the

Senate and House of Assembly present at such sitting shall be

taken to have been carried, and if the Bill with the

amendments, if any, is affirmed by a majority of the members

of the Senate and House of Assembly present at such sitting,

it shall be taken to have been duly passed by both Houses of

Parliament: Provided that, if the Senate shall reject or fail

to pass any Bill dealing with the appropriation of revenue or

moneys for the public service, such joint sitting may be

convened during the same session in which the Senate so

rejects or fails to pass such Bill.

64. When a Bill is presented to the Governor-General for the

King’s Assent, he shall declare according to his discretion,

but subject to the provisions of this Act, and to such

instructions as may from time to time be given in that behalf

by the King, that he assents in the King’s name, or that he

withholds assent, or that he reserves the Bill for the

signification of the King’s pleasure. All Bills repealing or

amending this section or any of the provisions of Chapter IV.

under the heading "House of Assembly," and all Bills

abolishing provincial councils or abridging the powers

conferred on provincial councils under section eighty-five,

otherwise than in accordance with the provisions of that

section, shall be so reserved. The Governor-General may return

to the House in which it originated any Bill so presented to

him, and may transmit therewith any amendments which he may

recommend, and the House may deal with the recommendation.

65. The King may disallow any law within one year after it has

been assented to by the Governor General, and such

disallowance, on being made known by the Governor-General by

speech or message to each of the Houses of Parliament or by

proclamation, shall annul the law from the day when the

disallowance is so made known.

66. A Bill reserved for the King’s pleasure shall not have any

force unless and until, within one year from the day on which

it was presented to the Governor-General for the King’s

Assent, the Governor-General makes known by speech or message

to each of the Houses of Parliament or by proclamation that it

has received the King’s Assent.

67. As soon as may be after any law shall have been assented

to in the King’s name by the Governor-General, or having been

reserved for the King’s pleasure shall have received his

assent, the Clerk of the House of Assembly shall cause two

fair copies of such law, one being in the English and the

other in the Dutch language (one of which copies shall be

signed by the Governor-General), to be enrolled of record in

the office of the Registrar of the Appellate Division of the

Supreme Court of South Africa; and such copies shall be

conclusive evidence as to the provisions of every such law,

and in case of conflict between the two copies thus deposited

that signed by the Governor-General shall prevail.

V.—THE PROVINCES.

ADMINISTRATORS.

68.—

(1) In each province there shall be a chief executive officer

appointed by the Governor-General in Council, who shall be

styled the administrator of the province, and in whose name

all executive acts relating to provincial affairs therein

shall be done.

(2) In the appointment of the administrator of any province,

the Governor-General in Council shall, as far as practicable,

give preference to persons resident in such province.

(3) Such administrator shall hold office for a term of five

years and shall not be removed before the expiration thereof

except by the Governor-General in Council for cause assigned,

which shall be communicated by message to both Houses of

Parliament within one week after the removal, if Parliament be

then sitting, or, if Parliament be not sitting, then within

one week after the commencement of the next ensuing session.

(4) The Governor-General in Council may from time to time

appoint a deputy administrator to execute the office and

functions of the administrator during his absence, illness, or

other inability.

69. The salaries of the administrators shall be fixed and

provided by Parliament, and shall not be reduced during their

respective terms of office.

{162}

PROVINCIAL COUNCILS.

70.—

(1) There shall be a provincial council in each province

consisting of the same number of members as are elected in the

province for the House of Assembly: Provided that, in any

province whose representatives in the House of Assembly shall

be less than twenty-five in number, the provincial council

shall consist of twenty-five members.

(2) Any person qualified to vote for the election of members

of the provincial council shall be qualified to be a member of

such council.

[Sections 71-77 are regulative of the elections, the terms

(three years), and the sittings of the Provincial Councils.

Sections 78-84 are creative of Executive Committees, for which

each Provincial Council shall elect "from among its members,

or otherwise," four persons, to be joined with the

administrator of the Province, the latter being chairman of

the Executive Committee thus constituted. This Committee, "on

behalf of the Provincial Council," being appointed to "carry

on the administration of provincial affairs," and, "subject to

the provisions of this Act," to be invested with "all powers,

authorities, and functions which at the establishment of the

Union are vested in or exercised by the Governor in Council,

or any minister of the Colony."]

POWERS OF PROVINCIAL COUNCILS.

85. Subject to the provisions of this Act and the assent of

the Governor-General in Council as hereinafter provided, the

provincial council may make ordinances in relation to matters

coming within the following classes of subjects (that is to

say):—

(i) Direct taxation within the province in order to raise a

revenue for provincial purposes:

(ii) The borrowing of money on the sole credit of the province

with the consent of the Governor-General in Council and in

accordance with regulations to be framed by Parliament:

(iii) Education, other than higher education, for a period of

five years and thereafter until Parliament otherwise provides:

(iv) Agriculture to the extent and subject to the conditions

to be defined by Parliament:

(v) The establishment, maintenance, and management of

hospitals and charitable institutions:

(vi) Municipal institutions, divisional councils, and other

local institutions of a similar nature:

(vii) Local works and undertakings within the province, other

than railways and harbours and other than such works as extend

beyond the borders of the province, and subject to the power

of Parliament to declare any work a national work and to

provide for its construction by arrangement with the

provincial council or otherwise:

(viii) Roads, outspans, ponts, and bridges, other than bridges

connecting two provinces:

(ix) Markets and pounds:

(x) Fish and game preservation:

(xi) The imposition of punishment by fine, penalty, or

imprisonment for enforcing any law or any ordinance of the

province made in relation to any matter coming within any of

the classes of subjects enumerated in this section:

(xii) Generally all matters which, in the opinion of the

Governor-General in Council, are of a merely local or private

nature in the province:

(xiii) All other subjects in respect of which Parliament shall

by any law delegate the power of making ordinances to the

provincial council.

[Sections 86-93 are regulative of the exercise of the powers

thus conferred.]

94. The seats of provincial government shall be—

For the Cape of Good Hope, Cape Town;

for Natal, Pietermaritzburg;

for the Transvaal, Pretoria;

for the Orange Free State, Bloemfontein.

VI.—THE SUPREME COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA.

95. There shall be a Supreme Court of South Africa consisting

of a Chief Justice of South Africa, the ordinary judges of

appeal, and the other judges of the several divisions of the

Supreme Court of South Africa in the provinces.

96. There shall be an Appellate Division of the Supreme Court

of South Africa, consisting of the Chief Justice of South

Africa, two ordinary judges of appeal, and two additional

judges of appeal. Such additional judges of appeal shall be

assigned by the Governor-General in Council to the Appellate

Division from any of the provincial or local divisions of the

Supreme Court of South Africa, but shall continue to perform

their duties as judges of their respective divisions when

their attendance is not required in the Appellate Division.

97. The Governor-General in Council may, during the absence,

illness, or other incapacity of the Chief Justice of South

Africa, or of any ordinary or additional judge of appeal,

appoint another judge of the Supreme Court of South Africa to

act temporarily as such chief justice, ordinary judge of

appeal, or additional judge of appeal, as the case may be.

98.—

(1) The several supreme courts of the Cape of Good Hope,

Natal, and the Transvaal, and the High Court of the Orange

River Colony shall, on the establishment of the Union, become

provincial divisions of the Supreme Court of South Africa

within their respective provinces, and shall each be presided

over by a judge-president.

[Further prescriptions on the same subject are contained in

this and the next section of the Act.]

100. The Chief Justice of South Africa, the ordinary judges of

appeal, and all other judges of the Supreme Court of South

Africa to be appointed after the establishment of the Union

shall be appointed by the Governor-General in Council, and

shall receive such remuneration as Parliament shall prescribe,

and their remuneration shall not be diminished during their

continuance in office.

101. The Chief Justice of South Africa and other judges of the

Supreme Court of South Africa shall not be removed from office

except by the Governor-General in Council on an address from

both Houses of Parliament in the same session praying for such

removal on the ground of misbehaviour or incapacity.

102. Upon any vacancy occurring in any division of the Supreme

Court of South Africa, other than the Appellate Division, the

Governor-General in Council may, in case he shall consider

that the number of judges of such court may with advantage to

the public interest be reduced, postpone filling the vacancy

until Parliament shall have determined whether such reduction

shall take place.

[Rules concerning the cases, civil and criminal, which may be

appealed from inferior courts to the Appellate Division, and

not to the Supreme Court, are laid down in sections 103-105.]

{163}

106. There shall be no appeal from the Supreme Court of South

Africa or from any division thereof to the King in Council,

but nothing herein contained shall be construed to impair any

right which the King in Council may be pleased to exercise to

grant special leave to appeal from the Appellate Division to

the King in Council. Parliament may make laws limiting the

matters in respect of which such special leave may be asked,

but Bills containing any such limitation shall be reserved by

the Governor-General for the signification of His Majesty’s

pleasure: Provided that nothing in this section shall affect

any right of appeal to His Majesty in Council from any

judgment given by the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court

under or in virtue of the Colonial Courts of Admiralty Act,

1890.

107. The Chief Justice of South Africa and the ordinary judges

of appeal may, subject to the approval of the Governor-General

in Council, make rules for the conduct of the proceedings of

the Appellate Division and prescribing the time and manner of

making appeals thereto. Until such rules shall have been

promulgated, the rules in force in the Supreme Court of the

Cape of Good Hope at the establishment of the Union shall

mutatis mutandis apply.

[Other details concerning the rules and the sessions of the

several provincial and local divisions of the Supreme Court,

the execution of their writs and other processes, etc., are

set forth in sections 108-116.]

VII.—FINANCE AND RAILWAYS.

117. All revenues, from whatever source arising, over which

the several Colonies have at the establishment of the Union

power of appropriation, shall vest in the Governor-General in

Council. There shall be formed a Railway and Harbour Fund,

into which shall be paid all revenues raised or received by

the Governor-General in Council from the administration of the

railways, ports, and harbours, and such fund shall be

appropriated by Parliament to the purposes of the railways,

ports, and harbours in the manner prescribed by this Act.

There shall also be formed a Consolidated Revenue Fund, into

which shall be paid all other revenues raised or received by

the Governor-General in Council, and such fund shall be

appropriated by Parliament for the purposes of the Union in

the manner prescribed by this Act, and subject to the charges

imposed thereby.

[Sections 118-123 provide for a commission "to institute an

inquiry into the financial relations which should exist

between the Union and the provinces"; prescribe the division

to be made meantime of the Consolidated Revenue Fund; make the

interest of the public debts a first charge on that fund;

transfer to the Union all stocks, moneys, and securities, all

crown lands, public works, etc., and all rights in mines and

minerals that belonged to each of the colonies at the

establishment of the Union.]

124. The Union shall assume all debts and liabilities of the

Colonies existing at its establishment, subject,

notwithstanding any other provision contained in this Act, to

the conditions imposed by any law under which such debts or

liabilities were raised or incurred, and without prejudice to

any rights of security or priority in respect of the payment

of principal, interest, sinking fund, and other charges

conferred on the creditors of any of the Colonies, and may,

subject to such conditions and rights, convert, renew, or

consolidate such debts.

125. All ports, harbours, and railways belonging to the

several Colonies at the establishment of the Union shall from

the date thereof vest in the Governor-General in Council. No

railway for the conveyance of public traffic, and no port,

harbour, or similar work, shall be constructed without the

sanction of Parliament.

126. Subject to the authority of the Governor-General in

Council, the control and management of the railways, ports,

and harbours of the Union shall be exercised through a board

consisting of not more than three commissioners, who shall be

appointed by the Governor-General in Council, and a minister

of State, who shall be chairman. …

[Of the remaining sections of the Act (127-152) the following

are the more important or the more significant.]

133. In order to compensate Pietermaritzburg and Bloemfontein

for any loss sustained by them in the form of diminution of

prosperity or decreased rateable value by reason of their

ceasing to be the seats of government of their respective

colonies, there shall be paid from the Consolidated Revenue

Fund for a period not exceeding twenty-five years to the

municipal councils of such towns a grant of two per centum per

annum on their municipal debts, as existing on the

thirty-first day of January nineteen hundred and nine, and as

ascertained by the Controller and Auditor-General. The

Commission appointed under section one hundred and eighteen

shall, after due inquiry, report to the Governor-General in

Council what compensation should be paid to the municipal

councils of Cape Town and Pretoria for the losses, if any,

similarly sustained by them. Such compensation shall be paid

out of the Consolidated Revenue Fund for a period not

exceeding twenty-five years, and shall not exceed one per

centum per annum on the respective municipal debts of such

towns as existing on the thirty-first January nineteen hundred

and nine, and as ascertained by the Controller and

Auditor-General.

134. The election of senators and of members of the executive

committees of the provincial councils as provided in this Act

shall, whenever such election is contested, be according to

the principle of proportional representation, each voter

having one transferable vote. The Governor-General in Council,

or, in the case of the first election of the Senate, the

Governor in Council of each of the Colonies, shall frame

regulations prescribing the method of voting and of

transferring and counting votes and the duties of returning

officers in connection therewith, and such regulations or any

amendments thereof after being duly promulgated shall have

full force and effect unless and until Parliament shall

otherwise provide.

136. There shall be free trade throughout the Union, but until

Parliament otherwise provides the duties of custom and of

excise leviable under the laws existing in any of the Colonies

at the establishment of the Union shall remain in force.

137. Both the English and Dutch languages shall be official

languages of the Union, and shall be treated on a footing of

equality, and possess and enjoy equal freedom, rights, and

privileges; all records, journals, and proceedings of

Parliament shall be kept in both languages, and all Bills,

Acts, and notices of general public importance or interest

issued by the Government of the Union shall be in both

languages.

{164}

138. All persons who have been naturalised in any of the

Colonies shall be deemed to be naturalised throughout the

Union.

140. Subject to the provisions of the next succeeding section,

all officers of the public service of the Colonies shall at

the establishment of the Union become officers of the Union.

141.

(1) As soon as possible after the establishment of the Union,

the Governor-General in Council shall appoint a public service

commission to make recommendations for such reorganisation and

readjustment of the departments of the public service as may

be necessary. The commission shall also make recommendations

in regard to the assignment of officers to the several

provinces. …

142. After the establishment of the Union the Governor-General

in Council shall appoint a permanent public service commission

with such powers and duties relating to the appointment,

discipline, retirement, and superannuation of public officers

as Parliament shall determine.

143. Any officer of the public service of any of the Colonies

at the establishment of the Union who is not retained in the

service of the Union or assigned to that of a province shall

be entitled to receive such pension, gratuity, or other

compensation as he would have received in like circumstances

if the Union had not been established.

147. The control and administration of native affairs and of

matters specially or differentially affecting Asiastics

throughout the Union shall vest in the Governor-General in

Council, who shall exercise all special powers in regard to

native administration hitherto vested in the Governors of the

Colonies or exercised by them as supreme chiefs, and any lands

vested in the Governor or Governor and Executive Council of

any colony for the purpose of reserves for native locations

shall vest in the Governor-General in Council, who shall

exercise all special powers in relation to such reserves as

may hitherto have been exercisable by any such Governor or

Governor and Executive Council, and no lands set aside for the

occupation of natives which cannot at the establishment of the

Union be alienated except by an Act of the Colonial

Legislature shall be alienated or in any way diverted from the

purposes for which they are set apart except under the

authority of an Act of Parliament.

148.—

(1) All rights and obligations under any conventions or

agreements which are binding on any of the Colonies shall

devolve upon the Union at its establishment.

(2) The provisions of the railway agreement between the

Governments of the Transvaal, the Cape of Good Hope, and

Natal, dated the second of February, nineteen hundred and

nine, shall, as far as practicable, be given effect to by the

Government of the Union.

IX.—NEW PROVINCES AND TERRITORIES.

149. Parliament may alter the boundaries of any province,

divide a province into two or more provinces, or form a new

province out of provinces within the Union, on the petition of

the provincial council of every province whose boundaries are

affected thereby.

150. The King, with the advice of the Privy Council, may on

addresses from the Houses of Parliament of the Union admit

into the Union the territories administered by the British

South Africa Company on such terms and conditions as to

representation and otherwise in each case as are expressed in

the addresses and approved by the King, and the provisions of

any Order in Council in that behalf shall have effect as if

they had been enacted by the Parliament of the United Kingdom

of Great Britain and Ireland.

151. The King, with the advice of the Privy Council, may, on

addresses from the Houses of Parliament of the Union, transfer

to the Union the government of any territories, other than the

territories administered by the British South Africa Company,

belonging to or under the protection of His Majesty, and

inhabited wholly or in part by natives, and upon such transfer

the Governor-General in Council may undertake the government

of such territory upon the terms and conditions embodied in

the Schedule to this Act.

X.—AMENDMENT OF ACT.

152. Parliament may by law repeal or alter any of the

provisions of this Act: Provided that no provision thereof,

for the operation of which a definite period of time is

prescribed, shall during such period be repealed or altered:

And provided further that no repeal or alteration of the

provisions contained in this section, or in sections

thirty-three and thirty-four (until the number of members of

the House of Assembly has reached the limit therein

prescribed, or until a period of ten years has elapsed after

the establishment of the Union, whichever is the longer

period), or in sections thirty-five and one hundred and

thirty-seven, shall be valid unless the Bill embodying such

repeal or alteration shall be passed by both Houses of

Parliament sitting together, and at the third reading be

agreed to by not less than two-thirds of the total number of

members of both Houses. A Bill so passed at such joint sitting

shall be taken to have been duly passed by both Houses of

Parliament.

SCHEDULE.

1. After the transfer of the government of any territory

belonging to or under the protection of His Majesty, the

Governor-General in Council shall be the legislative

authority, and may by proclamation make laws for the peace,

order, and good government of such territory: Provided that

all such laws shall be laid before both Houses of Parliament

within seven days after the issue of the proclamation or, if

Parliament be not then sitting, within seven days after the

beginning of the next session, and shall be effectual unless

and until both Houses of Parliament shall by resolutions

passed in the same session request the Governor-General in

Council to repeal the same, in which case they shall be

repealed by proclamation.

2. The Prime Minister shall be charged with the administration

of any territory thus transferred, and he shall be advised in

the general conduct of such administration by a commission

consisting of not fewer than three members with a secretary,

to be appointed by the Governor-General in Council, who shall

take the instructions of the Prime Minister in conducting all

correspondence relating to the territories, and shall also

under the like control have custody of all official papers

relating to the territories.

{165}

3. The members of the commission shall be appointed by the

Governor-General in Council, and shall be entitled to hold

office for a period of ten years, but such period may be

extended to successive further terms of five years. …

14. It shall not be lawful to alienate any land in Basutoland

or any land forming part of the native reserves in the

Bechuanaland protectorate and Swaziland from the native tribes

inhabiting those territories.

15. The sale of intoxicating liquor to natives shall be

prohibited in the territories, and no provision giving

facilities for introducing, obtaining, or possessing such

liquor in any part of the territories less stringent than

those existing at the time of transfer shall be allowed.

16. The custom, where it exists, of holding pitsos or other

recognised forms of native assembly shall be maintained in the

territories.

17. No differential duties or imposts on the produce of the

territories shall be levied. The laws of the Union relating to

customs and excise shall be made to apply to the territories.

18. There shall be free intercourse for the inhabitants of the

territories with the rest of South Africa subject to the laws,

including the pass laws, of the Union.

19. Subject to the provisions of this Schedule, all revenues

derived from any territory shall be expended for and on behalf

of such territory. …

----------CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA: End--------

----------CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY: Start--------

CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY.

The following is a synopsis of the Constitution promulgated

December 23, 1876, the first year of the reign of Abd-ul

Hamid, then soon withdrawn, and practically forgotten for

thirty-two years, but brought to light by the revolution of

1908 and promulgated anew, on the 24th of July in that

memorable year;

See, in this Volume,

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER):

THE INDIVISIBILITY OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE.

The Sultan, the supreme Caliph of the Mussulmans and sovereign

of all Ottoman subjects, is irresponsible and inviolable. His

prerogatives are those of the constitutional sovereigns of the

West. The subjects of the empire are called, without

distinction, Ottomans. Individual liberty is inviolable, and

is guaranteed by the laws.

Islamism is the religion of the state, but the free exercise

of all recognized creeds is guaranteed, and the religious

privileges of the communities are maintained. No provision

investing the institutions of the state with a theocratic

character exists in the constitution.

The constitution establishes liberty of the press, the right

of petition to both chambers for all Ottomans, liberty of

education, and the equality of all Ottomans before the law.

They all enjoy the same rights, and have the same duties

toward the country. Ottoman subjects, without distinction of

religion, are admitted to the service of the state. Taxation

will be equally distributed; property is guaranteed, and the

domicile is declared inviolable. No person can be taken from

the jurisdiction of his natural judges.

The Council of Ministers will deliberate under the presidency

of the Grand-Vizier. Each minister is responsible for the

conduct of the affairs of his department. The Chamber of

Deputies may demand the impeachment of the ministers, and a

high court is instituted to try them. In the event of the

Chamber adopting a vote hostile to the ministry on any

important question, the Sultan will change the ministers or

dissolve the Chamber. The ministers are entitled to be present

at the sittings of both Chambers, and to take part in the

debates. Interpellations may be addressed to the ministers.

Public functionaries will be appointed in conformity with the

conditions fixed by law, and cannot be dismissed without legal

and sufficient cause. They are not discharged from

responsibility by any orders contrary to law which they may

receive from a superior.

The General Assembly of the Ottomans is composed of two

Chambers, the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, who will

meet on the 1st of November in each year, the session lasting

four months. A message from the Sultan will be sent to both

Chambers at the opening of each session. The members of both

Chambers are free with regard to their vote and in the

expression of their opinions. Electors are prohibited from

imposing binding engagements upon their representatives. The

initiative in proposing laws belongs in the first place to the

ministry, and next to the Chambers, in the form of

propositions. Laws must be first submitted to the Chamber of

Deputies, then to the Senate, and finally to the imperial

sanction. The Senate is composed of members nominated by the

Sultan and chosen from among the most eminent personages in

the country. The Senate votes the laws already passed by the

Chamber of Deputies, and returns to the latter, or rejects,

any provisions contrary to the constitution or to the

integrity or safety of the state. In the event of a

dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies, the general election

shall be held and the new Chamber meet within six months from

the date of dissolution. The sittings of the Chamber of

Deputies are public. The deputies may not be arrested or

prosecuted during the session without authority from the

Chamber. The Chamber votes the laws article by article, and

the budget by chapters. There is to be one deputy for every

fifty thousand inhabitants, and the elections will be made by

secret ballot. A special law will determine the mode of

election. The mandate of a deputy will render him ineligible

for any public office, except for a ministry. Each legislature

will continue for a period of four years. The deputies will

receive 4,600 francs for every session, which will last from

November to March. The senators are appointed for life by the

Sultan, and will receive 2,300 francs monthly. Judges are

irremovable.

The sittings of the tribunals are public. The advocates

appearing for defendants are free. Sentences may be published.

No interference can be permitted in the administration of

justice. The jurisdiction of the tribunals will be exactly

defined. Any exceptional tribunals or commissions are

prohibited. The office of Public Prosecutor is created. The

High Court, which will try ministers, members of the Court of

Cassation, and other persons charged with the crime of lese

Majeste, or of conspiracy against the state, will be

composed of the most eminent judicial and administrative

functionaries.

No tax can be established or levied except by virtue of a law.

The budget will be voted at the commencement of each session,

and for a period of one year only. The final settlement of the

budget for the preceding year will be submitted to the Chamber

of Deputies in the form of a bill. The Court of Accounts will

send every year to the Chamber of Deputies a report upon the

state of public accounts, and will present to the Sultan,

quarterly, a statement showing the financial condition of the

country. The members of the Court of Accounts are irremovable.

No dismissal can take place except in consequence of a

resolution adopted by the Chamber of Deputies.

{166}

The provincial administration is based upon the broadest

system of decentralization. The Councils-General, which are

elective, will deliberate upon and control the affairs of the

province. Every canton will have a council, elected by each of

the different communities, for the management of its own

affairs. The communes will be administered by elective

municipal councils. Primary education is obligatory.

The interpretation of the laws belongs, according to their

nature, to the Court of Cassation, the Council of State, and

the Senate.

The constitution can only be modified on the initiative of the

ministry, or of either of the two Chambers, and by a vote of

both Chambers, passed by a majority of two-thirds. Such

modification must also be sanctioned by the Sultan.

Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1876,

pages 773-774.

See amendments, in this Volume, under

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

----------CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY: End--------

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES:

Proposed Income Tax Amendment.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

CONSTITUTION OF VENEZUELA, New.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1904.

CONSTITUTION, A World:

The Making of it in Process.

See (in this Volume)

WORLD MOVEMENTS.

CONSTITUTION ISLAND.

"In the Hudson River opposite West Point lies Constitution

Island. It is a wood-covered tract of nearly three hundred

acres, and for many years it has been coveted by the

authorities of the Military Academy and the War Department.

Its owner, Miss Anna Bartlett Warner, was always willing to

sell to the Government, but Congress could never be induced to

make the necessary appropriation for its purchase. Now Mrs.

Russell Sage has joined with Miss Warner in making a gift of

the island to the Nation, to be used as a part of the military

reservation at West Point."

The Outlook,

September 19, 1908.

CONSTITUTION-MAKING, and Unmaking, in Servia.

See (in this Volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRATS.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907, and 1906 and 1907.

CONSULAR SERVICE, The Reform of the American.

See (in this Volume)

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

CONSUMPTION.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH: TUBERCULOSIS.

CONVICT LEASE SYSTEM:

Its abolition in Georgia.

See (in this Volume)

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

COOK, Frederick A.:

Claimant of North Pole discovery.

See (in this Volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION.

COOLEY, Dr. Harris R.:

Director of Charities and Corrections, Cleveland, Ohio.

See (in this Volume)

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

COÖPERATION, Industrial and Commercial.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR REMUNERATION.

COPENHAGEN: A. D. 1906.

Conference of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

COPYRIGHT:

The new Law in the United States.

"To the general surprise, the new copyright bill slipped

through both houses of Congress yesterday [March 3, 1909]. It

consists of one complete and consistent copyright statute, in

sixty four sections. The term of copyright is lengthened. The

bill leaves the present first term of twenty-eight years

unchanged, but provides for a renewal term of twenty-eight

years instead of fourteen, thus making possible a period of

protection of fifty-six years from the publication of the

work. The bill also provides for the extension of subsisting

copyrights upon the same basis.

"Copyright may now be secured for all the ‘writings’ of an

author, using the constitutional expression. In enumerating

and classifying works protected by copyright, the bill is more

explicit than the present statutes, and adds the following new

designations: ‘Lectures, sermons, and addresses, prepared for

oral delivery’; ‘dramatico-musical compositions’; ‘plastic

works of a scientific or technical character’; ‘reproductions

of a work of art,’ and ‘ prints and pictorial illustrations,’

in lieu of ‘engravings,’ ‘cuts,’ and ‘chromos,’ and ‘works of

art’ instead of the present specific designations, ‘painting,’

‘drawings,’ ‘statue,’ and ‘statuary.’ Express provision is

made that compilations, abridgments, adaptations,

arrangements, dramatizations, or translations and works

republished with new matter shall be considered new works

subject to copyright.

"As regards a musical work, the bill provides, as does the

present law, that the author shall have the sole right to

perform the work publicly for profit, but adds the sole right

‘to make any arrangement or setting of it or of the melody of

it in any system of notation or any form of record from which

it may be read or reproduced.’ The composer’s control of the

reproduction of his music by mechanical instruments is

qualified as follows:

(a) to cover only music published and copyrighted after the

act goes into effect;

(b) not to include music by a foreign author or composer

unless the foreign state or nation of which he is a subject

grants to citizens of the United States similar rights;

(c) whenever the owner of a musical copyright has used or

permitted or acquiesced in the use of his work upon parts of

instruments serving to reproduce mechanically the musical

work, any other person may make similar use of the work upon

the payment of a royalty of two cents on each part

manufactured, notice to be filed in the copyright office of

such use or license to use by the copyright proprietor.

"American manufacture is required in the case of a book, not

only as regards type-setting in the United States, but ‘if the

text be produced by lithographic or photo-engraving process,

then by a process wholly performed within the limits of the

United States.’ The provision is also extended to

illustrations within a book, and to separate lithographs and

photo engravings, ‘except where in either case the subjects

represented are located in a foreign country.’ The printing

and binding of the book must also be performed within the

United States.

{167}

Photographs are released from the present requirement that

they ‘shall be printed from negatives made within the United

States or from transfers made therefrom.’ The ‘original text

of a book of foreign origin in a language or languages other

than English ’ is also excepted from the requirements of

type-setting in the United States. A new ad interim   protection is given books printed abroad in the English

language. If one complete copy of such book is deposited in the

copyright office not later than thirty days after publication

abroad, copyright is granted for a period of thirty days from

the date of receipt of the copy. If an authorized edition of

the book is produced from type set in the United States during

this second thirty days, the full term of copyright is

secured.

"The much discussed provisions prohibiting the importation of

copyrighted books are considerably modified. The importation

of piratical copies of any work copyrighted is prohibited, and

the importation of any books, 'although authorized by the

author or proprietor,’ which have not been produced in

accordance with the manufacturing provisions, is prohibited.

The Act of 1891 permits importation of books in 'the case of

persons purchasing for use and not for sale, who import,

subject to the duty thereon, not more than two copies

of such book at any one time.’ The new law permits

importation, ‘not more than one copy at one time, for

individual use, and not for sale,’ and adds the proviso that

‘such privilege of importation shall not extend to a foreign

reprint of a book by an American author copyrighted in the

United States.’ The Act of 1891 allows importation in good

faith for the use of societies incorporated or

established for educational, philosophical, literary, or

religious purposes, or for the encouragement of the fine arts,

or for any college, academy, school, or seminary of learning.

The new law confines the privilege to incorporated societies

or institutions, but adds scientific societies and ‘any State,

school, college, university, or free public library’; but

while the Act of 1891 permits ‘two copies in any one

invoice’ to be so imported, the new law provides for ‘not more

than one copy of any such book in one invoice’ when

‘for use and not for sale.’

"In the case of infringement, an injunction may issue, as now,

and damages be recovered as well as all the profits due to the

infringement."

New York Evening Post,

March 4, 1909.

COPYRIGHT:

Pan-American Convention.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

CORINTO, Treaty of.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902: CENTRAL AMERICA.

CORPORATE WRONGDOING:

Summary of recent Governmental Action against it in the

United States.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

CORPORATION TAX, United States.

See (in this Volume)

TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

CORPORATIONS:

Forbidden to contribute to Political Elections.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY).

CORPORATIONS AND THE PUBLIC.

See (in this Volume)

Combinations, Industrial, &c., and Railways.

CORPORATIONS, The Bureau of.

Its establishment in the Federal Administration

of the United States.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903 (FEBRUARY).

CORRAL, Ramon:

Vice-President of Mexico.

See (in this Volume)

MEXICO A. D. 1904-1905.

CORREGAN, Charles Hunter:

Nominated for President of the United States.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).

CORTELYOU, George B.:

Secretary of Commerce and Labor and Secretary of the Treasury.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.

COST OF LIVING.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES, &c.

COSTA RICA.

See (in this Volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA.

COUNTRY LIFE COMMISSION, Report of the.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909 (AUGUST-FEBRUARY).

COURTS, Industrial, German.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1906.

COURTS OF LAW.

See (in this Volume)

LAW AND ITS COURTS.

COWPER-TEMPLEISM.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1906.

CREEK NATION, Alleged frauds on the.

See (in this Volume)

INDIANS, AMERICAN.

CREMER, William Randal:

Originator of the Inter-parliamentary Union.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909;

also NOBEL PRIZES.

CRETE: A. D. 1905-1906.

Insurgent demand of Union with Greece.

Investigation of discontent by the Protecting Powers.

Resignation of the High Commissionership by Prince George.

Appointment of Zaimis.

A determined revolutionary movement to secure union with

Greece was set on foot in March, 1905. Remonstrance against it

by Prince George was unavailing, and the National Assembly,

newly elected on the 2d of April, gave support to the

insurgents, proclaiming the desired union of Crete with "her

mother Greece," and ordering the Greek flag to be raised over

the public buildings of the island. The government of Greece,

while declaring its sympathy with the feeling which the

movement expressed, could not give countenance to it, and

urged the insurgents to lav down their arms. The latter,

however, continued to hold the interior of the island and to

make attacks on the Mohammedan population, until the approach

of winter, when, on the 19th of November, they gave up their

arms. The four protecting Powers then appointed a commission

to investigate the grounds of discontent in the island, and

its report made in the following spring justified a good deal

of the Cretan complaint of arbitrary rule. In May a new

Assembly was elected, in which the Government won 78 seats,

the Opposition 36, and the Moslems were represented by 16. In

July a resolution in favor of annexation to Greece was voted

by acclamation in the Assembly, and its sittings were

suspended to await the decision of the Powers. The latter

announced a little later the intention to organize a

gendarmerie to take the place of foreign troops in the island;

and also to extend the operations of the Greek Finance

Commission to Crete. Prince George now expressed his

unwillingness to continue in the office of High Commissioner,

and, on the request of the Powers, the King of Greece

nominated M. Zaimis to succeed him. The nomination was

accepted, and Prince George withdrew from the island, after

issuing a farewell proclamation, September 25th. M. Zaimis

arrived and assumed office on the 14th of October, being

warmly received. He was understood to have the powers of a

Greek Viceroy, with a mission to prepare the island for

annexation to Greece.

{168}

"I should not like," said a writer in the summer of 1905, "to

speak too positively of Prince George’s mistakes; but I have

met no European who has lived in the island who had a good

word to say for his administration. On the one hand, he played

the despot. The local independent newspapers were destroyed,

and the right of public meeting withdrawn. Worst of all, the

mayors and prefects, who had originally been elected by the

inhabitants of their districts, were degraded to the position

of mere officials nominated by the Prince. At the same time,

he aspired to be a sort of party leader. Quite early in his

term of office he contrived to alienate the best men among the

leaders who had conducted the insurrection with so much

patience and wisdom. The President of the Provisional

Government, Dr. Sphakianakis, an extremely able and, what is

rarer, a wise and disinterested man, went into retirement when

the Prince arrived. …

"By the summer of last year, [1904] when the Prince cast

Professor Jannaris, a philologist of European reputation, into

Canea gaol, the rift between himself and his people had become

desperate. … It was now quite clear that no solution remained

save union with Greece. To Prince George it provided an

honorable and graceful path of retreat. He could retire and

bring with him in his withdrawal a great gift to the Greek

nation, and confer, at the same time, contentment on Crete. …

Prince George, accordingly, devoted the closing months of 1904

to a tour among the European courts. The Powers had never

intended to make him the permanent sovereign of Crete. His

mandate was only for three years, and it had already been

prolonged for a second term. He urged that the time had at

length arrived for a definite solution, which could only be a

union with Greece. But either his pleading was half-hearted or

the Powers were deaf. His term was once more extended, and he

was weak enough, or vain enough, to accept the dangerous

mission. He returned to Crete and reported his failure.

"What followed is recent history. For a month or two the

Cretans were passive, and then suddenly they rose in arms. A

sort of provisional government was established at Therisso, a

stronghold in the mountains, near enough to Canea to threaten

the Prince’s administration, far enough from the sea to be out

of range of the European war-ships. Dr. Sphakianakis and MM.

Venizelos and Foumis are at its head, and it soon received the

allegiance of the whole interior. Simultaneously, under very

strained conditions, a general election was held; and, though

the members were probably drawn for the most part from the

Prince’s party, the Chamber adopted the programme of the

insurgents and solemnly proclaimed the annexation of the

island to Greece. The Prince threatened, but he had no force

behind him; and he too could only reiterate his prayer that

Europe should assent to union. It is a whimsical display of

unanimity. In other lands, subjects rebel to emphasize some

difference of opinion with their rulers. The Cretans have

taken up arms to prove how violently they all agree."

H. N. Brailsford,

The Future of Crete

(North American Review, August, 1905).

CRETE: A. D. 1907-1909.

How and why the Cretans have been restrained by the

Four Protecting Powers.

In February, 1907, the Cretans framed and adopted a new

Constitution, providing for an Assembly of sixty-four

Deputies, elected every two years, and continuing the

executive office of High Commissioner, with a Council of

three. They were fully exercising all the rights of

independent self-government, under the protection of the four

Powers which still maintained the old "Concert," namely, Great

Britain, France, Russia, and Italy. The Turkish Government

touched them in no other way than through the theoretical,

intangible suzerainty which the Sultan claimed. But that

claim, acknowledged by their potent protectors, barred them

from annexation to the kingdom of their fellow Greeks, which

was their heart’s desire. If Turkey had continued in the

condition to which it had sunk when the Powers set them free

from all but a fiction of feudal law (see in Volume VI. of

this work, TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899) there seems little doubt

that they would have won their wish in no long time, with the

help of those Powers; but the great change in Turkish

conditions which came about in 1908 was not favorable to

Cretan hopes.

To the Cretans, in October, 1908, the Turkish Revolution

appeared to have brought them the best of opportunities for

breaking the irksome thread of an unexercised Ottoman

sovereignty. Bulgaria snapped the thread; why should not they?

But Bulgaria had no responsible guardians to look after her

conduct; while Crete was, unfortunately at this juncture, the

ward of an international trust company, whose responsibilities

for her were made immeasurably more serious by the very

circumstances which invited her to an escapade. The

revolutionary undertaking of the Young Turks, to reform their

own nation, claimed the sympathy and good will of every

right-feeling government in the world. Great Britain, France,

and Italy, at least, could not afford to lay, or consent to

the laying, of a straw of difficulty in its way. A declaration

of Cretan independence and annexation to Greece, countenanced

by the Powers, would have raised excitements in Turkey more

than likely to wreck the reform movement in a catastrophe of

war, which might involve much larger fields than those that

lie between Turkey and Greece. The action of Bulgaria and that

of Austria in annexing Bosnia and Herzegovina had put a

dangerous strain on the situation; but neither of these had

tried Turkish feeling as it would have been tried if Crete and

Greece had been suffered to follow their example by the four

protecting Powers.

The attempt was made in Crete on the 12th of October, 1908,

when the Assembly voted union with Greece, and elected a

committee of six members to conduct the Government in the name

of the King of Greece, under Greek laws. The four Powers

intervened in a soothing way, agreeing to treat with the

Turkish Government on the subject, provided that order in the

island should be maintained and protection afforded to the

Mohammedan population. In the previous May they had decided to

withdraw the forces they were jointly keeping in Crete, and

had announced that their evacuation of the island should be

completed by the end of July, 1909.

{169}

When the time thus appointed drew near there was some anxiety

as to what might follow the withdrawal of troops; but the

Powers adhered to their agreement. Meantime the Turkish

Government was giving plain expression to its determination to

"maintain Ottoman rights in Crete." Early in July, 1909, the

intentions of the four Powers were made known by an

announcement to the French Chamber of Deputies from the

Foreign Minister of that Government. The international

contingents of troops, he stated, would be recalled by the

contemplated date of July 27; but four war ships

(stationnaires) would be sent, one by each Power, "to guard

the Ottoman flag and the flags of the four Powers, as well as

to ensure, in case of trouble, the protection of the

population. A declaration would be addressed to the people of

Crete promising, in particular, that the Powers will continue

to occupy themselves with the Cretan question in a benevolent

spirit, but adding that it is their duty to see that order is

maintained and the safety of the Mussulmans in Crete assured;

that with this object they reserve the right of adopting such

measures as may be expedient for the restoration of

tranquillity, in case disturbances should break out which the

local authorities were unable to quell. The declaration

addressed to the Cretans to be communicated to the Porte and a

declaration to be made at Constantinople, in order to give an

exact account of the spirit in which the foregoing measures

have been adopted."

This decision was communicated formally to the Greek and

Turkish governments a little later. The latter, in reply,

thanked the four Powers for their promise to safeguard Ottoman

interests in the island, but declared that it could not

tolerate "any extension of the privileges of the Cretans

beyond those guaranteed by their autonomy, least of all any

such extension as might give rise to the supposition that

Crete was in any way politically connected or dependent on the

Hellenic kingdom."

The attitude of the four Powers in their action was stated

very distinctly to the British House of Commons on the 22d of

July, by Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, as

follows:

"The status quo maintained in Crete is that Crete

remains in trust to the four Powers who hold the island in

trust, and continue to maintain the obligations of preserving

the supreme rights of Turkey. That is the status quo,

and to put any other interpretation upon it and say that it

means this or that, or that it amounts to virtual annexation,

is misleading and is not true. That is not intended. The

question of Crete has been exceedingly difficult, partly for

the very reasons which I have already named, that it was

raised at a time when the Turkish Government itself was

passing through a stage exceedingly difficult, but exceedingly

hopeful. What we have desired to do with regard to Crete is to

secure that nothing shall happen which will be damaging to the

prestige of the new régime in Turkey, and by being

damaging to that prestige make the prospects of reform and of

the increasing welfare of Turkey less hopeful."

The last of the international contingents left Crete on the

26th of July; whereupon the Cretans ran up the Greek flag on

the fortress evacuated. Some days passed before the naval

stationnaires of the four Powers arrived on the scene,

and Turkey opened a somewhat sharp correspondence with Greece.

The Powers intervened, assuming responsibility for conditions

in Crete, and asking that communications on the subject be

addressed to them. At the same time, the Cretans were

admonished to take down the Greek flag. As they did not do so,

sailors from the war ships were landed on the 18th of August,

who lowered the flag and cut the flag-staff down. Sixty were

left on guard to prevent further demonstrations of a

provocative kind. To the time of this writing (February 1,

1910) nothing has occurred since to disturb the quiet in

Crete. In November, however, the Turkish Government addressed

to the four Powers a request for a definite settlement of the

status of Crete. The reply, given on the 9th of December, was

as follows:

"The protecting Powers do not deem the moment opportune for

diplomatic negotiations tending to establish a definite

régime in the island. The circumstances have not

changed since the date of evacuation of the island by the

international troops. Though infractions of the status

quo had been committed, they were at once suppressed, and

if more serious infractions occurred the Powers would meet

them in accordance with the standpoint expressed in their

Notes of July last with regard to the supreme rights of the

Sultan. In present conditions negotiations on the Cretan

question might excite public opinion in Turkey and elsewhere,

and lead to dangerous complications."

----------CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: Start--------

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: THEIR PROBLEMS.

"Black Hand," The:

Sicilian Blackmail Terrorism brought to the United States.

"Toward the end of the last century the Sicilian gangs which

made their living by blackmail became aware that not a few

Italians who had left their home country as peasants had

acquired wealth across the Atlantic. Even the ordinary

workman, they learnt, who could gain only 40 cents a day in

Sicily, could make about four times that wage in New York.

Accordingly they hastened to exploit by their familiar methods

the rich field of the Italian colony in that city. It was not

long before the American police found themselves faced by an

elaborate machinery of crime far more ingenious and

complicated than anything with which they had previously had

to deal. The Black Hand, as the society called itself,

proceeded normally to extort what it wanted by frank demands

and threats, and it did not hesitate at kidnapping, outrage,

and murder when these means seemed necessary to its ends."

New York Correspondent London Times,

March 16, 1909.

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:

Cleveland’s Farm Colony.

"A City in the Life Saving Business" is the title given by Mr.

Frederick C. Howe to an article in The Outlook of

January 18, 1908, descriptive of the Farm Colony which the

City of Cleveland, Ohio, has substituted for the old time

"work-house" or "penitentiary" for the detention and treatment

of its vagabonds and petty offenders.

{170}

The change has been wrought within the past seven years by the

City Director of Charities and Corrections, Dr. Harris R.

Cooley. The following facts of it are summarized from Mr.

Howe’s article:

The colony occupies the larger part of a 1900 acre farm, on

which some other institutions, such as a city infirmary, are

to be placed; but the ex-workhouse-prisoners are, so far, the

interesting occupants of the farm. They are prisoners with no

prison. They wear no convict garb, drag no ball and chain, are

surrounded by no wall or stockade, are watched by no armed

guards. They are working a quarry, making roads and sewers,

gathering stone, doing all descriptions of farm work, as free

in their movements as farm laborers who work for hire. And out

of hundreds on whom this treatment has been tried for nearly

seven years "only a handful," it is said, "have ever taken

advantage of their liberty. And it was the other prisoners who

were most incensed at their escape."

These unimprisoned prisoners are put on honor; they are

treated as men to whom society would like to do good. It gives

them a few weeks or months of healthful, honestly laborious

life, in the midst of wholesome and beautiful surroundings

(for the farm is nobly situated); and when they are dismissed

from it they do not go dispirited and weakened and marked with

a prison brand, as they would go from a workhouse, but

strengthened in body, helped to self-respect, and encouraged

to a change of life by the experience they have had. It is not

punishment they have received, but a revelation, in most

cases, of a better side of life than they had known. And this

treatment is proving its success.

There are classes for instruction, on various lines, at the

farm, and some come back, for evening study, after their

release. Two years ago one of the released colonists began the

formation of a Brotherhood among those who came out, to assist

their fellows and take care of them till they got a new

footing in the world; and no less than 427 had received that

helping hand of fellowship when Mr. Howe wrote his account.

The Brotherhood was then occupying a rented house, on the

furnishing of which it had expended over $2000, made up within

its own ranks.

Besides its Farm Colony, Cleveland has established another,

somewhat similar, farm for boys. This, called Boyville, is 285

acres in extent, and the young delinquents sent to it live in

cottages, named Washington Cottage, Lincoln Cottage, etc.,

each with a motherly woman in charge. They are kept in

attendance at a school pursuing the same studies as in the

city schools; their big playground affords them all kinds of

healthful sports. They have horses, cattle, goats and dogs to

take care of, and they are drilled in a fire company which is

expected to protect the property of Boyville.

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:

The Convict Lease System:

Its abolition in Georgia.

During the Civil War the Penitentiary buildings of the State

of Georgia, at Milledgeville, were destroyed, and for many

years subsequently the prevailing conditions were not

favorable to their replacement. There grew up, in consequence,

an evil practice of working convicts in chain-gangs, leading

finally to the leasing of such gangs to contractors. A

frightful brutalizing of all concerned in the operation of the

vicious system—convicts, overseers, and lessees alike—is said

to have been the result, as it could hardly fail to be. Within

late years public attention, in Georgia and outside of the

State, was increasingly drawn to the treatment and condition

of the chain-gangs, by shocking stories of barbarity and

depravity; yet the evil was hard to reform, because of the

profit which the State derived from the hire of its criminals.

Years of agitation and exertion by right-minded people in

Georgia were required to overcome the sordid influence of this

fact, and it was not until September, 1908, that the

Legislature, called in special session by Governor Hoke Smith

to deal with the question, passed an Act which brought the

lease system to an end on the 31st of March, 1909. Provision

was made at this important session for an establishment of

State farms on which convicts can be employed; for introducing

a parole system into the penological policy of the State, and

for the institution of juvenile courts. The legislative

session was a memorable one.

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:

English Court of Criminal Appeal.

See (in this Volume)

LAW AND ITS COURTS: ENGLAND.

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:

The English Prevention of Corruption Act.

The object of the English Prevention of Corruption Act, passed

in 1906, is to check the practice of giving and taking secret

commissions, which, as the late Lord Russell of Killowen

caused the country to realize, was widely prevalent in

commercial and professional circles, as well as in the humbler

sphere of the "servants’ hall." Before the passing of the Act,

of course, it was illegal to give and receive secret

commissions. After the Act came into force, it became

criminal. The provisions of the measure make it a

misdemeanour, punishable, on summary conviction or on

indictment, with fine or imprisonment—

(1) For any agent corruptly to receive any gift or

consideration for doing or not doing any act, or showing or

not showing favour or disfavour, in relation to his

principal’s affairs;

(2) For any person corruptly to offer such gift or

consideration to any agent;

(3) For any person to give to an agent, or for any agent to

use, any false or defective receipt or other business document

with intent to deceive the principal.

Two years after the Act came into force its effects were

discussed by a writer in the London Times, who said:

‘The circumstances that the fiat of the Attorney-General must

be obtained before any prosecution can be instituted under the

Act, and that, until recently, there was no organization

qualified to take active steps to prevent the Act from

becoming a dead letter, account for the comparatively small

number of cases in which proceedings have been taken under the

Act during the past two years. Fifteen prosecutions have been

authorized by the Attorney-General. In 12 cases there have

been convictions, one case has been abandoned, and two are

still pending. These figures show, at any rate, that

prosecutions are not lightly instituted, and that the charges

which have been preferred against offenders have been, as a

rule, well founded.

{171}

"It is undoubtedly true, in this matter as in others, that

‘everybody’s business is nobody’s.’ Soon after the passing of

the Act it was realized that, if it was to prove effective

‘for the better prevention of corruption,’ some organization

must be formed to give effect to the measure—to furnish

information in respect to its provisions, to investigate

complaints, and, if necessary, to institute prosecutions. A

society was formed, therefore, with the title of ‘The Secret

Commissions and Bribery Prevention League,’ to work on lines

similar to those of the societies which strengthen the arm of

the law so effectively in respect of cruelty to children and

cruelty to animals. … The committee has investigated a large

number of cases which have been brought to their knowledge,

they have given advice freely to members and others interested

in the working of the Act, they have issued thousands of

circulars and letters, as well as occasional ‘news sheets,’

they have made representations to the War Office and other

public bodies as opportunities occurred, and have summoned

various trade conferences for the consideration of points of

importance arising out of the Act. The value of the League’s

work is emphasized by the fact that the members include many

important limited liability companies and trade associations,

and that the League is becoming in a special sense

representative of the commercial community as a whole."

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:

Indeterminate Sentence and

the Parole System of New York State.

The first provision in New York for indeterminate sentences

was by Section 74, Chapter 382 of the Laws of 1889, as

follows: "Whenever any male person over sixteen years of age,

shall be convicted of a felony which is punishable by

imprisonment in a State prison, for a term to be fixed within

certain limits by the court pronouncing sentence, the court

authorized to pronounce judgment upon such offender, instead

of pronouncing upon such offender a definite sentence of

imprisonment in a State prison for a fixed term, may pronounce

upon such offender an indeterminate sentence of imprisonment

in a State prison for a term with minimum and maximum limits

only specified, without fixing a definite term of sentence

within such limits named in the sentence, but the maximum

limit so specified in the sentence shall not exceed the

longest period for which such offender might have been

sentenced, and the minimum limit in said sentence specified

shall not be less than the shortest term for which such

offender might have been sentenced. The maximum term specified

in such indeterminate sentence shall be limited in the same

manner as a definite sentence in compliance with the

provisions of section six hundred and ninety-seven of the

Penal Code."

A Parole Board was constituted under this Act, composed of the

Superintendent of Prisons and the chief officers of the four

State Prisons.

"It will be noted that this law permitted the indeterminate

but did not abolish the definite sentence. Its provisions

applied to all classes of male felons over sixteen years of

age. No distinction was made between the first offenders and

the professional and persistent criminals. The court in its

discretion could impose either form of sentence on any

convicted male felon provided he was more than sixteen years

old. How general the preference of the judges was for the

definite sentence is shown by the fact that during the twelve

years that this law was in force approximately 13,000

prisoners were received at the prisons, only 115 of whom had

indeterminate terms. …

"As there were but 60 men paroled during the life of this

statute (1889 to 1901), there was naturally but slight

progress made during that period toward organizing,

systematizing and perfecting the parole system; but some

experience was gained and data secured that has since been

useful. …

"The Legislature of 1901 passed two important and effective

laws relative to the parole of prisoners which became

operative September 1, 1901. The first amended Section 74 of

Chapter 382, Laws of 1889, to read as follows:—

‘Every person now confined in a state prison, or in the

Eastern New York Reformatory, under sentence for a definite

term for a felony, the maximum penalty for which is

imprisonment for five years or less, exclusive of fines, who

has never before been convicted of a crime punishable by

imprisonment in a state prison shall be subject to the

jurisdiction of the board of commissioners of paroled

prisoners and may be paroled in the same manner and subject to

the same conditions and penalties as prisoners confined under

indeterminate sentences. The minimum and maximum terms of the

sentences of said prisoners are hereby fixed and determined to

be as follows: The definite term for which each person is

sentenced shall be the maximum limit of his term, and

one-third of the definite term of his sentence shall be the

minimum limit of his term."

(As amended by chapter 260, L. 1901,

and by chapter 508, L. 1902.)

"By this Act the members of the State Commission of Prisons

were constituted a Board of Commissioners for Paroled

Prisoners and they were to meet at each of the prisons four

times a year. The Superintendent of State Prisons was

authorized to appoint a parole officer for each prison.

"The other law amended the Penal Code by adding a new section.

§ 687 a.—A person never before convicted of a crime punishable

by imprisonment in a state prison, who is convicted in any

court in this state of a felony, the maximum penalty for

which, exclusive of fines, is imprisonment for five years or

less, and sentenced to a state prison, shall be sentenced

thereto under an indeterminate sentence, the minimum of which

shall not be less than one year; or in case a minimum is fixed

by law, not less than such minimum, and the maximum of which

shall not be more than the longest period fixed by law for

which the crime is punishable of which the offender is

convicted. The maximum limit of such sentence shall be so

fixed as to comply with the provisions of section 697 of the

Penal Code."

"This Act was amended in 1902 to provide also that any first

offender convicted of a felony other than murder first and

second degrees, the maximum penalty for which exceeded five

years, might be sentenced to an indeterminate term. Few

prisoners, however, were so sentenced for crimes that carried

a penalty of more than five years.

"The passage of these Acts put the parole system in active

operation in 1901. Many prisoners then in the prisons whose

terms thus became indeterminate were immediately eligible for

parole. Others became eligible from month to month. … In the

first year under this law the Board considered the

applications of 583 prisoners and granted parole to 272.

{172}

"The scope of the parole system was materially enlarged and

the work of the Board vastly increased by the legislation of

1907. Chapter 737, Laws of 1907, provides, that all first

offenders convicted of felonies other than murder first and

second degrees and sentenced to a state prison must be

sentenced to indeterminate terms. As a result of this law the

class of prisoners subject to the jurisdiction of the Board

will gradually increase to more than double the present

number. …

"Chapter 738, Laws of 1907, changed the penalty for murder

second degree from life imprisonment to an indeterminate term

having a minimum of 20 years and a maximum of life. Also, by

this Act the sentences of all prisoners then in the prisons

serving life sentences for murder second degree were made

indeterminate terms with limits as above given [and 12, out of

17, were soon released on parole],

"Chapter 645, Laws of 1907, provides, that a person convicted

for the fourth time for felony shall be sentenced to an

indeterminate term, the maximum of which shall be life.

"It is the intent of this law that the man who has

demonstrated the fact that he is a persistent criminal shall

be kept under supervision during life. That the counties shall

be saved the expense of repeatedly trying him and, more

important still, that the baneful effects of his association

with, and influence over, prisoners in the jails, shall be

avoided. If at any time after he has served his minimum term

there is a reasonable probability that he will remain at

liberty without violating the law, the Board may parole him."

The Act of 1907, which became effective June 10, in that year,

provides that "the board of parole for state prisons shall be

composed of the superintendent of state prisons and two

citizens appointed by the governor and confirmed by the

senate; and that said board shall meet at each of the prisons

every month. It shall also make examination and report to the

governor with its recommendations on all applications for

pardon referred to them by the governor."

Report of the Board of Parole for State Prisons, 1907.

To serve with the Superintendent of Prisons as the Board of

Parole the Governor of New York appointed the Honorable George

A. Lewis and the Honorable Albion V. Wadhams, for five years.

In the annual report of the Superintendent of Prisons for 1908

he discusses the working of the law, in part as follows:

"The results attained with State prison convicts under the

indeterminate sentence law have been satisfactory so far as

the term limits fixed by the courts have permitted the proper

application of the parole features of the law. In many cases,

however, the terms of the sentences have been so inconsistent

with the evident purpose and intent of the law as to render

its parole provisions wholly, or to a good degree,

inoperative.

"In several sentences imposed by the courts, the maximum and

minimum terms have been identical as ‘Not less than three

years or more than three years.’ As will be seen, this is

really a definite sentence and no parole period is provided

for. In a very great number of cases, the margin between the

minimum and maximum terms is but one, two or three months.

While prisoners so sentenced may be paroled, the period of

their probation is so limited that there is little opportunity

to influence and train the man. …

"The Superintendent is satisfied that the indeterminate has

many advantages over the definite sentence, but its full

benefit cannot be had under the law as it now stands and is

applied. It should be amended so as to provide for longer

parole periods and for minimum sentences never exceeding the

maximum penalty for the crime of which the prisoner is

convicted less the commutation allowed on definite sentences."

In May, 1909, Governor Hughes signed a retro-active law which

extends to all convicts now in prison, who, being first

offenders, have been sentenced for crimes committed prior to

September 1st, 1907.

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:

Pan-American Extradition Convention.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:

Preventive Detention in Great Britain.

The Borstal System of Discipline and Training for

Young Offenders.

An Act entitled The Prevention of Crime Act, passed by the

British Parliament in December, 1908, came into force on the

1st of August, 1909. It is described in the preamble as an

"Act to make better provision for the prevention of crime, and

for that purpose to provide for the reformation of young

offenders, and the prolonged detention of habitual criminals,

and for other purposes incidental thereto." "The principle of

‘preventive detention’ is accepted and embodied in the Act,

such detention to continue until the offender gives sufficient

assurance that he will take to an honest life, or until by age

or infirmity he becomes physically incapable of resuming a

life of crime. In no case is life imprisonment contemplated,

but when a man is convicted on indictment of a crime and is

sentenced to penal servitude, if the jury find that he is an

habitual criminal the Court may pass a further sentence. They

must first be satisfied, however, that by reason of his

criminal antecedents and his mode of life it is expedient for

the protection of the public that he should be kept in

detention for an extended period. The jury will have to be

satisfied, first that the man just convicted of an offence has

been convicted of at least three serious crimes, and,

secondly, that when convicted he was leading an habitually

dishonest life. The charge of being an habitual criminal

cannot be made except by the consent of the Director of Public

Prosecutions. The accused man will have an unqualified right

of appeal. After serving his term of penal servitude he will

be committed to a place of detention which will be a prison

specially adapted for the purposes of the Act. The prison

discipline will be less rigorous than that now prevailing,

alike as regards hours, talking, recreation, occupations, and

food.

"The Act provides that the Secretary of State [the Home

Secretary] shall once at least in every three years during

which the person is detained in custody under a sentence of

preventive detention, take into consideration the condition,

history, and circumstances of that person with a view to

determining whether he shall be placed out on license, and if

so, on what conditions. Directors of convict prisons are to

report periodically to the Secretary of State upon the conduct

and industry of persons undergoing preventive detention, and

their prospects and probable behaviour on release.

{173}

For this purpose they are to be assisted by a committee at

each prison, consisting of such members of the board of

visitors and such other persons of either sex as the Secretary

of State may from time to time appoint. Every such committee

is to hold meetings at intervals of not more than six months,

as may be prescribed, for the purpose of personally

interviewing persons undergoing preventive detention in the

prison and preparing reports for the assistance of the

directors."

The part of the Act which relates to the reformation of young

offenders provides for the establishment and regulation of

what are named "Borstal institutions." "These are places in

which young offenders may be given during their detention such

industrial training and other instruction and be subjected to

such disciplinary and moral influences as will conduce to

their reformation and the prevention of crime. The Act will

apply to persons of not less than 16 or more than 21 years of

age who may be convicted on indictment of an offence for which

they are liable to be sentenced to penal servitude or

imprisonment. In such cases … it will be lawful for the Court,

instead of passing a sentence of penal servitude or

imprisonment, to pass one of detention under penal discipline

in a Borstal institution. Such detention will not be less than

for one year or more than three years. Power is given to

detain in Borstal institutions youthful offenders sentenced to

detention in reformatory schools.

… Powers are also given to the Secretary of State to transfer

persons in certain cases from prison to Borstal institutions.

"Subject to regulations by the Secretary of State, the Prison

Commissioners may, after six months, or in the case of a

female three months, from the commencement of the term of

detention, if satisfied that there is reasonable probability

that the offender will abstain from crime and lead a useful

and industrious life, by license permit him to be discharged

from the Borstal institution, on condition that he be placed

under the supervision or authority of any society or person

named in the license who may be willing to take charge of the

case. Every person sentenced to detention in a Borstal

institution shall, on the expiration of the term of his

sentence, remain for a further period of six months under the

supervision of the Prison Commissioners."

The introduction of this system has been brought about by the

efforts of an organization which bears the name of the Borstal

Association, concerning whose experimental undertakings the

London Times said, lately, in an editorial article:

"Those who have hitherto been sceptical as to effective

treatment of the criminal classes would do well to consult the

report for 1909 of the Borstal Association. They can scarcely

fail to admit that new and powerful agencies for good are at

work. The experiment, which has been more successful than its

authors anticipated, began in a small way at Bedford Prison,

and has been gradually extended. At first it was applied to

selected offenders in the metropolitan prisons between the

ages of sixteen and twenty-one who had been committed for six

months. It was soon discovered that little good could be done

with criminals under successive short sentences. This has been

rectified. … Speaking lately of the Borstal methods, the

Bishop of Wakefield said truly that the problem is how to

combine in the treatment of young criminals ‘tenderness and

strength,’ to ‘draw the line between sternness and sympathy.’

In the past the tendency was to be punctiliously severe. …

To-day the tendency, the danger, is to forget that the prison

is not a place of recreation; to dwell too much on the

hardships of its inmates; to plead a little too much for their

comforts; to ask and expect too much; to be unduly critical of

prison authorities. The advocates of the Borstal system claim

to have avoided these mistakes. ‘It is not,’ they say, ‘a

namby-pamby system; only those who accept its strong incentive

and reformative methods find it tolerable; those who do not,

entreat for removal to other prisons where less development

and improvement of their latent capacities are demanded.’ It

seeks to inure to hard work the lads subject to its

discipline; it would make them strong and fit to handle tools

intelligently; it would turn them into healthy and well set-up

men. The fact that they may quit Borstal with some proficiency

in a trade counts for much."

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:

Probation System, as established by recent legislation

in New York.

"Probation, as authorized by the laws of New York State, is a

system of discipline and correction, or, in some cases, of

moral guardianship, applied by courts to suitable offenders,

after conviction, for the purpose of improving their conduct

and circumstances without committing them to institutions. The

defendants are released conditionally on their good behavior,

under suspended sentence, and under the friendly but

authoritative supervision of a representative of the court,

known as a probation officer. The probation law contemplates

that in placing a defendant on probation certain terms and

conditions shall be imposed, and it provides that if the

probationer violate these conditions, his probation officer

may return him to court for the execution of sentence. Besides

usually requiring each probationer to report to him from time

to time, the probation officer is expected to visit the

probationer at frequent intervals and to do whatever seems

essential to improve his surroundings and habits. The

probation officer should report regularly to the court

concerning the progress of each probationer. When so directed

by the court, the probation officer also investigates cases,

particularly with reference to the history, circumstances and

character of the defendants, in order to lay before the court

facts which may be important in determining whether they

should be placed on probation.

"It is desirable to keep the distinction between probation and

parole clearly in mind. Under the New York laws the word

probation refers to the supervision of defendants who, after

conviction, are released under suspended sentence. The

suspension of sentence alone does not constitute probation;

there must also be oversight by a probation officer. The word

parole, on the other hand, is applied to two entirely

different systems. In some courts before convictions are

found, cases are adjourned from time to time and the

defendants conditionally released; and this is called parole.

There is no authority to apply the term probation to this

practice, because under the New York State laws a person

cannot be placed on probation until after conviction. Parole

is the appropriate word to use also in connection with the

conditional release of inmates from penal or reformatory

institutions before the expiration of their term of

commitment. …

{174}

"Twenty-seven hundred and fifty-four boys and girls, and 7,680

adults, making a total of 10,434 persons, were reported by

probation officers as on probation during 1908. Of these 8,762

were placed on probation during the year. On December 31,

1908, there were 2,378 persons remaining on probation. The

corresponding number for December 31, 1907, was 1,672. Three

hundred and twenty probation officers supervised probationers

during the year, which is more than double the number of

active probation officers reported in the last report of this

Commission. During 1908 the probation system was used in the

courts of 26 cities as against 16 cities reported in 1907, in

8 town and village courts in 1908 as against 1 village court

in 1907, in 23 county courts as against 11 in 1907, and, as

far as the reports of probation officers indicate, in the

Supreme Court in 6 counties as against none in 1907."

Second Report of New York State Probation Commission,

March 15, 1909.

As amended in May, 1909, "the law creates the position of

county probation officer, and makes the services of such an

officer available not only in the county court, but also in

the Supreme Court and the courts of all towns, villages and

third-class cities within the county."

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:

The English "Probation of Offenders Act."

This Act, which became law in August, 1907, provides that,

"where any person is charged before a court of summary

jurisdiction with an offence punishable by such court, and the

court thinks that the charge is proved, but is of opinion

that, having regard to the character, antecedents, age,

health, or mental condition of the person charged, or to the

trivial nature of the offence, or to the extenuating

circumstances under which the offence was committed, it is

inexpedient to inflict any punishment or any other than a

nominal punishment, or that it is expedient to release the

offender on probation, the court may, without proceeding to

conviction, make an order either—

(i) dismissing the information or charge; or

(ii) discharging the offender conditionally on his entering

into a recognizance, with or without sureties, to be of good

behaviour and to appear for conviction and sentence when

called on at any time during such period, not exceeding three

years, as may be specified in the order."

Similarly after conviction of the offender, when a court deems

punishment inexpedient, it may, "in lieu of imposing a

sentence of imprisonment, make an order discharging the

offender conditionally on his entering into a recognizance,

with or without sureties, to be of good behaviour and to

appear for sentence when called on at any time during such

period, not exceeding three years, as may be specified in the

order;" and it may, in addition, order the offender to pay

damages for injury or compensation for loss that is consequent

on his offence.

The Act provides further that a recognizance ordered in such a

case may contain a condition that the offender shall be under

the supervision of such person as shall be named, during the

specified period of probation; that certain persons of either

sex may be appointed as probation officers,—some such, when

circumstances permit, to be specially "children’s probation

officers,"—and that salaries in the discretion of the courts

may be paid to these officers.

See (in this Volume), also,

Children, under the Law: As Offenders,

and Law and its Courts.

----------CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: End--------

CRISES, Financial, of 1903 and 1907.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

CROCKER, George:

Bequest for Cancer Research.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH: CANCER RESEARCH.

CROMER, Sir Evelyn Baring, Viscount:

Crowned King by the Sudanese.

See (in this Volume)

SUDAN, THE.

CROMER, Sir Evelyn Baring, Viscount:

What he saw on the Nile border of the Congo State.

See (in this Volume)

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

CROMER, Sir Evelyn Baring, Viscount:

Statement of conditions in Egypt.

See (in this Volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY).

----------CUBA: Start--------

CUBA:

Gains to Spain from its loss.

See (in this Volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1898-1906.

CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902.

Organization of Free Government under a Republican Constitution.

Transfer of Executive Authority from the

provisional Military Governor to the President-elect.

Official correspondence of the occasion.

Events in and relating to Cuba, after the surrender of the

island by Spain and the organization of a provisional military

government by the United States are narrated in Volume VI. of

this work, down to the adoption by the Congress of the United

States of the stipulations known as "The Platt Amendment" (see

pages 189-190 in Volume VI), which the constitutional

government for Cuba then in process of formation was asked to

agree to, in order to define the future relation of the

proposed new republic with the United States. This enactment

was approved by the President on the 2d of March, 1901, and

communicated, through the provisional Military Governor of the

island, General Leonard Wood, to the Cuban Constitutional

Convention. Doubt as to possible interpretations of the third

clause of the Platt Amendment having then arisen in the

Convention, the following despatch went from Washington to the

Military Governor April 3d:

"You are authorized to state officially that in view of the

President the intervention described in the third clause of

the Platt amendment is not synonymous with intermeddling or

interference with the affairs of the Cuban Government, but the

formal action of the United States, based upon just and

substantial grounds, for the preservation of Cuban

independence and the maintenance of a government adequate for

the protection of life, property, and individual liberty, and

adequate for discharging the obligations with respect to Cuba

imposed by the treaty of Paris on the United States."

Elihu Root, Secretary of War.

On the 12th of June, 1901, the convention adopted an ordinance

making provisions identical with those of the Platt Amendment,

a part of the constitution of Cuba.

{175}

"On October 1, 1901, the convention performed its remaining

duty by adopting an electoral law providing for a general

election throughout the island, to be held on the 31st day of

December, 1901, to choose governors of provinces, provincial

councilors, members of the house of representatives, and

presidential and senatorial electors. The law also provided

that on the 24th day of February, 1902, the several bodies of

electors thus chosen should meet and elect a president,

vice-president and senators. The elections were to be held

under the direct supervision of a central board of scrutiny,

composed of the president of the convention and four other

members selected for that purpose. The law was promulgated by

a general order of the military governor on the 14th of

October, 1901.

"The constitution thus adopted and perfected was treated by

the United States as an acceptable basis for the formation of

the new government to which, when organized and installed, the

control of the island was to be transferred.

"In conformity to the Cuban constitution and electoral law,

elections were held by the Cuban people on the 31st of

December, 1901, and by the electoral college on the 24th of

February, 1902, when a president [T. Estrada Palma],

vice-president, senate, and house of representatives were

chosen.

"The situation at this important juncture in the affairs of

Cuba is described by Secretary Root in his annual report for

1902 as follows:

"‘The whole governmental situation in Cuba was quite

unprecedented, with its curious device of a suspended

sovereignty given up by Spain, but not in terms vested in

anybody else, and if vested remaining dormant, while a

practical working government of military occupation in time of

peace, deriving its authority from the sovereignty of another

country, claimed temporary allegiance, made and enforced laws,

and developed a political organization of the Cuban people to

take and exercise the suspended or dormant sovereignty. It was

important that in inaugurating the new government there should

be no break in the continuity of legal obligation, of rights

of property and contract, of jurisdiction, or of

administrative action. It would not do to wait for the new

government to pass laws or to create offices and appoint

administrative officers and vest them with powers, for the

instant that the new government was created the intervening

government ceased, and the period of waiting would be a period

of anarchy.

"‘It was necessary, therefore, to take such steps that the new

Government should be created as a going concern, every officer

of which should be able to go on with his part of the business

of governing under the new sovereignty without waiting for any

new authority. That everything necessary to this end should be

done, and that it should be done according to a consistent and

maintainable legal theory, caused the Department a good deal

of solicitude. It is gratifying to report that it was done,

and that the Government which, until noon of May 20, was

proceeding under the authority of the President of the United

States, went on in the afternoon of that day and has ever

since continued under the sovereignty which had been abandoned

by Spain in April, 1899, without any more break or confusion

than accompanies the inauguration of a new President in the

United States. This could not have been done without the most

perfect good understanding, mutual confidence, and sympathetic

cooperation on the part of our officers who were about to

retire, and the newly elected officers of Cuba, who were about

to take the reins of Government.’"

One of the most interesting pages in history is that which

records the peaceful withdrawal of the flag and forces of the

United States from Cuba, and the inauguration of the

Government of the Republic of Cuba. The story cannot be told

in more interesting form or manner than as it is presented in

the orders of Secretary Root and the exchange of letters

between the President of the United States, the Secretary of

War, and the President of the Republic of Cuba. These

documents in part are as follows:

"Washington, D. C., March 24, 1902.

"Brig. Gen. Leonard Wood,

Military Governor of Cuba.

"Sir: You are authorized to provide for the inauguration, on

the 20th of May next, of the government elected by the people

of Cuba; and, upon the establishment of said government, to

leave the government and control of the island of Cuba to its

people pursuant to the provisions of the act of Congress

entitled ‘An act making appropriation for the Army for the

fiscal year ending June 30, 1902,’ approved March 2, 1901.

"Upon the transfer of government and control to the President

and Congress so elected, you will advise them that such

transfer is upon the express understanding and condition that

the new government does thereupon, and by the acceptance

thereof, pursuant to the provisions of the appendix to the

constitution of Cuba, adopted by the constitutional convention

on the 12th of June, 1901, assume and undertake all and

several the obligations assumed by the United States with

respect to Cuba by the treaty between the United States of

America and Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain, signed at

Paris on the 10th day of December, 1898.

"It is the purpose of the United States Government, forthwith

upon the inauguration of the new government of Cuba, to

terminate the occupancy of the island by the United States,

and to withdraw from that island the military forces now in

occupancy thereof: but for the preservation and care of the

coast defenses of the island, and to avoid leaving the island

entirely defenseless against external attack, you may leave in

the coast fortifications such small number of artillerymen as

may be necessary, for such reasonable time as may be required

to enable the new Government to organize and substitute

therefor an adequate military force of its own: by which time

it is anticipated that the naval stations referred to in the

statute and in the appendix to the constitution above cited,

will have been agreed upon, and the said artillerymen may be

transferred thereto.

"You will convene the Congress elected by the people of Cuba

in joint session at such reasonable time before the 20th of

May as shall be necessary therefor, for the purpose of

performing the duties of counting and rectifying the electoral

vote for President and Vice-President under the fifty-eighth

article of the Cuban constitution.

{176}

At the same time you will publish and certify to the people of

Cuba the instrument adopted as the constitution of Cuba by the

constitutional convention on the 21st day of February, 1901,

together with the appendix added thereto and forming a part

thereof adopted by the said convention on the 12th day of

June, 1901. It is the understanding of the Government of the

United States that the government of the island will pass to

the new President and Congress of Cuba as a going concern; all

the laws promulgated by the government of occupation

continuing in force and effect, and all the judicial and

subordinate executive and administrative officers continuing

in the lawful discharge of their present functions until

changed by the constitutional officers of the new government.

At the same moment the responsibility of the United States for

the collection and expenditure of revenues and for the proper

performance of duty by the officers and employees of the

insular government will end, and the responsibility of the new

government of Cuba therefor will commence.

"In order to avoid any embarrassment to the new President,

which might arise from his assuming executive responsibility

with subordinates whom he does not know, or in whom he has not

confidence, and to avoid any occasion for sweeping changes in

the civil-service personnel immediately after the inauguration

of the new Government, approval is given to the course which

you have already proposed of consulting the President-elect,

and substituting, before the 20th of May, wherever he shall so

desire, for the persons now holding official positions, such

persons as he may designate. This method will make it

necessary that the new President and yourself should appoint

representatives to count and certify the cash and cash

balances and the securities for deposits transferred to the

new government. The consent of the owner of the securities for

deposits to the transfer thereof you will of course obtain.

"The vouchers and accounts in the office of the Auditor and

elsewhere, relating to the receipt and disbursement of moneys

during the government of occupation, must necessarily remain

within the control, and available for the use, of this

Department. Access to these papers will, however, undoubtedly

be important to the officers of the new government in the

conduct of their business subsequent to the 20th of May. You

will accordingly appoint an agent to take possession of these

papers and retain them at such place in the island of Cuba as

may be agreed upon with the new government until they can be

removed to the United States without detriment to the current

business of the new government.

"I desire that you communicate the contents of this letter to

Mr. Palma, the President-elect, and ascertain whether the

course above described accords with his views and wishes. Very

respectfully,

ELIHU ROOT, Secretary of War."

On the 20th of May, 1902, the transfer of executive authority

from the American Military Governor, General Wood, to

President elect Palma was made in due form, and the following

correspondence passed between President Palma, General Wood,

President Roosevelt, and Secretary Root:

"HABANA, May 20, 1902.

"Honorable General Leonard Wood.

"Sir: As President of the Republic of Cuba, I hereby receive

the Government of the Island of Cuba which you transfer to me

in compliance with orders communicated to you by the President

of the United States, and take note that by this act the

military occupation of Cuba ceases.

"Upon accepting this transfer I declare that the Government of

the Republic assumes, as provided for in the constitution,

each and every one of the obligations concerning Cuba imposed

upon the United States by virtue of the treaty entered into on

the 10th of December, 1898, between the United States and Her

Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain.

"I understand that, as far as possible, all pecuniary

responsibilities contracted by the military government up to

this date have been paid; that $100,000, or such portion

thereof as maybe necessary, have been set aside to cover the

expenses that may be occasioned by the liquidation and

finishing up of the obligations contracted by said government,

and that there has been transferred to the Government of the

Republic the sum of $689,191.02, which constitutes the cash

balance existing to-day in favor of the State. …

"I take this solemn occasion, which marks the fulfillment of

the honored promise of the Government and people of the United

States in regard to the island of Cuba, and in which our

country is made a ruling nation, to express to you, the worthy

representative of that grand people, the immense gratitude

which the people of Cuba feel toward the American nation,

toward its illustrious President, Theodore Roosevelt, and

toward you for the efforts you have put forth for the

successful accomplishment of such a precious ideal.

T. ESTRADA PALMA."

"Habana, May 20, 1902.

"Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington.

"The government of the island having been just transferred, I,

as Chief Magistrate of the Republic, faithfully interpreting

the sentiments of the whole people of Cuba, have the honor to

send you and the American people testimony of our profound

gratitude and the assurance of an enduring friendship, with

wishes and prayers to the Almighty for the welfare and

prosperity of the United States.

T. ESTRADA PALMA."

"Washington, May 20, 1902.

"President of the Republic of Cuba:

"Believe in my heartfelt congratulations upon the inauguration

of the Republic which the people of Cuba and the people of the

United States have fought and labored together to establish.

With confidence in your unselfish patriotism and courage and

in the substantial civic virtues of your people, I bid you

godspeed, and on this happy day wish for Cuba for all time

liberty and order, peace and prosperity.

ELIHU ROOT, Secretary of War."

"Habana, May 21, 1902.

"ELIHU ROOT, Secretary of War, Washington.

"I am deeply moved by your heartfelt message of congratulation

on the inauguration of the Republic of Cuba, to the birth of

which the people and the Government of the United States have

contributed with their blood and treasure. Rest assured that

the Cuban people can never forget the debt of gratitude they

owe to the great Republic, with which we will always cultivate

the closest relations of friendship and for the prosperity of

which we pray to the Almighty.

T. ESTRADA PALMA."

{177}

On the 10th of June, General Wood, at Washington, made the

following report to the Adjutant-General of the United States

Army:

"Sir: I have the honor to inform you that the Republic of Cuba

was established at 12 o’clock noon, May 20, 1902. The transfer

was made upon the lines indicated in the instructions of the

honorable the Secretary of War, and the autograph letter of

the President read to President Palma and presented to him.

President Palma responded, expressing his sincere appreciation

of the work done by the United States in Cuba, and the lasting

gratitude of himself and the people of Cuba.

"The transfer was made in the main reception hall of the

palace of the military governor. There were present the

President-elect and his cabinet, the military governor and the

officers of his staff, civil and military, the Cuban Congress,

the judiciary, officers of the British and Italian navies, the

captain and staff of the U. S. S. Brooklyn, and the consular

representatives of foreign countries. …

"I left the palace at twenty-five minutes past 12 o’clock,

accompanied by the officers of my personal and departmental

staff. We were accompanied to the capitania del puerto by

President Palma with his cabinet, the Cuban Congress, and all

others who had been present at the ceremonies. President Palma

bade us farewell at the wharf after again expressing his most

sincere and lasting good will and appreciation.

"Accompanied by my personal staff, I immediately embarked upon

the U. S. S. Brooklyn. The officers of the department

staff embarked on the S . S. Moro Castle, which sailed

at a quarter past 3. The U. S. S. Brooklyn sailed at

about 3.45.

LEONARD WOOD, Brigadier General United States Army."

The above account of the "Establishment of Free Government in

Cuba "is taken wholly from a narrative thus entitled, compiled

by the Bureau of Insular Affairs, United States War

Department, and published as Document Number 312, in Volume 7

of Senate Documents, 58th Congress, 2d Session.

CUBA: A. D. 1902.

Tomas Estrada Palma, the First President of the Cuban Republic.

"There was such manifest propriety in the selection of General

Estrada Palma to be the first president of the Cuban Republic

that the attempt to bring forward another candidate was

unavailing. There was no excitement at the popular election,

and the voting was light, because the result was a foregone

conclusion. The two most important men in the last struggle

for Cuban freedom were General Maximo Gomez and General

Estrada Palma. Gomez commanded the armies in the field, and

employed methods which, as we have repeatedly said, entitle

him to rank as one of the greatest of all modern commanders.

Palma was the agent of the Cuban patriots in the United

States, and he, more than any other man, is to be credited

with having kept alive the military movement in Cuba by means

of material aid and assistance sent from the outside. Most

important of all, he addressed himself with success to

bringing about that awakening of public opinion in the United

States which finally took the form of an irresistible moral

crusade on behalf of Cuban freedom. If these two men had died,

or were otherwise ineligible, Cuba would not, indeed, have

been left without trained and patriotic sons who could have

filled the presidential office with ability and success. But

since Gomez and Palma were both alive, and available in every

sense, they were the two men to whom Cuba might naturally

turn, rather than to any others, as candidates for the

presidency. The military hero is always the man to be first

considered, and Gomez for a time was the candidate whose name

was upon all lips. But he declared that he had no ambition for

political office, and in due time it appeared that Gomez was

shaping things in Cuba for the nomination of Palma. …

"Tomas Estrada Palma is sixty-six years of age. His father was

a wealthy planter in the easternmost province of Cuba, and the

son was well educated in Cuba and in Spain, and became a

lawyer, with a view not so much to the practice of his

profession as to the better management of the affairs of a

large estate. His patriotic sympathies led him to active

service in the ten years’ struggle for independence which

began in 1868 and ended in 1878, and early in that period he

became a general in the insurgent army. Toward the end of the

war, he became the president of the provisional government, a

position which at least indicated the confidence in which he

was held by the Cuban people. He was made a prisoner, taken to

Spain, at the risk of his life refused to swear allegiance,

witnessed, in consequence, the confiscation of his estates,

and some time after the final termination of the struggle

regained his personal liberty, at the loss, however, of his

Cuban property and home. When he goes to Cuba, two or three

months hence, to assume the duties and high honors of the

presidency, it will be after an absence of twenty four years.

After his release, at the end of the Ten Years War, Palma

traveled in Spanish-American countries, and settled in

Honduras, where he married the daughter of the president of

that republic and became postmaster-general. Subsequently he

came with his wife and one little child to New York, and saw

an opportunity to establish a school for young people from the

Spanish-American countries. His institute was located in the

little town of Central Valley, in Orange County, New York,

some forty miles from the metropolis. He has now lived in

Central Valley for eighteen years, and his six children, five

of whom were born there, have known no other home."

American Review of Reviews,

February, 1902.

CUBA: A. D. 1903.

Lease of Coaling and Naval Stations to the United States.

Reciprocity with the United States.

Cession of the Isle of Pines.

In consonance with Article VII. of the so-called "Platt

Amendment," which became an Appendix to the Constitution of

the Republic of Cuba, an Agreement between the United States

and Cuba for the lease to the former, in Guantanamo and Bahia

Honda, of lands for coaling and naval stations, was signed in

February, 1903. The consequent lease was signed and

ratifications exchanged in the following July and October.

{178}

According to the terms of the Agreement "while, on the one

hand, the United States recognizes the continuance of the

ultimate sovereignty of the Republic of Cuba over the above

described areas of land and water, on the other hand the

Republic of Cuba consents that during the period of the

occupation by the United States of said areas under the terms

of this agreement the United States shall exercise complete

jurisdiction and control over and within said areas with the

right to acquire (under conditions to be hereafter agreed upon

by the two Governments) for the public purposes of the United

States any land or other property therein by purchase or by

exercise of eminent domain with full compensation to the

owners thereof." The yearly rental to be paid for the use of

the lands defined in the Agreement is $2000.

An arrangement of reciprocity between Cuba and the United

States, conceding to Cuban sugar a rebate of 20 per cent. from

the Dingley tariff rate, and giving 20 to 40 per cent. of

reduction in Cuba on American goods, was ratified by the

United States Senate in December.

A treaty ceding all claims of the United States to the Isle of

Pines was signed in December, and awaited ratification by the

Senate when the year closed.

CUBA: A. D. 1906.

Participation in Third International Conference of

American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

American Republics.

CUBA: A. D. 1906 (August-October).

Outbreak of insurrection.

Appeal of President Palma for American intervention.

The Republic practically without a Government.

Secretary Taft, sent to the Island, establishes a

Provisional Government.

Governor Magoon.

The first report to the Government of the United States of an

outbreak of insurrection in Cuba was sent from the American

Legation at Havana on the 21st of August, 1906. Between 1000

and 1500 men were then said to be in arms in Pinar del Rio,

under Colonel Pino Guerra, "a Liberal member of the present

Congress and a veteran of the War of Independence." The

insurgents represented the political party called Liberal,

hostile to the party called Moderate which controlled the

Government and enjoyed the favor of President Palma. They

complained of unfairness in late elections and demanded a new

electoral law with a new election to be held under it. The

Government had no effective armed forces to use against them,

and some effort by business men of Havana and by "veterans" to

mediate between the parties and pacify the revolutionists were

without avail. Events, therefore, moved rapidly to the

producing of a situation in which President Palma, on the 12th

of September, asked for American intervention, and begged

"that President Roosevelt send to Havana with rapidity 2000 or

3000 men, to avoid any catastrophe in the capital." Two days

later the request was repeated with more urgency, the

Consul-General at Havana stating in a telegram to the State

Department at Washington:

"President Palma has resolved not to continue at the head of

the Government, and is ready to present his resignation, even

though the present disturbances should cease at once. The

vice-president has resolved not to accept the office. Cabinet

ministers have declared that they will previously resign.

Under these conditions it is impossible that Congress will

meet, for the lack of a proper person to convoke same to

designate a new president. The consequences will be absence of

legal power, and therefore the prevailing state of anarchy

will continue unless the United States Government will adopt

the measures necessary to avoid this danger."

The action then taken by President Roosevelt was recounted by

him in his next annual Message to Congress, as follows:

"It was evident that chaos was impending, and there was every

probability that if steps were not immediately taken by this

Government to try to restore order, the representatives of

various European nations in the island would apply to their

respective governments for armed intervention in order to

protect the lives and property of their citizens. Thanks to

the preparedness of our Navy, I was able immediately to send

enough ships to Cuba to prevent the situation from becoming

hopeless; and I furthermore dispatched to Cuba the Secretary

of War and the Assistant Secretary of State, in order that

they might grapple with the situation on the ground. All

efforts to secure an agreement between the contending

factions, by which they should themselves come to an amicable

understanding and settle upon some modus vivendi—some

provisional government of their own—failed. Finally the

President of the Republic resigned. The quorum of Congress

assembled failed by deliberate purpose of its members, so that

there was no power to act on his resignation, and the

Government came to a halt. In accordance with the so-called

Platt amendment, which was embodied in the constitution of

Cuba, I thereupon proclaimed a provisional government for the

island, the Secretary of War acting as provisional governor

until he could be replaced by Mr. Magoon, the late minister to

Panama and governor of the Canal Zone on the Isthmus; troops

were sent to support them and to relieve the Navy, the

expedition being handled with most satisfactory speed and

efficiency. The insurgent chiefs immediately agreed that their

troops should lay down their arms and disband; and the

agreement was carried out."

From an "Epitome of events attendant upon the establishment of

the Provisional Government of Cuba," published in Part 1 of

"Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United

States," for 1906, the following is taken:

"On Saturday, September 29, 1906, a provisional government

exercising Cuban sovereignty under the authority of the

President of the United States was established, and a

proclamation was issued to the Cuban people setting forth the

causes for this action and defining the position of the United

States toward Cuba.

"Since the American commissioners understand that the Republic

of Cuba is continuous and that they are only the ad interim

executives, the various departments continue to function as

before with the assistant secretaries as acting heads, the

only officials discharged being those taken on to meet the

exigencies of the revolution.

"At the time the commissioners assumed control there were many

political prisoners in the jails throughout the island. These,

of whom several were prominent liberals who had several times

been consulted by the commissioners while on parole, were

immediately set at liberty.

"The disbanding and disarming of the rebel forces and,

incidentally, the government militia, enlisted specially for

the revolution, has been the chief concern of the provisional

government from its establishment until now. It was carried

out by a commission of American and Cuban military officers,

of which General Frederick Funston was head, and has been

practically completed.

{179}

"On the 10th instant [October] Provisional Governor Taft

issued a general amnesty proclamation to the people of Cuba,

thus indicating that quiet and peace have been restored. Save

for sporadic local disturbances, the entire country is

tranquil.

"On Tuesday, the 9th instant, Governor Magoon, who has

succeeded Mr. Taft as provisional governor, and General Bell,

who is to take command of the military forces of the United

States in the island, reached Habana, and on Saturday, the

13th, Governor Taft issued a proclamation transferring the

provisional governorship to Governor Magoon."

In his proclamation of September 29th, on taking possession of

the Government, Secretary Taft used these clear and distinct

words:

"The provisional government hereby established will be

maintained only long enough to restore order, peace, and

public confidence, by direction of and in the name of the

President of the United States, and then to hold such

elections as may be necessary to determine on those persons

upon whom the permanent government of the republic should be

devolved.

"In so far as is consistent with the nature of a provisional

government established under the authority of the United

States this will be a Cuban Government, conforming with the

constitution of Cuba. The Cuban flag will be hoisted as usual

over the government buildings of the island, all the executive

departments and provincial and municipal governments,

including that of the City of Havana, will continue to be

administered as under the Cuban Republic; the courts will

continue to administer justice, and all the laws not in their

nature inapplicable by reason of the temporary and emergent

character of the government will be in force."

CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.

Under the Provisional American Government.

Election of a new Congress and a new President.

Restoration of the Republic.

In his Message to Congress, December, 1907, President

Roosevelt described the conditions that had prevailed in the

island for two years under the provisional government,

instituted by Secretary Taft and over which Governor Magoon

had presided, in a few words, as follows:

"Absolute quiet and prosperity have returned to the island

because of this action. We are now taking steps to provide for

elections in the island and our expectation is within the

coming year to be able to turn the island over again to a

government chosen by the people thereof. Cuba is at our doors.

It is not possible that this Nation should permit Cuba again

to sink into the condition from which we rescued it. All that

we ask of the Cuban people is that they be prosperous, that

they govern themselves so as to bring content, order and

progress to their island, the Queen of the Antilles; and our

only interference has been and will be to help them achieve

these results."

Provincial elections held in the following August went

generally in favor of the Conservative party, and that party

was accordingly expected to win the presidential election,

appointed to occur in November, 1908; but such was not the

result. Three parties were in the field, Conservatives,

Miguelistas, and Zayistas. The Miguelistas were political

followers of General José Miguel Gomez, whose middle name they

took for their party designation; the Zayistas were partisans

of Dr. Alfredo Zayas; the Conservatives were reputed to be

substantially identical with the party known as Moderates in

the politics of the First Republic. Their leader was General

Menocal. The Liberals of former contests were now divided

between Miguelistas and Zayistas. They were reunited in the

national election of November, and swept the Moderates into

the background, electing both their leaders, Gomez and Zayas,

the one to be President, the other to be Vice-President, of

the reconstituted Republic: electing, at the same time, an

effective majority in the Congress for their support.

January 28, 1909, was the day fixed for dissolving the

provisional government and reinvesting the Cubans with

political independence; but the Congress was organized and

held its initial session on the 13th. The President and

Vice-President elect were inaugurated with simple ceremonies

on the 28th. President Roosevelt, on that day, sent a message

to the President and the Congress in these words:CUBA:

"Governor Magoon will, by my direction, turn over to you on

the 28th of this month the control and government of the

island of Cuba, and he will thereupon declare the provisional

administration of the affairs of the island by the United

States to be at an end. Upon the occasion of this final act, I

desire to reiterate to you the sincere friendship and good

wishes of the United States and our most earnest hopes for the

stability and success of your government. Our fondest hope is

that you may enjoy the blessing of peace, prosperity, justice,

and orderly liberty, and that the friendship which has existed

between the republic of the United States and the republic of

Cuba, may continue for all time to come."

Governor Magoon, in his brief address, surrendering the reins

of government to President Gomez, said, in part:

"It is the understanding of the United States, and it now

declares that all the executive and legislative decrees and

rulings of the provisional government now in force shall

continue in force and effect until such time as the same shall

be legally revoked by Cuba.

"All money obligations of the provisional government down to

this date have been paid as far as practicable. Such claims

and obligations, however, as may remain unpaid are to be

regarded as claims and obligations of Cuba, and the United

States understands that these claims and obligations will be

so treated."

President Gomez replied:

"We receive from you the government of Cuba which you turn

over to us in compliance with the instructions of the

President of the United States. All acquired rights shall be

respected in harmony with the principles of international law,

the principles of our constitution and the provisions of the

appendix of the constitution. The constitution shall be upheld

in all its integrity because our chief concern will be to

preserve it inviolate.

{180}

"We are indebted to your nation for its generous aid in the

maintenance of our institutions and the cordial relations

existing will never grow less through any act of ours. Once

again we are masters of our fate and there is not a Cuban

heart but swears to maintain for all time the newly-acquired

integrity of the nation, and who does not at the same time

feel the profoundest gratitude towards those who, after

governing them, have faithfully performed their agreement and

now leave us in the full enjoyment of our sovereignty."

According to newspaper reports, however, the popular feeling

was somewhat different from the sentiment expressed by

President Gomez, if the coldness with which the Cuban crowd of

that day watched the departure of Governor Magoon and his

associates could be taken for a sign. They sailed for home

immediately, on the new battleship Maine. About 3000 American

troops remained on the island, under command of Major-General

Thomas L. Barry, until the 1st of April following. On the

departure of these, President Gomez said to General Barry:

"It is pleasing to me to acknowledge the great aptitudes and

qualities of the Army of Pacification under your command,

which has brought to a happy conclusion its honorable mission

of watching over our country in the difficult days, now

happily past, and in maintaining and reaffirming the most

friendly relations with our people, in whose name I assure you

your efforts have been crowned with the most flattering

success. I pray you, general, to express to your valiant

soldiers the extreme gratitude and admiration which the

government and the people of Cuba have for them."

Of President Gomez the following account was given at the time

of his inauguration by the New York Evening Post:

"Major-General Jose Miguel Gomez, the first President of the

new Cuban Republic, is fifty-three years of age, and a native

of Santa Clara province, where he has always enjoyed

extraordinary popularity and influence. He participated in two

Cuban revolutions against Spain, in the first of which he

reached the rank of major and in the second that of

major-general. He was selected as Governor of Santa Clara

province by the government of intervention, and when his term

expired he was elected Governor.

"In May, 1905, the general was nominated for the Presidency by

the National Liberal Convention, but resigned his candidacy

four months later, giving as the reason for this action that

it was impossible to continue the campaign within the bounds

of the law, and laying part of the blame on the United States,

owing to the Platt amendment. An uprising in Cuba followed,

which ended with the deposition of President Palma and the

intervention of the United States.

"In August, 1906, General Gomez was arrested, charged with

conspiring against the Administration of the late President

Palma, but he denied the allegation, and was released from

custody after a month’s imprisonment. In December of the same

year Governor Magoon appointed him secretary of a commission

to revise the laws of Cuba. These included the drafting of an

electoral law, new provincial and municipal laws, a law

defining the organization and functions of the judiciary, a

civil service law, and also laws on such other subjects as may

be referred to it by the provisional Governor."

CUBA: A. D. 1907.

Population.

Remarkable increase in eight years.

"The population of Cuba on September 30, 1907, was 2,048,980;

at the census next preceding, taken under the American

administration in 1899, at the close of the Spanish-American

War, the population was 1,572,797. The rate of increase in

these eight years is not less than 30 per cent. or at the rate

of 39 per cent per decade. This is a very rapid rate of

increase—greater than that of any other country with which I

am acquainted. This increase has not been brought about by

immigration, for in the eight years the net immigration (that

is, the excess of arrivals over departures) numbered only

75,000, and the element of foreign birth increased from 11 per

cent to 11.2 per cent only, but it has been brought about

almost entirely by the excess of births over deaths. … One

peculiar phenomenon of this increase is that the rural

population has gained much more rapidly than has the urban—a

condition which rarely exists, as in nearly every country in

the world the drift of population is toward the cities. The

urban population, including all places of 1,000 inhabitants

and over, was 43.9 per cent of the total population. In 1899

it was 47.1 per cent. If the urban population be limited to

towns of 8,000 inhabitants, the proportion was 30.3 per cent.

The chief cities are Habana, with 297,159 inhabitants, or

about one-seventh of the population of Cuba; Santiago de Cuba,

45,470; Matanzas, 36,009; Cienfuegos, 30,100; and Camaguey,

29,616. The number of inhabitants per square mile in the

island as a whole was 46.5, or about the same as in Missouri,

Virginia, or South Carolina. The foreign-born population

formed 11.2 per cent of the total. Of this element four-fifths

were born in Spain and less than three per cent in the United

States; Chinese and Africans were more numerous than United

States people. …

"As to color, about seven-tenths of the population were white,

the remaining three-tenths being colored, including negroes,

mixed, and a few thousand Chinese. As in the United States,

the colored element is increasing less rapidly than is the

white population."

Henry Gannett,

National Geographic Magazine,

February, 1909.

As reported from Washington, nearly 57 per cent, of the

population of Cuba, at least ten years of age, can read, the

percentage in the large cities being 82.6 and in the rest of

the island 47.9 according to figures obtained in the census

recently taken. This census shows that in 1907 almost

one-third of the children were attending school, as compared

with less than one-sixth in 1899.

See also (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: CUBA.

CUBA: A. D. 1907 (April).

Decision of Supreme Court of the United States respecting

the Isle of Pines.

A decision by the Supreme Court of the United States, rendered

on the 8th of April, 1907, determined that the Isle of Pines

is foreign territory, in the view of the United States customs

laws, and, inferentially, that the United States has

practically no title to the island.

CUBA: A. D. 1909 (June).

Ill conditions along with material prosperity.

"What may prove to be the largest sugar crop in Cuba’s

history—certainly it is the most profitable she has harvested

in many along year—is almost in. It is estimated at a million

and a half tons. It has obtained the very satisfactory average

price of 4 5/8 reales, reckoning from January 1 to date. …

Ordinarily, this condition of affairs as regards her biggest

crop would be equivalent to the best of times for Cuba,

especially since last year also was a good year for sugar men,

and this year the tobacco crop, too, is fair in quantity and

quality and going at satisfactory prices. But, so

extraordinary is the present situation, times were never

harder in all the history of this island than they are to-day,

material evidences of prosperity to the contrary

notwithstanding.

{181}

"Yet values have not dropped. This is no panic. It is merely a

standing still—a waiting for something to happen. Just what it

is that is due to occur nobody will say. Asked what he is

afraid of, the Spaniard, who is the business man of Cuba,

shrugs his shoulders and shifts his eyes; pressed for a reply,

he answers enigmatically: ‘There is no confidence.’ The

feeling grows that the present government will be forced into

the hands of a receiver, like any other bankrupt concern,

before even its liveliest opponents can organize to end it

more heroically. …

"In 1906, when Cuba’s customs receipts, which are almost her

sole source of revenue, were at their maximum, her budget

stood at $17,915,013.25. In 1909, weakened as she is, she is

burdened with a budget of $33,825,448.53—President Gomez’s

estimate of expenditure necessary in the first fiscal year of

his Administration! In other words, while collections have

fallen off, the governmental expenditures they must cover have

increased 100 per cent."

Havana Correspondent,

New York Evening Post,

June 19, 1909.

"The Senate and House abruptly adjourned this evening. This

was the final day of the regular session of Congress, but no

definite action was taken on the question of the approval of

the budget. … The House yesterday approved the budget in its

entirety, and it was expected that the Senate would approve it

to-day. The latter body, however, after devoting much time to

a bill legalizing cockfighting, which was passed, made sundry

minor modifications in the budget, sending it again to the

House, in the apparent expectation that the modifications

would be accepted by the House, which, in the meantime, had

adjourned. The adjournment of the House was not known until

after the Senate had also adjourned."

Havana Telegram to Associated Press,

June 30, 1909.

"Owing to the failure of the Cuban Senate to pass the budget,

President Gomez, early this morning, issued a decree making

effective Governor Magoon’s budget of 1908-1909 amounting to

$24,285,000. The deficiency to cover the cost of the army and

other increased expenses of the republic, amounting to nearly

$10,000,000, will be supplied by Presidential decree. This

will practically repeat the conditions of the last year of the

Palma regime, when, in default of a budget, the decrees to

this same end issued by President Palma were declared to

violate the Constitution, and precipitated the revolution of

August, 1906."

Havana Telegram,

July, 1.

----------CUBA: End--------

CUNARD COMPANY:

Agreements with the British Government.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: INTERNATIONAL.

"CURB MARKET," The, of New York:

Report on its operations.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES. A. D. 1909.

CURIA, New Apostolic Constitution of the Roman.

See (in this Volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1908.

CURIE, Marie Sklodovska.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

CURIE, Pierre.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

CURIE, Professor and Madame:

Their discovery of Radium.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM; also, PHYSICAL.

CURRENCY.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE.

CURRY, J. L. M.:

Originator of the Annual Conferences for Education in the South.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1898-1909.

CURTIS, Glenn H.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

CURZON, George N., Lord:

Partition of Bengal.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

CURZON, George N., Lord:

Resignation of Viceroyalty of India.

See INDIA: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

CURZON-WYLLIE, Sir, Assassination of.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

CUSTOMS ADMINISTRATION:

Proposals of the Conference of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

CUSTOMS COURT OF APPEALS, UNITED STATES:

See (in this Volume)

TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

CUSTOMS SERVICE, United States:

Corruptions disclosed.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

CUSTOMS UNION, Serbo-Bulgarian.

See (in this Volume)

BALKAN STATES: BULGARIA AND SERVIA: A. D. 1905.

CZECHS:

Struggle with Austrian Germans over the language question.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903, and 1904.

CZOLGOSZ, Leon:

Assassin of President McKinley.

See (in this Volume)

BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.

D.

DAIDO CLUB.

See (in this Volume)

Japan: A. D. 1909.

DALGETY:

Rejected Site for Australian Capital.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.

DALNY:

Russian Evacuation.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and

1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

When Dalny, by the Treaty of Portsmouth, became the property

of Japan its name was changed to Tairen.

DAMASCUS:

Railway to Mecca.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: TURKEY, ASIATIC: A. D. 1908.

DARWIN, Charles:

Centenary Commemoration of.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ANNIVERSARY CELEBRATIONS.

DARWINISM, Bearing of Mendel’s Law on.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: BIOLOGICAL.

DAVENPORT, Dr. Charles B.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

{182}

DAVIS, General George B.:

Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

DAVIS, Henry G.:

Delegate to Second International Conference of

American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

DAVIS, Jefferson:

Unveiling of Monument to.

See (in this Volume)

RICHMOND, VIRGINIA.

DAYANAND SARASWATI.

See (in this Volume)

ARYA SAMAJ.

DAYLIGHT SAVING MOVEMENT.

What is known as the Daylight Saving Movement, which has

acquired much strength in England and has gained some favor in

the United States and elsewhere, is said to have been first

mooted by a builder in London, Mr. Willet, who suggested the

possibility of securing a most important general advantage to

the whole community by establishing a legal difference between

summer and winter in the numbering of the hours. The

proposition is to retain the standard clock time for all the

year except between a given date in April and a given date in

September, within which period the clocks shall be set forward

one hour, making six o’clock in the morning, for example,

become seven.

At first the proposition excited little but laughter; but the

more it has been considered the more advocacy it has won. A

bill to realize it has been twice before Parliament, failing

to be passed, but gaining votes. The main difficulty is to

make people see why there should be legislation on the

subject; why those who wish to begin the labors of the day an

hour earlier in the summer than in the winter may not do so

without any meddling of law with the clocks. The reasons why

were set forth very clearly in one of the debates of

Parliament on the subject. Said one speaker: "The Bill was

intended to benefit town dwellers. Two-thirds, if not

three-fourths, of the population dwelt in towns, and it was

these who suffered from failure to take advantage of the

summer daylight. It had been asked why it was necessary, in

order to induce town populations to follow the example of

agriculturists, to proceed by way of legislation. The answer

was simple. There were 140 statutes in which various phases of

town life were regulated by the clock, and if they desired

those who lived in towns to take advantage of the summer

daylight by beginning work earlier in the morning, it was

surely easier to accomplish that end by passing a general Act

of this kind than by bringing in Bills to amend each of the

statutes in which particular hours were specified."

As another (Mr. Winston Churchill) explained: "It was quite

impossible for an individual to make alterations in the hours

at which he discharged particular duties, while every one else

remained unchanged, without subjecting himself to a great deal

of inconvenience, and the fact that particular firms had

already adopted this early rising system, in spite of the

enormous inconvenience which attended all alterations from the

regular habits of the community as a whole, was not, as the

honourable member for Rye suggested, an argument against the

necessity of the Bill. It was, in his judgment, very good

evidence of the real, natural pressure that there was behind a

measure of this character. If all the world were to change

clock time together, no one would be conscious that that

change had occurred, except at the moment of change. But where

a change of clock time came into contact with unchanged times,

as in the case of the American markets or of the Continental

mails and trains, there, undoubtedly, they would get friction

and discordance. He was, however, not at all sure that that

friction and discordance bore any sensible proportion to the

interests which might be beneficially affected or that that

friction and discordance could not be adjusted without any

very serious inconvenience. But whether that was so or not, he

was quite clear that any such change as this must be made by

legislation, or it could not be made at all."

DEAKIN, Alfred:

Premier of Australia.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904, and after.

DEAKIN, Alfred:

At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

DEAKIN, Alfred:

Defeat and resignation in 1908.

Recovery of the Premiership in 1909.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908, and 1909 (MAY-JUNE).

DEATH DUTY, or Inheritance Tax.

Defeated proposal in Germany.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

DEATH DUTIES:

Treaty between Great Britain and France, to prevent frauds in

connection with Succession or Death Duties.

The following Treaty between the Governments of Great Britain

and France was signed November 15, 1907, and ratified

December 9:

"The Government of His Britannic Majesty and the Government of

the French Republic, being desirous of preventing as far as

possible frauds in connection with succession duties, have

authorized the Undersigned to conclude the following

Agreement:—

"ARTICLE 1.

The Government of His Britannic Majesty undertake, in the case

of the decease of all persons domiciled in France, to furnish

an extract from the affidavit, containing the full name,

domicile, date and place of death of the deceased; all

information relating to his successors, and the details

respecting that portion of the estate which is moveable. This

extract shall be furnished, however, only in cases where the

value of the moveable estate shall amount to a sum of not less

than £100.

"ARTICLE 2.

The Government of the French Republic undertake, in the case

of the decease of all persons domiciled in the United Kingdom

of Great Britain and Ireland, to furnish an extract from the

déclaration de mutation through death, containing the

particulars enumerated in Article 1. This extract shall be

furnished, however, only in cases where the value of the

moveable estate declared shall amount to a sum of not less

than 2,520 fr.

"ARTICLE 3.

The extracts from affidavits or déclarations de

mutation shall be certified by the officers intrusted with

the duty of receiving or registering these affidavits or

declarations.

"In the event, however, of either of the two Governments

deeming it necessary, the certifying and authentication of the

signatures, as required according to the procedure customary

in that country, shall, upon request and without fee, be

affixed to these extracts.

"ARTICLE 4.

The extracts from affidavits or declarations received or

registered during each quarter shall be forwarded directly,

within a period of six weeks from the last day of the quarter,

by the Board of Inland Revenue to the Direction Générate de

l’Enregistrement, and reciprocally.

"All correspondence respecting the said extracts shall also be

conducted directly between those two Central Administrations."

{183}

DEATH STATISTICS:

Fatal Accidents to Workmen in the United States.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR PROTECTION.

DEBTS, Public:

Compulsory collection.

See (in this Volume)

DRAGO DOCTRINE.

DEBS, Eugene V.:

Nomination for President of the United States.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),

and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

DEEP WATERWAYS, Movement for.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

DE LAVAL, Gustave Patrick.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: TURBINE ENGINE.

DELAGRANGE, M.

See (in this Volume)

Science and Invention, Recent: Aeronautics.

DELBRUCK, Herr.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

DELCASSÉ, THÉOPHILE:

French Minister of Foreign Affairs.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

DELCASSÉ, THÉOPHILE:

Resignation forced by the German Government.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

DELCASSÉ, THÉOPHILE:

Controversy with M. Clemenceau in the Chamber of Deputies

which threw the latter out of office.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

DELHI: A. D. 1903.

Great Durbar.

See (in this Volume).

INDIA: A. D. 1903 (JANUARY).

DELYANNIS, Theodoros:

Assassination.

See (in this Volume)

GREECE: A. D. 1905.

DEMOCRACY, Political:

Involved in the South African Labor Question.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.

DEMOCRACY, Political:

Triumphant in Denmark.

See (in this Volume)

DENMARK: A. D. 1901.

DEMOCRATAS, The. See (in this Volume)

DEMOCRISTIANA.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.

----------DENMARK: Start--------

DENMARK: A. D. 1909.

Democracy in Power after a thirty-years’ struggle with

Landlordism.

Landlordism in Denmark, entrenched in the upper house of the

Parliament, was dislodged from the control of Government by

the Democratic party, in the elections of April, 1901, after a

struggle of thirty years. A Danish correspondent of The

American Review of Reviews gave a spirited account of the

victory to that magazine in the following October, from which

the following is taken:

"At the elections of April, 1901, out of 114 members in the

lower house only 5 were won by the Conservatives, with small

majorities, and even the strong Conservative majority in the

upper house was reduced to one vote through the rebellion of

the Conservatives. The Danes are now a thoroughly radical and

democratic people, with a more perfect system of

self-government in politics and business than perhaps any

other nation. The population has increased so much that it is

now as large as the whole population of the kingdom and

duchies before 1864. After England, it is also the richest

country in the world per head of the population, and the

excellence of its educational system is matter of common

knowledge. Denmark, therefore, enters the new century steaming

full speed ahead, and with the best hopes for the future.

"The victory of April 3 last was as complete over the

Moderates as over the Government. Before the poll the

Moderates were twenty-two strong, but Mr. Bojesen, the evil

genius of the democracy, withdrew his candidature and retired

into private life, while several of his supposed adherents

declared during the campaign that, if reelected, they would

join the Radicals. Mr. Bojesen’s constituency, which he had

represented since 1869, was taken by the Radicals, and the

Moderates, now reduced to twelve or thirteen—of whom about

half will join the Radicals if allowed—have lost all their

former importance. The premier and minister of justice is M.

Deuntzer, professor of law at the university, an old Radical

who in 1885 publicly opposed the government. The minister of

agriculture is Mons. Ole Hansen. He is a common farmer from a

village in Seeland, owner of a farm of about one hundred

acres; M. P. since 1890. … The law officer of the crown is

Mons. Alberti, who is a leader of many cooperative

undertakings of the peasantry; M. P. since 1892.

"Mr. Jens Christian Christensen is the most important member

of the new cabinet. He was born in West Jutland, in 1856, the

son of a farmer, and earned his living when a boy as a

shepherd. He passed the examination for village schoolmaster

in Jutland, and taught till recently in the little village of

Stadil, in West Jutland. In 1890 he was returned for

Parliament, and in 1895 became leader of the opposition. Of

late years, the Conservative Government being so utterly weak,

he practically ruled the country in his capacity of president

of the finance committee of the Folkething. A few months ago

he resigned his post as schoolmaster, succeeded in being

elected a ‘revisor of the state,’ and is now minister of

religion and education. After Mr. Christensen, Mr. Harup is

considered the greatest triumph for the Democrats. Born in

1841, the son of a schoolmaster in an Iceland village, he

became a law student, taking his degree in 1867 at the

university. … He is one of the most brilliant and best known

of Danish journalists—the most brilliant, according to George

Brandes."

DENMARK: A. D. 1902.

Proposed sale of Danish West Indies to the United States.

Negotiations for the sale of the Danish islands in the West

Indies to the United States were brought to a point of

agreement between the two governments which the Danish

Ministry submitted to the two chambers of the Rigsdag. The

Folkething—the popular branch of the parliament—assented to

the sale, while the other chamber, the Landsthing, rejected

the proposed terms. The Rigsdag was then, in May, 1902,

prorogued, and assembled again in the following October.

Meantime an election of one half of the membership of the

Landsthing had taken place, and the Conservatives had lost

ground in it; notwithstanding which fact the proposition was

defeated in that body again, and the projected sale came to

naught.

{184}

DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.

The Fortification and Naval-Defense Question

in Danish Politics.

"That Germany within recent times has paid considerably more

than passing attention to the defense plans of Denmark has not

escaped the Danes, whose military astuteness is proverbial. At

the instigation of the Kaiser himself, Lieutenant Colonel R.

von Bieberstein inspected the quite openly exposed

fortifications of Copenhagen, and what he has written

regarding the vulnerability, or otherwise, of the Danish

capital has been taken to heart in Denmark’s military circles.

Beyond a doubt, Denmark to-day is much more favorably situated

than when Prussia despoiled the country of Schleswig-Holstein,

and while little apprehension exists on the score of Germany

again attacking her northern neighbor, should a war break out

between England and the German Empire it might prove

impossible for either belligerent to keep Danish territory

inviolate. Denmark’s neutrality would be thrown to the winds

where the fate of empires would be at stake. Still, in her

defense of such neutrality, Denmark would gain time sufficient

to make any trespasser pause before advancing. Meanwhile, the

Scandinavian allies of the Danes would be enabled to assert

themselves effectively.

"Following the recent Danish cabinet crisis, when the

portfolios of war and navy were given into the hands of a

civilian, J. C. Christensen, the former minister for

instruction of the Deuntzer Régime, a special defense

commission has had under consideration ways and means best

suited for the protection of the country. … The Danish Defense

Commission is far from being unanimous as to what is the best

plan making for a complete protection of the capital. The

majority of the members are for the abandoning of the land

defenses and the strengthening of Seeland’s coast line by

adding more forts and introducing a mining system covering all

the adjacent waters. The minority of the commission, however,

and the leading military experts of the country are for the

retention of the present land fortifications, in order that

the capital may be securely protected against an enemy

invading Seeland from the north or the west. The very

circumstance that Seeland’s coast line in its entirety does

not lend itself to a complete protection through either forts,

mines, or torpedo equipment speaks favorably for the claim of

the Danish military experts in their assertion that, apart

from what is done toward protecting Copenhagen from the sea,

the land fortifications must be retained. Nearly one hundred

million kroner have been expended on the land defenses, which

sum it would be extremely difficult to raise a second time

were it a question of abandoning the forts for the present and

removing the guns, and in after years restoring them to

serviceable condition."

Julius Moritzen,

Denmark, the Buffer State of the North

(American Review of Reviews, September, 1905).

Since the above was written the question of defense, between

land fortification and naval development, has not only been

the burning one in Danish politics, but has excited much

interest in Europe at large. Politically, the controversy was

curiously altered in February, 1909, by a sudden change of

front on the part of the Premier, M. Neergaard, of which the

Copenhagen correspondent of the London Times gave the

following account:

"The Premier, who represents the majority in the House,

declared that he had changed his opinion and now shared the

views of the small group of the Right on a question which is

the most urgent of the day—namely, that of national defence,

or, to speak precisely, how Denmark can be placed in a

position effectively to maintain her neutrality if threatened

by any Power. He adopted the opinion that Copenhagen must be

fortified on the land side as well as on that of the sea, and

that Denmark, in view of her difficult strategical situation,

should avoid showing any favour to Russia, Germany, or Great

Britain. The surprise which the Premier’s speech caused in all

political circles was unbounded. M. Neergaard had kept the

secret of his scheme so well that only a few persons knew that

the Premier might enter into negotiations with the Right,

which has its main support in the Upper House. That he would

go so far as to adopt the Conservative view was wholly

unexpected.

"The Defence Committee, which had been sitting for seven

years, issued a report which contained no very clear

recommendations. But M. Neergaard, who is, by the way, himself

no soldier, working in conjunction with the Danish general

staff upon the material which the committee had collected,

drew up a scheme of Danish defence, based upon practical views

and considerations of international law, but almost the direct

contrary of the proposals which his own party, the Left, had

adopted only one year ago. And this position was taken up so

definitely that at the general election in May the people will

have to decide definitely for or against the Premier. It is

evident that M. Neergaard himself must be aware that his

action will split up his party, the allied Centre groups in

the Folkething, that some members will go over to the Right,

and that others will approach the Radicals and Socialists. The

comments of the Government Press already clearly show this.

"For land and sea fortifications, the construction of 20

torpedo-boats and six submarines, improvements in the system

of mines, &c., the sum of 42,200,000 kr. (£2,344,444) is

demanded immediately, while an annual increase in the military

budgets of about 3,327,000 kr. (£184,833) is also proposed.

This is a large amount of money for a small country with but

2,600,000 inhabitants; but, as is well known, the country is

in a strong financial position—exceptionally strong, in the

opinion of some observers."

In May, as the elections approached, the same correspondent

wrote: "All parties unite in the view that Denmark must adhere

to a policy of the strictest neutrality. But while the

Conservatives urge that this policy must be observed by a

system of fortifications, strong enough to show that Denmark

is ready to defend her neutrality if she is threatened, the

Socialists preach the gospel of disarmament as a step towards

eternal peace, and urge furthermore that Denmark is too weak

and small to organize any real defence, and must therefore

rely upon the generosity of her stronger neighbours.

"In addition to the two main parties there are a number of

political groups which are destined to play an important part

in the elections and may in fact decide their issue. These

groups consist of the Moderate Left, the Reform Left, and the

Radical Left. The Moderate Left, the party of the present

Premier, Mr. N. Neergaard, has, however, already adopted the

policy of the Conservatives and needs little more than

mention. The Reform Left, the party of the former Premier, Mr.

F. C. Christensen, numbered until a few months ago 56, or nearly

one half of the Folkething, which has 114 members. Now it has

been split up on the defence question. Of its members 14 agree

with Mr. Neergaard and the Conservatives, and 33 are

reorganized under the leadership of Mr. Christensen, who wants

Copenhagen fortified, but not on the lines of the Neergaard

scheme with its new land fortifications."

{185}

The elections were held on the 25th of May and the following

was reported next morning to the press:

"The election campaign has been heated. The returns up to the

present show that the ministerials have elected 38 adherents,

M. Christensen’s party 34, the parties of the Socialists and

the Radicals, which opposed fortifications, 39, and that

eleven are doubtful. The ministers of finance, justice and

commerce have been unseated. Premier Neergaard and the other

ministers have been re-elected."

An extraordinary session of the new Parliament was summoned by

the King on the 9th of September. Premier Neergaard lacked a

majority in the Folkething, and failed to arrange an agreement

with ex-Premier Christensen on the defence question. He and

his Ministry resigned office, accordingly, in a few weeks, and

a new Cabinet was formed under Count Holstein-Ledreborg, in

which M. Christensen was included as Minister of Defence. The

appointment of the latter was offensive to a large part of the

public, which held him responsible for gross frauds in the

public service, committed by a former Minister of Justice, M.

Alberti. An immense popular demonstration against the

obnoxious Minister of Defence was carried out at Copenhagen on

August 29th; but he stayed in office some weeks longer, until

a scheme of defence had been agreed upon between ex-Premier

Neergaard and himself, and carried through Parliament,

September 24th. The scheme provides for strong sea

fortifications for Copenhagen, while the land defences of the

eighties will be maintained and somewhat strengthened by two

new forts, which are, however, officially characterized as sea

forts.

Three weeks after the passage of the Defence Act M.

Christensen resigned, and was followed out of office by the

whole Holstein-Ledreborg Ministry before the end of October.

For the first time in Denmark a Radical Ministry was then

formed, under M. Zahle.

DENMARK: A. D. 1906.

Death of King Christian IX.

Succession of Frederick VIII.

Gains by Social Democrats in the elections of the spring.

Visit from the Icelandic Parliament.

On the 29th of January, 1906, King Christian IX. died, at the

age of eighty-eight. He was succeeded by his son, Frederick

VIII., who is said to have inherited his father’s character

and ability in a marked degree. He had already reached the age

of sixty-three when he came to the throne. When his accession

was proclaimed he spoke from the balcony of the palace at

Copenhagen to the multitude of people assembled in these

words:

"Our old King, my dearly beloved father, has closed his eyes.

He fell asleep peacefully and calmly, having faithfully

discharged his royal duties to the last. In taking over the

heavy heritage placed on my shoulders, I cherish the confident

hope, and offer a sincere prayer, that the Almighty may grant

me strength and happiness to carry on the government in the

spirit of my dearly beloved father, and that I may have the

good fortune to reach an understanding with the people and

their chosen representatives on all that tends to the good of

the people and the happiness of our beloved fatherland. Let us

join in the cry, ‘Long live the fatherland!'"

At a general election for the Folkething, the lower house of

the Danish Rigsdag, in May, the Social Democrats made heavy

gains, raising their representation in the chamber from

sixteen to twenty-four. The Government party, known as the

Left Reform party, lost three seats, the Moderate Left lost

three, and the Radical Left lost four. The Conservatives

gained two seats. Later, when half of the elective part of the

upper house was chosen, the Social Democrats made gains there,

too, of three seats, and the Government lost five.

In September, on the invitation of King Frederick, the members

of the Icelandic Parliament visited Denmark, and their

entertainment was an interesting event.

See (in this Volume)

ICELAND.

DENMARK: A. D. 1908.

Municipal Suffrage extended to Women.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

DENMARK: A. D. 1908.

North Sea and Baltic agreements.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1908.

DENMARK: A. D. 1908 (April).

Treaty with England, France, Germany, the Netherlands, and

Sweden, for maintenance of the Status Quo on the North Sea.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908

DENMARK: A. D. 1909 (June).

Murder of General Beckman.

In June, 1909, during a visit of the Tsar of Russia to the

Danish Court, at Copenhagen, a Swedish anarchist, Adolf Vang,

who had planned an attempt at the murder of the Russian

sovereign, and was enraged on being baffled by the police,

fired at two officers whom he met, provoked by nothing but

their uniforms, and slew one, General Beckman.

----------DENMARK: End--------

DENVER, Colorado:

The Juvenile Court of Judge Lindsey.

See (in this Volume)

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

DEPEW, Chauncey M.:

United States Senator from New York.

Annual retainers from the Equitable Life Assurance Society.

See (in this Volume)

INSURANCE, LIFE.

DES MOINES CHARTER, The.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: GALVESTON.

DEUNTZER, M.:

Premier of Denmark.

See (in this Volume)

DENMARK: A. D. 1901.

DE VRIES, Dr. Hugo:

His biological discoveries.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

DEVELOPMENT AND ROAD IMPROVEMENT FUNDS ACT.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: GREAT BRITAIN.

DIAMOND FIELDS:

In German Southwest Africa.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA: GERMAN COLONIES.

DIAZ, Porfirio:

The President of Mexico enters his seventh term.

See (in this Volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.

DIAZ, Porfirio:

Meeting with President Taft.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).

DICKINSON, James M.:

Secretary of War.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

DIRECT PRIMARY.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA: A. D. 1908.

Enactment against Race-track Gambling.

See (in this Volume)

GAMBLING.

{186}

DOGGER BANK INCIDENT, of the voyage of the Russian Baltic Fleet.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

DOMINICAN REPUBLIC.

See (in this Volume)

San Domingo.

DOMINICANS:

Forbidden to teach in France.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

DORE, Père Le.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

DOUGLAS, A. Akers:

Home Secretary in the British Government.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

DOUGLAS, Dr.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.

DOWAGER-EMPRESS, of China:

Her death.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

DRAGA, Queen:

Assassination.

See (in this Volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

DRAGO DOCTRINE, The.

So named from Dr. Luis Drago, Argentine Minister of Foreign

Relations, who rallied the South American Republics to the

support of it at the Rio de Janeiro Pan-American Conference

and at the Second Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS: THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE; and

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907 (SECOND CONVENTION).

DREADNOUGHTS.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

DREIBUND.

See TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

DREYFUS, Alfred:

Justice and reparation of the great wrong done him.

His reinstatement in the Army.

His decoration as a Chevalier of the Legion of Honor.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

DRUDE, General:

Operations in Morocco.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

DRY FARMING.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: AGRICULTURE.

DRYGALSKI, Dr.:

Commanding Antarctic Expedition.

See (in this Volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION.

DU BOIS, PROFESSOR W. E. BURGHARDT.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.

DUCOMMUM, ELIE.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

DUFF, Grant:

British Minister to Persia:

See (in this Volume)

Persia: A. D. 1905-1907.

DUMA, Russia:

The First and Second.

Their dissolution.

Election of the Third.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 and 1907.

DUNANT, Henri.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES

DURBAR AT DELHI.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1903 (JANUARY).

DURHAM, Israel W.:

Political "Boss" of Philadelphia.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

DWIGHT, James H. and William B.:

Founders of Robert College.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: TURKEY.

E.

EAGLE’S NEST FORT, CAPTURE OF.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

----------EARTHQUAKES: Start--------

EARTHQUAKES: CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1906.

Consequent destructive fire at San Francisco and great distress.

See (in this Volume)

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906.

EARTHQUAKES: CHILE: A. D. 1906.

Destructiveness of life and property at Valparaiso.

One of the most destructive of the many appalling earthquake

shocks of the past decade was experienced in Chile on the 16th

of August, 1906. It was widely felt, even to the distant

Hawaiian Islands; but its most deadly effects were

concentrated on the unfortunate city of Valparaiso. The wreck

of buildings in the city was followed, as in San Francisco, by

fires, which the disabled inhabitants were almost powerless to

combat. The total loss of life, there and elsewhere, was

estimated finally, when all was known that could be known, at

2000. The homeless for a time were substantially the whole

population of the city. Relief was sent to the afflicted city

and country from all parts of the world.

The prediction of another earthquake on the Pacific coast of

America within some short time had been made by Dr. Becker, of

the United States Geological Survey, in a letter to the New

York Tribune written the day after the shock at San

Francisco. Such a severe upheaval at one point on the

earthquake belt which follows the rim of the Pacific from

Singapore, through Japan, the Aleutian Islands, the coast of

Alaska, California, and South America to Valparaiso, was sure,

he said, to be followed by sympathetic movements at other

points on the circuit.

EARTHQUAKES: Formosa: A. D. 1906.

Over 6000 persons are reported to have been killed or injured

by an earthquake that occurred in the island of Formosa in

March, 1906.

EARTHQUAKES: France: A. D. 1909 (June).

Serious convulsion along the Mediterranean coast.

A shock which ran through Southern France on the night of June

11 was most severe in the Bouches-du Rhone, but extended over

a very wide area, including the whole Mediterranean coast of

France, and was also felt in Spain and Portugal. Official

reports stated that 55 lives were known to have been lost. A

great amount of damage had been done, especially in the

villages; in the towns the buildings for the most part

withstood the shock, though it was sufficiently violent to

cause panic among the population in Marseilles, Toulon, and

other places.

{187}

EARTHQUAKES: Greece: A. D. 1909 (July).

Destruction in Ellis.

An earthquake which occurred, on the 15th of July, in the

province of Ellis, the seat of the most famous of the ancient

Olympic games, was reported to have killed or injured over 300

persons. Despatches from Athens to Loudon made the following

statements:

"At the village of Havari 400 houses have been completely

destroyed. Some 30 persons are known to have perished there,

while many others have been injured. The neighbouring villages

have also suffered severely. All the houses of Amaliada have

been rendered uninhabitable. Volcanic eruptions have occurred

in the village of Ponhioti. Shocks of earthquake have also

been felt at Patras, Pyrgos, Kalamas, Tripoli, and

Missolonghi. People have been killed and injured in about ten

villages. Assistance has been sent to the affected districts."

EARTHQUAKES: India: A. D. 1905.

In the Punjab and the United Provinces.

One of the most terrific of earthquakes occurred in Northern

India on the 4th of April, 1905. Its most violent and

destructive effects were in the Kangra District of the Punjab,

and its neighborhood; but the area of shock extended over

several thousand square miles. The finally ascertained and

estimated loss of human life was no less in number than

373,000. The villages destroyed numbered 409. As for the

destruction of property, including houses, bridges, irrigation

works, cattle, and crops, it was beyond computation. In the

central region of the earthquake every habitation and human

structure of any description went instantly down. The shocks,

as described, were first from north to south, then immediately

reversed, and followed by a horrible sinking of the earth.

The Empress, a monthly periodical published at

Calcutta, gave the following, among other personal experiences

of the disaster. The narrator was a manager of large tea

estates near Palampour:

"On the morning of the 4th April, at about 6 A. M., we were

disturbed in our sleep by a slight earthquake, quickly

followed by a severe one, and lastly by the worst shock of

all, which appeared to come from the northeast and having a

sudden circular action traveling toward the west. The first

one I took no notice of, thinking it was one of the many

slight shocks off and on experienced up here. When the second

shock came, I sat up in bed and called out to my wife to come

to the window. I had hardly done so when I saw the highest

wall of our bedroom fall in like a torrent on my poor sleeping

child; then all became dark with fearful dust from the falling

walls. I felt suffocated, and pushed my hand through the panes

of glass in the window into which I had crept; had I not done

so I should have been killed by the wall that fell in on the

head of my bed. I shall never forget those few moments that

appeared like years,—the noise of the falling masonry,

smashing of beams, planks, and slates. I had fully made up my

mind that we should all perish. When the shock was over I

opened the window and dropped into the lower veranda, rushed

out, and cried out for help. No one could be seen,—all had

fled to the villages to help their friends and relations. A

fearful sight presented itself to my eyes. All our houses

(with the exception of the mali's hut) were leveled to the

ground, including a magnificent factory built of cut stone

which my poor old father had lately built. All was still as

death save for the wailing of a man who afterward turned out

to be my head clerk. After a few minutes had elapsed I

succeeded in getting a few of my household servants together

and dug with bare fingers among limestone and plaster for my

only child. We had to make a coffin out of planks taken from

the débris, bury her without ceremony in a quiet sequestered

spot on the tea estate. To look around the valley, nothing but

desolation meets the eye. The once pretty little villages,

with their bluish-white walls and slated roofs, mixed here and

there with thatched buildings, all leveled to the ground. We

have been ruined; lost tens of thousands of rupees. As for our

loss in machinery, it is unknown, being all buried beneath the

ruins. And this is not all. We are afraid we shall lose

thousands yet, owing to our terror-stricken workmen and

coolies, who believe that this picturesque valley is to be

totally destroyed. They have made little thatch sheds for

their families and cattle, and pass the day in sorrow and

fear, refusing to return to work or even work at their own

fields. A great many families have been wiped out."

The same magazine tells of the destruction of the very ancient

temple of Bhowan—one of the oldest in the world—burying 2000

worshippers in its ruins:

"On the night of the 3d April, about two thousand pilgrims

arrived in the small town of Bhowan, which is about three

miles from Kangra town, to worship at the temple. On the

morning of the 4th, at 6 o’clock, a rumbling noise was heard,

and before the people could realize what it was, they felt the

terrible shock, and within four seconds the whole town was

destroyed. The shock lasted three minutes, but all the damage

was done in the first few seconds. About two thousand people

were buried beneath the ruins of the temple, and under the

adjacent buildings. The Guru, or High Priest of the Temple,

was dug out of the ruins and buried near the site of the

Toshakhana, adjoining the temple."

EARTHQUAKES: Italy: A. D. 1905.

In Calabria.

A terrible earthquake, accompanied by storms and volcanic

disturbances, occurred in Calabria on September 8th. "Hundreds

of dead were swallowed up, and ruin was spread far and wide in

a country already sorely tried by an unfortunate system of

land ownership. The public authorities, the provinces and

towns of Italy, strained every nerve to soften the misery of

the Calabrian population, and the King eagerly hastened to the

scene of the disaster. The public mind, however, was

embittered by reports that the rich Calabrian landowners had

shown great want of consideration for their unhappy tenants,

and that the work of restoration was greatly hindered by

absurd disputes between civil and military authorities."

Annual Register, 1905, page 278.

EARTHQUAKES: A. D. 1908 (December).

In Calabria and Sicily.

Destruction of Messina and Reggio.

The most appalling in history.

Of all catastrophes of earthquake recorded in history, the one

which has seemed most appalling to the European and American

world was that which destroyed the cities of Messina and

Reggio and many smaller towns in northeastern Sicily and

southern Italy, on both sides of the Straits of Messina, on

the early morning of Monday, December 28, 1908. The time

favored an exceptionally great harvest of death. From

Christmas until Twelfth Night is a period of feasting among

the Southern Italians, when the members of scattered families

come together as fully as they are able to do.

{188}

The doomed cities, accordingly, contained on the fatal day a

large number of guests, and were emptied, at the same time, of

large numbers of their residents; but the merry-making of the

previous days had induced later slumbers, generally, on that

dread Monday morning, and few had risen from their beds when

the shock came which buried them in the ruins of their

dwellings. It shook Messina at twenty minutes past five

o’clock, long before day had begun to dawn. The late F. Marion

Crawford, who wrote, three months after the occurrence, for

The Outlook, a carefully prepared account of it,

derived from personal inquiries and investigations on the

spot, describes the overwhelming moment thus:

"A southwest wind was blowing and the sky was black when the

fatal moment came, but it was not yet raining. Those who were

awake and survived remember hearing the horrible subterranean

thunder that preceded the shock and might have been a warning

to many in waking hours; it seemed to begin far away and to

approach very quickly, swelling to a terrific roar just before

the crash. Another instant and the solid earth rose and fell

in long waves, twice, three times, four times perhaps, and the

houses and churches swayed from side to side, in the darkness;

for the young moon had set before midnight, and it lacked more

than an hour of dawn. The whole city and the towns on the

opposite side of the Straits fell at once with a crash that no

language can describe; then followed the long-resounding

rumble of avalanches of masonry; and when those awful moments

were over, nearly two hundred thousand human beings were dead,

on both sides of the Straits.

"Almost at the same moment another sound was heard, almost

more terrible than the first—the sound of a moving mountain

of water; for the sea had risen bodily in a monstrous wave and

was sweeping over the harbor, carrying away hundreds of tons

of masonry from the outer pier, tearing ships and iron

steamers from their moorings like mere skiffs and hurling them

against the ruins of the great Palazzata that was built along

the semicircular quay, only to sweep them back, keel upwards

and full of dead and dying men, as the hill of water sank down

and ebbed away. When it had quite subsided, the inner portion

of the harbor was half full of sand and mud and stranded

wrecks.

"Those who say that they ‘saw’ these things are either

untruthful, or else, in vivid recollection of sensation, but

without the true memory of events, they confuse what they

heard and felt with what they might have felt and seen; for

though some of the gaslights in the streets continued to burn

for a few minutes, the darkness was almost total."

The American Vice-consul at Messina, Mr. Stuart K. Lupton, who

escaped unhurt from the ruins of the hotel in which he lodged,

carrying his clothing in his hands, and hastened in the

darkness to give aid, if possible, to his chief, Dr. Cheney,

made a report of his experiences to the Department at

Washington, from which the following is taken:

"I had not proceeded more than fifty yards when I found myself

walking in water up to my knees in a place which should have

been eight feet above the water level. Next I came to a pile

of rubbish some fifteen or twenty feet high over which I

clambered on my hands and knees. By this time I began to see

that the affair was much more serious than I had at first

believed, but I was still in inky darkness, so I could not

form any ideas as to the extent of the disaster. After

three-quarters of an hour I arrived where I supposed the

consulate to be and waited for daylight, which came in a few

minutes. I looked for the consulate, but could see nothing

that reminded me of it. Half the water front appeared to be

down. Here and there the walls were standing, while the

interior had collapsed. A few fires were breaking out, but

owing to the solid construction of the town they made little

progress.

"At the place I supposed the consulate to be there was nothing

but a heap of ruins, iron beams, splintered wood, bricks, and

stones in hapless confusion. I was not sure of the spot and

climbed over the ruins to see if I could find anything

familiar. Finally I came across a battered teapot, which I

recognized as the property of Mrs. Cheney, and remembering the

spot where it had stood, was able to get my bearings. I

climbed directly over the spot where their room had been, and

called, in the hope that if they were still alive, they would

answer. I heard nothing, however, and further search revealed

a piano covered to a depth of about ten feet in rubbish. I

knew that the Cheneys had no piano, so it must have come down

from one of the upper stories. As the shock was so strong that

no one could stand, and the consulate went down almost

immediately, it was absolutely an impossibility for Dr. Cheney

to have opened four doors and gone down a long flight of steps

which had three sections. Nothing belonging to the office

could be seen except the teapot. …

"People were beginning to appear by this time, some

half-clothed, others entirely naked. I gave part of my clothes

away, but found I could do nothing, there were so many. People

were calling from upper windows, asking that some one should

aid them, but ladders and ropes were necessary, and they had

to be left. Some men were trying to lower an old lady from the

fourth floor, but as soon as the weight came upon the cord, it

broke, precipitating the poor soul to the pavement below.

Another upper window was choked with rubbish, out of which

stuck a man’s arm. He was unable to call out, but rattled

against the railing with a stick, trying to attract attention.

Without men and tools it was impossible to do anything, so I

kept on, trying to shut my ears.

"Almost all the natives were hysterical, shrieking and

moaning. Some were held by their friends, as they seemed to be

absolute maniacs. … Light shocks were felt every few minutes,

adding to the alarm of the people. About eleven o’clock I went

on board the steamer Chesapeake, belonging to the

Anglo-American Oil Company, and managed to get a cup of tea

and a sandwich. Captain Mort was very kind, and told me to

send people in need on board, and he would do anything he

could for them. I went again to the shore to see what could be

done, and by that night over seventy, principally women and

children, were on board. About three o’clock rain began to

fall, adding to the misery of the people. Scores and hundreds

of them were to be seen sitting in all the squares or wider

streets, and looking as if they had abandoned all hope."

{189}

From all directions, by all communities and governments,

relief to the stricken cities, for the rescue, feeding and

shelter or removal of the survivors, was hastened with the

greatest possible speed. War ships from many navies, Italian,

French, Russian, British and German, were quickly at the

scene, their sailors and marines performing heroic work in

discovering and saving many still living people, who had been

entombed under mountains of ruin for many days. Even after

such burial for thirteen and fourteen days some victims were

found alive. The rescuing forces were soon in excess of the

need, and a want of systematic organization and direction

among them became a subject of complaint. But the outflow of

sympathy and eager generosity of helpful desire in all the

world was the noblest, without doubt, that has ever been

called forth.

By good fortune, when news of the disaster came, a supply ship

of the United States Navy was being laden at New York with a

million and a half of rations, destined for the fleet of

American battle-ships then voyaging round the world. The

supply-ship was to meet the fleet at Gibraltar; but orders

were given immediately for dispatching it to Messina, with an

added shipment of tents, clothing, blankets and medical

supplies. Furthermore, from the fleet itself, which was about

to enter the Suez Canal, a store ship was hastened forward to

Messina for such offerings as it could make. The American

Congress, reassembled on the 4th of January after the

Christmas recess, by action of both Houses that day,

appropriated $800,000 for further relief of the Italian need,

and a large part of this sum was expended according to the

following statement made public by the Secretary of the Navy,

January 16:

"The Navy Department has arranged for the expenditure of

approximately $500,000 in the purchase of building materials,

including all articles necessary for the construction of

substantial frame houses for the Italian sufferers, and the

shipments will begin by the sailing of two steamers probably

on Monday. This lumber is being delivered to-day in New York,

and the sailing of the vessels will proceed as fast as they

can be loaded. Each ship will carry all the materials for the

construction of about 500 houses, and it will require not less

than six steamers for the entire amount purchased. If

possible, the department intends to send with each vessel

several civilian house carpenters, with plans, to assist in

the erection of these houses."

With this material a suburb of 1500 detached frame houses, of

two or four rooms, were built at Messina; 500 were constructed

at Reggio, and the remainder at other towns and villages.

The Italian Parliament appropriated 30,000,000 lire

($5,000,000) for immediate relief and for the reconstruction

of the ruined cities. The plans formed by the Italian

Government included measures to provide for the temporary

protection of the orphaned young, the deserted, and the

insane; to prosecute the recovery of personal property: to

draw up official lists of the dead; to rewrite the civil

registers and the records of property transfers; to

reestablish, provisionally, administrative and judicial

districts within the provinces of Messina and Reggio. New

building regulations were to be enacted by a royal commission

in conjunction with the Ministry of Public Works. To encourage

the reconstruction of the ruined places, all new buildings

were exempted from taxation for a period of fifteen years.

Loans from state and private financial institutions to be made

at a rate of interest not exceeding 4 per cent., to be repaid

within thirty years in semi-annual instalments, the Government

to contribute half of these periodical payments.

To the effective help and relief rendered by her Mediterranean

squadron, Great Britain added large contributions of money,

mainly collected as a "Mansion House Fund" by the Lord Mayor

of London. There, and everywhere, the Red Cross Societies were

instant in the field and untiring, receiving and expending

immense funds and sending large corps of trained workers to

the scene of distress. No summary has yet been made of the

whole outpour of gifts and service to the suffering people,

and it is impossible even to indicate what a world-feeling it

expressed; but its like was never known before.

Estimates of the total destruction of life by the earthquake

are still uncertain. Mr. Crawford, when he wrote, thought it

doubtful whether as many as fifteen per cent. of the

population of Messina were then alive, scattered in groups

throughout Italy. That would mean that only about 20,000 out

of 150,000 in the one city escaped. Of the loss of life on the

other side of the Straits he said: "The proportion of those

saved on the Calabrian side is certainly larger—principally,

I think, because the houses in Reggio, Villa San Giovanni,

Palmi, and the other towns destroyed were much lower than

those in the city. Moreover, as will be seen before long, many

persons died of hunger and thirst in Messina, where the whole

water supply was cut off by the ruin of the first shock, and

bread was not obtainable at any price for many days; but on

the Calabrian side the survivors camped out in the orange

groves, and the fruit, which is almost ripe at Christmas in

that latitude, stayed their hunger and assuaged their thirst."

Generally, the total of deaths from the earthquake, in Sicily

and Calabria, seems now to be estimated at 200,000.

A report from Rome, issued on the 3d of August, 1909, by the

Central Relief Committee, of which the Duke of Aosta is

president, announced that the receipts of the Committee to

that time had been 25,100,000 lire (£1,004,000, or

$5,020,000). The fund for the orphans had all been handed over

to the Queen Helena Home.

For the building of shelters the sum of 4,000,000 lire had

been paid over to the Minister of Public Works for the

construction of 3,000 shelters. The number of persons assisted

had been 14,000, but it would eventually reach 20,000.

EARTHQUAKES: A. D. 1909 (July 1).

A second shock at Messina and Reggio.

During six months following the great catastrophe, Messina had

been so far rebuilt and reoccupied as to have acquired a

population of somewhat more than 25,000. To them, on the

evening of June 30 and the morning of July 1, came once more

the dread quaking of their unstable portion of the earth. The

shocks as described in despatches to the Press "were similar

to the fatal disturbances of December, and were accompanied by

the same roaring noises. The people fled with cries of terror.

They hurried to the open places of the city and the

surrounding country, praying to the saints that their lives be

spared. …

{190}

So far as is known, however. only a few people were hurt, and

this undoubtedly is due to the fact that the city was only

partially rebuilt. Had the walls of all the houses been

standing the loss of life would have been heavy. One woman was

killed by a falling wall, and a child was seriously injured."

Reggio, as before, shared the experience, but there is said to

have been no loss of life.

Late in the year it was reported to a London newspaper that

"at Reggio a very fair advance, has been made, and the city is

already acquiring some air of its former busy prosperity; but

in Messina and its neighborhood, little or nothing has been

done in the way of permanent work, while the temporary

accommodations for the survivors still leave much to be

desired."

EARTHQUAKES: Jamaica: A. D. 1907.

The destruction of Kingston by earthquake and fire.

‘On Monday afternoon, the 14th January, 1907, at about 3.30 P.

M., the city of Kingston and its suburbs was almost entirely

destroyed by heavy earthquake shocks. There was little or no

wind at the time; what little there was was from the east, and

the atmospherical conditions were quite normal. The shocks

apparently approached from the south at first and then from

the west. They are variously estimated to have lasted from ten

to thirty seconds, the latter estimate being the general

opinion. On the other hand, several Englishmen who were in the

open at the time and in no immediate danger from falling

houses, &c., consider 20 seconds the outside limit of time

taken by the shocks. During this period an enormous amount of

damage was done to life and property. Large numbers of

buildings at once collapsed. As is, unfortunately, usual in

such cases, fires broke out in several places in the

commercial portion of the town. …

"Unfortunately, the Central Fire Station was destroyed by

earthquake, so the fire engine was not available. The means at

hand were thus very inadequate for fighting the flames,

although they were supplemented greatly by fire-extinguishing

appliances from the various ships alongside the wharves, and

those belonging to the wharves themselves. The fire, however,

spread with terrible rapidity, and all efforts were directed

towards isolating the burning area. During this time the light

wind blowing was about north-east, but it later in the

afternoon went round to the north and north-west, thus lending

tremendous assistance to the people in their efforts to

extinguish the fire. Many injured persons, buried in the

falling debris, were burnt to death. Meanwhile, vast numbers

of the inhabitants were flying northwards to the racecourse

and open spaces outside the town, where they spent the

night—small earthquake shocks being felt at frequent intervals

during that time. It may be said that the whole of Kingston

and its suburbs are either destroyed or in ruins. A few of the

substantially built houses are still standing, but so shaken

and injured by the shocks that it will be impossible to repair

them. …

"It is extremely difficult to estimate the total loss of life

in the earthquake and fire. The Government have called on the

inhabitants to register the names of their killed and missing,

but up to this date [January 29] there has been little

response. On the 25th January, some eleven days after the

catastrophe, the numbers recorded at the Registrar’s Office

were only 121, although at least four times that number are

known to have been buried or cremated. The careful opinion of

prominent officials in Kingston is that the loss of life will

be about 1000. Of the injured the daily number of in-patients

at the hospital is about 300, mostly cases of concussions and

legs amputated. …

"The large numbers of women, children, and old or disabled men

encamped in the Public Gardens and racecourse, &c., were

supplied with food rations daily, under the supervision of the

Relief Committee. Over 3,000 people daily have been receiving

this relief. At no time does there appear to have been a

scarcity of food or water. A tremendous strain at once came on

the staff of the hospital, the place being besieged with the

injured and their relatives. Large numbers of medical men from

the out districts at once proceeded to Kingston and assisted

in attending to the wounded. With the aid of their ready

assistance, and that of many volunteer nurses from the civil

population, the hospital staff were enabled to cope with the

situation, and at the present time work is proceeding there

with great smoothness and regularity. The American ships

‘Indiana,’ ‘Missouri,’ and ‘Whipple,’ also, on arrival, landed

their surgeons, who at once established a hospital on shore

and rendered great assistance. …

"Directly after the earthquake, and while the fire was in

progress, the greater portion of the black and coloured

population were stupefied with terror and amazement, and lent

little or no aid to the white members of the community and the

troops and firemen in their rescue work. Vast numbers of them

fled from the city. Some became frenzied and ran here and

there declaring the end of the world had arrived, impeding the

work and terrifying the workers. Others formed groups and

commenced praying. At the Penitentiary, the prisoners, who

remained seated in their ranks on the parade ground all night,

spent the time in singing hymns without ceasing. As soon as

the first panic had subsided, the black population became

quite apathetic, and it was with great difficulty that the

Government were able to get able-bodied men to take part in

the work of demolition and clearing the streets. This, in

spite of the fact that the wages offered were 25 per cent.

more than the usual rate. …

"Considering the magnitude and widespread nature of the

disaster, the loss of life might easily have been on a much

larger scale. The earthquake came at a time of day when the

labouring part of the population were at work away from their

houses, and the streets in the busy commercial quarter

presented the comparatively deserted appearance so usual in

the afternoons in tropical places. As the streets in this

quarter were very narrow and the buildings on each side of

them lofty and of solid construction the loss of life must

have been largely increased had the earthquake happened during

the busy portion of the day. …

"Owing to the dry weather now prevailing here, the homeless

population, roughly encamped on the open spaces, are suffering

little or no hardship. It is to be hoped they may be

permanently sheltered before the wet season commences."

Report by Major Chown, R. M. L. I., of

H. M. S. "Indefatigable"

dated Kingston, January 29, 1907.

{191}

Relief to the stricken island came so swiftly and profusely

from all parts of America, Europe, and almost every part of

the world, that Governor Swettenham was able to telegraph on

the 23d of January: "Money and provisions more than ample for

relief. Except for rebuilding no funds needed." Three ships of

the United States Navy, despatched by Admiral Evans from a

Cuban port on the instant of receiving news of the disaster,

reached Jamaica on the 17th and gave assistance in clearing

the ruins, besides rendering hospital service and furnishing

food and medical supplies. For the general lifting of the

community from its prostration, the British Government, in

May, by vote of Parliament, made a free grant to it of

£150,000, and a loan to the Colonial Government of £800,000

more.

Correspondence relating to the Earthquake at Kingston,

Jamaica (Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 3560).

EARTHQUAKES: Persia: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

Destructive shock in Luristan.

Seismographs in many parts of the world gave token of a

violent earthquake on the 23d of January, 1909; but three

weeks passed before the locality of the shock was learned. It

proved to have been centered in Western Persia, in the

mountainous province of Luristan, and to have been heavily

destructive of life. Its greatest severity was reported to

have been in a region at two days journey from Burujurd. Many

villages were wholly or partly destroyed, several having been

completely engulfed, and the loss of life is estimated to have

been between 5000 and 6000 people.

EARTHQUAKES: Portugal: A. D. 1909 (April).

Lisbon and its neighborhood upheaved.

Lisbon and the country surrounding it were shaken violently on

the evening of Friday, April 23d, 1909. There were no

fatalities in the city, but the outlying districts suffered

severely, especially the towns of Benavente, Samora, and Santo

Estevan. Reports three days after the disaster announced 46

killed and 38 injured at Benavente and Samora. Both villages

were completely destroyed, and their 6000 inhabitants,

starving and homeless, were encamped in the fields

EARTHQUAKES: Sumatra: A. D. 1909 (June).

Shocks and sea-wave in Upper Padang district.

News was received at The Hague in June, 1909, of severe shocks

of earthquake, on the 3d of that month, at Korinchi, Upper

Padang, Sumatra. The shocks were accompanied by an enormous

sea-wave. Two hundred and thirty people were killed and many

injured. Much damage was done.

----------EARTHQUAKES: End--------

ECHEGARAY, Jose.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

ECONOMIC FORESTRY.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

ECUADOR: A. D. 1901-1906.

From revolution to revolution.

General Eloy Alfaro, who was made President by the revolution

of 1895 (see in Volume VI.), was succeeded peacefully in 1901

by General Leonidas Plaza, and the latter, in turn, by Lugardo

Garcia; but in 1906 the revolutionary method was revived in

favor of General Alfaro, and he ousted Senor Garcia from the

presidential chair.

ECUADOR: A. D. 1901-1906.

Participation in Second and Third International Conferences

of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

ECUADOR: A. D. 1905.

Arbitration of boundary question with Peru.

See (in this Volume)

PERU: A. D. 1905.

EDMONTON:

Capital of the Province of Alberta.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1905.

----------EDUCATION: Start--------

EDUCATION: AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907.

Latest Statistics of State Schools.

Statistics published in July, 1909, by the Commonwealth

Government show that over £2,500,000 was spent on education by

the Australian States in 1907 in 7500 State schools. The total

daily average attendance at the schools for the year was

444,000. The disbursements of the States on University

education amounted to £113,000.

EDUCATION: CANADA: A. D. 1905.

The question of State Support to Sectarian Schools revived on

the creation of two new Provinces.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1905.

EDUCATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907.

The founding and endowment of Macdonald College.

On the 16th of October, 1907, there was opened a new college

of fine character and great importance, on a noble site,

overlooking the Ottawa river, at Sainte de Bellevue, twenty

miles west of Montreal. It bears the name of its founder. Sir

William Macdonald, from whom it received an endowment of

$4,000,000. This Macdonald College is divided into three

schools: The School for Teachers, the School of Agriculture,

the School of Household Science. Its main purposes are

announced to be:

(1) "The carrying on of research work and investigation and

the dissemination of knowledge, with particular regard to the

interests and needs of the population in rural districts"; and

(2) the providing of "suitable and effective training for

teachers, especially for those whose work will directly affect

the education in schools in rural districts." It thus

appropriates to itself a field of education for the betterment

of farm life and work, the important need of which, looking to

everything in national character and prosperity, is only

beginning to be understood.

EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1887-1907.

Christian Mission Schools.

"In the historical Volume presented in 1907 at the Shanghai

Conference Dr. Arthur H. Smith makes the following interesting

comparison of the statistics presented at the three Protestant

Missionary Conferences held in China in 1887, 1890, and 1907:

See, in this Volume,

MISSIONS, CHRISTIAN.

1876.    1889.   1907.

Number of societies.         29       41      82

Foreign teachers.           473    1,296   3,833

Stations and substations.   602            5,734

Pupils in schools.        4,909   16,836  57,683

"The above statistics, although incomplete, do serve as an

indication of the vigorous growth of Protestant missionary

educational activity in China. In this work the various

missionary foundations made their most notable advance in

interdenominational cooperation. In many instances several

denominations have combined in union schools or colleges. …

One of the chief agencies in reaching this unity and effective

cooperation has been the Educational Association of China,

founded as early as 1887. …

{192}

"No survey of missionary education in China would be complete

without mention of the widespread, well-organized Roman

Catholic activities. Of the eleven different Catholic orders

having representatives in China, the Jesuits are carrying on

the largest educational work. In 1907, in their five colleges

and seventy-two schools, a total of 25,335 students were

enrolled. All the Catholic orders together supervise the

instruction of over 75,000 Chinese students; this total, it

will be seen, being somewhat higher than that of Protestant

missions."

George Marvin,

The American Spirit in Chinese Education

(The Outlook, November, 1908).

EDUCATION: A. D. 1901-1902.

Edicts of Reform.

Modernizing of Examinations for Literary Degrees

and for Military Degrees.

New Universities, Colleges, and Schools.

Students sent abroad.

"An Edict on Reform in Education, published by the Chinese

Government on the 29th of August, 1901, commanded the

abolition of essays or homilies on the Chinese classics in

examinations for literary degrees, and substituted for them

essays and articles on modern matters, Western laws, and

political economy. The same procedure was also to be observed

in the future in the examination of candidates for office. By

the same Edict it was ordered that as the methods in use for

gaining military degrees—namely, trials of strength with stone

weights, agility with the great sword, and marksmanship with

the bow and arrow on foot and on horseback—were not of the

slightest value in turning out men for the army, where

knowledge of strategy and military science were the sine quâ

non for military officers, these trials of strength, etc.,

should be thenceforth abolished forever.

"Another Edict for the establishment of new universities,

colleges, and schools in China was published on the 12th of

September, 1901. It commanded all existing colleges in the

empire to be turned into schools and colleges of Western

learning. Each provincial capital was to have a University

like the Peking University, whilst the colleges in the

prefectures and districts of the various provinces were to be

schools and colleges of the second and third classes.

"Another Edict, for sending students to be educated abroad,

was published on the 17th of September, 1901. It commanded the

Viceroys and Governors of other provinces of the Empire to

follow the example of the Viceroy Liu Kun-yi of Liangkiang,

Chang Chihtung of Hukuang, and Kuei Chun (Manchu) of Szechuen,

in sending young men of scholastic promise and ability abroad

to study any branch of Western science or art best suited to

their abilities and tastes, so that they might in time return

to China and place the fruits of their knowledge at the

service of the empire.

"Those who are acquainted with China know very well that many

of the Edicts of the Government do not amount to much more

than waste paper. In this case, however, it has not been so.

The Imperial College in Shansi has been opened, with some 300

students, in the hope that it will develop into one of the

provincial universities. It is divided into a Chinese and a

Foreign Department. … The Edicts have not been a dead letter

in the other provinces either, though there has been enormous

difficulty in getting a sufficient number of professors to

teach or of text-books to use. Some Chinamen who under the old

system of education would not have got more than £30 per annum

now get £240, and there are not enough of them. At the lowest

estimate text-books and books of general knowledge of the West

to the value of £25,000 must have been sold during this year

alone. Books to the value of £6,000 were sold by the Society

for the Diffusion of Christian Knowledge.

"I subjoin a list of the new colleges opened in ten different

provinces in 1901-1902:

Provinces.             Funds provided.

Chekiang               50,000 strings of cash per annum

(about Taels 50,000, or over £6,000).

Honan.                 30,000 Taels per annum.

Kweichow.              20,000 Taels per annum.

Fookien.               50,000 Mex. Dollars per annum.

(about £5,000).

Kiangsi.               over 60,000 Mex. Dollars per annum.

Kwangtung.             100,000 Taels per annum.

Soochow                several tens of thousands of Taels.

Nanking                —

Shantung               50,000 Taels per annum.

Shansi                 50,000 Taels per annum.

Chihli                 —

Prefectural Colleges

in Soochow.            Taels 10,000.

Prefectural Colleges

in Shantung under

R. C. Bishop Anzer.    Taels 2,000

"This comes to about half a million of Taels annually for the

whole Empire for modern education. Such is the new departure,

which dates from 1901-1902."

Timothy Richard,

The New Education in China

(Contemporary Review, January, 1903).

EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.

Chinese Students in Japan.

The following is from a communication to the State Department

at Washington from the American Legation at Tokyo, under date

of January 3, 1906:

"During the past year Chinese students have come to this

country in continually increasing numbers. Last summer the

number was estimated at 5000, of whom 2000 had been sent at

the expense of the Chinese Government. In November the number

is said to have reached 8000. In addition to the supervision

of the Chinese legation the students are looked after by eight

superintendents sent to reside here by their Government.

"Until recently the Japanese authorities seem to have done

nothing in this matter, but the magnitude of the number of

Chinese students finally made a certain degree of supervision

on their part seem wise. Accordingly, regulations for

controlling schools open to the Chinese were promulgated by

the minister for education on November 2, to go into effect

from the 1st instant. … The publication of these regulations

was greeted by a storm of protest. Bodies of Chinese students

passed indignant resolutions, saying that their liberty was

being assailed and seemed to find in the new rules an

indignity to their nationality. The restriction in choosing

schools and lodgings and the need of a letter of

recommendation annoyed them most. The agitation was so great

that over a thousand students returned to China; and no more

have been coming since the trouble."

{193}

EDUCATION: A. D. 1908.

The administration of the Department of Education in the

Chinese Government.

Under the date of November 9, 1908, the Peking correspondent

of the London Times wrote of the administration of the

governmental Department of Education as follows:

"The Ministry of Education is under the presidency of a

learned scholar of the old type, Chang Chih-tung. The old

system of examination has entirely been abolished. Education

is improving, but there is little attempt at uniformity. There

is no lack of desire to learn, but the teaching outside of the

mission schools or of colleges under foreign control is quite

unsatisfactory. No attempt is made to obtain the services of

the best man. Japan engaged the best foreign teachers that

money could find, with the result that the standard of

education is there very high. But China seems to think any

teacher good enough so long as he is a shade better educated

than the pupil he has to teach."

On the other hand, Professor Thomas C. Chamberlin, of the

University of Chicago, who spent four months of the past year

in China, investigating educational conditions, has reported

that "the old education has practically passed away, and the

government is making strenuous, and on the whole remarkably

successful, efforts to build up a system of education modelled

on that of Europe and America. In all the larger cities of

China buildings have been erected, teachers and pupils

gathered, and schools of the modern type organized. In not a

few cases, as, for example, at Foochow and in the far west at

Chentu, the old examination halls have been torn down to make

place for schools modelled on those of the west."

EDUCATION: A. D. 1908.

Chinese Students in America.

"The disposition on the part of the Chinese Government to send

picked students to America for their education, although

interrupted formally years after the first set of twenty came

in 1872, has since 1890 shown a comparatively steady growth.

During the past year 155 Chinese students were maintained at

various educational institutions in this country on

foundations provided either by the Imperial or the Provincial

Governments. Out of this number seventy-one are under the

charge of the Imperial Chinese Legation at Washington;

twenty-seven are under the direction of Chang-Chuan,

Commissioner of Education for the Viceroyalties of Hupuh and

Kiang-man; fifty-seven others have been during the past year

under the direction of Dr. Tenny, at present Chinese Secretary

of our Legation at Peking. These last, although coming from

various parts of the Empire, all received their elementary

education at the Peyang College in Tientsin, of which Dr.

Tenny was formerly principal. At the request of Yuan-Shih-Kai,

then Viceroy of Chihli, of which province Tientsin is the

chief city, Dr. Tenny in 1906 assumed charge at Cambridge of

the Peiyang candidates sent to America, including those now at

Harvard and the various other colleges where, at his

suggestion, they were quartered. Since Dr. Tenny’s return in

July last to Peking, his position has been filled by the

appointment of Mr. H. F. Merrill, for many years Commissioner

of Customs at Tientsin. …

"Quite apart from this official recognition of the advantages

of an American education, many Chinese families send their

sons at their own expense to schools and colleges in this

country. It has been impossible to procure exact statistics of

the number of these privately supported students, but,

according to the best advices obtainable at the Chinese

Legation, there are about two hundred. …

"More important than anything that has yet taken place in this

movement of Chinese education in America is the recent

determination on the part of the Imperial Government to devote

a sum equal to that placed at their disposal by the remission

of the Boxer indemnity to the founding of an Educational

Mission in this country. … According to the terms of the

agreement contained in the note of Prince Ch’ing to Mr.

Rockhill last July, by the end of the fourth year from the

inauguration of the scheme four hundred students, sent by the

Imperial Government, will be added to the large and growing

number of their young fellow-countrymen already coming to

America."

George Marvin,

The American Spirit in Chinese Education

(The Outlook, November, 1908).

An English correspondent, writing from Peking, September 24,

1909, reported: "This week 47 students selected by examination

for proficiency in English and Chinese are leaving Peking for

the United States to enter upon studies paid for by funds from

the unexpended balance of the Boxer indemnity. They have been

selected from nearly 500 candidates who competed for this

great reward from many provinces of the Empire. An excellent

body of young men, they ought to do credit to their country."

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.

Progress in Technical Education.

The following statements were in a Press despatch from

Tien-tsin, July, 1909:

"Technical education in China shows unmistakable signs of

extension. A very few years ago nothing existed which was

worthy of the name, while now it is not too much to say that

in the course of a few years the engineering schools of China

will be second only to the best in Europe and America.

Engineering courses are now being given at the following

institutions:

Imperial Polytechnic Institute, Shanghai;

Imperial University of Shansi, Tai-yuan-fu;

Tangshan Engineering and Mining College, Tangshan; and

Imperial Pei Yang University, Tien-tsin."

EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.

Formation in Great Britain and America of the China

Emergency Appeal Committee.

"Speaking at the Mansion House meeting [London] of the China

Emergency Committee held under the presidency of the Lord

Mayor on March 16, 1909, Sir Robert Hart, whose long work as

Inspector-General of the Imperial Chinese Customs has given

him the profoundest knowledge of China and its people, said:

‘We are alarmed lest Western knowledge and Western science may

give the Chinese people strength without principle, and may

even bring in a crude materialism without that higher teaching

and higher guidance which are necessary for the best welfare

of any people.’

"It is the realization of that danger, but even more a

realization of the needs of China, which have led to the

formation of the China Emergency Appeal Committee. … It is the

object of this Committee to utilize to the full the unexampled

present opportunity of establishing in China institutions

through which the Chinese people may be trained to educate

themselves in the Western knowledge and civilization which

they have set themselves to acquire.

{194}

"There is, first, China’s crying need of medical education—of

schools and hospitals in which Chinese students will be taught

and practise medicine and surgery. … Not less needed is the

establishment of colleges and centres for the training of

Chinese teachers for the primary and secondary schools which

are being established everywhere throughout this Empire of

400,000,000 inhabitants. The China Emergency Committee appeals

for £40,000 to build and equip these training colleges.

Thirdly, there is a demand throughout China for translations

of European books. The demand far exceeds the supply, though

it is only through literature that the Chinese gentleman will

acquaint himself with Western thought and learning. The books

sell in vast numbers, but the work of translation involves

heavy preliminary expenses. … These are the three objects for

the attainment of which the China Emergency Committee has been

established."

London Times,

July 17, 1909.

On the initiative of the English Committee, of which Sir

Robert Hart is chairman, a proposal to move similarly in

America came before a recent conference of foreign mission

boards of the United States and Canada. A committee, Rev. Dr.

Arthur J. Brown, chairman, to whom the proposition was

referred, reported favorably. The conference approved the

report, and provided that a permanent committee be appointed,

to consist of those serving with Dr. Brown, together with

twelve laymen, to be chosen by the committee. This new

committee is "to promote a larger interest in Christian

education in China." It will assist the boards and other

Christian agencies and cooperate with the general education

committee appointed by the Shanghai conference and with the

China Educational Association.

EDUCATION: Cuba: A. D. 1899-1907.

Organization of Schools during the American Occupation.

Census-showing of results in 1907.

"During the American occupation of Cuba especial attention was

given to the establishment of common schools and other

educational institutions. The enrollment of the public schools

of Cuba immediately before the last war shows 36,306 scholars,

but an examination of the reports containing these figures

indicates that probably less than half the names enrolled

represented actual attendance. There were practically no

separate school buildings, but the scholars were collected in

the residences of the teachers. There were few books and

practically no maps, blackboards, desks, or other school

apparatus.

"The instruction consisted solely in learning by rote, the

catechism being the principal textbook, and the girls

occupying their time chiefly in embroidery. The teachers were

allowed to eke out their unpaid salaries by accepting fees

from the pupils. … At the end of the first six months of

American occupation the public school enrollment of the island

numbered 143,120. The schools were subjected to a constant and

effective inspection and the attendance was practically

identical with the enrollment. …

"All over the island the old Spanish barracks and the barracks

occupied by the American troops which had been withdrawn were

turned into schoolrooms after thorough renovation. The

pressure for education was earnest and universal. The

appropriations from the insular treasury for that purpose

during the first year of American occupation amounted to four

and a half millions.

"At the close of American occupation there were 121 boards of

education elected by the people (the system was kept out of

politics); the work of changing the old barracks throughout

the island into schoolhouses had been completed; a thoroughly

modern school building costing $50,000 had been erected at

Santiago; one school building in Habana had 33 rooms, with a

modern kindergarten, manual-training branch, two gymnasiums,

and baths; large schools had been established by changes in

government buildings at Guineas, Pinar del Rio, Matanzas,

Cieguo de Avila, and Colon; over 3600 teachers were subjected

to examination, and approximately 6000 persons applied for and

received examination as teachers. For six weeks during the

summer vacation of 1901, 4000 teachers were collected in

teachers’ institutes."

Establishment of Free Government in Cuba

(58th Congress, 2d Session, Senate Document number 312).

"The public-school system organized under the first

intervention in Cuba, is producing excellent results. Of the

population 10 years of age and over, 56.6 per cent could read,

showing a decided gain in that respect since 1899. Of the

native whites, 58.6 per cent could read, and of the colored 45

per cent were similarly educated."

National Geographic Magazine,

February, 1909, p. 202.

EDUCATION: Egypt: A. D. 1901-1905.

Recent Development of Public Primary Schools.

Schools for Girls.

"Before the English occupation great masses of Egyptians

remained ignorant. Over 91 per cent. of the males and almost

99½ per cent. of the females could neither read nor write.

Until within the last five years public primary education for

the poorer classes, aside from the mere learning of the Koran,

was almost unknown. At the present time public schools are

being established everywhere, and grants in aid of these

schools are paid in proportion to the attendance and the

records made by the pupils. Likewise, certain positions in the

civil service can be filled only by those who hold

certificates from schools of certain grades. As a consequence

there has been a great awakening of interest. Most of the

teachers of these public schools are Mohammedan, and the

schools are non-Christian in their instruction. The Koran is

still used as a text-book for many purposes, but the education

is practical in its general nature. The children are taught,

besides reading and writing, the elements of the sciences, and

they choose either French or English as the foreign language

which they will learn, and that in which they will receive

instruction in the more advanced studies where Arabic

text-books cannot readily be provided. It is a noteworthy fact

that while, in the earlier days, French was the language more

frequently chosen, nearly all the pupils are now selecting

English. There are also provisions for training in law,

medicine, agriculture, engineering, etc. The law school is the

most popular, while the agricultural college—although the

basis of Egyptian wealth and prosperity is and must always be

agriculture—suffers from lack of pupils. Female education has

not been neglected, and we may expect in the near future that

instead of 99½ per cent. of the women being unable to write, a

very large per cent. of the mothers of the country will be

able to give their children the rudiments of education at

home."

Professor J. W. Jenks,

The Egypt of To-day

(International Quarterly Review, October, 1902).

{195}

"A revolution is a growth, not a cataclysm: the seeds of the

Egyptian Revolution were sown in the autumn of 1901 when Miss

Amina Hafiz Maghrabi was admitted to the Stockwell Road

Training College for Teachers. Miss Amina is the daughter of

one of the Officials in the Ministry of Public Instruction at

Cairo, and after passing a preliminary examination was sent to

England to be educated at the expense of the Egyptian

Government. … Miss Amina spent nearly three years at

Stockwell; then she returned to her own people; now she is a

teacher at the Abbas Public Girls’ School at Cairo, and the

right hand of Miss Spears, the Principal; this seed is bearing

fruit. No Revolution can be a success unless the women take it

up, and it is the women who are going to turn Egypt upside

down; it is the Mussulman women who have already begun to do

so. …

"The really astonishing work that has been going on for nearly

two years is the education for the teaching profession of

girls of the better class aged from about fourteen to twenty.

There are two or three schools where these girls are received

as boarders, and carefully tended by European mistresses; the

amazing thing is that they throw aside their veils and consent

to be taught by men. … In all the State schools of Egypt the

Koran is taught. In one corner of the garden is a small room

built to serve as a mosque; attendance is voluntary, but three

times a day each girl retires there for private prayer.

"These schools have been recently founded to provide female

teachers; they have not been in existence long enough for any

girls to have completed the two-years’ course; it may be they

will fail in their primary object; it is possible that the

girls who have been educated will none of them persevere in

the teaching profession; nevertheless, as Egyptian wives and

mothers, they must become the leaders of the revolution."

Edmund Verney,

A Revolution in Egypt

(Contemporary Review, July, 1905).

EDUCATION: A. D. 1908.

Gordon Memorial College at Khartoum.

From the eighth annual report of the Director of Education in

the Sudan it appears that the Gordon Memorial College, founded

at Khartoum in 1899 (see, in Volume VI. of this work, EGYPT:

A. D. 1898-1899), is now composed of the following educational

units:

"The primary school, which has been attended by 190 pupils,

the training college—vernacular and English—by 178, of which

150 belong to the vernacular side, and the upper school for

the training of engineers and surveyors by 28 students. One

hundred and seventy-two are on the roll of the instructional

workshops. There is, he remarks, no doubt whatever about the

popularity of the military school among the inhabitants of the

country, both Arab and Sudanese. Some 20 young men have now

received commission in the famous black battalions, or in the

new Arab levies now being raised. They have almost all been

well reported on. He understood that the responsible Army

authorities propose to increase this school substantially, and

to render it capable of holding twice the present number of

cadets." The College is reported to have "felt the strain of

existing financial difficulties very keenly, and the rate of

progress has hardly been maintained this year."—1908.

EDUCATION: England: A. D. 1902.

The Education Act, in the interest of the Voluntary or

Church Schools.

Text of its provisions most obnoxious to the Nonconformists.

"Passive resistance" among them to the law.

The Education Act of 1870 created in England for the first

time a system of officially regulated and publicly supported

elementary schools.

See in Volume I. of this work,

EDUCATION: MODERN: ENGLAND: A. D. 1699-1870.

Those schools divided the work of elementary education with

schools of another, older system, founded, maintained, and

managed by the churches of the country,—mainly by the

predominant Established Church of England. The public

elementary schools, supported out of local rates and governed

by locally-elected school boards were called Board Schools;

the others were called Voluntary Schools. The latter received

some public money from an annual Parliamentary grant, but

nothing from the local taxation which supported the former. In

the Voluntary Schools under church control religious teaching

was prescribed and given systematically; in the Board Schools

it was not. Those who held religious teaching, of their own

denominational orthodoxy, to be a vital part of education,

were ardent partisans of the Voluntary Schools. Those who

approved the exclusion of theological differences from the

teaching of the Board Schools were equally ardent champions of

those. As a rule, the adherents of the Established Church and

of the Roman Catholic Church were opponents of the public

system, while the Dissenters or Nonconformists of all sects

gave it strenuous support. Thus the two systems were

mischievously antagonized, and almost from the beginning of

the operation of the Act of 1870 it had been manifest that one

or the other must ultimately give way to its rival.

In 1902 the Conservative party, in which the Established

Church of England is most largely represented, found itself

strong enough in Parliament to undertake the nationalizing of

the Voluntary Schools in England and Wales, incorporating them

with their rivals in one reconstructed national system, but

securing their domination in it, along with equal sharing from

the public purse. A Bill for the purpose was proposed to the

House of Commons on the 24th of March by Mr. Balfour, then the

Administration leader in the House. In his speech on a motion

for leave to bring it in he spoke of the need of a single

authority for education, primary, secondary, and technical; of

the disadvantages of the two organizations of elementary

schools, and of the absurdity of supposing that the great

number of Voluntary Schools and Endowed Schools could be swept

away and replaced at enormous public cost. The proposed Bill,

based on these views, would extinguish the local School Boards

and make the County Council in counties and the Borough

Council in county boroughs the one local education authority.

As introduced subsequently and enacted, after heated and long

debate, the Bill accomplished its leading objects, so far as

concerned elementary education, by provisions of which the

following is the text:

{196}

"Part III. Elementary Education.

5.

The local education authority shall throughout their area

have the powers and duties of a school board and school

attendance committee under the Elementary Education Acts, 1870

to 1900, and any other Acts, including local Acts, and shall

also be responsible for and have the control of all secular

instruction in public elementary schools not provided by them,

and school boards and school attendance committees shall be

abolished.

"6.

(1) All public elementary schools provided by the local

education authority shall, where the local education authority

are the council of a county, have a body of managers

consisting of a number of managers not exceeding four

appointed by that council, together with a number not

exceeding two appointed by the minor local authority. Where

the local education authority are the council of a borough or

urban district they may, if they think fit, appoint for any

school provided by them a body of managers consisting of such

number of managers as they may determine.

"(2) All public elementary schools not provided by the local

education authority shall, in place of the existing managers,

have a body of managers consisting of a number of foundation

managers not exceeding four appointed as provided by this Act,

together with a number of managers not exceeding two

appointed—

(a) where the local education authority are the council

of a county, one by that council and one by the minor local

authority; and

(b) where the local education authority are the council

of a borough or urban district, both by that authority.

"(3)

Notwithstanding anything in this section—

(a) Schools may be grouped under one body of managers

in manner provided by this Act; and

(b) Where the local education authority consider that

the circumstances of any school require a larger body of

managers than that provided under this section, that authority

may increase the total number of managers, so, however, that

the number of each class of managers is proportionately

increased.

"7.—

(1) The local education authority shall maintain and keep

efficient all public elementary schools within their area

which are necessary, and have the control of all expenditure

required for that purpose, other than expenditure for which,

under this Act, provision is to be made by the managers; but,

in the case of a school not provided by them, only so long as

the following conditions and provisions are complied with:—

"(a) The managers of the school shall carry out any

directions of the local education authority as to the secular

instruction to be given in the school, including any

directions with respect to the number and educational

qualifications of the teachers to be employed for such

instruction, and for the dismissal of any teacher on

educational grounds, and if the managers fail to carry out any

such direction the local education authority shall, in

addition to their other powers, have the power themselves to

carry out the direction in question as if they were the

managers; but no direction given under this provision shall be

such as to interfere with reasonable facilities for religious

instruction during school hours:

"(b) The local education authority shall have power to

inspect the school;

"(c) The consent of the local education authority shall

be required to the appointment of teachers, but that consent

shall not be withheld except on educational grounds; and the

consent of the authority shall also be required to the

dismissal of a teacher unless the dismissal be on grounds

connected with the giving of religious instruction in the

school. … [Here follow provisions relative to schoolhouses and

teachers’ dwellings.]

"(3) If any question arises under this section between

the local education authority and the managers of a school not

provided by the authority, that question shall be determined

by the Board of Education.

"(4) One of the conditions required to be fulfilled by

an elementary school in order to obtain a parliamentary grant

shall be that it is maintained under and complies with the

provisions of this section.

"(5) In public elementary schools maintained but not

provided by the local educational authority, assistant

teachers and pupil teachers may be appointed, if it is thought

fit, without reference to religious creed and denomination,

and, in any case in which there are more candidates for the

post of pupil teacher than there are places to be filled, the

appointment shall be made by the local education authority,

and they shall determine the respective qualifications of the

candidates by examination or otherwise.

"(6) Religious instruction given in a public elementary

school not provided by the local education authority shall, as

regards its character, be in accordance with the provisions

(if any) of the trust deed relating thereto, and shall be

under the control of the managers: Provided that nothing in

this subjection shall affect any provision in a trust deed for

reference to the bishop or superior ecclesiastical or other

denominational authority so far as such provision gives to the

bishop or authority the power of deciding whether the

character of the religious instruction is or is not in

accordance with the provisions of the trust deed.

"(7) The managers of a school maintained but not

provided by the local education authority shall have all

powers of management required for the purpose of carrying out

this Act, and shall (subject to the powers of the local

education authority under this section) have the exclusive

power of appointing and dismissing teachers.

"8.—

(1) Where the local education authority or any other persons

propose to provide a new public elementary school, they shall

give public notice of their intention to do so, and the

managers of any existing school, or the local education

authority (where they are not themselves the persons proposing

to provide the school), or any ten rate payers in the area for

which it is proposed to provide the school, may, within three

months after the notice is given, appeal to the Board of

Education on the ground that the proposed school is not

required, or that a school provided by the local education

authority, or not so provided, as the case may be, is better

suited to meet the wants of the district than the school

proposed to be provided, and any school built in contravention

of the decision of the Board of Education on such appeal shall

be treated as unnecessary.

{197}

"(2) If, in the opinion of the Board of Education, any

enlargement of a public elementary school is such as to amount

to the provision of a new school, that enlargement shall be so

treated for the purposes of this section.

"(3) Any transfer of a public elementary school to or from a

local education authority shall for the purposes of this

section be treated as the provision of a new school.

"9. The Board of Education shall, without unnecessary delay,

determine, in case of dispute, whether a school is necessary

or not, and, in so determining, and also in deciding on any

appeal as to the provision of a new school, shall have regard

to the interest of secular instruction, to the wishes of

parents as to the education of their children, and to the

economy of the rates; but a school for the time being

recognized as a public elementary school shall not be

considered unnecessary in which the number of scholars in

average attendance, as computed by the Board of Education, is

not less than thirty."

The main contentions were raised by these sections of the

Bill, and as soon as their bearing and effect were discerned

the Nonconformist opposition was rallied in strong force. "The

main ground of objection taken," says the Annual Register,

"was that, while throwing the whole charge of the maintenance

of denominational schools (apart from that of the fabrics) on

public funds, it failed to secure to the local public any real

control over the management of the schools so maintained, and

amounted in effect to a new endowment of the Church of

England; also that it perpetuated and enhanced the injustice

of the pressure of the system of religious tests in the

profession of elementary teaching, which would now, it was

said, if the Bill should pass, be the permanent monopoly of

Anglicans in the schools educating more than half of the

children of the working classes. Denunciatory resolutions

based generally on grounds of this character, were passed by

the National Free Church Council, the London Congregational

Union (April 8), the General Committee of the Protestant

Dissenting Deputies, and other bodies; and at an early date a

disposition, to which both encouragement and expression were

vigorously administered by the British Weekly, was somewhat

extensively shown to urge that it would be the duty of

Nonconformists to refuse to pay the education rate if the Bill

should become law. Dr. Parker, of the City Temple, in a letter

to the Times (April 5), avowed himself earnestly in

favour of this policy, which was also defended by the Rev. H.

Price Hughs. It was opposed by the Rev. John Watson, of

Liverpool (known in the literary world as ‘Ian Maclaren’), but

the voices of restraint among the Nonconformist opposition

were less audible than those of indignant reproach and

menace."

Annual Register,

1902, p. 107.

The following from an article by Rev. J. Guinness Rogers shows

the attitude and feeling of the Nonconformist opposition:

"Hitherto a certain proportion of the cost of these schools

has been borne by Churchmen themselves, and Nonconformists

have been content to regard that as fairly providing for the

sectarian teaching that was given. They did not regard the

arrangement as wise or salutary. But they acquiesced

considering that they had no responsibility whatever for the

denominational teaching that was given. The new Act altered

all the conditions. The State now assumes all the

responsibility for the support of these schools. The last

vestige of voluntary support is swept away, and they become in

every sense part of the National School system. The burden of

their support is thrown upon the public funds. Only in the

matter of control and of their religious teaching do they

retain anything of their private character. … They are to be

supported out of the public funds. But they constitute a

privileged class of schools under private managers, and their

chief teachers have to belong to a particular Church and to

give instruction in its principles and doctrines. It is this

which has stirred the indignation of Nonconformists. They

conscientiously object to pay for the support of schools

staffed by Anglican teachers and employed in the dissemination

of Anglican doctrines. …

"For thirty years the Free Churches of England have quietly

submitted to an arrangement which practically left thousands

of the schools under the absolute sway of the clergy. There

were thus vast districts of the country, and those the

districts least open to the free play of public opinion, in

which Nonconformist children were forced into the ranks of the

pupils, while Non-conformist teachers were just as resolutely

kept out of these favoured preserves of sectarianism. But even

this did not satisfy the clergy and their friends. During

almost the whole of the period in question there have been

continual attempts to secure better terms for those already so

highly privileged. At length came the period for decided

action. … The whole character of our educational apparatus has

been changed, and changed in a manner as unfavourable to

constitutional liberty as to religious equality. School boards

were institutions in which Nonconformists had taken a deep

interest and in which in many of the large towns they had

achieved conspicuous success. They have been ruthlessly swept

away, and henceforth the work of education in our large towns

and cities is entrusted to committees chosen by County

Councils; Mr. Balfour showing here the same dislike of popular

control as characterises his administration in the House of

Commons. Can it be thought wonderful that Nonconformists have

been goaded into resistance by a policy so high-handed and so

determined? We have heard enough of the intolerable strain put

upon the supporters of the voluntary schools. The strain of

clerical intolerance and Tory partiality has become still more

intolerable."

J. Guinness Rogers,

The Nonconformist Uprising

(Nineteenth Century, October, 1903).

A weightier and more statesman like objection to the Act was

set forth by the Right Honourable James Bryce in the

following:

"Of all the causes which have kept education in England,

secondary as well as elementary, below the level it has

reached in such countries as Switzerland and Scotland and New

England, the most deep seated is the want of popular interest

and popular sympathy. The people have not felt the schools to

be their own, have not been associated with the management,

have not realised how largely the welfare and prosperity of

the nation depend on the instruction which each generation

receives. Since 1870 something has been done to stimulate

popular interest by the creation of School Boards (whose

admirable work in the large towns is admitted even by the

Ministry which proposes to destroy them), by the introduction

of a large representative element upon the governing bodies of

endowed secondary schools, and by entrusting County and

Borough Councils with power to spend money upon technical

instruction.

{198}

What can be plainer than that a wise statesmanship ought to

follow in the same path endeavouring to create everywhere

local educational authorities chosen by the people and

responsible to the people, keeping these local authorities up

to the mark by making a share in the imperial grant

conditional upon full efficiency, but teaching them to look

upon the schools as their own, and to feel that it is their

own interest as parents and citizens to make their schools

worthy of an advancing nation? No such idea has been present

to those who framed this Bill. It reduces, instead of in

creasing, the element of popular interest and popular control.

"School Boards are to be swept away, and with them those

elected women members who have been so valuable and

influential an element. The substituted County and Borough

Councils are, no doubt, elective bodies. But they have so many

functions already besides those educational functions which

are now to be thrown on them that the latter will play a small

part, and their discharge of those functions cannot be

effectively reviewed by the people at an election. Moreover,

every Council is directed to act through an Education

Committee largely, or possibly entirely, consisting of persons

outside their own bodies. It is certainly desirable to secure

an element of special knowledge. But the policy of these

committees—and policy (except as regards finance) is to rest

with them—will never be subject to any review by the electors,

to whom the committees are nowise responsible. The fault is

still worse when we come to the local managers. Where there

exist only denominational schools, there will be no popular

control at all, for the permissive appointment by the

Education Committee of not more than one-third of the local

managers is a merely nominal concession, quite illusory for

the purpose of securing any local power, any local interest,

any local sympathy. In most cases this permissive right of

appointment will probably be used to add to the denominational

managers some person or persons recommended by them, or one of

them, to the Education Committee, which sits in the distant

county town and may know nothing about the locality.

"It is not from any superstitious faith in popular election or

in what are called ‘democratic principles’ that I deplore

these provisions of the Bill. It is because they tend to

withdraw from education one of its most valuable propulsive

forces. Let us hear the Schools Inquiry Commissioners of 1868,

among whom were the present Archbishop of Canterbury, the late

Bishop of Winchester, and another eminent ecclesiastic.

"‘No skill in organisation, no careful adaptation of the means

in hand to the best ends, can do as much for education as the

earnest co-operation of the people. The American schools

appear to have no great excellence of method. But the schools

are in the hands of the people, and from this fact they derive

a force which seems to make up for all their deficiencies. …

In Zurich the schools are absolutely in the hands of the

people, and the complete success of the system must be largely

ascribed to this cause. … It is impossible to doubt that in

England also inferior management, if it were backed up by very

hearty sympathy from the mass of the people, would often

succeed better than much greater skill without such support.’

"These words were spoken of secondary education. They apply

with even greater force to elementary. The experience of

thirty-four years confirms them. But there is nothing in this

Bill to give effect to their principle."

James Bryce,

A Few Words on the Few Education Bill

(Nineteenth Century, May, 1902).

The Education Bill passed its third reading in the House of

Commons on the 3d of December, by a vote of 246 against 123,

being a majority of exactly two-thirds. In the House of Lords

it received brief discussion and a few amendments, which the

Commons accepted, and it was sent quickly to the King,

receiving the royal assent December 18. And now there came

into action the stubborn revolt which took the name of

"passive resistance,"—the refusal, that is, of a considerable

body of people to pay the rates levied for school purposes

under a law which they held to be unjust. Their attitude, and

the consequences they suffered, in imprisonment and the

seizure and sale of their property, are described in the

following passages from an article by one of the leaders of

the movement:

"It is difficult to believe that, at the beginning of the

twentieth century, Englishmen of high character and

indisputable loyalty are being sent to prison for exactly the

same reasons as those which were urged for committing John

Bunyan to Bedford Gaol; for exposing Richard Baxter to the

browbeating of Judge Jeffreys and a sentence of eighteen

months incarceration; and for sending George Fox to the

noisome dungeons of Carlisle and Derby, Lancaster and London.

Americans cannot credit it. The colonists of Canada and

Australia say, ‘Can these things be?'?; and even Englishmen

would never accept the humiliating conclusion, if they were

not confronted by the undeniable fact. The fact is that nearly

one hundred freemen of England, respectable and God-fearing

citizens, have been sentenced to different periods of

imprisonment since November, 1903. …

"Imprisonment is only one phase of this advancing cause;

another is that of the public sale of the furniture, pictures

and books of those who refuse to submit. The first sale was at

Wirksworth, in Derbyshire, on June 26th, 1903; and it has been

followed by about 1,600 more in different towns and villages,

all over England. … In one extremely flagrant instance, one

hundred pounds’ worth of goods were taken for the sum of

fifteen shillings, and in many cases fidelity to conscience

has meant loss of trade and of position, … No less than 40,000

summonses have been sent forth by the overseers to compel

recalcitrant rate-payers to appear before the magistrates and

‘show cause’ why they will not pay. …

"Now, it is for that process we cannot and will not pay any

rate whatever. We object to many of the provisions of the

Education Acts. They are anti-democratic, unfair, unjust; they

are destructive of educational efficiency and social peace;

but the one thing that has created the Passive Resistance

movement is not the destruction of the School Board, not the

loss of popular control, but this intrusion into the realm of

conscience by the State.

{199}

That is the prime factor in this situation. To that ‘we will

not submit,’ declared Mr. Fairbairn to Mr. Balfour when the

Bill was before the House. In short, we say with Bunyan to our

persecutors, ‘Where I cannot obey actively, there I am willing

to lie down, and to suffer what they shall do unto me.’"

John Clifford,

Passive Resistance in England and Wales

(North American Review, March, 1905).

In Wales, where the Nonconformists are very strong, the

resistance became more than passive. The County Councils

refused generally to put the Act into operation, and

Parliament, in August, 1904, passed what was described as the

"Welsh Coercion Act," to compel their obedience to it. This

Act authorized the central Board of Education, in the case of

a county proclaimed in default to provide for Church schools

and to deduct such appropriation from the Government rant for

educational uses to the county. As the deficit thus caused in

the sum available for the National schools would have to be

made up by the county, the recalcitrant county would thus

indirectly be saddled with the maintenance of the Church

schools. But Welsh resistance was not so easily overcome; for

a new plan was devised, according to which every proceeding

under the Coercion Act would be met by the resignation of

county education committees and managers of the National

schools. This would paralyze the central Board, which has no

power to fill the places thus vacated.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1904.

Church Attendance in School Hours.

A circular issued by the Board of Education, in July, relative

to the taking of children from Church schools, during school

hours, to attend Church services on Saints' days, caused great

dissatisfaction and complaint in Church circles. The practice

had been permitted hitherto; but the Board ruled that school

time-tables making provision for this must have the sanction

of the local school authorities, which in many cases were

opposed to the practice. A "Church Schools Emergency League"

was now organized to contest the action of the Board.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1905.

Underfed School Children.

An order issued by the Local Government Board, in April,

directed that, in the case of school children under sixteen,

found to be underfed, who were not blind, deaf or dumb, and

who were living with a father not in receipt of relief, there

must be application for relief made to the guardians of the

poor by a teacher empowered by the managers, or by an officer

authorized by the education authorities. The guardians must

then investigate the case and decide whether relief should be

given as a loan or in the ordinary mode, and notify the father

accordingly; thus giving the parent the opportunity to make

the needed provision himself. If he did not do so, the

guardians were empowered to recover from him the cost of the

necessary relief by county court process.

The report of the Board of Education for the year 1907-1908,

published in March, 1909, states with reference to the feeding

of necessitous school children that: "From December 21, 1906,

when the Education (Provision of Meals) Act, 1906, came into

operation, to July 31, 1908, 51 local education authorities

have been authorized to spend money from the rates in

providing food for school children. Of the 20 authorities

referred to in last year’s report as having taken power to

spend money for this purpose 14 have obtained sanction to

spend money in a second year."

EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.

Education Bill passed by the House of Commons and killed

by amendments in the House of Lords.

The defeat of the Conservatives and Unionists in the

Parliamentary elections of January, 1906, was ascribed very

largely to popular dissatisfaction with the Education Act of

1902. Hence, on the resignation of the Balfour Ministry and

the call of the Liberals, under Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman,

to the administration of the Government, the new masters of

legislative authority were held to have received a mandate

from the people to amend the objectionable law. On the 9th of

April a Bill to that end was brought forward by Augustine

Birrell, President of the Board of Education and again the old

disputes over denominational religious teaching in schools

supported by the public at large were re-enlivened and

re-heated, in Parliament and out. In December it passed the

House of Commons by a majority of 192, and went to the Lords.

A succinct and clear statement of the intent of the Bill, as

framed by the Government, was given in an article contributed

to The Outlook of August 4, 1906, by Dr. Clifford

Webster Barnes, Special Commissioner of the Religious

Education Association to investigate moral and religious

instruction in European schools. In the framing of the Bill it

had been assumed that the overwhelming majority which swept

the new Government into power had determined that the

following principles should be enacted into law:

1. Unification of the public school system.

2. Complete local control where public funds are received.

3. Abolition of religious tests for teachers.

"The new bill by its first clause," wrote Dr. Barnes, "has

virtually met these three requirements. It makes it impossible

for the State, hereafter, to recognize or provide for any

school unless it comes under the absolute control of the local

authority; and as church boards are thus supplanted, religious

tests for teachers need no longer be feared. In later clauses,

also, special safeguards are arranged to protect the teachers

from this sort of test. If the bill, after providing the

necessary machinery with which to carry out its first clause,

went no further, the extreme Nonconformist would undoubtedly

have given it most hearty support, and the wrath of the Church

party might possibly have been no greater. But love for fair

play has prevailed in the Cabinet, and the Liberal Government

has proved its right to the title by introducing, in clauses

2, 3, and 4, special provisions for leasing the denominational

schools and for permitting their owners to give the religious

instruction distinctive of the church to which they belong. …

"The bill, therefore, makes the following concessions:

"1. For the purpose of continuing any existing voluntary

school it permits the local authority, on some arrangement

being made with the owners, to take over such school, provided

it is structurally fit. The State will then pay the entire

cost of maintenance, keep the property in good repair, and use

it only between the hours of 9 a. m. and 4 p. m., from Monday

to Friday inclusive. At all other times the owners are

privileged to do with it as they see fit. On two mornings of

the week, between 9 and 9.45, the religious teaching peculiar

to the denomination owning the property may be given, but

children whose parents do not wish such teaching are to be

excused during that time.

{200}

"2. In urban areas where there is a population of five

thousand or over, a Church school may remain as denominational

as at present, the distinctive dogmas of the Church being

taught as much as may be desired, provided the parents of

four-fifths of the children vote in favor of this arrangement,

and provided, also, that there are accommodations in some

neighboring school for those whose parents prefer

undenominational instruction. In every case that portion of

the religious teaching which is distinctively denominational

must be paid for by the church giving it. Statistics show that

by this concession one hundred per cent. of the Jewish schools

will be able to preserve their denominational character,

seventy-five per cent. of the Catholic schools, fifty per

cent. of the Wesleyan, and twenty-five per cent. of the Church

of England. By the previous concession, of course, all the

remaining schools of the various denominations will be able to

give their distinctive theological teaching on two mornings of

each week.

"But this denominational instruction is not the only religious

education which the schools will provide. By the bill of 1870

local authorities were permitted to introduce a kind of simple

Bible teaching which has been nicknamed, from the author of

the act, ‘Cowper-Templeism.’ It consists of Bible lessons

covering the Old and New Testaments arranged according to some

well-planned syllabus, the majority of these being modeled

after that of the London County Council. The exercise opens

with prayer and a hymn, after which the children tell the

Bible story of the day and are assisted by the teacher to draw

from it some suitable moral lesson, but no creed or religious

formulary distinctive of any denomination can be used. This

teaching must be given in the first hour of the morning,

between 9 and 9.45, and any child may be excused from

attendance upon the request of its parent. It is a significant

fact that the Nonconformists of 1870 were unanimously opposed

to the Cowper-Temple clause, and that it was put through only

by the strong and united effort of the bishops. Now it is the

Nonconformists who, to a man, favor this kind of instruction,

while some at least of the bishops, in their eagerness to

preserve denominationalism, go so far as to say ‘this teaching

undermines the foundations of Christianity.’"

In the House of Lords the Bill came under the Church

influences which had dictated the Act of 1902, and it was

slashed with amendments which would totally reverse its

operation on all the controverted points. That procedure

killed the measure, of course; and so the burning school

question remains unsettled, while England gives much thought

to another question,—What to do with the House of Lords?

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

EDUCATION: A. D. 1907 (November).

Failure to compromise the Religious Sectarian Differences

concerning Public Education.

Attempts to negotiate a compromise with the religious bodies

whose antagonism wrecked the Education Bill of 1906 went so

far as to induce the Government, in November, 1907, to

introduce a Bill embodying the points on which agreement had

been reached. The outcome was stated in the report of the

Board of Education for 1907-1908, as follows:

"It became apparent after some progress had been made in

Committee that denominational assent could only be obtained by

still further concessions, including a substantial increase in

the grant to contracting-out schools. Your Majesty’s

Government have always maintained that the number of schools

availing themselves of the privilege of contracting-out, must

be strictly limited, that the grant provided by the Bill was

sufficient to afford a limited number of schools a reasonable

chance of existence, and that to increase the grant beyond

this sum would enable the great majority of schools to take

advantage of the privilege, and would involve the

establishment of a system of contracting-out as the rule

instead of the exception. In view of the impossibility of

obtaining agreement without such amendments as were, in the

opinion of your Majesty’s Government, inadmissible, it was

found necessary to withdraw the Bill."

EDUCATION: A. D. 1908.

Provisions of the Children Act relating to Industrial and

Reformatory Schools.

See (in this Volume)

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1908-1909.

Oxford Teaching for Working People.

In 1908 the Convocation of the University of Oxford passed a

statute which gave the University Extension Delegacy power to

form a committee consisting of working-class representatives

in equal numbers with members of the Delegacy, with the object

of enabling Oxford to take its proper share in the work of

providing higher education for the manual working classes. In

January, 1909, the committee organized eight tutorial classes,

at Chesterfield, Glossop, Littleborough, Longton, Oldham,

Rochdale, Swindon and Wrexham. At the end of the first twelve

weeks of the work results were reported, as follows: "The

number of students enrolled was about 234, among whom were 20

women; and all of these pledged themselves to study

continuously under the supervision of the tutors provided by

Oxford for a period of three years. The subjects studied were

industrial history and economics. … The members with few

exceptions are men and women engaged in manual labour during

the day. Out of 169 students 48 were engineers, 35 were

engaged in the textile industries, 17 belonged to the building

trades, 12 were labourers, ten were potters, seven were in the

clothing trades, five were miners, and four were printers.

Sixty per cent. of the 234 students were under the age of 34.

Many of them were members' of working-class organizations. …

Few students abandoned the classes after beginning to attend

them, except for reasons such as illness, overtime or

unemployment. The average attendances are about 90 per cent.

of the maximum, possible. The paper work in some cases would

probably compare with the work done by first-class students in

the final honours schools at Oxford. … The committee consider

that any movement to shorten the hours of labour would

enormously increase the opportunities for higher education

among work people."

{201}

EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.

Official Reports and Statements of the extent and operation

of the English agencies of Public Education.

On the 2d of March, the President of the Board of Education,

Mr. Runciman, received a deputation of the Parliamentary

Committee of the Trade Union Congress, who presented a

resolution passed at the Congress stating that no solution of

the educational problem would be satisfactory that did not

give free education from the elementary school to the

University, and demanding the immediate abolition of fees in

secondary schools and technical colleges. One of the speakers

of the deputation complained that secondary school fees were

mounting so high that working people could not afford to pay

them, and that in some cases the rule as to the reservation of

25 per cent. of free places in secondary schools had not been

observed. Mr. Runciman, in reply, said that the difficulties

which had been raised centered around local finance. The Board

of Education had not been idle during the last three years in

assisting local authorities, especially for secondary

education. In the year 1906-1907 the grant for this purpose

amounted to £480,000; £691,000 was granted in 1907-1908; and in

the estimate for 1908-1909 £802,000 was put aside for secondary

education; and as far as he could see at present the amount to

be granted for secondary education purposes next year would be

even larger. … Of the total number of secondary schools which

were now required to comply with the free places regulation,

368, or more than half, provided in 1907-1908 more than the

stipulated 25 per cent., and the great majority of the whole

of them provided the 25 per cent. There were, it was true, a

number of cases where a smaller number of free places had been

granted, but that fact was due purely to local considerations.

… He should do all he could to prevent secondary schools from

becoming class schools, but it was not every child who was

suitable to enter a secondary school, and they must have a

fairly good standard examination for the child who wished to

enter. He would very much deplore indeed if the cost of

secondary education were to make it prohibitive, or so to

restrict to allow it to be open only to the children of

well-to-do-parents. He hoped, before the new regulations were

published, to clear away some of the obstacles in the

direction of throwing open a larger number of free places to

scholars and towards making the secondary schools as much

schools for the clever poor children as for the clever rich

children.

[Transcriber's note: The text between "must have a …"

and "… were published" is covered with an opaque ink stain.

Some words are guesses.]

A few days later in March the report of the general Board of

Education for the school year 1907-1908 was issued, bringing

statistical information of the English schools down to the

31st of July in the latter year. During the year then ended,

the number of new public elementary schools sanctioned under

the Education Act, 1902, was, in England, 215, giving

accommodation for 80,351 children, and in Wales 64,

accommodating 13,942 students. Enlargements, numbering 94 and

21 respectively, provided accommodation for 17,697 children in

England and 3,407 in Wales. During the year ending July 31,

1907, the number of ordinary public elementary schools in

England and Wales increased by 44, the council schools

increasing by 223, while the number of voluntary schools

decreased by 179. One hundred voluntary schools were

transferred to local education authorities. During the next 12

months the number of schools grew by 47, the number of council

schools having increased by 205, and the number of voluntary

schools having decreased by 158.

As regards higher elementary schools, 35 schools of the new

type existed on August 1, 1907, by which date there were left

26 such schools of the old type. The changes during the

succeeding year brought the total number of higher elementary

schools of the new type to 38, and the number of such schools

of the old type to 21 by August 1, 1908. The number of

scholars on the registers of elementary schools decreased

during 1906-1907 by 22,584, due mainly to a continued diminution

in the number of scholars under five years of age. During

1907-1908 the number of scholars on the registers increased by

12,166, a further decrease in the number of scholars under

five being more than balanced by a large increase in the

number of scholars between the ages of five and twelve.

The report records a growth of secondary schools receiving

grants from the Board, both in the numbers of such schools and

of the pupils attending them, and also in their effectiveness.

The Board adds:

"There are still areas where the amount of public secondary

school provision is wholly inadequate, or where its quality

falls much short of any standard that can be regarded as even

provisionally satisfactory. But there is no area in which the

Board have to note actual retrogression."

As regards evening schools, the report says:

"The total number of students enrolled in these schools during

1906-1907 diminished from 749,491 to 736,512; but there was a

considerable increase in the number of efficient students."

Statistics of the elementary schools of London for the year

1907-1908, published in March, 1909, in the annual report of the

education officer of the London County Council, showed that

the average number of children on the rolls of schools

maintained by the Council during the year was 731,706. Of this

number, 566,086 were on the rolls of London County Council

schools and 165,620 on the rolls of non-provided schools. The

average number of children in attendance during the year was

650,861, of whom 505,698 were at London County Council schools

and 145,163 at non-provided schools. The total number of

teachers engaged on March 31, 1908, was 17,562, of whom 13,030

were in London County Council schools and 4,532 in

non-provided schools. The salaries of these teachers amounted

to £1,820,816 and £443,468 respectively. On March 31, 1908,

the average salaries of head teachers and certificated

assistants (excluding teachers "on supply") were—for masters

in London County Council schools, £174 13s. 4d., and for

mistresses, £125 11s.; for masters in non-provided schools,

£144 1s. 7d., and for mistresses, £104 6s. 3d.

With reference to the size of classes the report states that

the number of pupils per class teacher was, in the case of

London County Council schools, 44.8, and in the case of

non-provided schools 37.5. Ten years ago the number was 55.2.

The gross expenditure on elementary schools was,

approximately, £4,000,000. The cost of London County Council

schools was about £3,400,000, and of non-provided schools

£600,000. About £1,257,000 of Government grant was earned and

of this £971,000 was in respect of London County Council

schools and £286,000 in respect of non-provided schools.

{202}

Under the Education (Administrative Provisions) Act, 1907, the

London County Council is empowered to provide vacation schools

or classes during the holidays, or assist voluntary agencies

formed for this purpose. Hitherto the council has given

assistance to voluntary agencies, but in 1909 it was proposed

by the Children’s Care (Central) Sub-Committee of the

Education Committee of the council that the council should

itself organize vacation schools.

Debate in the House of Commons on the Education Estimates was

opened by the President of the Board of Education, Mr.

Runciman, on the 14th of July. In the course of his speech he

made the following statements:

"The Board of Education is now one of the greatest of the

spending departments, and a rough estimate of the amount of

public money spent on public education in this country shows

that we have cognizance of an expenditure of something like

£28,000,000 on elementary, secondary, and higher education,

and over and above that of a sum of probably £8,000,000 to

£10,000,000 spent by other authorities and other persons.

These estimates affect no fewer than 3,000,000 parents and

about 6,000,000 children. The improvement which has been made

in the elementary education system during the last five years

has been mainly machinery improvement rather than improvement

in the curriculum.

"The secondary and technical branches of the work which were

formerly under the control of South Kensington are now treated

as two different departments. In the old days technical

education was too technicalized and too little in touch with

the practical affairs, necessities, and actual circumstances

of life. It has been the object of the Board of Education

therefore to generalize secondary education, and so far as it

comes under the control of the Board to make technical

education more practical with a closer bearing on the duties

likely to be required from the young men and women who pass

through these classes. The improvement has been led, as might

have been expected, in the North of England, where classes

have been definitely graded. …

"The secondary schools of England and Wales have shown a most

marked improvement, both in numbers and character, during the

last few years. Progress has been noted in several directions.

First of all, the number of schools aided by grants and the

number of pupils attending those schools have gone up year by

year since 1902. The 272 secondary schools of that year have

increased to 800, and even since 1905-1906 the increase has been

at the same rate. I think in 1905-1906 there were only about 600

secondary schools in this country; now there are over 800.

About 60 new secondary schools are being added every school

year, and the number of pupils is increasing to an even

greater extent. The increase during the years 1902-1905 was

about 6,000 per annum, and the increase now has risen to over

10,000 per annum, so that the total number of pupils in

secondary schools is now 134,000, or very nearly 135,000. The

grants which have been made to secondary schools have, of

course, increased very considerably. It is impossible to

expect local authorities to spend much of their money on the

expenses of secondary schools unless they receive a large

measure of State aid. The grants have gone up during the seven

years from 1902 to the present time from £129,000 per annum to

over half a million; and this great increase in pupils, in the

amount of money spent on the schools, and in the number of

schools in the country, has been marked at the same time by a

raising of the standard of the teachers employed in those

schools, by an increase in the length of the school life of

the pupils who attend those schools, and by an incalculable

improvement in the curriculum and the efficiency of those

schools. I think we may look back with satisfaction on the

increase of the secondary schools over which we have control."

At the annual conference of the National Union of Teachers,

held at Morecambe, in April, 1909, with about 2000 in

attendance, the address of the incoming President contained

some interesting statements relative to the national teaching

staff.

"The character of the teaching staff in the elementary schools

of England and Wales," he remarked, "as shown by the latest

available return of the Board of Education, was: Of

certificated teachers, 89,078, or 49 percent.; of

uncertificated teachers, 40,569, or 22 per cent.; of

supplementary teachers, 21,984, or 12 per cent.; and of pupil

teachers, 27,227, or 15 per cent. The 22,000 so-called

supplementary teachers, possessing scarcely any educational

equipment, were utterly unfitted in most cases for the

important duties they were called upon to perform. Their sole

passports to the teaching profession were that they must be at

least one year over 17 and had been successfully vaccinated;

yet they were answerable for the education of nearly 600,000

children. The Board of Education proposed that in future each

member of this class of teacher should count on the staff for

20 instead of 30 children, while other regulations provided

for the limitation of the numbers to be employed in the

schools, and for the withdrawal by the board of the

recognition of a supplementary teacher at any time if not

efficient. This was indeed a step in the right direction, and

showed that Mr. Runciman was really solicitous that there

should be an improvement in the quality of the teachers at

work in the schools. There were also many young persons termed

student teachers whose academic training was unexceptionable.

They were really apprentices, but the Board of Education had

regarded each of these young people, who might never have been

in an elementary school before, or done a day’s teaching

anywhere, and who were away one day out of every five, as an

efficient teacher equal to educating 45 children on every

occasion on which the school was opened. … There were some 500

well-equipped college-trained certificated teachers waiting to

fill the gap which would be caused by the new regulations of

the Board of Education, and an additional 4,000 would be

seeking employment in August."

{203}

EDUCATION: A. D. 1909 (MAY).

Revival of Passive Resistance to the Act of 1902.

The defeat of the Education Bill of 1906 wakened the spirit of

"passive resistance" afresh; but it was not until May, 1909, that

a reorganization of the movement was undertaken. As the result

of a conference then held in London, under the presidency of

Dr. Clifford, resolutions were adopted for the "organizing of

the whole passive resistance forces of the country into a new

league," to act on the following lines:

"(1) Suffering imprisonment where the resister has no

distrainable goods;

(2) suffering the distraint of goods without repurchase;

(3) suffering distraint of goods and afterwards buying them

back;

(4) protesting before the magistrates and then paying, on

order, the rate."

It was also resolved to urge upon the Government "the absolute

necessity of encouraging from national funds the building at

the earliest practicable moment of council schools in those

areas in which there are no undenominational schools, and also

the provision of unsectarian colleges in all parts of the

country where these are needed."

To a delegation from the League which waited, subsequently, on

the Head of the Board of Education, Mr. Runciman, the latter

said, with reference to the Act of 1902, that it "could not be

got rid of by administration. It would be a mischievous

precedent for any Minister to attempt to undo what Parliament

had done. He was, however, prepared to administer the Act

fairly and justly, and he was not going to show any favour to

any particular class of school. Dealing with the question of

the improvements in the conditions governing the existence of

training colleges, he said that during the past 12 months the

accommodation in training colleges for Nonconformist teachers,

or those who were not prepared to be bound by any

denominational creed, had greatly increased. Since 1905 there

had been a gradual increase, until there now existed 3,800

more places for that class of teacher than existed when the

Government came into power."

EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.

Educational demands of the Trade Unions.

The British Trade Union Congress, at Ipswich, in September,

1909, adopted a resolution urging workers to continue their

efforts to secure Parliamentary and municipal recognition of

the trade union education policy, which demanded:

"(1) The State maintenance of school children;

(2) scientific physical education, with individual medical

inspection and records of the physical development of all

children attending State schools, and skilled medical

attendance and treatment for any requiring it; and in order to

secure this:

(a) the development of the Medical Department at the

Board of Education, the head of which should be directly

responsible to the Board of Education, to whom he shall

report annually;

(b) the payment of an adequate grant from the

Imperial Exchequer for purposes of medical inspection and

for the establishment under every education authority of

properly equipped centres for medical treatment;

(c) the establishment under every education

authority of scientifically organized open air recovery

schools, the cost to be borne by the community as a whole

and not in any part by charitable contributions;

(3) the complete dissociation of these reforms from Poor Law

administration;

(4) that secondary and technical education be an integral part

of every child’s education and be secured by such a reform and

extension of the scholarship system as would place a

maintenance scholarship within the reach of every child, and

thus make it possible for all children to be full time day

pupils up to the age of 16;

(5) that the best intellectual and technical training be

provided for the teachers of the children, that each

educational district be required to train the number of pupil

teachers demanded by local needs and to establish training

colleges, preferably in connexion with Universities or

University colleges;

(6) that the provision of educational buildings and facilities

be obligatory upon the local authority, who should always

maintain administrative control of the buildings and the

facilities so provided;

(7) that the cost of education be met by grants from the

Imperial Exchequer and by the restoration of misappropriated

educational endowments; and further, having regard to the

increasing cost of popular education, and also to the

increasing value and notoriously undemocratic administration

of the University and public school endowments, the Congress

called upon the Parliamentary Committee to press the

Government to appoint a Royal Commission to inquire into and

report upon the educational endowments of the country."

EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

Execution of the Associations Law.

Closing of the schools of the Religious Orders.

State Monopoly of Education established.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1901 (APRIL-OCTOBER), and 1903.

EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1907.

Enlistment of teachers in the Syndicalist

(Labor Union) Movement.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1907.

EDUCATION: France: A. D. 1909.

A late awakening to the need of better technical and

industrial training.

France has been slow in understanding the modern necessity of

systematic industrial training and technical education, in

order to keep her workmen abreast of the more alert and

enterprising peoples in efficiency and skill. She has trusted

too long, it seems, to the old customs of apprenticeship, and

apprenticeship has decayed in her workshop practice, as it has

decayed everywhere else. The situation, as brought recently to

notice, was described as follows in a Paris letter to the

London Times, in May, 1909:

"Legislative enactments of recent date, limiting the hours of

labour for young people and placing under strict regulations

those workshops where children and adults are employed

together, have led to so much discontent among employers who

take apprentices that the majority of the masters, especially

those who obtain no immediate profit from the work of the

apprentices, have abandoned the practice of endeavouring to

train young people likely to be of use to them in the future.

The consequences are that the level of professional skill and

competence is becoming lowered among the rising generation of

workmen, and all are now agreed that the discovery of some

remedy is a matter of extreme urgency. It seems to be admitted

that in a very few years this evil may become one of fatal

importance in the case more especially of the art industries

and of those involving mechanical skill.

"The report of the Parliamentary Commission appointed to make

inquiry into this question has just been published, together

with the draft of the proposed legislation on this subject,

while the resolutions adopted at a Congress of Commerce and

National Industries, which has just taken place at Paris, are

entirely in accord with the views and suggestions of the above

Commission.

"The remedies unanimously demanded are as follows:

1. That it be made compulsory for all young persons of both

sexes, under 18 years of age, who may be employed either in

commerce or industry, to attend courses of technical

instruction (cours de perfectionnement).

2. These courses are to take place in the daytime, upon days

and at hours determined for each locality by committees

composed of representatives of the municipal authorities, the

associations of manufacturers, and of the workpeople. The

selection of the dates and hours in question is to be made in

such a way as to accord best with the respective interests of

the manufacturers and the educational requirements. Employers

will be bound to enable their workpeople to set apart

sufficient time to attend the classes.

3. The course of instruction is to be adapted in each district

to the requirements of the local trades."

{204}

EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.

Clerical attack on the Secular or Neutral Schools.

Antagonism between the Roman Catholic Church and the

Government was newly accentuated in October, 1909, by a

clerical attack on the so-called "neutral" schools,—that is,

the secular or lay schools, publicly maintained and

administered. This was opened by a pastoral letter, signed by

French cardinals, archbishops, and bishops, in which those

faithful to the Church were warned against sending their

children to these schools, whose religious neutrality was said

to be in reality a bitter opposition to religion and church.

The Catholic schools, it was urged, must be kept up if the

Church is to be kept up. "In proportion as the schools from

which religious instruction is banished keep on filling up,

our churches will grow empty." The pastoral letter put the ban

on more than a dozen text-books on French history and civics

whose views it found pernicious. "If, therefore," the letter

concluded, "parents perceive that the souls of their children

are imperilled in the so-called neutral schools, they must not

hesitate, under pain of forfeiting the sacraments of the

church."

This roused anti-clerical extremists to demand the

establishing of a State monopoly of education, making the lay

school compulsory and suppressing all private schools in which

religion is taught. But the sounder republicans, in public

life and in journalism, gave no countenance to this. The

Petite République reminded its advocates that there are

at present 1,122,375 children who attend private schools, and

that to establish Government schools for them would cost some

$75,000,000; or, if secondary schools be included,

$88,000,000. In addition an annual expenditure of $15,000,000

would be necessitated for upkeep and salaries. The Temps,

taking higher grounds of principle, condemned the scheme as

one that would essentially parallel the Revocation of the

Edict of Nantes. France, it declared, is a free country; every

creed has the perfect right to provide for its adherents the

kind of religious education which it thinks proper. At the

same time the Temps pointed out that the opponents of

the lay schools are not merely attacking abuses that may have

crept into them, but mean to strike at the principle of

religious neutrality. It admitted the existence of wrongs that

need righting, saying it cannot be denied that some of the

school books are disfigured by partiality on various points

affecting history, patriotism, and religion, and that this is

contrary both to the letter and to the spirit of the law. This

evil must, the Temps urges, be eradicated. But the

école laïque, says the Temps, cannot be

destroyed without destroying the Republic.

This, too, was the fundamental proposition of Premier Briand,

in a speech of admirable tone which he made, October 30th, at

a great banquet in Paris which inaugurated the new buildings

of La Ligue de l'Enseignement. The neutral school, he

declared, was the corner stone of the Republic. As reported in

The Times of London, he went on to say:

"It was natural that the adversaries of the Republic should

attack the school—the mould in which the Republican spirit and

the character of Frenchmen and Frenchwomen was formed. Certain

people were pleading the dictates of conscience as the

explanation of the campaign which they had just started. Why

had they not attacked the school before? He would remind them

that the école laïque existed before the recent

separation of Church and State; it had existed under the

Concordat. Why did not the conscience of its opponents seek

any expression till now? … The Government was determined to

give the country the means of defending the 'neutral’ school,

and measures to that end had been prepared by the Ministry.

But the most effective defence was that which would be

conducted by private initiative like that of the Ligue de

l’Enseignement and by the male and female teachers themselves.

The teaching in the schools, M. Briand continued, ‘ought not

to be directed against any one; in order to secure the

confidence of the parents it ought not to be of a polemical

character; in order to be effective it must not let the

passions of the street invade the schoolroom.’ Let them leave

violent language to their opponents and not play the game of

their opponents by indulging in violent methods."

This seems to have been the spirit in which the matter was

brought officially before the Chamber of Deputies, by M.

Steeg, the reporter on the Budget of Public Instruction. The

following is from a summary of his remarks on this subject:

"He says that it would be difficult to come to terms with the

Bishops of the disestablished Roman Catholic Church, who will

never, he thinks, agree to recognize with good will the

neutral school. He remarks, however, that no pretext must be

furnished to the Bishops for their attacks upon the school,

and that they must not be enabled to appeal against the

Republican Government to the idea of ‘neutrality’ itself. As

to the associations of parents, which are now being formed in

accordance with the Episcopal views, M. Steeg recognizes that

they are quite lawful. He only fears that they may sometimes

transgress by reason of excessive zeal; but he declares that

the best way of avoiding their interference is to make the

management of the schools irreproachable. The objections

raised against some of the school-books are, he thinks,

obviously exaggerated. But he considers that scrupulous care

ought to be exercised in resisting all temptation to borrow

for the purposes of the neutral school the weapons of

sectarian propagandism. … He continues; ‘We should not desire

that the book placed in the hands of a school child should in

any sense whatever contain a single proposition that is

perilous or open to suspicion. Let there be no veiled

proselytism supported by ingenious distortions of fact or

interpretations with an object.’"

{205}

The Temps remarks; "M. Steeg’s language does him

credit, and it is a pleasure to see a politician of the

Extreme Left recognizing, with a strong sense of philosophic

truth, that respect for the past is perfectly compatible with

justice to the present and preparation for the future."

EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.

Appointment of the Abbé Loisy, Professor of Religions

in the College de France.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

EDUCATION: Germany: Technical Education.

Causes of its great development and

wonderful industrial results.

Its influence on International Trade.

"How much Germany owes to her system it would be almost

impossible to estimate. Certainly no other country has turned

the education of children and young people to such enormous

advantage. A good and efficient education has been made not

only accessible but also compulsory in every corner of the

country, and one of the most priceless features of this

education has been and is the inculcation of real, personal

interest in the national welfare. Further, the fullest

possible use has been made of scientific investigations, and

all sciences have been drawn into the service of the nation.

The result of this has been truly amazing; in fact, wholly

undreamt of. There can no longer be any doubt that Germany’s

industrial advance is mainly due to the extent and

thoroughness with which technical education is being

conducted. Briefly stated, the secret of the pronounced

success of the technical colleges in the Fatherland lies in

the fact that they have kept pace with the ever-increasing

scope of all branches of science in general, and, to the same

extent, with the ever-increasing demands of the present day

industrial enterprises upon scientific investigation and

research."

Louis Elkind,

Germany's Commercial Relations

(Fortnightly Review, July, 1906).

What seems to be the most satisfying explanation that has been

given of causes or reasons lying behind the extraordinary

development of scientific training on practical lines in

Germany, resulting in so wonderful a speed of industrial

progress within the passing generation, was cited from a

German scientist by President Pritchett, of the Massachusetts

Institute of Technology, in an article contributed to the

Review of Reviews, February, 1906.

"About a year ago, I heard a famous chemist in Germany explain

the present industrial supremacy of his country in words

something like these: ‘Forty years ago,’ said he, ‘the

scientific men of the various German states devoted their

study almost wholly to theoretical subjects. They were

humorously described as given up to investigations of the

dative case and similar impractical problems. In a measure

this was true. The investigators of that day had a wholesome

contempt for anything which promised direct utilitarian

results. But the development of the spirit of research

throughout the German universities trained a great army of men

to be expert investigators, and when a united Germany arose to

crown the labors of William I. and of Bismarck, with it came a

great national spirit in which the men of science shared. They

realized that to them were committed the great industrial

problems which must be solved in order to make the nation

strong, and scientific research, which up till then had been

mainly theoretical, was turned to the immediate solution of

the industrial problems of the nation. No longer the dative

case alone, but the development of the chemical, electrical,

and mineral resources of the country formed the avenues of

scientific activity, and scientific research, which had till

then been looked upon as theoretical accomplishment, became

the greatest financial asset of the Fatherland.’

"There is truth in this statement. The research habit, long

cultivated in German universities, had nourished a body of men

trained to research, men who had acquired the research habit

and the spirit of investigation. When, therefore, the problems

of industrial development began to appeal strongly to the

national spirit, the country had a trained body of men to call

upon who threw themselves heartily and enthusiastically into

these practical industrial problems."

A correspondent of the London Times, writing in May,

1909, draws attention to an influence on international trade

exerted by the German technical schools which is generally

overlooked: "In the German technical high schools," he writes,

"an appreciable proportion of the students are foreigners from

various countries in Europe. Among these foreign students the

Russians and Poles hold the first place in Germany as regards

numbers, there being about 2,000. There are also an

appreciable number of Scandinavians and Dutchmen, with a few

Belgians, Spaniards, Italians, South Americans, and Slavs from

Austria and the Balkan States. There are very few Englishmen,

Frenchmen, or Americans. … At present quite a large proportion

of the engineers and manufacturers in the neutral countries on

the Continent have been educated in Germany or Switzerland,

and as a result there is a great bias in favour of German

machinery and productions. … As the outcome of this feeling it

is a difficult matter for British manufacturers of machinery

to obtain a hearing when tenders are being considered on the

Continent, as the prejudice in favour of German or Swiss

machinery is strong."

EDUCATION: Germany: A. D. 1898-1904.

Rise of Commercial Universities.

A report on Commercial Instruction in Germany by Dr. Frederic

Rose, British Consul at Stuttgart, presented to Parliament in

September, 1904 (Cd. 2237), gives the following account of the

rise of the Commercial Universities which have been developed

in Germany since 1898, carrying the process of training young

men for business life to a higher point than had been aimed at

in the older commercial schools:

"The commercial universities for higher commercial instruction

(Handelshochschulen) have been founded within the last six

years [1898-1904] and mark a further step in the development

of commercial instruction in Germany. Their aim is to afford

persons engaged in business and industry on a large scale

(Grosskaufleute and Grossindustrielle), masters at commercial

schools, administration officials, bank officials, Consular

officials, secretaries to Chambers of Commerce, and so forth,

a deeper and broader measure of instruction in commercial and

national economical matters than that provided by the various

commercial schools. The special province of the commercial

universities lies less in the mere acquisition of

commercial-technical knowledge and attainments for immediate

practical detailed application, than in the attempt to provide

a general mental schooling for the higher branches of the

commercial profession.

{206}

They are intended to awaken and develop the mental faculties

of a merchant, to enable him to grasp the inner working and

meaning of national and international economy, and to

understand and judge its causes and results, its temporary and

permanent phenomena; as far as commercial officials are

concerned they are intended to impart general knowledge and

understanding of the economic conditions of commerce and

industry with their manifold aims and requirements.

"This measure of university education (Akademische Bildung) is

also intended to raise the social position of the mercantile

profession, and to increase its political importance and

influence in public life. Generally speaking the instruction

is arranged to include the following subjects:—Political

economy, commercial history and geography, commercial law in

all its aspects, the organisation and management of commercial

undertakings and their technical details, industrial law,

financial science, bank, exchange, monetary, and credit

operations, State and administrative law, and so forth."

At the writing of Dr. Rose’s report there were four of these

commercial universities. The oldest, at Leipsic and Aix, were

founded in 1898, the former in connection with the Leipsic

University, the latter connected with the Aix Technical

University. The other two, at Frankfort-on-the-Main and at

Cologne, were opened in 1901. The Frankfort University, which

bears also the name of "Academy of Social and Commercial

Science," and the Cologne University, are both independently

organized. "The initiative for the foundation of the

commercial universities," says Dr. Rose, "has been taken by

Chambers of Commerce and municipalities, and not by the

governments of the German States. The latter, however, are now

becoming aware of the importance of the movement. For the

present their action is limited to the supervision exercised

by the Ministers of Education and Industry and Commerce. …

"The foundation of the commercial universities has brought

forward many opponents, who not only deny their utility but

consider them actually harmful, because the persons they

instruct become too old before they engage in practical

business work. … The extreme opponents go further and deny

that a commercial university is able to train practical

business men, and assert that this can only be done by close

and continual contact with actual business life, and that the

acquisition of too much theoretical knowledge injures the

practical faculties. …

"The whole opposition to the commercial universities seems to

be based upon a narrow-minded and vague idea of the part they

are destined to play in the future. … Unless industrial and

commercial life in the future is to degenerate wholly into one

fierce and relentless struggle for one-sided aggrandisement,

to the detriment of other members of the social body, ample

opportunities for the thorough comprehension of the social and

economic conditions of the present day must be provided."

EDUCATION: Germany: A. D. 1906.

The Language Question In the Polish Provinces.

"Strike" of school children.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

EDUCATION: INDIA:

A recent report of its schools and colleges.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

EDUCATION: INDIA: A. D. 1908.

American Mission Schools.

"Increasing interest is now being concentrated on Burma and

India, where an illiterate population seems to need far more

education than has yet been provided by Great Britain. In

Burma the Baptists play the leading role, educating no less

than twenty-four thousand pupils. In India, however, the

Methodists lead, with a record of over thirty-seven thousand

pupils. They have two colleges at Lucknow. The Baptists have a

college at Ongole, and have about fifteen thousand pupils in

their schools. The Congregationalists have a college at

Madura, and have also about fifteen thousand pupils in India,

added to their total of ten thousand in Ceylon. The

Presbyterians have a college at Lahore and one at Allahabad,

and are educating about ten thousand pupils in the Empire."

American Schools Abroad

(The Outlook, May 2, 1908).

EDUCATION: International Interchanges:

Of Professors.

Of Students.

Of Teachers’ visits.

A fund provided by Mr. James Hazen Hyde, of New York, enabled

Harvard University, in 1904, to accept an invitation from the

Sorbonne, at Paris, to send one of its professors to give a

course of lectures at that ancient institution of learning, on

subjects relating to the United States. Professor Barrett

Wendell was chosen for the pleasant mission, and has been

followed by others in succeeding years, who have given courses

in various French universities, while the compliment has been

returned, in lecturing visits from a number of the most

distinguished men of letters and learning in France.

This opened what seems to have become an established and

widening system of lecturing interchanges between American and

European Universities, tending greatly to promote better

acquaintance between nations and better understanding of each

other. At about the time, or soon after, the mission of

Professor Wendell to Paris, arrangements were made for a

similar interchange between Harvard and the University of

Berlin. In a communication to The Outlook of February

18, 1905, Professor Kuno Francke, Curator of the Germanic

Museum at Harvard University, gave an account of the

circumstances which led to this latter. In March, 1901, as he

relates, there were conferences in Berlin with Dr. Althoff,

Commissioner-General of the Prussian Universities, and with

other Prussian officials of eminence, having for their object

the promotion of the Germanic Museum. "The upshot of these

conferences," said the Professor, "was the draft of a

provisional agreement between the Prussian Government and

Harvard University, according to which for a period of five

successive years an exchange of professors between Harvard and

Berlin University was to be instituted, in such a manner that

every year one member of each of the two institutions would

enter for at least three months the regular teaching staff of

the other institution, it being understood that in each case

the visiting member represent subjects or methods distinctly

peculiar to his country.

{207}

This scheme, which met with the hearty support of President

Eliot, was discussed and approved a year later by the Harvard

Faculty, and reached its consummation a few months ago, [1904]

when, through the intercession of Professor Harnack, an

official proposition embodying it was made by the Prussian

Government to the Harvard Corporation, and adopted by the

same. It is most fortunate that the German Emperor, with his

quick grasp of international relations and his deep sympathy

for the American people, has now given to this whole subject a

much wider scope by proposing to extend the exchange of

professors to other universities in America and Germany; for

it seems as though such a measure could not fail to open the

way toward a veritable fraternization of the moral,

intellectual, and industrial leaders of both nations."

In the latter part of 1905, a Theodore Roosevelt Professorship

of American History and Institutions, in the University of

Berlin, was endowed with the sum of $50,000 by Mr. James

Speyer, of New York, the endowment being placed in the hands

of the trustees of Columbia University. The plan of this

professorship had been arranged with the German Emperor by

President Butler, of Columbia, at an interview in the previous

summer. Nominations to it would be made by the trustees of

Columbia University, subject to confirmation by the Prussian

Ministry of Education and to the Emperor’s sanction; each

incumbent to hold the office for one year, and the incumbents

to be so chosen that in successive years the field of American

history, constitutional and administrative law, economic and

sociological problems and movements, education, contributions

to science, technology, the arts and literature, be presented

with some fullness; the professorship to be filled by members

of any American institution of learning, or by scholars not

connected with academic institutions. The scheme involved also

the establishment at Columbia University of a similar

professorship of German history and institutions, the lectures

in New York to be delivered in English. The first incumbent of

the new professorship in Berlin was Dr. Burgess, Professor of

Political Science in Columbia University, who began his work

in Berlin in the winter of 1906-1907, and took as his subject

American constitutional history.

A movement looking to the establishment of similar

interchanges between American and Scandinavian Universities

was inaugurated in 1908 by the "Scandinavian American

Solidarity," a society organized in the United States that

year, with Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, of Columbia University,

for its President, and Professor Carl Lorentzen, of New York

University, for its Secretary. The Danes resident in New York

City and Chicago arranged that President Butler of Columbia

and President MacCracken of New York University should each

give lectures at the University of Copenhagen that year, and

raised the necessary funds. The lectures were given at

Christiania, as well as at Copenhagen, and appear to have

aroused a widespread interest. Norwegian and Swedish

Universities and the University of Helsingfors, in Finland,

have signified a wish to participate in the interchange, and

it is more than likely to become permanently arranged.

An educational interchange of a different character, but

equally important, was instituted in 1906 by Mr. Alfred

Mosely, an English gentleman of great wealth, who invited five

hundred English, Scotch, and Irish teachers to visit and

inspect American schools at his expense. Between November,

1906 and March, 1907, they came in parties of twenty-five,

some remaining one month in the country, some two, and some

even more, visiting many parts of it and all descriptions of

its schools. They were selected by an advisory committee in

London, which aimed to have them fully representative of the

men and women who are engaged in the work of the British and

Irish schools.

A return visit of some hundreds of American teachers to Great

Britain and Ireland, in similar parties, under the auspices of

the National Civic Federation, was made in the fall of 1908.

The schools of both countries gained, beyond question, from

what each had to offer of suggestion to the other.

The organization of a "new educational movement to provide for

the interchange of University students among the

English-speaking peoples" was announced in England in June,

1909. "The object," it was stated, "is to provide

opportunities for as many as possible of the educated youth of

the United Kingdom, Canada, and the United States (who, it is

reasonable to suppose, will become leaders in thought, action,

civic and national government in the future), to obtain some

real insight into the life, customs, and progress of other

nations at a time when their own opinions are forming, with a

minimum of inconvenience to their academic work and the

least possible expense."

A great number of the most distinguished men of the time in

British public and professional life were listed among the

officers and committee-members of the organization, with Lord

Strathcona as President for the United Kingdom. As set forth

in the prospectus of the society, "the additional objects of

the movement are to increase the value and efficiency of, as

well as to extend, present University training by the

provision of certain Travelling Scholarships for practical

observation in other countries under suitable guidance. These

scholarships will enable those students to benefit who might

otherwise be unable to do so through financial restrictions.

It also enables the administration to exercise greater power

of direction in the form the travel is to take. In addition to

academic qualifications, the selected candidate should be what

is popularly known as an ‘all round’ man; the selection to be

along the lines of the Rhodes Scholarships. …

"To afford technical and industrial students facilities to

examine into questions of particular interest to them in

manufactures, &c., by observation in other countries and by

providing them with introductions to leaders in industrial

activity.

"To promote interest in travel as an educational factor among

the authorities of Universities, with a view to the

possibility of some kind of such training being included in

the regular curricula.

"To promote interest in other Universities, their aims and

student life, the compulsory physical training, and methods of

working their ways through college, for example, being

valuable points for investigation.

"To promote international interchange for academic work among

English-speaking Universities. …

{208}

"It is proposed to establish two students’ travelling bureaux,

one in New York and one in London; an American secretary

(resident in New York) and a British secretary (resident in

London), both of whom shall be college men appointed to afford

every facility to any graduate or undergraduate of any

University who wishes to visit the United States, Canada, or

the United Kingdom for the purpose of obtaining an insight

into the student, national, and industrial life of those

countries."

Further announcements of the plans of the organization were

made in November, including the following:

"It should be pointed out that, although the scholarships

proper will be reserved for undergraduates of the Universities

who are already midway through their course, the provision of

scholarships by no means defines the scope of the movement.

The bureau will afford facilities to all bona fide   students—whether dons, scholars, or commoners—who wish to gain

a practical insight into the work and life of other portions

of the world.

"The travelling students will have the advantage of reduced

rates of travel; of the special information which the bureau

will be able to afford; and of the privilege of being brought

as far as possible into contact with the actualities of those

countries to which they go, whether persons, places, or

institutions. …

"The method of election to the scholarships, which it is

purposed shall number not less than 28 for each year of the

experimental triennium—14 in the United Kingdom, ten in the

United States, and four in Canada—will be along the lines of

the Rhodes scholarships. The candidate, it is stated, shall,

as far as possible, be what is popularly known as an all-round

man, who plays a part in his college life and whose character

makes him popular."

EDUCATION: Ireland: A. D. 1909.

Organization of the two new Irish Universities.

On the 1st day of October, 1909, the two Universities created

by the Irish Universities Act of 1908 came into existence.

"That day also was fixed for the dissolution of the Royal

University of Ireland, the duties of which are now to be

distributed between the new National University in Dublin and

Queen’s University, Belfast. Circumstances, however, have

given the Royal University a short reprieve. It cannot be

dissolved until the autumn degrees of the present year have

been conferred. These degrees will be given as the result of

examinations which are now in progress, and it is probable

that the University’s last public function will be a conferring

of degrees on the last Friday in October. It will cease to

exist in the first or second week of November. …

"The National University itself consists of a Senate and

officers with large powers but with no local habitation. The

University has its concrete embodiment in the new University

Colleges, formerly Queen’s Colleges, at Cork and Galway.

University College, Dublin, is so far only concrete in the

sense that its governing body has been called into existence.

At the present time it has no teaching and no college

buildings. The former of these wants will be supplied almost

immediately. The University Commissioners will meet early next

month to appoint a teaching staff, and the college will be

available for students at the beginning of November. As

regards staffs, the Dublin College is differently situated

from those at Cork and Galway. For the latter colleges

teaching staffs exist ready made in the staffs of the old

Queen’s Colleges, which are to be taken over in accordance

with the provisions of the Act. …

"Nothing has yet been done in connexion with the buildings of

the new college in Dublin, though various sites have been

suggested, including that of the Royal Hospital at Kilmainham.

… The cases of Queen’s University, Belfast, and of the

University Colleges at Cork and Galway present no

difficulties. These institutions will have teaching staffs

within a couple of weeks, and all their buildings and

classrooms are in going order.

"The agitation of the Gaelic League in favour of the

compulsory teaching of Irish in the National University is

vigorously maintained. It is most improbable that the Senate

will yield to this agitation; and the result of their firmness

will be, if the league fulfils its threats, a rather serious

boycott of the University."

Dublin Correspondent London Times,

September 30, 1909.

An Associated Press despatch from Dublin, October 24,

announced that "among the appointments to the new National

University of Ireland are Dr. Douglas Hyde, president of the

Gaelic League, as professor of modern Gaelic. Dr. Henebry,

formerly of Washington, D. C., has been appointed to the

professorship of the Irish language in the University College,

Cork."

EDUCATION: KOREA:

American Mission Schools.

"In Korea the Presbyterians have the strongest representation

of any religious denomination, with over three hundred

schools; and, what is still more striking, practically every

one of these schools is self-supporting. The Methodists follow

with over a hundred schools and over forty-two hundred

pupils."

The Outlook,

May 2, 1908.

EDUCATION: NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905.

New Education Law, an issue in the elections.

See (in this Volume)

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.

EDUCATION: PORTO RICO: A. D. 1906.

Schools as seen by President Roosevelt.

See (in this Volume)

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1906.

EDUCATION: PRUSSIA: A. D. 1904.

Denominational Education restored.

A resolution adopted by the Prussian Chamber of Deputies, in

May, 1904, restored the denominational school system which the

"May Laws" of the Kulturkampf, in 1873 and after had

abolished.

See (in Volume II. of this work)

GERMANY: A. D. 1873-1887.

Under those laws the schools were common to children of all

religious beliefs; under the new system they became either

Protestant or Roman Catholic according to the faith of the

majority of their pupils.

EDUCATION: RHODES SCHOLARSHIPS:

The Will of Cecil John Rhodes, providing Scholarships at

Oxford for students from the British Colonies and the

United States.

The late Cecil John Rhodes, who played an eminent part in the

development of South Africa and in the extension of the

British dominion in that portion of the world, died on the

26th of March, 1902, leaving a will which contained the

following directions for the use to be made of one large part

of the great fortune he had acquired:

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904)

"Whereas I consider that the education of young colonists at

one of the universities in the United Kingdom is of great

advantage to them for giving breadth to their views, for their

instruction in life and manners, and for instilling into their

minds the advantage to the colonies as well as to the United

Kingdom of the retention of the unity of the Empire; and

{209}

"Whereas in the ease of young colonists studying at a

university in the United Kingdom I attach very great

importance to the university having a residential system, such

as is in force at the universities of Oxford and Cambridge;

for without it those students are at the most critical period

of their lives left without any supervision; and

"Whereas there are at the present time fifty or more students

from South Africa studying at the University of Edinburgh,

many of whom are attracted there by its excellent medical

school, and I should like to establish some of the

scholarships hereinafter mentioned in that university but

owing to its not having such a residential system as aforesaid

I feel obliged to refrain from doing so; and

"Whereas my own university, the University of Oxford, has such

a system, and I suggest that it should try and extend its

scope so as if possible to make its medical school at least as

good as that at the University of Edinburgh; and

"Whereas I also desire to encourage and foster an appreciation

of the advantages which I implicitly believe will result from

the union of the English-speaking people throughout the world

and to encourage in the students from the United States of

North America who will benefit from the American scholarships

to be established for the reason above given at the University

of Oxford under this my will an attachment to the country from

which they have sprung, but without, I hope, withdrawing them

or their sympathies from the land of their adoption or birth.

"Now, therefore, I direct my trustees as soon as may be after

my death and either simultaneously or gradually as they shall

find convenient, and if gradually, then in such order as they

shall think fit, to establish for male students the

scholarships hereinafter directed to be established, each of

which shall be of the yearly value of £300 and be tenable at

any college in the University of Oxford for three consecutive

academical years.

"I direct my trustees to establish certain scholarships and

these scholarships I sometimes hereinafter refer to as ‘the

colonial scholarships.’

"The appropriation of the colonial scholarships and the

numbers to be annually filled up shall be in accordance with

the following table;

[Transcribers note: "Do." probably means "ditto".

https://www.acronymfinder.com/DO.html]

Total     To be tenable by students of or from   Number of

number                                           scholarships to

appropriated.                                    be filled up in

each year.

9       Rhodesia                               3 and no more

3       The South African College School in

the colony of the Cape of Good Hope    1 and no more

3       The Stellenbosch College School,       Do.

in the same colony

3       The Diocesan College School of         Do.

Rondebosch, in the same colony

3       St. Andrews College School,            Do.

Grahamstown

3       The colony of Natal,                   Do.

in the same colony

3       The colony of New South Wales          Do.

3       The colony of Victoria                 Do.

3       The colony of South Australia          Do.

3       The colony of Queensland               Do.

3       The colony of Western Australia        Do.

3       The colony of Tasmania                 Do.

3       The colony of New Zealand              Do.

3       The Province of Ontario,               Do.

in the Dominion of Canada

3       The Province of Quebec,                Do.

in the Dominion of Canada

3       The colony or island of                Do.

Newfoundland and its dependencies

3       The colony or islands of the Bermudas  Do.

3       The colony or island of Jamaica        Do.

"I further direct my trustees to establish additional

scholarships sufficient in number for the appropriation in the

next following clause hereof directed, and those scholarships

I sometimes hereinafter refer to as ‘the American

scholarships.’

"I appropriate two of the American scholarships to each of the

present States and Territories of the United States of North

America, provided that if any of the said Territories shall in

my lifetime be admitted as a State the scholarships

appropriated to such Territory shall be appropriated to such

State, and that my trustees may in their uncontrolled

discretion withhold for such time as they shall think fit the

appropriation of scholarships to any Territory.

"I direct that of the two scholarships appropriated to a State

or Territory not more than one shall be filled up in any year,

so that at no time shall more than two scholarships be held

for the same State or Territory.

"The scholarships shall be paid only out of income, and in

event at any time of income being insufficient for payment in

full of all the scholarships for the time being payable I

direct that (without prejudice to the vested interests of

holders for the time being of scholarships) the following

order of priority shall regulate the payment of the

scholarships:

"(I) First, the scholarships of students of or from Rhodesia

shall be paid;

"(II) Secondly, the scholarships of students from the said

South African Stellenbosch Rondebosch and St. Andrews schools

shall be paid;

"(III) Thirdly, the remainder of the colonial scholarships

shall be paid, and if there shall not be sufficient income for

the purpose such scholarships shall abate proportionately; and

"(IV) Fourthly, the American scholarships shall be paid, and

if there shall not be sufficient income for the purpose such

scholarships shall abate proportionately.

{210}

"My desire being that the students who shall be elected to the

scholarships shall not be merely bookworms, I direct that in

the election of a student to a scholarship regard shall be had

to

(I)  his literary and scholastic attainments;

(II) his fondness of and success in manly outdoor sports, such

as cricket, football, and the like;

(III) his qualities of manhood, truth, courage, devotion to

duty, sympathy for the protection of the weak, kindliness,

unselfishness, and fellowship, and

(IV) his exhibition during school days of moral force of

character and of instincts to lead and to take an interest in

his schoolmates, for those latter attributes will be likely in

after life to guide him to esteem the performance of public

duties as his highest aim. As mere suggestions for the

guidance of those who will have the choice of students for the

scholarships, I record that

(I) my ideal qualified student would combine these four

qualifications in the proportions of three-tenths for the

first, two-tenths for the second, three-tenths for the third,

and two-tenths for the fourth qualification, so that ac-

cording to my ideas if the maximum number of marks for any

scholarship were 200 they would be apportioned as follows:

Sixty to each of the first and third qualifications, and 40 to

each of the second and fourth qualifications.

(II) The marks for the several qualifications would be awarded

independently, as follows (that is to say): The marks for the

first qualification by examination, for the second and third

qualifications, respectively, by ballot by the fellow-students

of the candidates, and for the fourth qualification by the

head master of the candidate’s school, and

(III) the results of the awards (that is to say the marks

obtained by each candidate for each qualification) would be

sent as soon as possible for consideration to the trustees or

to some person or persons appointed to receive the same, and

the person or persons so appointed would ascertain by

averaging the marks in blocks of 20 marks each of all

candidates the best ideal qualified students.

"No student shall be qualified or disqualified for election to

a scholarship on account of his race or religious opinions.

"Except in the cases of the four schools hereinbefore

mentioned, the election to scholarships shall be by the

trustees after such (if any) consultation as they shall think

fit with the minister having the control of education in such

colony, province, State, or Territory.

" A qualified student who has been elected as aforesaid shall

within six calendar months after his election, or as soon

thereafter as he can be admitted into residence or within such

extended time as my trustees shall allow, commence residence

as an undergraduate at some college in the University of

Oxford.

"The scholarships shall be payable to him from the time when

he shall commence such residence.

"28. I desire that the scholars holding the scholarships shall

be distributed among the colleges of the University of Oxford

and not resort in undue numbers to one or more colleges only.

"29. Notwithstanding anything hereinbefore contained, my

trustees may in their uncontrolled discretion suspend for such

time as they shall think fit or remove any scholar from his

scholarship.

"30. My trustees may from time to time make, vary, and repeal

regulations either general or affecting specified scholarship

only with regard to all or any of the following matters, that

is to say:

"(I) The election, whether after examination or otherwise, of

qualified students to the scholarships, or any of them, and

the method, whether by examination or otherwise, in which

their qualifications are to be ascertained;

"(II) The tenure of the scholarships by scholars;

"(III) The suspension and removal of scholars from their

scholarships;

"(IV) The method and times of payment of the scholarships;

"(V) The method of giving effect to my wish expressed in

clause 28 hereof; and

"(VI) Any and every other matter with regard to the

scholarships, or any of them, with regard to which they shall

consider regulations necessary or desirable.

"31. My trustees may from time to time authorize regulations

with regard to the election, whether after examination or

otherwise, of qualified students for scholarships and to the

method, whether by examination or otherwise, in which their

qualifications are to be ascertained to be made:

"(I) By a school in respect of the scholarships tenable by its

students; and

"(II) By the minister aforesaid of a colony, province, State,

or Territory in respect of the scholarships tenable by

students from such colony, province, State or Territory.

"32. Regulations made under the last preceding clause hereof,

if and when approved of, and not before, by my trustees, shall

be equivalent in all respects to regulations made by my

trustees.

"No regulations made under clause 30 or made and approved of

under clauses 31 and 32 hereof shall be inconsistent with any

of the provisions herein contained.

"In order that the scholars past and present may have

opportunities of meeting and discussing their experiences and

prospects, I desire that my trustees shall annually give a

dinner to the past and present scholars able and willing to

attend, at which I hope my trustees, or some of them, will be

able to be present, and to which they will, I hope, from time

to time invite as guests persons who have shown sympathy with

the views expressed by me in this, my will."

The trustees are the

Earl of Rosebery,

Earl Grey,

Lord Milner,

Mr. Alfred Beit,

Dr. Leander Starr Jameson,

Mr. Lewis Loyd Mitchell, and

Mr. Bourchier Francis Hawksley.

EDUCATION: RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.

Great Educational Projects before the Duma.

Primary school-houses by the hundred thousand,

and Compulsory Education.

Increased opening to Jews.

A telegram from St. Petersburg, February 16, 1909, announced

that the Ministry of Education had introduced that day a bill

before the Duma providing for a building fund for the erection

of 148,179 new primary schools throughout the empire within

ten years. These schools are to be built and maintained by the

provincial authorities on government subsidy. The same

despatch reported that a statute providing for general

compulsory education would soon be discussed in the Duma.

{211}

On the 5th of October it was announced that the Tsar had

sanctioned a resolution of the Council of Ministers permitting

the admission of an increased percentage of Jews into the

secondary schools of the Crown. In the capitals 5 per cent. of

the total number of scholars may be Jews, in other parts of

the Empire 10 per cent., and in the special Jewish settlements

15 percent.

EDUCATION: SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.

Mr. Carnegie’s great gift to the Universities and

their students.

The first of Mr. Andrew Carnegie’s great gifts to other

institutions of education than the public libraries, which he

has assisted in such numbers, was conferred on the

universities of Scotland, his native country, in 1901. It was

a gift of $10,000,000 (£2,000,000), placed in the hands of

trustees for two purposes, namely, to improve and expand the

teaching power of the universities, on one hand, and to put

their teaching, on the other hand, more within the reach of

all the young in Scotland who craved it. It was said to have

been the original wish of Mr. Carnegie to make the tuition of

the universities free; but he found that it would be wiser to

strengthen them for their work, leave it subject to proper

fees, and provide for an allowance of pecuniary assistance to

students, in the discretion of the trustees. The application

of the gift was so arranged, one-half of the net annual income

from the great fund being appropriated to buildings,

equipments, endowments of professorships and lectureships, and

the like uses for the betterment of the university work.

There were fears at first that the effect of so much easing of

the attainment of a university education might be injurious to

the spirit and character of the students who accepted the

helping hand; but seven years of experience, under the working

of the gift, do not seem to have justified the fear. In those

seven years over 8000 of the Scottish young people had the

benefit of Mr. Carnegie’s help to a college training, and the

trustees of the Fund, in their annual report of 1909,

pronounced the result good. "In the opinion of such men as

Lord Rosebery, Lord Elgin, Lord Balfour of Burleigh, Mr.

Balfour, and Mr. Haldane, who are all helping to administer

Mr. Carnegie’s charity," says a London correspondent of the

New York Evening Post, "Scotland has much to thank him

for."

EDUCATION: TURKEY AND THE NEAR EAST:

American Mission Schools.

"At present [1909] there are about twenty-five thousand native

students in American schools in this country. America can

boast to-day that she has, in Turkey, nine colleges, five

theological seminaries, fifty-seven boarding and high schools,

and 348 public schools. And, if we accumulate the work of

seventy-five years, it is a simple matter to understand how

many thousands have been educated in American ways and with

the American spirit.

"Missionaries came to this country to spread Protestant

Christianity among the Moslems. They failed in that. The

Mohammedan government was against them. They tried to make

Christian Greeks, Christian Armenians, Protestants. This did

not result in a marked success, but their schools, which they

opened as a medium of spreading religion, were eagerly sought

by young men and young girls of every race. Armenians form the

majority in this country of those who have received an

American education. Bulgarians and Greeks come next.

"Many I have met who have been thoroughly educated in

missionary institutions. Generally they are not Protestants,

neither much religiously inclined. But they are moral,

independent, and broad-minded.

"The Turkish mission, as it is written about in America, is

not, in fact, areal Turkish mission; not a Moslem has been

Christianized; not a single Turk is a member of mission

communities; yet native Christians have been widely helped by

the opportunity offered for education and the growth of a

spirit of civilization and humanity.

"Year after year young men graduated from American

institutions in Turkey to go forward among their compatriots

as teachers, journalists, and public officers. The building up

of brave little Bulgaria is the work of graduates of Robert

College of Constantinople. Stambouloff, who made Bulgaria what

it is to-day, was an alumnus of the same institution. Among

the Armenian revolutionary leaders, who worked hand-in-hand

with the Young Turks to bring about a political change in

Turkey, boys of Robert College and young men educated in

American universities are prominent. I know young girls,

graduates of the American College at Scutari, who took active

part in revolutionary work during the despotic days of the old

regime; and even joined in the conspiracy which led to the

throwing of a bomb at the Sultan during the Selamlik ceremony

a few years ago. … There are a number of Turkish girls to-day

at the college in Scutari, and it is a pleasure to any one to

see Turkish women discussing in fluent English politics,

economics, and history."

Special Correspondence of the New York Evening Post,

Constantinople, March 20, 1909.

At Beirut is the Syrian Protestant College, under Presbyterian

control, one of the most enlightened institutions abroad.

Euphrates College at Harput in Asia Minor, with a thousand

students, is a Congregational institution. At Tarsus, the

Apostle Paul’s home, is, appropriately enough, St. Paul’s

Institute. Throughout Turkey the Congregationalists have over

four hundred schools, with over twenty-one thousand pupils. In

Syria the Presbyterians maintain about a hundred schools. The

Presbyterians (North) have no work in Egypt, but the United

Presbyterians are educating there no less than fifteen

thousand pupils, a total the more surprising when we recall

that the Government schools in Egypt have only eighteen

thousand pupils. More than four thousand have received

instruction at Assiut College, the center of the United

Presbyterian work. … As in Persia, the Presbyterians are the

strongest denominational force. Besides Urumia College, they

have about a hundred and twenty-five schools throughout the

country."

American Schools Abroad

(The Outlook, May 2, 1908).

EDUCATION: THE INFLUENCE OF ROBERT COLLEGE.

"Two years ago one of the subjects given out for a thesis in

the Russian Theological Seminary at Kiev was, ‘The Influence

of Robert College in the Development of Bulgaria.’ Russia has

found the influence of that College there a factor which she

has had to take into serious account; indeed, it has been said

by Russian as well as by high Turkish officials that Robert

College really created Bulgaria. Its influence has also been

abundantly recognized throughout Europe and America. In

Bulgaria itself the first National Assembly, which met to

adopt a constitution and to choose a Prince, passed a

resolution expressing the gratitude of the new-born nation to

the College. Prince Alexander conferred a high decoration on

the President of the College to express his personal

appreciation, and last summer Prince Ferdinand did the same.

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Robert College has not only been the backbone of Bulgaria; it

has been the greatest civilizing power in the Turkish Empire.

Sir William White, who knew that Empire better than has any

recent British ambassador, once remarked that the College had

accomplished more for the good of the Turks than had all the

representatives of the British Government; and Professor

Ramsey, of St. Andrews, who has spent many years in exploring

Asia Minor, says:

"‘I have come in contact with men educated in Robert College

in widely separate parts of the country, men of diverse

nationalities and different forms of religion—Greek, Armenian,

and Protestant—and have everywhere been struck with the

marvelous way in which a certain uniform type, direct, simple,

honest, and lofty in tone, has been impressed upon them. Some

had more of it, some less. But all had it to a certain degree,

and it is diametrically opposite to the type produced by

growth under the ordinary conditions of Turkish life.’

"The College is not organized for the purpose of missionary

propaganda. It is not denominational. It is Christian in the

broad sense in which Princeton, Yale and Harvard are Christian

Colleges. In its faculty it has a Mohammedan Professor of

Turkish language and literature, and an orthodox Greek

Professor of Greek language and literature. … It draws

students not only from Turkey, but also from Greece, Bulgaria,

Rumania and Russia, and has already educated nearly twenty-six

hundred. If the demands upon the College continue to increase

in the future as in the past, its endowment will have to be

doubled. Occupying one of the most beautiful sites on the

Bosphorus, the College has at present five buildings, besides

six houses for professors, a teaching staff of twelve

professors and twenty-five other instructors."

The Outlook, January 21, 1905.

Robert College was founded at Constantinople in 1863 by James

H. and William B. Dwight, sons of an American missionary to

Turkey, the Reverend Harrison G. O. Dwight. It was named after

Christopher R. Robert, of New York, its main supporter, whose

gifts to it first and last amounted to $450,000. Its first

President was the Reverend Dr. Cyrus Hamlin, who presided over

it until 1877, when he resigned, and was succeeded by the

Reverend Dr. George Washburn.

In November, 1909, it received a bequest of $1,500,000, from

the late John Stewart Kennedy, of New York, and its work will

be greatly expanded.

EDUCATION: TURKEY: A. D. 1909.

Constitutional Amendment.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (MAY-DECEMBER).

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES:

The Trade Unions as a factor in the Assimilation and

Education of the foreign-born.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1898-1909.

The Annual Conferences for Education in the South.

Since 1898 a series of annual Conferences for Education in the

South, inspired, organized, and sustained especially by the

joint efforts of J. L. M. Curry and Robert C. Ogden, have been

held in various Southern cities, with notable effect. At the

twelfth of these conferences, in April, 1909, at Atlanta, Mr.

Ogden, presiding, said in his address:

"This conference holds its place as a part of an educational

renaissance. Its work can perhaps be definitely defined only

at a single point. It exists primarily to impress upon the

mind of the citizen, the people, the responsibility of the

individual for educational conditions, to support the claim

that every child in America, native or foreign born, is

entitled to a good English education, that it is the duty of

the State as representing the people to provide such

education, that in the words of the man that recruited me and

pledged my service, such as it is, to this work, J. L. M.

Curry, president of this conference in its second year,

‘Ignorance Cures Nothing.’ …

"Aside from the first mentioned special influence this

conference makes no direct claim save that it has by various

agencies assisted in the promotion and development of many

progressive educational ideas, and through the Southern

Educational Board, to which it is both mother and child, has

supplied methods and incidental support that have caused many

latent forces to germinate, flourish, and bring forth abundant

fruit that otherwise never could have existed. We simply have

planted seed that eventually produced large harvests.

"I am told, and I think the statement is accurate, that during

the last seven years the public appropriations for education

in the States under the influence of the Southern Education

Board have increased $16,000,000 per annum. These figures are

difficult of verification, but probably are greater than I

have stated. We have had something to do with this result, how

much may not be a subject for definite calculation. …

"The twelve years that measure the life of the conference for

education in the South have been years of great originality in

the development of American education."

EDUCATION: A. D. 1901.

The Washington Memorial Institution.

"In almost every Government department and bureau at

Washington, prolonged scientific investigations are

continually carried on, in order that governmental action

itself may be more intelligent and more efficient, and the

general welfare of the people promoted. … While the Congress

carries on this work for governmental purposes only, it

indicated as long ago as 1892, in a joint resolution approved

April 12 of that year, that the Government’s large collections

illustrative of the various arts and sciences, and its

facilities for scientific and literary research, were to be

held accessible to the investigators and students of any

institution of higher education then existing or thereafter

established in the District of Columbia. By an almost

unnoticed but most important provision incorporated in the

general deficiency bill passed at the second session of the

Fifty-sixth Congress, and approved March 3, 1901, the

privileges given by the joint resolution of April 12, 1892, to

investigators and students of institutions in the District of

Columbia were extended to ‘scientific investigators and to

duly qualified individuals, students, and graduates of

institutions of learning in the several States and

Territories, as well as in the District of Columbia, under

such rules and restrictions as the heads of the departments

and bureaus mentioned may prescribe.

… The new opportunities created a new need, and that need is

to be met by the Washington Memorial Institution, incorporated

on May 17, 1901, and formally organized on June 3.

{213}

"The Washington Memorial Institution is the direct outcome of

the activities of the Washington Academy of Sciences and of

the George Washington Memorial Association, the latter body

being an organization of women ‘to aid in securing in the city

of Washington, D. C., the increase of opportunities for higher

education, as recommended by George Washington, the first

President of the United States, in his various messages to

Congress.’ … The plan has been worked out in consultation with

representatives of the universities and other scientific

bodies, and with their hearty cooperation and approval. It has

the merits of simplicity and of not duplicating any existing

form of educational effort." The Institution "will ascertain,

year by year, just what the opportunities for students are at

Washington, and will publish them to the world; it will

receive and enroll students who offer themselves, and direct

them to the places which await them; it will record their work

and its results, and, when requested, will certify these to

any institution of learning. It will keep in touch with the

universities, scientific schools, and colleges on the one

hand, and with the departments and bureaus of the Government

on the other. In this way it will, it may be hoped, promote

the interests and the ideals of both."

Nicholas Murray Butler,

The Washington Memorial Institution

(American Review of Reviews, July, 1901).

EDUCATION: A. D. 1901-1909.

Changes at the Universities.

In October, 1901, on accepting a nomination to the mayoralty

of New York City, President Seth Low, of Columbia University,

resigned from that post, and Professor Nicholas Murray Butler

became acting President until the following January, when he

was elected to the Presidency by the unanimous vote of the

trustees.

For the first time in its history, the University of

Virginia—Jefferson’s creation—received a President in April,

1905, when Dr. Edwin Anderson Alderman was inducted in office

as its administrative head. The significance of the occurrence

was expressed at the time by Professor William P. Trent, when

he said: "The University of Virginia, so long, under its

chairmen of the faculty, faithful to its founder’s prejudices

against the concentration of executive power in the hands of

an individual, has been forced by pressure from within and

from without to align itself with its sister universities in

this essential feature of educational government, and in this

fact many will see another step in the slow but certain

nationalizing of the South, as well as an indication that in

the future the University of Virginia will be widely known as

a national institution of high standing."

In the summer of 1902, President Francis L. Patton, who had

been the successor of President McCosh at Princeton

University, retired and was succeeded by Professor Woodrow

Wilson, previously occupant of the chair of Jurisprudence and

Politics since 1890.

The President who had organized the University of Chicago at

its foundation, in 1891, and directed its successful

development through fifteen years of a remarkable success,

William Rainey Harper, died on the 10th of January, 1906, and

was succeeded by Professor Harry Pratt Judson, previously at

the head of the department of Political Science and Dean of

the faculties of Arts, Literature, and Science.

President Henry Hopkins of Williams College retired in 1907

and was succeeded by Harry A. Garfield, eldest son of the

former President of the United States, and lately Professor of

Politics at Princeton University.

In October, 1908, President Charles W. Eliot of Harvard

University made known his wish to retire in the following May

from the office which he had filled with so much distinction

for forty years. His resignation was accepted with profound

regret, and he vacated the Presidency of the great University

on the 19th of May, 1909. His successor, Professor Abbott

Lawrence Lowell, taken from the chair of the Science of

Government, in the Harvard faculty, had been elected in the

preceding January. President Lowell was inaugurated with much

ceremony on the 6th of October.

Dr. Richard C. Maclaurin was called from the department of

physics in Columbia University, New York, to the presidency of

the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, in November, 1908.

President Cyrus Northrup, of the University of Minnesota,

announced in 1908 his resignation to take effect the following

year.

A change in the Presidency of Dartmouth College took place in

June, 1909, Dr. W. J. Tucker resigning because of ill health,

and Professor Ernest Fox Nichols, formerly head of the

department of physics at Dartmouth, and latterly occupying a

chair at Columbia University, being elected to his place.

Having passed his eightieth year of life and the thirty-eighth

of his administration of the University of Michigan, President

James Burrill Angell was reluctantly permitted to retire from

active service to the University at the close of the academic

year in 1909. The acceptance of his resignation by the Regents

of the University was accompanied, however, by the tender to

him of the office of Chancellor, the duties to be such as "he

may be willing and able to perform; the salary for such office

to be $4000 per year, with house rent, light and fuel, so long

as he sees fit to occupy his present residence." Dean H. B.

Hutchins, of the law department was made acting President.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1902.

Founding of the Carnegie Institution of Washington,

for Original Research.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1902-1909.

The General Education Board.

Its stupendous endowment by Mr. Rockefeller.

Its plans and operations.

The General Education Board, destined to become so great an

educational power in the United States, had its birth on the

27th of February, 1902, at a meeting in New York to which Mr.

John D. Rockefeller had invited the following named gentlemen:

William H. Baldwin, Jr.,

Wallace Buttrick,

Hon. J. L. M. Curry,

Frederick T. Gates,

Daniel C. Gilman,

Morris K. Jessup,

Robert C. Ogden,

Walter H. Page,

George Foster Peabody,

John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and

Albert Shaw;

with Edward M. Shepard as counsel.

A conception of the general plan and purpose of the Board had

been, it is said, in Mr. Rockefeller’s thought for some time

past, and his guests gave hearty approval to the project in

which he asked them to join him. Then and there they became

organized temporarily under the name still borne, Mr.

Rockefeller pledging $1,000,000 to the support of their work,

which should specially be directed at the outset to the study

and improvement of educational conditions in the Southern

States.

{214}

Offices of the Board were opened in New York April 1, 1902. It

was incorporated by Act of Congress on the 12th of January,

1903, at which time a considerable number of new members was

added to the Board, chosen from the heads of important

universities and colleges, North and South. The Board was now

in active cooperation with the United States Department of

Agriculture, whose work of scientific and systematic

instruction in agriculture, by demonstration farms and

otherwise, it found to be dealing with the most pressing of

Southern needs. It found another field of useful cooperation,

with Southern universities and colleges, in promotion of the

founding and maintaining of high schools. Its main operations

were on these lines until the summer of 1905, when, on the

30th of June, Mr. Rockefeller expanded its forces immensely by

adding $10,000,000 to his original gift of $1,000,000.

In The Independent of August 6, 1908, Mr. Wallace

Buttrick, secretary of the Board, described the enlargement of

undertakings which followed this increase of endowment,

saying:

"The income of this large foundation for higher education

enabled the board to extend its work throughout the whole

country, as contemplated in its charter. Studies had already

been made of the colleges in the Southern States, and such

studies were at once made of the colleges in other parts of

the United States. After such comprehensive study and the

careful consideration of how best to aid in the development of

an adequate system of colleges in all of the States of the

Union, the board adopted the following principles as defining

its general policy: To co-operate sympathetically and

helpfully with the religious denominations; to choose the

centers of wealth and population as the permanent pivots of an

educational system; to mass its funds on endowments, securing

in this work the largest possible local co-operation."

Less than two years later, on the 7th of February, 1907, Mr.

Rockefeller nearly trebled his previous endowment by an

enormous addition to the fund in the possession of the Board,

announced in the following letter from his son, Mr. John D.

Rockefeller, Jr.:

"My father authorizes me to say that on or before April 1st,

1907, he will give to the General Education Board

income-bearing securities the present market value of which is

about thirty-two million dollars ($32,000,000), one-third to

be added to the permanent endowment of the board; two-thirds

to be applied to such specific objects within the corporate

purposes of the board as either he or I may from time to time

direct, any remainder not so designated at the death of the

survivor to be added also to the permanent endowment of the

board."

Of what was being done by the Board with this stupendous fund

Mr. Buttrick gave details in The Independent as follows:

"Conditional appropriations have been made to forty colleges,

in the States of Maine, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York,

New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South

Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Tennessee,

Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, Wisconsin,

Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, Kansas and Colorado.

"Twenty-five of these colleges have secured subscriptions for

the supplemental sums required and but one has failed. The

remaining fifteen colleges report satisfactory progress. The

total amount thus appropriated by the board is $2,437,500; the

supplemental sums, when completed, will aggregate $10,397,000.

"From the original $1,000,000 gift to the board by Mr.

Rockefeller appropriations have been made to schools in the

South amounting to about $700,000, one-half of which has gone

to schools for the colored people. The high school propaganda

and the agricultural demonstration work have also been

supported from this fund.

"From the foregoing it will be seen that, in the Northern

States, the board devotes itself exclusively to the promotion

of higher education, having always in view the desirability of

aiding such institutions as, taken together, will constitute

an adequate system of higher education for each of the several

States, thus seeking to correct and prevent duplication and

waste and securing the highest efficiency.

"In the Southern States its work for colleges is similar to

that done in the North, and, in addition, it seeks to promote

public high schools through the State universities and the

State Department of Education, to promote elementary education

(or common schools) by increasing the productive efficiency of

rural life, and to aid in developing schools for the training

of leaders among the colored people."

But Mr. Rockefeller was not yet at the end of his gifts to

this great Foundation. On the 9th of July, 1909, the following

announcement was published:

"John D. Rockefeller has raised the total of his

contributions to the Rockefeller foundation of the general

education board to $53,000,000 by a gift of $10,000,000 which

will be passed to the credit of the board between now and

August 1. He has gone farther than that and has intrusted to

the membership of the board—as it may be constituted at some

future day—the responsibility of distributing the principal

of the fund among the educational institutions of the land if

it shall be deemed advisable.

"Under the regulations at present obtaining, this power of

final disposition would extend only to $33,000,000, inasmuch

as the board holds the other $20,000,000 in trust with the

power to dispose of the income, while Mr. Rockefeller and his

son, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., retain the right to dispose of

the principal during their lives. It was said to-day that it

always has been Mr. Rockefeller’s intention to make such a

provision for the final disposition.

"In making the announcement to-day, Chairman Gates said that

this large addition to the permanent funds of the board was

contributed because the income of the present funds

immediately available for appropriation had been exhausted and

it was found necessary to have an additional income in order

to meet the needs of ‘present great importance.’

"He said the board made it a rule never to exceed the

immediately available income—which might amount to $80,000 or

$90,000 a month—in its awards to the colleges and

universities, that something like 300 applications had been

received by the board beyond the number which it already had

acted upon, which was large.

{215}

"Mr. Gates said that at the same meeting last Wednesday

another communication had been received from Mr. Rockefeller,

authorizing and empowering the board and its successors

‘whenever, in their discretion, it should seem wise to

distribute the principal of funds contributed by him to the

board upon the affirmative vote of two-thirds of all those who

shall at the time be members of the board.’"

EDUCATION: A. D. 1905-1908.

The Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching.

After the founding of the Carnegie Institution, of Washington,

Mr. Carnegie’s next great gift to Education, made in 1905, was

in the sum of $10,000, 000, placed in the hands of trustees as

a fund the income of which may be applied "to provide retiring

pensions, without respect to race, sex, creed, or color, for

the teachers of universities, colleges, and technical schools

in the United States, the Dominion of Canada, and

Newfoundland," and "to provide for the care and maintenance of

the widows and families of the said teachers." The board of

trustees chosen by Mr. Carnegie for the administration of the

fund is made up of eminent educators from different parts of

America, with Dr. Henry S. Pritchett called from the

Presidency of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology to

become its executive head. The board was organized in

November, 1905, and in the following April it adopted a plan

of administration which had been formulated meantime by a

committee from its membership. It had then, by an Act of

Congress, approved by the President, March 10, 1906, been

incorporated under the title of "The Carnegie Foundation for

the Advancement of Teaching." Besides using the words quoted

above, in description of the authorized purpose of the

Foundation, the Act of Incorporation adds furthermore that it

is "in general, to do and perform all things necessary to

encourage, uphold, and dignify the profession of the teacher

and the cause of higher education." It is a further provision

of the Act that "retiring pensions shall be paid to such

teachers only as are or have been connected with institutions

not under control of a sect, or which do not require their

trustees, their officers, faculties, or students (or a

majority thereof), to belong to any specified sect, and which

do not impose any theological test as a condition of entrance

therein or of connection therewith."

As explained by President Pritchett in an article published

soon after the organization of their board, the Trustees had

three fundamental questions to determine: "First, What is a

college? second, What constitutes denominational control? and,

third, Should a private agency step in between the State and

one of its institutions and establish a system of retiring

allowances for university professors who are officers of the

State?" "The term college is used to designate, in the United

States, Canada, and Newfoundland, institutions varying so

widely in entrance requirements, standards of instruction, and

facilities for work that the term is no description of the

character of the institution. Of the seven hundred and more

institutions calling themselves colleges or universities, many

are such in name only." To rule their present action the

Trustees adopted the definition that is "now in use under the

revised ordinances of the State of New York, and which reads

as follows: ‘An institution to be ranked as a college must

have at least six professors giving their entire time to

college and university work, a course of four full years in

liberal arts and sciences, and should require for admission

not less than the usual four years of academic or high school

preparation, or its equivalent, in addition to the

pre-academic or grammar school studies.’ The trustees will

also require that an institution, to be ranked as a college

and to be dealt with as a college officially, must have a

productive endowment of not less than $200,000."

As for the institutions to be excluded from the benefits of

the retiring pension fund because of a sectarian connection

the Trustees were confronted with a still more difficult

question, since "a large majority of all the colleges of the

country have a connection more or less strong with

denominations." In the circumstances, no hard and fast rule of

exclusion could be formulated; but, said President Pritchett,

"it is evident that in many cases colleges must choose between

the advantages of this gift and the benefits of a

denominational connection."

So far as concerned State institutions, it was the original

conclusion of the Board that "the States may fairly be

expected to provide a retiring pension system for their own

professors, and it is certainly questionable whether such

wholesale action on the part of a private agency in the

endowment of State institutions might not do them an injury

rather than a kindness." Trustees and officers of the State

Universities appealed from this view, and submitted to the

Trustees cogent reasons why these institutions should

participate in the distribution of the Fund. The Trustees

replied that the Fund was not large enough for such an

extension of its use. That objection, however, was soon

removed by Mr. Carnegie, who made it known, in April, 1908,

that he would have pleasure in adding $5,000,000 to his

original gift in order to furnish retiring allowances for all

State Universities that may apply for them. The Carnegie

Foundation is now being administered accordingly.

Retiring allowances are determined by the following rules of

the Board:

"I. In reckoning the amount of the retiring allowance, the

average salary for the last five years of active service shall

be considered the active pay.

" II. Any person sixty-five years of age, and who has had not

less than fifteen years of service as a professor, and who is

at the same time a professor in an accepted institution, shall

be entitled to an annual retiring allowance computed as

follows:

(a) For an active pay of sixteen hundred dollars or

less, an allowance of one thousand dollars, provided no

retiring allowance shall exceed ninety per cent. of the

active pay.

(b) For an active pay greater than sixteen hundred

dollars the retiring allowance shall equal one thousand

dollars, increased by fifty dollars for each one hundred

dollars of active pay in excess of sixteen hundred dollars,

(c) No retiring allowance shall exceed three

thousand dollars.

"III. Any person who has had a service of twenty-five years as

a professor, and who is at the time a professor in an accepted

institution, shall be entitled to a retiring allowance,

computed as follows:

(a) For an active pay of sixteen hundred dollars or

less, a retiring allowance of eight hundred dollars,

provided that no retiring allowance shall exceed eighty per

cent. of the active pay.

{216}

(b) For an active pay greater than sixteen hundred

dollars the retiring allowance shall equal eight hundred

dollars, increased by forty dollars for each one hundred

dollars of active pay in excess of sixteen hundred dollars,

(c) For each additional year of service above

twenty-five, the retiring allowance shall be increased by

one per cent. of the active pay.

(d) No retiring allowance shall exceed three

thousand dollars.

"IV. Any person who has been for ten years the wife of a

professor in actual service may receive during her widowhood

one-half of the allowance to which her husband would have been

entitled."

EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.

Change in the Headship of the Bureau of Education.

Dr. William Torrey Harris, after seventeen years of

distinguished service as United States Commissioner of

Education, accepted the first designation of a retirement

pension that was made by the trustees of the Carnegie

Foundation. Professor Elmer Ellsworth Brown, professor of the

Theory and Practice of Teaching in the University of

California, was appointed by the President to succeed him.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.

Celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding

of Tuskegee Institute.

The twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of Tuskegee

Normal and Industrial Institute, at Tuskegee, Alabama, by

Booker T. Washington, was celebrated in April, 1906, and made

the occasion of a notable gathering at Tuskegee of strong

friends of the institution and its founder from all parts of

the country. In The North American Review of that month

Mr. Washington gave an interesting account of the rise of the

Institute from insignificant beginnings, of the aims pursued

in it and of the extent of their realization. It had sought to

promote among the negroes of the South an education which, as

he expressed it, "not only did not educate them out of

sympathy with the masses of their people, but made them

actively and practically interested in constructive methods

and work among their people." Its students "are expected to be

able to show the farmers how to buy land, to assist them by

advice in getting out of debt, and to encourage them to cease

mortgaging their crops and to take active interest in the

economic development of their community."

This wise leader and true statesman of his race has devoted

his life to the solving of the race-problem in the South on

the principle stated by him in these words: "There is nothing

for the negro to do but to remain where he is and struggle on

and up. The whole philosophy of the negro question can be

written in three words,—patience, persistence, virtue. The

really helpful thing about the situation is that on the whole

the negro has done, under the circumstances, the best he

could."

Of the planting and growth of Tuskegee Institute he wrote:

‘Starting in a shanty and a hen-house, with almost no property

beyond a hoe and a blind mule, the school has grown up

gradually, much as a town grows. We needed food for our

tables; farming, therefore, was our first industry, started to

meet this need. With the need for shelter for our students,

courses in house-building and carpentry were added. Out of

these, brick-making and brick masonry naturally grew. The

increasing demand for buildings made further specialization in

the industries necessary. Soon we found ourselves teaching

tinsmithing, plastering, and painting. Classes in cooking were

added, because we needed competent persons to prepare the

food. Courses in laundering, sewing, dining-room work, and

nurse-training have been added to meet the actual needs of the

school community. This process of specialization has continued

as the school increased in numbers, and as the more varied

wants of a larger community created a demand, and instruction

is now given in thirty-seven industries."

At the end of its first twenty-five years of existence, the

Institute has 1500 students; 156 officers, teachers, and

employees; 86 buildings; and various ramifications for

extensive work.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.

Segregation of Oriental children in the San Francisco schools.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1907.

Large gift for Rudimentary Schools for Southern Negroes.

A fund of $1,000,000 was created in the spring of 1907, by

gift from Miss Anna T. Jeanes, to be devoted to rudimentary

schools for Southern negroes. The fund is to be administered

by Principals Frissell, of Hampton, and Booker T. Washington,

of Tuskegee.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1907.

Re-dedication of the enlarged Carnegie Institute, at Pittsburg.

An account of the founding of the richly housed and equipped

Carnegie Library at Pittsburg, opened in 1895, is given in

Volume VI. of this work (see Libraries). To that fundamental

institution Mr. Carnegie began soon to add auxiliaries, in

technical schools, lecture hall, music hall, art galleries,

and museum of science, until a great Institute, on which no

less than $18,000,000 had been expended and bestowed by the

founder was complete. A rededication of this splendid Carnegie

Institute, in 1907, was made an impressive event by the

presence of a remarkable number of distinguished guests,

invited from Great Britain, Germany, France, Holland, Belgium,

and the United States. The interesting exercises of the

occasion were opened on the 10th of April and continued

through three days.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.

Wanted, in Massachusetts:

The right leader for an Educational Revolution.

The State Board of Education in Massachusetts is said to have

arrived, as a body, at the conviction, which has been taking

possession of many minds in late years, that in the whole

educational work of the present day, from primary school to

university, "there is much time wasted in learning things of

little help in after life, and failure to get the essential

character-building"; that conditions are changed so greatly

from what they were when the last great educational revolution

was led in Massachusetts by Horace Mann, and others, that a

new revolution is the imperative need of the day. Hence the

State Board of Education is reported to be searching anxiously

for a man to fill the lately created office of State

Commissioner of Education, who is equal to a revolutionary

undertaking. "He must be," says a recent Boston letter, "a

broad man, of the right sort to realize the unusual

opportunity open to-day." "There is no limit to the salary

which the board may offer." "There has been no politics in the

board, and there shall be none.

{217}

All that the Commissioner wants in the way of coöperation to

carry out his views he will have." "The board feels that this

is a crisis. If the right man can be found, the State’s system

will take a step forward toward a better practice, which shall

remove the present dissatisfaction and the feeling that the

public schools are not fitting children to be good producers

or citizens." This opening seems a great one for the right

man, if he can be found.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.

Election of a woman to the Superintendency of

the Chicago schools.

Mrs. Ella Flagg Young, elected Superintendent of the public

schools of Chicago by the City’s Board of Education, in July,

1909, is the first of her sex to occupy so important an

administrative position. Her election is said to have been due

entirely to her manifest superiority in qualification over

other suggested candidates. The school system she will

administer is second only in magnitude to that of the City of

New York.

EDUCATION: A. D. 1910.

Gift to Yale University by Mrs. Sage.

The following is announced from New Haven on the 10th of

January, 1910:

"The recent gift of $650,000 by Mrs. Russell Sage of New York

city for the purchase of the Hillhouse property and its

transfer free of encumbrance to Yale University releases a

corresponding amount without restriction for the use of the

university corporation. Important meetings will be held this

week, one by the board of Sheffield Scientific School trustees

and the other a special meeting of the Yale Corporation to act

upon the disposition of the funds released by the Sage gift.

It is generally understood that the plan proposed is the

erection upon the Hillhouse property of a large biological

laboratory, and perhaps the appointment in connection with it

of a university professor in biology upon a new foundation."

----------EDUCATION: End--------

EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:

Proclamation of additional titles.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (NOVEMBER).

EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:

His illness and deferred Coronation.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JUNE-AUGUST).

EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:

His agency in bringing about the Entente Cordiale between

Great Britain and France.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:

His influence as a diplomatist.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:

His Death after a brief illness.

Succession of his son, George V.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (MAY).

EGYPT: A. D. 1901-1905.

The founding of schools for girls.

Training of native teachers.

See (in this Volume )

EDUCATION: EGYPT.

EGYPT: A. D. 1902 (DECEMBER).

Completion of the Assuan Dam.

The great Assuan Dam, to control the waters of the Nile, was

opened with formal ceremony on the 10th of December, 1902, in

the presence of the Duke and Duchess of Connaught, the

Khedive, Lord and Lady Cromer, and other distinguished

personages. Earlier in the year the value of this important

work of engineering had been enhanced by a treaty with the

Emperor of Abyssinia or Ethiopia, which forbids constructions

on the upper waters of the Nile, within the Abyssinian

territory, which would arrest the flow of their waters.

See (in this Volume)

ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

EGYPT: A. D. 1904.

Declarations of England and France concerning Egypt

in the Agreements of the Entente of 1904.

Explanatory despatch.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

EGYPT: A. D. 1905-1906.

Pan-Islamic preaching.

Pro-Turkish movement.

Turkish encroachments on the Sinai frontier.

The Tabah incident.

British fleet at Phalerum.

British garrisons reinforced.

"Whether ordered by the Sultan or the result of an instinctive

religious wave, anew and definite crusade began to affect

Egypt in the summer of 1905. Preachers appeared mysteriously

in Cairo and spread rapidly through the country, giving a new

and stricter interpretation to texts from the Koran, and

preaching in strong terms the wickedness of obeying the

infidel. These preachers mixed with the people in their houses

and cafes, and in the infinite leisure of a prosperous

Oriental country doubtless found no lack of occasion for

instilling their new doctrines. Then the Arabic native Press

began to preach the same lesson, applying it specially to the

Macedonian crisis and the piteous plight of the harassed

Sultan. A new spirit came suddenly into political controversy.

Any native defender of British rule was marked as a ‘bad

Moslem,’ or ‘a traitor to Egypt.’ Argument was impossible; for

any doubt of the Sultan was simply impiety. So the work went

on bravely through the summer and autumn of 1905, while the

British authorities looked on in surprise and perplexity.

Lonely residents up country began to notice a change in the

tone of the people. They felt the under-swell of a new and

mysterious movement of religious feeling. Europeans who

understood Arabic heard insolent remarks in the cafes as they

passed by, and doctors in charge of invalids in lonely hotels

noticed with alarm the sullen looks of their Arab servants,

and their keen excitement over the Sultan’s struggle. A spirit

of nervous apprehension began to spread abroad among

Europeans.

"Then in January, 1906, the Sultan suddenly showed his hand;

and the smouldering fire burst out into the flame of the

famous Tabah incident. The events that followed became

conspicuous to the whole world—the seizure by Turkish troops

of villages on the Egyptian side of the Sinai frontier, the

threat to fire on an Egyptian cruiser, the defiant resistance

to the English successor, the peremptory order to Egypt to

evacuate Faroun Island, and, finally, the claim of Mouktar

Pasha to a frontier-line west of Suez. The behaviour of Turkey

seemed to bear out Rudyard Kipling's description of the

ethical atmosphere that lies east of that port. Even where

‘there ain’t no ten commandments,’ indeed, the little villages

that sparkle like a grain of salt in the empty desert of the

wanderings of Israel might be thought tempting to no man. But

the line of the frontier had been drawn east of Tabah by the

treaty which established Mehemet Ali in the Khedivate in 1840

[see in Volume I. of this work, Egypt: A. D. 1840-1869], and

the claim to this limit had been prudently re-asserted by Lord

Cromer in 1892, when the present Khedive ascended the throne.

Any tampering with these written arrangements, even to the

extent of a single village, would have been the end of our

authority in Egypt. There was, therefore, no room for

compromise. If Sir Edward Grey had hesitated to force a

surrender from Turkey in May by the only possible method of

moving the fleet to Phalerum [and demanding the immediate

evacuation of Tabah], we might just as well have left the

Nile.

{218}

"For the real significance of these events lay in what was

going on in the mosques and newspapers of Egypt itself. As the

crisis grew, these voices grew more and more daring. The

preachers were as tempestuous as those who fulminated at St.

Paul’s Cross in our own Reformation times. Every move of the

Sultan in those tortuous negotiations was accompanied by an

obligato of sympathy from the Pan-Islamic Press. The native

journals in Egypt are small sheets, cheaply produced. During

the last eighteen months they multiplied exceedingly, fed by

mysterious channels. The new journals preached the new

doctrine—the doctrine of Pan-Islamism. …

"A Turkish raid on the Suez Canal or Nekl might have caused an

outburst of fanaticism in Egypt and seriously divided and

embarrassed the Army of Occupation. It was impossible to be

sure that the Egyptian army of 16,000 men, though officered by

Englishmen, could be trusted to fight against the Turks. Hence

the reinforcement of the British garrison, reduced to some

2000 men, by an addition of some 3000. These began to arrive

in May, and the agitation calmed quickly after their arrival.

They are now to stay on at the expense of Egypt. Thus the

first effect of the Sultan’s interference has been a

deplorable setback from Lord Cromer’s ideal of governing Egypt

by means of British-officered native policemen."

Harold Spender,

England, Egypt and Turkey

(Contemporary Review, October, 1906).

EGYPT: A. D. 1907 (January).

State of the country.

General satisfaction of the people.

The disaffected a minority.

Transformation effected by English rule.

Testimony of a French writer.

Those who know the real situation in Egypt can easily

understand how almost the whole population, with the exception

of an insignificant minority, are satisfied and desire no

change. It is enough to compare the present state of the

country—even rapidly and superficially—with that existing in

1882, to perceive the perfect satisfaction of all classes and

the greatness of the work achieved by England; and the more

profoundly this question is studied, the greater the

admiration that must be accorded to Lord Cromer and to all

those who during the past twenty-five years have worked under

his orders at the regeneration of Egypt. The situation of that

country in 1882 may be briefly summed up in the following

manner:

"The Government was then in the hands of a band of rebels at

the head of whom was the cowardly and worthless colonel,

Arabi. The exchequer was empty; Egypt owed (almost entirely to

Europe) nearly five millions sterling. The revenue was

insufficient to pay the interest on her debts, or even to meet

the expenses of government. The public works were all in such

a state of neglect and disuse as to be no longer of any

service. Commerce was paralysed and industry at the last gasp.

The fellaheen, to whose labour Egypt owes her agricultural

wealth, had stopped working, for, left at the mercy of the

Pashas, who extorted from them everything possible down to the

last farthing, they died of hunger, whether they worked or

not. If we add that their leaders told the unfortunate people

that their suffering all these privations was solely the fault

of the Christian devils who were exacting mountains of gold

from Egypt, it is easy to see that fanaticism and poverty

combined were helping to make the situation a critical one for

Europeans. It was into this fiery furnace that England entered

and France refused to follow her. …

"This is now a tale of the past, and on the curtain being

raised we behold a transformation so marvellous, so grand,

that it is almost incredible. We find Egypt rich and

prosperous; a great portion of her debt paid, an admirably

adjusted budget; her revenues increasing enormously, regularly

every year—and that in the face of large and important public

works, works which daily augment the wealth of the country.

Agriculture is advancing by leaps and bounds, while commerce

and industry develop and increase with a rapidity unparalleled

in the history of the world. A well-organised network of

railroads, steam navigation, telegraphs, telephones, and

excellently maintained canals, spreads over the country.

Schools of every kind have been opened—primary, secondary, and

higher schools, technical, commercial, and medical schools.

The fellah works quietly and happily on his land, and the

townsman is growing rich, while business prospers increasingly

from one end of the country to the other. From the mouths of

the Nile, from Alexandria to the great lakes of Central

Africa, all across Egypt, Nubia, and the Soudan, peace and

quiet reign everywhere. And—strange as it may seem—all these

results have been obtained, not by increasing the taxes, but,

on the contrary, by reducing and even in some cases abolishing

them altogether.

"In less than twenty-five years England has accomplished all

this and much more still. She has effected the marvellous

achievement of remaining in Egypt with the unanimous consent

of the Powers of Europe, to the great satisfaction of the

Egyptians themselves and the foreigners dwelling in Egypt, and

finally of living there as a friend, almost as an ally of

France! …

"The honesty of the Government in all its branches, the

impartiality with which all abuses have been punished, and

finally the honourable example which during five-and-twenty

years the English have set before the Egyptians, have

certainly borne good fruit. To be ‘honest’ is no longer an

empty expression on the banks of the Nile, and the entire

population understands to-day what that word signifies. I

think of how absolutely unknown it was in 1882! To sum up,

Egypt and the Egyptians have now become clean, both

physically and morally. We may say that England has cleansed

and disinfected them, externally and internally."

A. B. de Guerville,

The Situation in Egypt

(Fortnightly Review, February, 1907).

In his work on "Modern Egypt," published since his retirement

from the British administration in Egypt, Lord Cromer speaks

as follows of the change which has come over Egypt since the

British occupation took place. Though an interested witness,

Lord Cromer is one well trusted by the general opinion of the

world: "A new spirit," he wrote, "has been instilled into the

population of Egypt. Even the peasant has learnt to scan his

rights. Even the Pasha has learnt that others besides himself

have rights which must be respected. The courbash may hang on

the walls of the Moudirieh, but the Moudir no longer dares to

employ it on the backs of the fellaheen.

{219}

For all practical purposes, it may be said that the hateful

corvee system has disappeared. Slavery has virtually ceased to

exist. The halcyon days of the adventurer and the usurer are

past. Fiscal burthens have been greatly relieved. Everywhere

law reigns supreme. Justice is no longer bought and sold.

Nature, instead of being spurned and neglected, has been wooed

to bestow her gifts on mankind. She has responded to the

appeal. The waters of the Nile are now utilized in an

intelligent manner. Means of locomotion have been improved and

extended. The soldier has acquired some pride in the uniform

which he wears. He has fought as he never fought before. The

sick man can be nursed in a well-managed hospital. The lunatic

is no longer treated like a wild beast. The punishment awarded

to the worst criminal is no longer barbarous. Lastly, the

schoolmaster is abroad, with results which are as yet

uncertain, but which cannot fail to be important."

EGYPT: A. D. 1908.

Gordon Memorial College at Khartoum.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: EGYPT.

EGYPT: A. D. 1909.

Completion of the Esneh Barrage.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: EGYPT.

EGYPT: A. D. 1909 (May).

The Nationalist agitation, excited by the Turkish Revolution.

A correspondent of the New York Evening Post, writing

from London of the agitation for national independence in

Egypt, under date of May 8, 1909, remarks that it has been

affected in two ways by the recent revolutionary movements in

the East. They have "weakened as well as strengthened the

cause. For a number of half-educated native thinkers to see

Turkey with a Parliament is to make them feel they should have

one, too. The British agent points out that the youth of

Egypt, upon whom must rest all hopes of eventual autonomy, are

becoming demoralized by such propaganda. They have been

clamoring on every occasion for a Constitution." They have

been incited by a virulent press. "When, a few months ago, Mr.

Haldane announced that the British army of occupation was to

be increased to the same strength as the force in South

Africa, disgusting diatribes were indulged in against the

British army. Officers were described as monsters of low

breeding, ill manners, cowardice, and multifarious vice. As a

result of this kind of thing, and also through the pressure of

the moderate native press, the old Press law of 1881 was

revived—a law providing that after three warnings a paper may

be suspended by the Council of Ministers by an administrative

order, and not through the courts of law.

"Since then the Nationalists have arranged frequent

demonstrations, some of them resulting in encounters with the

police, which have been magnified by part of the English press

into serious riots. Serious riots are not got up by

schoolboys, who, according to the best information, seem to

have been entirely responsible for the physical part of these

demonstrations in Cairo and elsewhere. They have now been

strictly forbidden to take part in any public political

discussion."

EGYPT: A. D. 1909 (September).

Young Egypt Congress.

The party of Young Egyptians, so called, held a Congress at

Geneva in September—the second of such assemblies—which was

attended by several sympathetic members of the British

Parliament, Mr. Keir Hardie and others, representing the Labor

and Irish parties. A telegram was sent from the Congress to

the House of Commons in England, stating that the

representatives of the intellectual elements of organized

Egyptian political parties gathered in congress at Geneva on

the occasion of the anniversary of the entry of the English

troops into Cairo saluted very respectfully the

representatives of Great Britain, recalled the reiterated

promise of the British Government to evacuate Egyptian

territory, and inasmuch as the reasons given by Mr. Gladstone

for the occupation no longer existed, asked the House for the

honour of the English nation to secure the withdrawal of the

troops from Egyptian territory. A similar telegram was

despatched to the Grand Vizier, Hilmi Pasha, asking him to use

his influence with England to secure the withdrawal of the

troops.

This was sent on the 14th of September, the 27th anniversary

of the British occupation of Egypt, and on the same day the

Prime Minister of Great Britain, Mr. Asquith, received the

following telegram from Cairo:

"A meeting of 6,000 Egyptians assembled here to-day desires to

convey to your high personage the unanimous and energetic

protest of the Egyptian people against the occupation, and

from to-day demands the evacuation, relying upon the

engagements and solemn oaths of the Queen’s Governments.

Moreover, to gain our friendship is more preferable for

English honour than to lose our hearts and support."

The protest was also sent to the Grand Vizier in

Constantinople and to the Young Egypt Congress in Geneva.

EHRLICH, Paul.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

EHR-LUNG-SHAN FORT, Capture of.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

EIGHT HOUR LABOR DAY.

See(in this Volume)

LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

ELECTIONS, Political:

Contributions from Corporations prohibited.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY).

----------ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Start--------

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1906.

Universal Suffrage adopted in Austria.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Belgium: A. D. 1902.

Opposition to the Plural Suffrage defeated.

See (in this Volume)

BELGIUM: A. D. 1902, and 1904.

See in Volume I. of this work,

CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM.

See in Volume VI. of this work,

BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: China: A. D. 1908.

The Constitutional Promise.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908.

{220}

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: England: A. D. 1909.

Second reading of the Representation of the People Bill,

extending the Suffrage to Women and others.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Germany: A. D. 1906.

Extensions of popular rights in some parts of the Empire.

A comedy of election reform in Prussia.

"The agitation for the extension of popular rights is vigorous

in many parts of the Empire. The Kingdom of Würtemberg has

just reformed its antique constitution by eliminating from the

Lower House the privileged members, ‘knights’ and clergymen,

and substituting members elected by popular vote. Baden has

introduced universal suffrage, and Bavaria has changed from

indirect to direct voting. In the Kingdom of Saxony, which a

decade ago remodeled its election law in a plutocratic

direction, the government is now trying to retrace its steps.

The Oldenburg government has committed itself to universal

suffrage; and in Saxe-Weimar the Liberal parties and the

Socialists have formed a compact to establish it. In the midst

of this democratic movement Prussia has just carried through a

slight revision of its election laws. …

"The government [Prussian] came forward last spring with a

scheme of election reform which is nothing short of comical in

its bureaucratic narrowness. Several huge city districts were

divided, and ten new seats in the Chamber created,—not,

however as a recognition of the rights of the urban

population, but in order to facilitate the mere formalities of

balloting. The number of electors in such districts had

outgrown the capacity of any hall to hold them."

W. C. Dreher,

The Year in Germany

(Atlantic Monthly, November, 1906).

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: India:

Slight exercise of local self-government.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: India:

Introduction of popular representation in

the Legislative Councils.

See INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Persia:

Under the recent Constitution.

See (in this Volume)

CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Philippine Islands.

Provisions of election law.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Porto Rico:

Change of qualifications for the suffrage.

See (in this Volume)

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901-1905.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Proportional Representation: England:

The subject under discussion.

The practicability and desirability of proportional

representation has been under investigation in the United

Kingdom, during 1909, by a Royal Commission, which has had

frequent sessions for hearings at Whitehall. At a hearing in

October Lord Hugh Cecil, who represents Oxford in the House of

Commons, argued with great force in favor of proportional

representation, as a means of moderating the constraint

exercised over independent opinion by party ties. He said that

the present system was not satisfactory. It greatly hindered

free discussion in the House of Commons, and tended to

exaggerate there the intensity of feeling and the rigidity of

the party system. Majorities were generally large, and often

it was merely a trial of endurance. The empty condition of the

House on many occasions proved that discussion never

influenced divisions, and there was an elimination of

independent opinion. Decisions were on party issues, except

when new subjects such as the fiscal question, were brought

forward. With smaller majorities independent opinion—specific

rather than general—would have more opportunity, and that

would be a gain. There was a growing tendency to lift foreign

politics and, to a lesser degree, Colonial politics beyond

party, and to a large extent the Government could count on the

support of moderate opponents when foreign and Colonial

matters were considered. He did not think the effect of

proportional representation would be to form any more groups

than they had at present, but his desire was that there should

be members who were not absolute party men, and independent

members would have more chance of getting returned. He

considered that desirable, and did not apprehend the return of

faddists. Even now faddists were easily elected to Parliament,

where for the most part they were disregarded. He did not

agree that practically all sections of the community were

represented under the existing system. A very large and

important section between the two parties was never

represented, having always to choose between one or the other

extreme.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: South Africa:

The Principle in Practice.

The principle of proportional representation was brought into

practice in the municipal elections of the Transvaal in

October, 1909. The Constitution of the South Africa Union,

which goes into effect in the spring of 1910, applies it,

also, to the election of senators in the Union Parliament.

"The proportional method chosen is, in each case, that of the

single transferable vote, and the Johannesburg elections will

furnish an example of the use of this system on a larger scale

than any hitherto attempted, whilst the senatorial elections

will furnish examples of its application to very small

electorates. The duty of the voter, both in the senatorial and

in the municipal elections, will be the same. He must place

the figure 1 against the candidate for whom he desires to

vote, and, in addition, he may and should place the figures 2,

3, 4, 5, 6, 7, and so on against the names of the other

candidates in the order of his preference. The numbering of

additional preferences, if not so vital as that of marking the

first choice, is of extreme importance, and the elector should

continue to indicate preferences until he has exhausted his

powers of choice. The object, in marking preferences, is to

prevent the waste of voting power. For, if the elector’s first

choice has obtained more votes than are necessary to secure

his election, or if his first choice has obtained so few votes

as to be hopelessly out of the running, the returning officer

will carry forward these votes in accordance with the wishes

expressed by the electors, as indicated by the preferences

marked. … The vote is always credited to the first choice and

is not transferred save in the contingencies named. If,

however, no effective use can be made of the vote in the

return of the elector’s first choice the returning officer, in

the absence of any instructions from the voter, will be unable

to carry the vote forward, and the vote will therefore have no

influence in determining the result of the election. Electors

should therefore exercise to the full their privilege of

marking preferences."

The State

(South African National Magazine),

October, 1909.

{221}

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Prussia: A. D. 1909.

Rejection of proposed Reforms.

The result of new proposals for reforming the intolerable

class-system of voting in Prussia (see CONSTITUTION OF PRUSSIA

in Volume VI. of this work), proposals of more sincerity than

those of 1906, described above,—was thus reported in a Press

despatch from Berlin, January 26, 1909:

"The debate upon the motions regarding reform of the Prussian

franchise was concluded in the Lower House of the Diet to-day.

After two more speeches had been delivered the Conservatives

moved and carried the closure, and the various reform

proposals were put to the vote. All the motions were rejected.

Against most of the proposals so large a hostile majority was

shown when the Deputies were invited to rise from their seats

that no counting of votes was necessary. A motion in favour of

the substitution of direct for indirect election was rejected,

upon a division, by 168 votes against 165—a majority of three.

Upon this question, and also upon the main question—the

introduction of a universal and equal franchise with secrecy

of the ballot—most of the Centre Party Deputies voted with the

Left, and the majority consisted almost entirely of

Conservatives and Free Conservatives, who under the existing

system, possess an absolute majority in the Diet."

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Prussia: A. D. 1910.

A bill brought forward by the Government in February, 1910,

professing to reform the elective franchise, gave less than no

satisfaction to the mass of the people, who resented it as an

insult to their rights. The measure was reported to make no

change in the three-class system of voting, which ensures to

wealth its political domination, and it refused the secret

ballot. It conceded nothing of reform except a direct instead

of an indirect election of representatives, and provoked

formidable demonstrations of popular indignation in Berlin and

other cities.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Russia: A. D. 1906.

The Franchise as exercised in the election of the Dumas.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 and 1907.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Sweden: A. D. 1909.

Franchise Reform Law.

See (in this Volume)

SWEDEN: A. D. 1909.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Turkey: A. D. 1908.

Under the Constitution regained by Revolution.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: United States:

Direct primary nomination of candidates.

After a long and unsatisfactory experience in the United

States of the nomination of candidates for public office by

conventions of delegates, the people have been rapidly

discarding that system within the last few years, replacing it

by the institution of primary elections, at which candidates

for the subsequent election are selected by

direct vote. The old delegate system tended irresistibly to

give the picking of candidates (between whom the people had

finally a narrow choice) to little handfuls of men who make

manipulative party management their main business in life,

with objects of self profit, either in money or political

power. Effective revolt against this evil-working system began

in the Western States and is now strong in the East. The

following summary statement of what it had accomplished, up to

the spring of 1909, is from a pamphlet then published by the

Citizens Union of New York City, in support of a "Direct

Primary Bill" which was pending at the time in the Legislature

of the State of New York:

"The direct primary is now the most usual system of making

nominations in the United States, and in no case has a state,

a county, or a town turned back from direct nominations to the

convention system. It is no longer an experiment, having been

tried out under varying conditions in so many states that it

is possible to be guided by experience in avoiding the dangers

of an imperfect direct primary law.

"Fourteen states [Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana,

Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, Oklahoma,

Oregon, South Dakota, Texas, Washington, and Wisconsin], with

a total population of 25,323,039, have mandatory laws

requiring the use of this plan in selecting candidates

of the principal parties for practically all offices. Three

other states [Minnesota, Ohio, Pennsylvania] have mandatory

laws covering practically all except the state offices. Five

other states [Indiana, Massachusetts, Michigan, New Jersey,

Tennessee] have mandatory laws covering certain

localities or offices. Five states [Alabama, Florida,

Kentucky, Michigan, Tennessee], including two of the above,

have optional laws covering practically all officers, the

provisions of which laws have been largely taken advantage of.

There are direct nominations laws of a weaker sort, some of

them of little or no value, in many other states. Party rules

have established direct nominations for at least the majority

party in nearly all of the Southern states not mentioned

above.

"About one-half of the states, including those in which the

system has been established by party rules, use direct

nominations for practically all elective offices. The states

in which the system is established by mandatory law for

practically all elective offices have about thirty per cent.

of the population of the United States.

"Of the thirty-one United States senators elected last fall,

seventeen were nominated by direct primaries. Fifteen out of

thirty-two governors of states were so nominated. There is a

strong movement for direct primaries in states which do not at

present use this system to any considerable extent, namely:

Vermont, Connecticut, New Hampshire, New York, California,

Colorado, Idaho and Utah. In New Hampshire, both Republican

and Democratic parties declared for it in their party

platforms last fall, and the Republican Governor has

recommended it to the Republican Legislature. In California,

two direct nominations laws have been passed, but declared

unconstitutional. Last fall, an amendment to the constitution

of that state permitting the legislature to enact a direct

nominations law was passed by a vote of the people.

"A brief outline of how direct nominations originated and how

the system has been extended until it has been substituted for

the convention system by a majority of the American people

furnishes a strong argument in its favor. It is an American

system, and a product of the struggle of the American people

for the control of their government.

"Direct primaries originated in Crawford County, Pennsylvania,

where the so-called Crawford County System was established by

action of a Republican County Committee in 1860 and has been

in force ever since. On two occasions, the question of whether

it should be retained was put before the Republican voters and

overwhelmingly decided in the affirmative, the last of these

votes being taken after the system had been in force for

nineteen years. Its popularity led to its adoption throughout

the entire Congressional district for all nominations.

{222}

"The Minnesota direct primary law for the city of Minneapolis,

Hennepin County, was enacted in 1899. After it had been tried

in the city for two years, public sentiment, because of the

excellent results achieved under the new law in Minneapolis,

insisted upon its being extended, and other localities were

brought within its provisions. Minnesota at present has a

mandatory state-wide law applying to practically all except

state offices. The newspapers of Minneapolis all declared for

it, and no man of prominence in the state took a stand against

it after it had been tried in the city.

"Michigan adopted direct primaries in 1903 for use in Grand

Rapids, Kent County. The result was the defeat for

re-nomination of the Mayor under whose administration the

so-called water scandal had developed. Two years later,

candidates in Kent County were requested to go on record as to

whether they favored a general direct primary law for the

state. All who recorded their positions declared for such a

law, and it was commonly reported in the newspapers that

opposition to direct primaries would mean defeat for any

candidate who took so unpopular a stand.

"Thereafter direct nominations spread rapidly through the

middle western states. Mandatory laws were substituted for

optional laws, and state-wide laws for laws applying to

certain localities or offices."

The movement for direct primary voting, to supersede delegated

conventions in the nomination of candidates for office, was

inspired and invigorated powerfully in New York by Governor

Hughes (see, in this Volume, NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910),

soon after his second term in the executive administration

began. He saw that nothing else could emancipate the political

parties of the State from their "boss"-ridden servitude, and

make them real organs of expression for the mind and will of

the people. The whole force of his great influence then went

to the help of the advocates of this reform, and it produced a

public wakening on the subject which years of ordinary

agitation might have failed to bring about. He brought,

moreover, to the movement an inborn statesmanship of judgment

and an intellectual training which gave it the wisest

direction it had yet received. The Bill which he assisted to

frame, embodying his official recommendations, was designed

more carefully than the legislation in other States had been,

not only to avoid any weakening of the organization of

political parties, but to give them the strength of a

leadership conferred truly and freely by its followers. The

measure was opposed desperately by the existing "organization"

of the party in power, and that combination was represented in

the Legislature so much more effectively than the people were

that it compassed the defeat of the Bill, in the session of

1909.

Four times the people of Illinois have extorted acts from

their Legislature providing for direct nominations, and thrice

the enactments, badly framed, have been pronounced

unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of the State. The fourth

of these pieces of legislation, produced in February, 1910, is

not yet tested.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:

Disfranchising Amendment to the Maryland Constitution defeated.

A disfranchising amendment to the Constitution of Maryland,

designed not only to exclude many colored people from the

suffrage, but to give the now dominant political party a

complete mastery of the ballot box, was rejected by the people

when submitted to them at the election of November, 1909.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:

Short Ballot Reform.

A movement that will gain force if the grave reasons for it

can be duly impressed on the popular mind has been assuming

organized form of late. The prime mover in it is Mr. Richard

S. Childs, of New York, who began missionary work for it in a

convincing magazine article on "The Doctrine of the Short

Ballot," published in 1908. Printed afterwards in a small

pamphlet, this impressive argument has had wide circulation

and has drawn many men of influence into league with the

author for urging the subject on public attention. The aim is

to reduce elective offices in State, county and town to such a

limited number that the average voter can acquaint himself

with the comparative merits of candidates and make a fairly

intelligent choice, which he cannot do when the number is

large. "We must shorten the ballot," wrote Mr. Childs, "to a

point where the average man will vote intelligently without

giving to politics more attention than he does at present."

"Voting a straight ticket is not a matter of party loyalty so

much as of not knowing what else to do, and split tickets will

become common as soon as the list is reduced to a point where

each candidate becomes in the mind of the voter a definite

personality instead of a mere name on a long list. To make

public office conspicuous can only be accomplished by making

it stand out in solitude before the gaze of the voter. Let all

the encumbrances in the shape of minor offices disappear from

the ballot and be made appointive. Or at the very least

prevent the few offices from overshadowing the many. Make all

the candidates conspicuous by letting no one be more

conspicuous than another."

A digest of the "short ballot" doctrine is offered in the

following propositions:

"To the average American voter most of the long ballot is a

mere list of names. He registers a genuine personal opinion

only on certain conspicuous offices—the rest he necessarily

delegates by default to organizations of ‘political

specialists.’

"These political organizations, if victorious, sink into the

control of their worst members, since these members having

most to gain and being least scrupulous can generally win

within the organization. Then these men run public

administrations as badly as they dare.

"But we get good men for any conspicuous office where there is

adequate public scrutiny of the candidate, and even Tammany

offers us satisfactory public servants in such places.

"Therefore, if we make most offices appointive so as to

shorten the ballot, till the voter can master his whole

task, and every elected officer becomes conspicuous before his

constituents, political machines will become impotent and

merit will become the most important asset for a candidate.

"The result will be uniform clean government as in England,

Canada, etc., where they have 'The Short Ballot’ already."

{223}

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:

Suffrage Amendment to the Georgia Constitution adopted

by popular vote.

A suffrage amendment to the Constitution of the State of

Georgia, adopted by an overwhelming popular vote in October,

1908, provides that, in order to register and vote according

to the provisions of this amendment, a man must, besides

meeting certain requirements as to residence and the payment

of his taxes, have one of the following qualifications: Either

(1) he must have served in the land or naval forces of the

United States or the Confederate States or the State of

Georgia in time of war, or be lawfully descended from one who

has done so; or

(2) he must be a person of good character, satisfying the

registrars of election that he understands the duties and

obligations of citizenship; or

(3) he must correctly read in the English language any

paragraph of the United States Constitution or the State

Constitution, and, unless physically incapacitated from doing

so, correctly write the same when read to him; or

(4) he must be the owner of at least forty acres of land in

the State in which he resides, or the owner of five hundred

dollars’ worth of property in the State assessed for taxation.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Woman Suffrage:

At Large: Present extent of the movement.

"We rejoice in the immense progress made by women in the last

60 years. In 1848 women had votes nowhere in the world except

the school vote in Kentucky by widows with children of school

age, and a very limited franchise in some parts of Europe.

Today women vote for all elected officers in Finland, Norway,

Federated Australia, New Zealand, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah and

Idaho: they have municipal suffrage in England, Scotland,

Ireland and Wales, in Canada, Kansas, Sweden, Denmark and

Iceland; tax suffrage in Louisiana, Montana, Iowa and New

York, and school suffrage in one-half the States of the Union.

When that first convention met, only one College in the United

States admitted women; now hundreds of colleges do so. Then

there was not a single woman physician, or ordained minister,

or lawyer; now there are 7000 women physicians and surgeons,

3000 ordained ministers, and one thousand lawyers. Then only a

few poorly paid employments were open to women; now women are

in more than 300 occupations, and comprise 80 per cent. of our

teachers. Then there were scarcely any organizations of women;

now such organizations are numbered by thousands. Then the few

women who dared to speak in public, even on philanthropic

questions, were overwhelmingly condemned by public opinion;

now the women most opposed to equal suffrage travel about the

country making public speeches to prove that a woman’s only

place is at home. Then a married woman in most of our States

could not control her own person, property or earnings; now in

most of the States these laws have been largely amended, and

it is only in regard to the ballot that the fiction of women’s

perpetual minority is still kept up. Most of the demands made

by the convention of 1848, which then seemed so revolutionary,

have been already granted, and are now looked upon as matters

of course. … We rejoice in the increasingly rapid progress of

the woman suffrage cause. Every year shows some gain. Since

our last annual meeting Parliamentary suffrage has been

extended to the women of Norway; municipal suffrage to the

women of Denmark; Sweden has made women eligible to municipal

office; Russia has given women of property a proxy vote for

members of the Douma; and Great Britain, with only 15

dissenting votes, has made women eligible as Mayors, Aldermen

and County and Town Councillors. We congratulate the women of

Great Britain upon their gallant fight for the franchise."

Resolutions of the 40th Annual Convention of the

National American Woman Suffrage Association,

at Buffalo, New York, October, 1908.

In Europe "there is the curious anomaly that in its two

so-called republics the cause of woman suffrage is more

backward than in almost any of the other countries. In

Switzerland every man over twenty may vote. A National Woman

Suffrage Association has lately been organized which is

supported by many public men. …

"In France, all men twenty-one years old have the franchise.

The National Council of Women, composed of 55 associations

with about 70,000 members, has recently joined forces with the

National Suffrage Union, thus assuring strong and systematic

effort for the enfranchisement of women. In 1906, a Committee

for the Defence of the Rights of Women was formed in the

Chamber of Deputies, to secure the social, civil and political

rights of women."

Ida H. Harper

North American Review,

September. 1907.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Australia.

The Constitution of the Commonwealth of Australia, in its 41st

clause provides as follows:

See (in Volume VI. of this work)

CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

"No adult person who has or acquires the right to vote at

elections for the more numerous House of the Parliament of a

State, shall, while the right continues, be prevented by any

law of the Commonwealth from voting at elections for either

House of the Commonwealth."

Inasmuch as two of the Australian States, South Australia and

Western Australia, had already extended the suffrage to women

when this federal constitution was adopted, they gained at

once, by its terms, the right of voting at federal elections

in those States. An account of their first appearance in

Australian Federal politics was given subsequently by one of

the women who participated,—in part as follows:

"The political incentive is now the possession of the women of

Australia, and its influence was a potent factor in the recent

Federal elections. The women of South Australia and West

Australia have had the suffrage for some years, so that they

are accustomed to voting, but to the women of the other States

the whole business was new; nevertheless, they voted in as

large numbers proportionally as the men in a majority of the

constituencies, while in some they cast a heavier vote than

the men. The total vote was only 52 per cent. of the voting

strength, the low percentage being due to the fact that the

people as a body have not yet grasped the Federal idea.

Federation has not completely scotched provincialism in

politics, though it is fast doing so, if for no other reason

than the enormous cost of government in this country. The

people are beginning to realize that we are paying the

political piper heavily—fourteen Houses of Parliament and

seven viceroyalties for four millions of people! It is too big

an order, and common sense, as well as the state of our

finances, demands that we should simplify our legislative

machinery. It is right here, as the Americans say, that the

women’s influence will tell.

{224}

During the election campaign, it was most evident that a very

large section of the women favoured those candidates who urged

economy in public expenditure. Individual women, with no idea

of the value of money, may be extravagant, but most women are

compelled by circumstances to be economical, and have a horror

of wasteful expenditure. Therefore the growing demand for less

expensive legislative machinery will find devoted adherents

amongst the women voters. …

"The elections had an added interest in the appearance of four

women candidates in the field—Mrs. Martell, Mrs. Moore (New

South Wales), myself (Victoria), standing for the Senate; and

Miss Selina Anderson (New South Wales) for the House of

Representatives. All were defeated, but the defeat was not

unexpected, as we were well aware that it would be altogether

phenomenal if women were to succeed in their first attempt to

enter a National Parliament. …

"There were eighteen candidates in the field, and, while

unsuccessful, my record of 51,497 votes, when 85,387 were

sufficient to secure election, is most gratifying. I polled

more heavily than one candidate who has been Premier of

Victoria, and than another who had been for twenty-six years a

member of the State legislature, defeating the one by 24,327,

the other by 32,436 votes—51,000 odd votes, in spite of the

opposition of the powerful daily papers, and the prejudice

that a pioneer always has to encounter, is nothing less than a

triumph for the cause that I represent, the cause of women and

children."

Vida Goldstein,

The Political Woman in Australia

(Nineteenth Century, July, 1904).

"The argument that women will not vote is completely disproved

by Australian experience. They not only vote, but they vote in

continually increasing numbers as time goes on, and they

become educated up to a sense of their political

responsibilities and all that these imply. Not all the states

discriminate in their returns between men and women voters,

but those that do show something like the following: In South

Australia, at the last general election, 59 per cent. of the

men on the rolls voted, and 42 per cent. of the women; in

Western Australia, 49 per cent. of the men and 47 per cent. of

the women voted; at the last Federal election, 56 per cent. of

the men voted, and 40 per cent. of the women. None of the

Australian states has yet reached the extraordinary record of

New Zealand, where, in 1902, nearly 75 per cent. of the women

electors recorded their votes, as against 76 per cent. of

their brothers.

"It is unnecessary to add that the conservative woman votes.

Her husband or father and their newspaper take good care that

the duty of doing so is well impressed upon her, even though

abstractly they may all three disapprove of woman in politics,

and have striven to avert her appearing in that arena as long

as they possibly could. …

"Among the measures that can be traced to woman suffrage

within the last ten years are prematernity acts, acts raising

the age of consent, family maintenance acts, and many acts

improving children’s conditions by extending juvenile courts,

limiting hours of work, providing better inspection,

forbidding sale to children of drink, drugs and doubtful

literature."

Alice Henry,

The Australian Woman and the Ballot

(North American Review, December 21, 1906).

Writing in the New York Evening Post of February 10,

1909, Mrs. Ida Husted Harper makes the following statements:

"The recent announcement that the upper house of Parliament in

Victoria, Australia, had passed a woman suffrage bill by a

vote of 23 to 5, marked the gaining of complete suffrage for

women in all of Australasia. Since 1902 women have had a vote

in Australia for members of the national Parliament, and for a

number of years the vote for State officials in all the States

except Victoria. There the lower house, or Assembly, has

fifteen times passed a bill giving this vote to women only to

have it rejected by the upper house, or Council. The Assembly

is elected by popular vote; the Council is not. … With their

municipal and national franchise the women were able to make

things decidedly uncomfortable for the opponents, in which

they were encouraged and aided by the labor unions. At last

the council surrendered unconditionally, and the vote of

twenty-three to five showed that most of them tried to get

into the band wagon. The five who voted ‘no’ were probably ‘in

for life,’ and not afraid of the consequences. … Australia has

thoroughly tested woman suffrage, first in municipal affairs,

and then in those of State and nation. There is not one

objection made against it which is not refuted by the actual

experience of that country. All the talk about who will take

care of the baby and what will become of the home, its men

would brush aside as so much chaff."

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Denmark:

Its first exercise in Municipal Elections.

Danish municipal elections in March, 1909, were conducted

under a new law which gives every woman who either pays direct

taxes or whose husband does so the right to vote. The law also

provides for a system of proportional representation. "There

was naturally much discussion beforehand," wrote a newspaper

correspondent from Copenhagen, "as to what would be the result

of this first experiment in woman suffrage in Denmark. The

Conservatives, indeed, protested for a long time before they

yielded to its claims. As far as can now be ascertained the

relative strength of the parties in the councils will be

practically unchanged, that is to say, the Conservatives will

still have a slight majority. This is at all events the case

in and around Copenhagen, where the women took a very active

part in the voting, nearly 75 per cent. of those who were

entitled to vote having done so."

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: England:

Qualification for County and Borough Councils.

The following are the provisions of an Act of Parliament

approved in August, 1907:

"A woman shall not be disqualified by sex or marriage for

being elected or being a councillor or alderman of the council

of any county or borough (including a metropolitan borough):

Provided that a woman if elected as chairman of a county

council or mayor of a borough shall not by virtue of holding

or having held that office be a justice of the peace."

{225}

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:

The Campaign of the Militant Suffragists or "Suffragettes."

The cause of the women who desire and demand equal political

rights with men seemed to be advancing fast toward complete

victory in Great Britain, in 1906-1907, when the impatient among

them began resorting to militant methods of agitation. It is

probably safe to say that no other movement by any part of any

people in any country, for obtaining an extension of political

rights, had ever been carried by rational discussion and

appeal to a point of more encouragement than the woman

suffrage movement in the United Kingdom had then attained. For

everything elective in local government the vote had been won

for women, and the opening of county and borough offices to

them was on the eve of being written into law. Representation

in Parliament, only, had not been secured, but the disposition

to concede it was growing from day to day. It was at this

stage of promising progress in the movement that an impatient

section of its promoters became persuaded that some

disturbance of the public peace and some troubling of the

Government would hasten the final triumph of their cause. Why

they were led to that conclusion was explained to an American

audience in New York by their leader, Mrs. Pankhurst, in

October, 1909, as follows:

"The Liberals failed to put woman suffrage in their Newcastle

programme. We waited on Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, leader

of that party, and who would be prime minister, but he said he

was too busy seeing voters to attend to women. The other

parties acted in the same way, so we were forced to other

action. A. J. Balfour, the Tory leader, upon whom we called,

declared that he was in favor of equal suffrage, but was

honest enough to add that no statesman would propose a bill to

give it unless it were made a practical question of politics.

"You have heard much of our methods. You have condemned them,

but whether they were right or wrong, objectionable or not,

they have certainly accomplished our object of bringing the

question before the British public as a practical political

question. … My grandmother was a Chartist, and so I determined

to follow in her footsteps.

"It was at Manchester, almost on the site of the Peterloo

franchise riots, when the yeomen, with their bayonets, cut

down the men seeking votes, that our agitation began. Sir

Edward Grey was closing the great Liberal revival in

Lancashire by a great meeting. Women were admitted to meetings

in England in those days; it is not so now. We decided to be

there with a banner on which we would inscribe the motto ‘Will

the Liberal government give working women the vote?’ Annie

Kenny, an officer of the Cotton Workers’ Trade Union, was

chosen to put the question to Sir Edward Grey. She accepted on

condition that my daughter, Christobel Pankhurst, would

accompany her and hold her hand. We tried to get them seats in

the front of the balcony, where they could unfurl the banner.

We failed in this, so we got seats in the area, and had to

change the banner. The new one was made on my dining-room

table with a piece of calico and some black paint and

contained the now world-wide motto: ‘Votes for Women.’

"Sir Edward Grey delivered a great speech, but there was

nothing in it about giving women votes. Several questions were

put to him, and he answered as all public speakers should, and

as they always do in England. When he was done, more questions

were in order. Annie Kenny rose and unfurled her banner,

holding it up in a hand from which she had lost a finger while

at work in the mills at an age when girls should not be

allowed to work—especially when they are intended for

motherhood. Holding her companion’s hand, she put her

question: ‘Will the Liberal government give working women

votes?’ Instantly the stewards pounced upon her; hands were

pressed over her mouth, and she was forced to sit down. She

was told to write her question, and it would be answered. A

vote of thanks was proposed, and Sir Edward Grey answered.

"When he failed to answer her question, Annie Kenny rose and

insisted on an answer. She was pounced upon; six men dragged

her hat off and pulled her to the door, but her last words as

she was thrown out were: ‘Sir Edward Grey, answer my

question.’ My daughter took up the task, and repeated the

question. She, too, was set upon and dragged past the stage,

upon which sat men who had known her from childhood, who had

voted for her father; but so strong is party spirit that they

allowed her to be thrown out without protest.

"They held a meeting outside and were arrested for obstructing

the police. They were fined, and went to jail. But we had

gained what we wanted. The press, which had ignored us,

heralded our cause. We were giving them good copy."

In the early period of the campaign of public disturbance

which the militant suffragists had thus planned, their

operations were directed mainly to the interruption of

speakers at political meetings, not only by questions, but by

bell-ringing and the like, provoking forcible ejection, arrest

and fine, or commitment to jail. Presently some resorted to

the device of chaining themselves to seats, prolonging the

disturbance and heightening its sensational character. The

crowning sensation of this description was achieved on the 8th

of November, 1908, when two daring suffragettes who had gained

admission to the women’s gallery in the House of Commons

chained themselves to the metal lattice work in front of it

and opened a fire of questions and demands on the dismayed law

makers below. In the previous month the House had been

besieged by a great mob of women who attempted to force their

way into its well-guarded chambers, under Mrs. Pankhurst’s

lead. She and others of the leaders, arrested on this

occasion, refused to give bonds to keep the peace, and were

sentenced to imprisonment for three months.

From this time on, the devices of public disturbance and of

annoyance to Parliament and Ministers became more and more

ingeniously sensational. One performance, on the 27th of

April, 1909, was thus described by a London newspaper of the

morning after:

"St. Stephen’s Hall is built upon the site of the old

Parliament, its dimensions in length and width are the same,

its memories embalm the great Parliamentary tradition, it is

the place where the liberties of the people have been won.

This is the place which was chosen yesterday by woman

suffragists for a degrading exhibition of disorder. On either

side of the hall are two rows of wonderful statues, like white

ghosts of the old Parliament. To the legs of four of these

statues as many women yesterday afternoon fastened themselves,

after their practice, with chains, and remained there, a

centre of disturbance, until an end was put to their mimic

slavery by the police. The statues were those of Selden,

Walpole, Somers, and Falkland; and it is matter for great

regret that Falkland’s statue, in its pathetic grace the most

charming of them all, has been wantonly injured by this rough

usage."

{226}

On the 24th of June the lobby of the House of Commons became

the scene of another performance in the same spirit by a

single dauntless actor,—thus related: "Miss Wallace Dunlop,

who was intercepted the other day in an attempt to deface with

indelible ink the walls of the lobby of the House of Commons

with an appeal on behalf of ‘Votes for Women,’ succeeded

yesterday in accomplishing her object. Disguised as an elderly

lady and carrying a brown handbag, she eluded the vigilance of

the police till well within the lobby of the House. Drawing

from her handbag a small wooden stencil, or board, with felt

attached and saturated with indelible purple ink, she

succeeded in placing it against the wall of the lobby at a

conspicuous spot. The ink was at once absorbed into the

surface of the wall. The words written were:--‘Women’s

Deputation, June 29th. Bill of Rights. It is the right of the

subjects to petition the King, and all commitments and

prosecutions for such petitioning are illegal.’ Miss Wallace

Dunlop was taken to Cannon-row Police-station, and after being

detained two hours was charged with doing wilful damage. She

will be brought before the magistrates at Bow Street this

morning."

Miss Dunlop received a sentence of imprisonment, and

inaugurated in prison a more heroic protest against and

defiance of the tyranny of which she believed herself to be a

victim. It is described in the following manifesto, published

by the National Women’s Social and Political Union (the

principal organization of the militant suffragists) on the

14th of July:

"The women who have been sent to prison in connexion with

woman suffrage disturbances have, from the beginning, demanded

treatment as political prisoners, and have appealed to the

Home Secretary to accord them the rights and privileges to

which political prisoners are entitled in every part of the

world. As this appeal has been disregarded, women have now

decided to take the law into their own hands, and, by carrying

on a revolt in prison, to force the hands of the authorities

to concede them what they have refused to give as a matter of

justice.

"The first action taken in the matter was that of Miss Wallace

Dunlop, sent to prison on Friday, July 2, for imprinting an

extract from the Bill of Rights upon one of the walls in the

House of Commons. Political treatment being refused to her,

and being ordered to wear prison clothes and eat prison food,

Miss Wallace Dunlop determined to strike a blow for her rights

by refusing absolutely to eat the food offered to her. After

91 hours of starvation—during which time communications were

constantly passing between the Governor of the prison and the

Home Office—the authorities decided to give in, and Miss

Wallace Dunlop was released.

"The 14 members of the Women’s Social and Political Union who

were sent to prison on Monday, July 12, in connexion with the

stone throwing at the Government buildings on June 29, have

determined to carry out a further revolt. Before leaving for

prison they informed the officers of the union that it was

their intention, if denied the rights of political prisoners,

to carry out an effective protest in prison. When ordered to

take off their own clothes and to put on prison clothes they

intended to refuse to do so, and standing all together they

would refuse to be put into cells of the second division. If

put into their cells by force and undressed, they would refuse

in the morning to get up and dress excepting into their own

clothes. They also informed members of the union that they

would refuse to obey the rule of silence, but would talk to

one another whenever they liked and would sing aloud during

retention.

"In making this protest the women claim that they are fighting

for the preservation of the rights of political prisoners,

which were not denied even in the Bastille."

Miss Dunlop’s heroic protest, by refusing prison food, was

taken up at once and repeated by numbers of her imprisoned

sisters; until the prison authorities met it by forcibly

administering food, in the manner of treatment applied

sometimes to desperate convicts or to the insane; and this, of

course, is more than repugnant and distressing to the feeling

of everybody. The whole unexampled situation is repugnant and

distressing, however it may be viewed. The cause involved is

so pitifully stripped of its dignity, simply for the reason

that the sex whose cause it is has nothing in body or mind to

qualify it for effectual rioting. A mob of men can invest its

mischievous doings with the impressiveness of terror, which

crushes laughter and contempt. A mob of such women as the

champion suffragists are cannot do so, and the riot they

attempt is but a travesty, which challenges jeers, and sadly

smirches the after heroism of the self-starved rioters in

their prison cells. The difference between a political

insurrection of men and the insurgency of Mrs. Pankhurst and

her followers is the difference between a menace that alarms

and a nuisance that annoys and provokes. With what effect the

cause of woman suffrage has been made a public nuisance in

England remains to be seen. The advantage to it is dubious, to

say the least. On this point Mr. Winston Churchill, President

of the Board of Trade, spoke his mind plainly to a deputation

of suffragettes who called on him at Dundee on the 18th of

last October. He said:

"I saw the beginning of what you call the militant tactics.

They broke out in my late constituency, North-West Manchester,

and during the four years that have passed I have fought three

by-elections, and have made a great many speeches about the

country. So, I suppose, I have come very nearly as much in

contact with them as any other Cabinet Minister. … You have

come to me in a deputation, and I am bound to give you my

candid and truthful opinion that your cause is in a worse

position now than it was four years ago. I do not mean by that

that anything has been done which will prevent the ultimate

success of the movement. I do not think that is so, but I am

quite sure that, while these tactics of silly disorder and

petty violence continue, there is not the slightest chance of

any Government that will be called into power, or of any House

of Commons which is likely to be elected, giving you the

reform which you seek. That is my honest, unprejudiced view."

{227}

The National Union of Women Suffrage Societies, of which Mrs.

Henry Fawcett is President, represents a large body of women

claimants of the suffrage who distinctly disapprove of and

disclaim responsibility for the proceedings of their militant

allies. In a statement which this National Union communicated

to the Prime Minister on the 2d of October, 1909, they set

forth the following facts in evidence of the strength of the

popular support given to their claims: Since the beginning of

1908 the National Union had taken part in 31 by-elections in

Great Britain. "These have been contested by 69 candidates, of

whom 26 were Liberals, 32 Unionists, and 11 Labour, Socialist,

or Independent. Of these 69 candidates, only nine declared

themselves opponents of woman suffrage. The rest in varying

degrees accepted the principle of the enfranchisement of

women. A few merely stated that they were not hostile, but the

overwhelming majority frankly accepted it, some even pledging

themselves to oppose any further extension of the franchise to

men so long as it was withheld from women."

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Finland:

The great victory of 1906.

"The great victory for woman suffrage in 1906 was won in

Finland, where women were enfranchised on exactly the same

terms as men, and made eligible to all offices, including

seats in Parliament. This gives the vote at once to about

300,000 women. Preceding and during the revolution, in the

attempt to throw off the Russian yoke, the women shared with

the men the work, the hardships and the dangers; and, when the

triumph came, there was not a thought on the part of men of

excluding women from any portion of the rewards, the most

important of which was the suffrage. But they themselves had

long been preparing the ground. The Finnish Women’s

Association to work for equal rights was founded in 1884 by

Baroness Alexandra Gripenberg and never ceased its efforts. In

1892 the Woman’s Alliance Union was organized, more democratic

and aggressive in its character. … After the vast national

strike in the autumn of 1905, while a body of leading men were

drawing up a Declaration of Rights to be presented to the

Tsar, Dr. (Miss) Tekla Hulsin, a member of the National Bureau

of Statistics, made an eloquent plea in behalf of the women,

and they were included in its demand for universal suffrage. …

The Tsar signed it in November, giving his consent to the

proposed reforms. Immediately the women set to work,

lecturing, organizing, getting up petitions, and finally held

another huge mass-meeting in Helsingfors, demanding that the

Diet carry out this measure. All of the political parties put

it in their platforms. On May 28th, 1906, the Diet with only

one dissenting vote passed the bill giving the suffrage to all

men and women twenty-four years old. This was signed by the

Tsar on July 20th."

Ida H. Harper,

Woman Suffrage Throughout The World

(North American Review, September, 1907).

Dr. Tekla Hulsin, referred to above, now a woman member of the

Finnish Diet, speaking at a suffragist meeting in London, in

September, 1909, gave the following account of the action of

the women members of that body:

"The granting of woman suffrage had caused no change in the

strength of the respective political parties. Every citizen in

Finland who was entitled to vote was also eligible for

membership of the Diet. There had been no rivalry between the

men and women candidates; they recognized that they were there

for common ends. The women members of the Diet had followed

their parties on party questions, but had joined on women’s

questions for humanitarian ends. They had presented petitions

for the raising of the marriageable age from 15 to 17, the

exemption of women from their husband’s guardianship, the

reception of Government employment on the same grounds as men,

and on the subject of the prevention of cruelty to children

and animals. These had all been accepted by the Diet."

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:

International Council of Women.

See (in this Volume)

WOMEN, INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:

International Woman Suffrage Alliance.

"Since the Conference held at Copenhagen in August of 1906,

which closed with thirteen countries in membership, the

Alliance has been growing till its influence is felt as far as

South Africa. On the first day of the Conference, held in

Amsterdam June 15, 1907, there was presented an application

from the Woman Suffrage Associations of Natal and Cape Colony

for auxiliaryship in the Alliance. … The second request for

auxiliaryship was presented by Switzerland, which had formed a

National committee of seven Cantonal Associations. … The third

new member, and the last one to enter the Alliance, was the

National Bulgarian Alliance for Women’s Rights. This body is

composed of thirty local societies working in different lines,

and is somewhat like our Federation of Women’s Clubs here, or

a National Council of Women. … The full membership roll of the

Alliance now includes Australia, Bulgaria, Canada, Denmark,

Finland, Germany, Great Britain, Hungary, Italy, the

Netherlands, Norway, Russia, Sweden, United States, South

Africa and Switzerland. Perhaps the most important new

departure at Amsterdam was the fact that official

representatives were sent to that meeting by the Australian

Federation, Norway and the State of Utah. Those coming from

Australia and Norway were not only delegated by the Government

but their expenses were borne by the National Treasury, and

they were sent as students of the whole question as

represented internationally by the Alliance, and expected to

report upon it to their respective governments. … Fraternal

delegates came to the Alliance from the International Council

of Women, and from the National Councils of Belgium, Denmark,

France, Germany, Great Britain, the Netherlands, New Zealand,

Norway and Sweden; and in addition to these fraternal

delegates were sent by seventeen associations from the

countries already mentioned and Scotland in addition; making

in all twenty-one countries represented either by regular

delegates or by fraternal delegates at the Amsterdam

conference."

Proceedings of the 40th Annual Convention of the

National American Woman Suffrage Association, at Buffalo,

New York, October, 1908.

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: New Zealand:

Its working in that country.

Sir Joseph George Ward, Prime Minister of New Zealand,

returning home from England in August, 1908, passed through

the United States, and was questioned in New York about the

working of woman suffrage in his country, where women have

been voters for the last sixteen years. He declared his

conviction that New Zealand had found it to be one of the most

far-sighted policies ever put into effect, for the ballot in

the hands of women had exercised a great influence for the

general good. "A stranger coming to New Zealand," he said,

"would not recognize any difference between our institutions

and those here, so far as the right of women to vote is

concerned. He would see no women politicians, no campaign

orators of the other sex, no disturbances such as are so often

pictured as one of the attendant ills of woman’s suffrage.

{228}

"Under our laws women cannot stand for Parliament, nor hold

any other office. They do not mix it up in a campaign. You

never hear of them in this way during an election. They attend

public meetings, they are present at all of the public

ceremonies, and are unusually well-informed upon all public

questions. When they vote they vote intelligently, and any

woman over twenty-one years of age and a citizen of the

country can vote. Her right to vote does not, as many imagine,

cause family dissensions, nor family wrangles such as

cartoonists picture. There are no more differences over

politics in New Zealand families than there are over domestic

problems in the United States. The ballot in the hands of the

women, so far as I have observed, means only the healthy

influence of the home injected into politics. Our law

prohibits the solicitation of votes on election day; the

placarding of streets and houses, the use of vehicles to carry

voters, the exerting of any influence to obtain a vote. A wife

may accompany her husband to the polls, to the door of the

booth, but no further. The laws absolutely protect the privacy

of the ballot.

"In New Zealand the granting of the privilege of voting to

women did not result in the levelling of the wage scale, or

the competition between men and women in labor. In comparison

with other countries the proportion of wage-earning women in

New Zealand is small. She has her place to fill in the home,

and there are no truer and more devoted mothers of families in

the world. I believe that her influence upon man is all the

greater and better by reason of her suffrage. She recognizes

the position of man as the head of the household, and he is,

generally speaking, always the wage-earner, and I firmly

believe that if women could under our laws be elected to

office and have a part in the making of laws, they would not

seek legislation that would tend to further advance themselves

and limit the activity of the men.

"Women’s suffrage has surely resulted in the raising of the

standard of education in our country. The class of ignorant

people is very small, and growing smaller and smaller with

each succeeding generation. … The country has not been without

its political and labor demagogues, but the conservative

judgment of the voters has always prevailed in the end. Graft

is something unknown in New Zealand."

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:

The Increasing Vote of Women at local option polls and

in general elections.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM: NEW ZEALAND.

----------ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: End--------

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE.

See, (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

ELECTRICITY.

See (in this Volume and in Volume VI.)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.

ELECTRO-CHEMISTRY.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ELECTRO-CHEMISTRY.

ELECTRONS.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.

ELEVATOR COMBINATION, Dissolution of the.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

ELGIN, The Earl of:

Secretary of State for the Colonies (British).

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

ELGIN, The Earl of:

Presiding at Imperial Conference.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

ELIOT, Charles W.:

Retirement from Presidency of Harvard University.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

ELKINS, Anti-Rebate Law.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903 (February).

ELKINS CLAUSE, The.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

EMERGENCY CURRENCY ACT.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

EMERY CLAIM, The.

See (in this Volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909: NICARAGUA.

EMIGRATION.

See (in this Volume)

IMMIGRATION; also

RACE PROBLEMS.

EMPIRE DAY.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY).

EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR PROTECTION.

ENCYCLICALS.

See Papacy.

ENDJUMEN FUTUVAT, The:

An anti-parliamentary party.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1906-1907.

----------ENGLAND: Start--------

[Footnote: For convenience of use in the many references to

this heading throughout the Volume, the name of England is

made to stand for The United Kingdom of Great Britain and

Ireland,—a stretch of meaning which seems often permissible.]

ENGLAND: A. D. 1870-1905.

Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1900.

Comparative Statement of the Consumption of Alcoholic Drink.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901.

Census of the British Empire compiled.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE.

{229}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901.

Census of England and Wales, and of the United Kingdom.

Population.

Relative numbers of males and females.

Agricultural industry.

Extent of various uses of the soil.

The different kinds of areas.

The eleventh Census of the population of England and Wales was

taken April 1st, 1901, "ascertaining the required information

relating to the persons returned as living at midnight on

Sunday, March 31st." The number enumerated in England and

Wales, as finally revised at the Census Office, was

35,527,843; showing an increase of 3,525,318, or a decennial

rate of increase of 12.17 percent, upon the number returned at

the preceding enumeration in April, 1891. Of the persons

enumerated in England and Wales in 1901, 15,728,613 were males

and 16,799,230 were females, the latter exceeding the former

by 1,070,617. This, however, does not represent the relative

numbers of the two sexes that belong to the population

of the country; "for there are always men temporarily absent

abroad as soldiers or seamen or for business purposes"; while,

on the other hand, "the enumerated population temporarily

includes some soldiers and sailors who were born in Scotland

and Ireland, as well as foreign sailors and business

representatives." Making reckonings for these, "the population

belonging to England and Wales at the date of the

Census may be estimated at 32,805,040 persons, of whom

16,005,810 were males, and 16,799,230 were females." During

the ten years prior to 1901 the recorded male births in

England exceeded the female births by 160,987, while the

recorded deaths of males exceeded the deaths of females by

155,363. This would have about evened their numbers in the

population of 1901; hence the existing excess of females is

due, in the main, to the more extensive emigration or

temporary absence of males.

Of the population of England and Wales less than 4 per cent.

was born outside of those two divisions of the United Kingdom;

not quite 1 per cent. was born in Scotland; a little more than

1.3 per cent. was born in Ireland; a trifle more than 1 per

cent. in foreign countries, and an insignificant fraction in

British colonies and dependencies. England, it will be seen,

is troubled very slightly with problems arising from a mixed

population.

The Census of Scotland and Ireland, taken simultaneously with

that of England and Wales, gave the former a population of

4,472,103, and the latter 4,458,775. Scotland had gained

46,456 since 1891; Ireland had lost in the same period

245,975. In the sixty years since 1841 Ireland had lost more

than 3,700,000. The total of population in the United Kingdom,

at midnight, March 31, 1901, was found to be 41,458,721; and

the females exceeded the males in number by 1,253,905. The

excess was least in Ireland.

Judged by the numbers engaged therein, the Agricultural

Industry is still the most important in the United Kingdom;

but, since 1881, it had been reduced from 2,362,331 males to

2,109,812 in 1901. The decline was far less in Ireland than in

England, Scotland, or Wales. In England and Wales, the whole

area of land, amounting to 37,129,162 acres, or 58,014 square

miles, is divided by the census report into areas as follows:

Acres.

Corn Crops                                   5,886,052

Green Crops                                  2,511,744

Clover and grasses under rotation            3,262,926

Flax, Hops, Small Fruit                        120,683

Bare Fallow                                    336,884

Permanent Pasture or Grass                  15,399,025

Mountain and Heath Land used for Grazing     3,556,636

Woods, Plantations, Nursery Grounds,

Houses, Streets, Roads, Railways,

Waste Grounds, &c.                           6,055,212

Total Land Area of England and Wales.       37,129,162

The enumeration of "different kinds of areas," in England and

Wales, as set forth in the Census report, is interesting in

some particulars—such as these:

54 Ancient Counties;

62 Administrative Counties;

468 Parliamentary Areas;

2 Ecclesiastical Provinces;

35 Ecclesiastical Dioceses;

14,080 Ecclesiastical Parishes;

14,900 Civil Parishes;

67 County Boroughs;

28 Metropolitan Boroughs with their Wards;

54 County Court Circuits;

500 County Court Districts;

1122 Urban Districts

(including 316 County or Municipal Boroughs) with the

Wards of those which are so subdivided;

664 Rural Districts.

Census of England and Wales, 1901.

General Report.

(Parliamentary Papers, 1904, Cd. 2174.)ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (NOVEMBER).

An addition to the Titles of the King.

The following is part of the proclamation of an addition to

the titles of the King which was made on the 4th of November,

1901:

"Whereas an act was passed in the last session of Parliament,

entitled ‘An act to enable His Most Gracious Majesty to make

an addition to the royal style and titles in recognition of

His Majesty’s dominions beyond the seas,’ which act enacts

that it shall be lawful for us, with a view to such

recognition as aforesaid of our dominions beyond the seas, by

our royal proclamation under the great seal of the United

Kingdom issued within six months after the passing of the said

act, to make such addition to the style and titles at present

appertaining to the Imperial Crown of the United Kingdom and

its dependencies as to us may seem fit; and

"Whereas our present style and titles are, in the Latin

tongue, ‘Edwardus VII Dei Gratia Britanniarum Rex, Fidei

Defensor, Indiæ Imperator,’ and in the English tongue, ‘Edward

VII, by the Grace of God of the United Kingdom of Great

Britain and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, Emperor of

India,’ we have thought fit, by and with the advice of our

privy council, to appoint and declare, and we do hereby, by

and with the said advice, appoint and declare that henceforth,

so far as conveniently may be, on all occasions and in all

instruments wherein our style and titles are used, the

following addition shall be made to the style and titles at

present appertaining to the Imperial Crown of the United

Kingdom and its dependencies—that is to say, in the Latin

tongue, after the word ‘Britanniarum,’ these words, ‘et

terrarum transmarinarum quœ inditione sunt Britannicâ’; and in

the English tongue, after the words ‘of the United Kingdom of

Great Britain and Ireland,’ these words, 'and of the British

Dominions beyond the Seas.’"

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901-1902.

The last year of the Boer-British War.

Peace preliminaries.

Text of the Treaty concluded.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901-1902 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY).

Treaty with the United States to facilitate the construction

of a Ship Canal between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans.

See PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1901-1902.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902.

Arbitration and mediation between the Argentine Republic and

Chile.

See (in this Volume)

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JANUARY).

Agreement in the nature of a Defensive Alliance with Japan.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1902.

{230}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (FEBRUARY).

Wei-hai-wei found valueless.

Fortification abandoned.

The British public was unpleasantly surprised on the 11th of

February, 1902, by an official announcement in Parliament that

the fortifying of the port of Wei-hai-wei, on the Chinese

coast (extorted from China in 1898 as an offset to the cession

of Port Arthur to Russia, had been abandoned, for the reason

that military and naval opinion agreed in concluding that the

place had no strategic value.

See, in Volume VI. of this work,

CHINA: A. D. 1898, MARCH-JULY).

It would not be returned to China, however, having usefulness

for experiments in naval gunnery, and as a sanitarium. The

announcement drew much sarcasm on the Government.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (February).

Opposed deliverances of Lord Rosebery and

Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman on Irish Home Rule.

See (in this Volume)

IRELAND: A. D. 1902 (FEBRUARY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).

Passage of the Education Act, in the interest of voluntary or

church schools.

"Passive Resistance" of Nonconformists.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (MAY).

Treaty with Abyssinia.

See ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JUNE-AUGUST).

Illness and deferred Coronation of King Edward VII.

While England was preparing, in the last half of June, 1902,

for the great ceremony of the Coronation of King Edward VII.,

appointed to take place on the 26th, disquieting accounts of

his Majesty’s health began to appear. Some exposure at

Aldershot, during military reviews, had brought on a chill, it

was said; and though it was made light of in the reports,

there was anxiety abroad. The King and Queen came to London

from Windsor on the 23d, and all seemed to promise well. That

evening he attended a State banquet; but a little before noon

the next morning the nation received a dreadful shock from the

announcement: "The King is suffering from perityphlitis [more

familiarly known as appendicitis]. The condition on Saturday

was so satisfactory that it was hoped that, with care, his

Majesty would be able to go through the Coronation ceremonies.

On Monday evening a recrudescence became manifest, rendering a

surgical operation necessary to-day." A serious disappointment

as well as a grave anxiety was produced. Preparations for the

pageant and the solemnities of the Coronation had been made on

a splendid scale. London was crowded with visitors from all

parts of the world, and specially decorated as never before.

The sudden descent of grief and fear and gloom on the gayeties

of the scene was a transformation which London and England can

never forget.

Within three hours from the first startling report the success

of the operation was made known. The King had borne it well

and was in a satisfactory state. From that time on there were

none but good reports. On the 5th of July he was declared to

be out of danger. On the 15th he was removed to the royal

yacht Victoria and Albert and taken to Cowes. At the

end of seven weeks he had recovered so fully as to be able to

bear the fatigues and the strain of a trying ceremony, and the

King and Queen were crowned in Westminster Abbey on the 9th of

August, with somewhat less of magnificent public show than had

been prepared for the 26th of June, but nevertheless with

regal pomp.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (June-August).

Conference with the Prime Ministers of the Self-Governing

Colonies.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (July).

Resignation of Lord Salisbury.

Mr. Balfour’s succession to the Premiership.

The new Ministry.

Failing health compelled the Marquis of Salisbury to ask, on

the 11th of July, for relief from the cares of the office of

Prime Minister. His resignation was accepted, and Mr. Arthur

J. Balfour, First Lord of the Treasury in Lord Salisbury’s

Ministry, was invited by the King to the vacant place. Some

changes in the Cabinet followed, Sir Michael Hicks-Beach

retiring from the Chancellorship of the Exchequer, and being

succeeded by Mr. C. T. Ritchie; Mr. A. Akers-Douglas entering

the Cabinet as Home Secretary; Mr. G. Wyndham continuing in

the office of Chief Secretary for Ireland, but coming into the

Cabinet; Mr. Austen Chamberlain, son of the Right Honorable

Joseph Chamberlain, also receiving a Cabinet seat as

Postmaster-General.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (August).

Passage of Licensing Bill.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (September).

Arrangements of the Government with the Cunard Company and

the International Mercantile Marine Company.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: INTERNATIONAL.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902-1904.

Coercive proceedings against Venezuela concerted with Germany

and Italy.

Settlement of Claims secured.

Reference to The Hague.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902-1904.

The Mission of Colonel Younghusband to Tibet.

Its advance in force to Lhasa.

The Treaty secured.

See (in this Volume)

TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903.

Passage of the Land Purchase Act for Ireland.

See (in this Volume)

IRELAND: A. D. 1870-1903.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903.

Declines to be a party to the building of the Bagdad Railway.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS; TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (March).

Debate in Parliament on the South African Labor Question.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (March).

Passage of the Employment of Children Bill.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR PROTECTION.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (June).

The Celebration of Empire Day.

A Canadian custom of celebrating Queen Victoria’s birthday,

June 24, as Empire Day, was taken up in Great Britain in 1903,

and "the movement," says the London Times, "has spread

with striking rapidity." The day is made especially

interesting in the schools, where the morning of the day is

given to addresses on citizenship and the Empire and to the

singing of patriotic songs, while the afternoon is a

half-holiday.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (May-September).

Mr. Chamberlain’s declaration for Preferential Trade with

the British Colonies.

The political commotion excited.

Mr. Balfour’s puzzling attitude on the questions raised.

It is made clear by the correspondence when Mr. Chamberlain

resigns.

The latter’s propagandism.

In June, 1902, when, as Secretary of State for the Colonies,

Mr. Joseph Chamberlain addressed the Conference of Prime

Ministers from the self-governing British Colonies, his mind

was manifestly not prepared to accept as a practicable

proposition their request that the United Kingdom would grant

"preferential treatment to the products and manufactures of

the Colonies."

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1902)

{231}

"Preferential treatment" meant an Imperial protective-tariff

policy, with discrimination of duties in favor of imports from

British colonies. As the products of the colonies were mostly

food stuffs and raw materials for manufacture, it meant a

taxing of the supplies of these to British tables and British

industries from every source outside the colonies. It meant an

artificial higher pricing in the market of the British Isles

for everything in which cost bears hardest on the livelihood

and the living of their people. Mr. Chamberlain, in 1902, was

waxing ardent in the high mission he had undertaken, of

unifying and consolidating the great British Empire,

strengthening the ties of family between Mother England and

her scattered brood; but he had not yet been persuaded that

the mother could afford to expend quite so much as this of her

own well-being on premiums for the allegiance of her

offspring.

In the course of the next year, however, the Colonial

Secretary spent some weeks in South Africa, and seems to have

been remarkably intensified in his imperializing aims by what

he saw and learned. He came home filled with the conviction

that England must, for the sake of a really unified and

incorporated Empire, abandon the free opening of her markets,

which gave her people the cheapest food and the cheapest

materials for labor that the world at large could furnish, and

must wall them and gate them, with differing keys to the

locks, so that her own colonists might be given the

"preferential" admission they claim. If he had arrived at that

conviction before going to South Africa he had made no sign of

it; but it was proclaimed soon after his return, in a speech

to his constituents at Birmingham, on the 15th of May, which

shook England as no sudden development in politics had done

for many years. The time had come, he declared, when the

country must decide for or against a deliberate policy of

Imperial unification, which required it to reciprocate the

preferential tariffs which the colonies had adopted or were

offering to adopt. Canada had given Great Britain a preference

in her tariff, first of 25 per cent., afterwards increased to

33 1/3 per cent., and was ready to go farther if the British

Government would reciprocate, in allowing a drawback on the

shilling corn duty (a duty which had been levied for a year

past, and was about to be removed). At the Colonial Conference

of the previous year the representatives of Australia and New

Zealand had expressed readiness to act on the same line. A

recent conference of the British colonies in South Africa had

recommended the Legislatures of those colonies to give the

Mother Country a similar preference on all dutiable goods of

25 per cent. Whether this policy of the colonies should be

developed in the future or withdrawn depended now on the

treatment given to it by the people of Great Britain.

"The people of the Empire," continued Mr. Chamberlain, "have

two alternatives before them. They may maintain if they like

in all its severity the interpretation—in my mind an entirely

artificial and wrong interpretation—which has been placed on

the doctrines of Free Trade by a small remnant of the Little

Englanders, of the Manchester school, who now profess to be

the sole repositories of the doctrines of Mr. Cobden and Mr.

Bright. They may maintain that policy in all its severity,

though it is repudiated by every other nation and by all your

own Colonies. In that case they will be absolutely precluded

either from giving any kind of preference or favour to any of

their Colonies abroad, or even protecting their Colonies

abroad when they offer to favour us. That is the first

alternative. The second alternative is that we should insist

that we will not be bound by any purely technical definition

of Free Trade, that, while we seek as one chief object free

interchange of trade and commerce between ourselves and all

the nations of the world, we will, nevertheless, recover our

freedom, resume that power of negotiation and, if necessary,

retaliation whenever our own interests or our relation between

our Colonies and ourselves are threatened by other people.

"I leave the matter," said Mr. Chamberlain, "in your hands. I

desire that a discussion on this subject should be opened. The

time has not yet come to settle it, but it seems to me that

for good or for evil this is an issue much greater in its

consequences than any of our local disputes. Make a mistake in

legislation. Yet it can be corrected. Make a mistake in your

Imperial policy. It is irretrievable. You have an opportunity;

you will never have it again."

Naturally this speech, from a Minister of the Crown, as

important and influential in the Government and in his party

as Mr. Chamberlain, caused an immense political commotion. It

had suddenly injected a new issue into the politics of the

United Kingdom, involving some reconstruction of the party in

possession of power, and a fundamental readjustment of

principles in some part of it, more or less, according to the

following that Mr. Chamberlain secured. Would he leave the

Ministry or the Ministry leave him?—was the question of the

hour. It remained unanswered for three months or more, while

controversy over the propositions of Mr. Chamberlain raged and

the situation became more puzzling every day. Meantime the

head of the Government, Mr. Balfour, was acting like a

faithful adherent to the English principle of freedom in

trade, by advocating a repeal of the incongruous corn duty

levied the year before, but speaking, at the same time, like a

man of open mind on the question of preferential trade,

treating it as one that demanded careful thought. "If foreign

countries," he said, "should take the view that our

self-governing colonies could be treated as separate nations

we must resist their policy by fiscal retaliation. There must

be a weapon to our hands with which to meet those who might

attempt to disintegrate the Empire by fiscal means. The

question whether we should be justified in raising revenue

with the object of drawing the different portions of the

Empire more closely together was certainly well worth

consideration."

All that he said in these months conveyed the impression that

he was in an undetermined, waiting state of mind on the

question raised by Mr. Chamberlain, not yet convinced that his

colleague should be supported in the new policy proposed, but

quite likely to be. That, however, was not the attitude in

which he could hold the two coalesced parties, Conservative

and Liberal Union, that were behind him in the Government. The

issue had instant activity there, dividing both. The Premier

could suppress debate on it in Parliament, as he did, but

everywhere else in the kingdom the rage of controversy

gathered heat, and party lines on the side of the Government

were rapidly confused. Two members of the Cabinet resigned,

while Mr. Chamberlain kept his place in it until the 9th of

September, when he addressed to Mr. Balfour a letter which

offered his resignation, for reasons stated as follows:

{232}

"Owing to admitted differences of opinion in the Unionist

party the political organisations of the party were paralysed

and our opponents have had full possession of the field. … I

recognise that serious prejudice has been created, and that,

while the people generally are alive to the danger of

unrestricted competition on the part of those foreign

countries that close their markets to us while finding in our

market an outlet for their surplus production, they have not

yet appreciated the importance to our trade of Colonial

markets, nor the danger of losing them if we do not meet in

some way their natural and patriotic desire for preferential

trade.

"The result is that, for the present at any rate, a

preferential agreement with our Colonies involving any new

duty, however small, on articles of food hitherto untaxed is,

even if accompanied by a reduction of taxation on other

articles of food of equally universal consumption,

unacceptable to the majority in the constituencies. …

"I suggest that you should limit the present policy of the

Government to the assertion of our freedom in the case of all

commercial relations with foreign countries, and that you

should agree to my tendering my resignation of my present

office to his Majesty and devoting myself to the work of

explaining and popularising those principles of Imperial union

which my experience has convinced me are essential to our

future welfare and prosperity."

Mr. Balfour’s reply to this, when published, disclosed the

fact that he was wholly in agreement with Mr. Chamberlain, and

that they were now parting company in order to pursue a common

purpose more effectually on different lines. Both saw that

England was not to be drawn easily away from its fundamental

belief in freedom of trade; that what they had undertaken

would require much persuasive labor and considerable time, if

accomplished at all; wherefore Mr. Chamberlain accepted an

assignment to the missionary field of the imperialist cause,

while Mr. Balfour would continue his endeavor to hold a party

in waiting for the fruits of the mission, and in possession of

the government as long as circumstances might permit. The

programme was disclosed frankly in the two letters. In that of

Mr. Balfour he said:

"Agreeing as I do with you that the time has come when a

change should be made in the fiscal canons by which we have

bound ourselves in our commercial dealings with other

Governments, it seems paradoxical, indeed, that you should

leave the Cabinet at the time that others of my colleagues are

leaving it who disagree on that very point with us both. Yet I

can not but admit, however reluctantly, that there is some

force in the arguments with which you support that course,

based as they are upon your special and personal relation to

that portion of the controversy which deals with Colonial

preference. You have done more than any man, living or dead,

to bring home to the citizens of the Empire the consciousness

of Imperial obligation, and the interdependence between the

various fragments into which the Empire is geographically

divided. I believe you to be right in holding that this

interdependence should find expression in our commercial

relations as well as in our political and military relations.

I believe with you that closer fiscal union between the Mother

Country and her Colonies would be good for the trade of both,

and that, if much closer union could be established on fitting

terms, its advantage to both parties would increase as the

years went on and as the Colonies grew in wealth and

population.

"If there ever has been any difference between us in

connection with this matter it has only been with regard to

the practicability of a proposal which would seem to require,

on the part of the Colonies, a limitation in the all-round

development of a protective policy, and on the part of this

country the establishment of a preference in favour of

important Colonial products. On the first of these

requirements I say nothing, but if the second involves, as it

almost certainly does, taxation, however light, upon food

stuffs, I am convinced with you that public opinion is not yet

ripe for such an arrangement. …

"I feel, however, deeply concerned that you should regard this

conclusion, however well founded, as one which makes it

difficult for you, in your very special circumstances, to

remain a member of the Government. Yet I do not venture, in a

matter so strictly personal, to raise any objection.

"If you think you can best serve the interests of Imperial

unity, for which you have done so much, by pressing your views

on Colonial preference with the freedom which is possible in

an independent position, but is hardly compatible with office,

how can I criticise your determination? The loss to the

Government is great, but the gain to the cause you have at

heart may be greater still. If so, what can I do but

acquiesce?"

So Mr. Chamberlain left the Cabinet, with Mr. Balfour’s

blessing and God-speed, and went out to preach the gospel of

commercial imperialism, under the more carefully chosen name

of "fiscal reform." His co-laborer, who stayed at the helm of

State, was so favored by circumstances as to hold it for

somewhat more than another year. But the propagandism made no

satisfying progress in that year; it seems doubtful, indeed,

if Mr. Chamberlain won as many disciples as he lost from his

first following.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (August).

Employment of Children Act.

See (in this Volume)

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS WORKERS.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (August).

Communication to the Powers that were parties to the Berlin

Act of 1884-1885, asking their attention to the Administration

of the Congo State.

See (in this Volume)

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (October).

Settlement of the Alaska boundary question.

See (in this Volume)

ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903-1904.

Canadian measures to establish British sovereignty over land

and sea of Hudson Bay region.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1903-1904.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1904.

Arbitration of boundary dispute between British Guiana

and Brazil.

See (in this Volume)

BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1904.

Her rivals in the Persian Gulf.

See PERSIA: A. D. 1904.

{233}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1904 (April).

The agreements of the Entente Cordiale with France.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1904 (April-August).

Agitation over the Licensing Bill, which passed Parliament

after much bitter debate.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1904.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1904 (July).

The question of Church Attendance in school hours.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1904.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1904 (October).

The Dogger Bank incident of the voyage of the

Russian Baltic Fleet.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.

The Esher Army Commission and its Report.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905.

Reopened controversy with the United States over Newfoundland

Fisheries questions.

See (in this Volume)

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905.

Action with other Powers in forcing financial reforms in

Macedonia on Turkey.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905.

Unemployed Workmen Act.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: ENGLAND: A. D. 1905.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (March).

Partially Representative Legislative Assembly created in

the Transvaal.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1905-1907.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (April).

Order relating to Underfed School Children.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1905.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (April).

Treaty with Nicaragua concerning the Mosquito Territory.

See (in this Volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA: NICARAGUA: A. D. 1905.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (June).

Change in the office of Speaker of the House of Commons.

After a service of more than ten years in the speaker’s chair

of the House of Commons, Mr. W. C. Gully resigned, on account

of failing health, and the Deputy Speaker, Mr. J. W. Lowther,

was chosen in his place, with no dissent. Subsequently, Mr.

Gully was raised to the peerage and received an annual grant

of £5000 for life.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (June).

Frauds in the sale of surplus army stores in South Africa.

An exciting scandal, connected with the sale of surplus army

stores, in South Africa, after the closing of the Boer War,

came to light in June. It was found that stores had been sold

to certain contractors at very low prices, and then

repurchased at high figures under new contracts entered into

with the same contractors. Several army officers, including

two colonels, were implicated in what the investigating

committee described mildly as "a cleverly arranged

contrivance."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (August).

New Defensive Agreement with Japan.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (August).

Resignation of the Viceroyalty of India by Lord Curzon.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

Resignation of the Balfour Ministry.

The Liberal Party in power.

Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman Prime Minister.

His Cabinet.

His attitude toward Ireland.

Strength of the Labor Party in Parliament.

Its representative in the Cabinet.

The Education Act of 1902, the apostasy of Mr. Chamberlain and

his Conservative Unionist followers from British Free Trade

principles, proclaimed in 1903, and the Licensing Act of 1904,

had each, in turn, been productive of bitter disagreements and

ruptures which rapidly lowered the strength of the party in

power. It had been in control of the Government since 1895,

when its opposition to Irish Home Rule was endorsed by a large

majority. The next election, in 1900, during the war in South

Africa, reinforced its Parliamentary support, and it could

count, during the two years following, on more than 400 votes

in the House of Commons, against about 268. After that period

its Parliamentary majority in the popular chamber ran down,

until, in the later months of 1905, it was no more than 75 or

76. This would have been an ample majority if it had

represented an equivalent preponderance of public support,

which, manifestly, it did not. For three years the

"by-elections,"—that is, the special elections ordered for

filling vacancies in the House as they occurred,—had been

going steadily against the Government, and nobody doubted that

a general election would throw it out. It was challenged again

and again to give the country an opportunity to express its

feeling in the matter, by a dissolution of Parliament, without

waiting for any nearer approach to the end of the term. This

it would not do; but, on the 4th of December, 1905, the

Premier, Mr. Balfour, surprised the country, and likewise his

own Cabinet, it was said, by placing his resignation in the

hands of the King.

This proceeding was regarded as an artful manoeuvre in

politics, for the embarrassment of the opposition. As

explained at the time by a journalist who wrote of it on the

side of the latter,—"The Liberals naturally desired that the

country should have an opportunity of going to the polls on

the clear issue raised by the record of ten years of Tory

administration. They regarded Mr. Balfour and his party as

being in the dock, and before they took office they wished to

have the verdict of the country returned by the votes of the

electors. But this, for equally obvious reasons, Mr. Balfour

wished to avoid. By resigning now, he compelled his opponents

to undertake the task, first of forming a new administration,

with all the risks which it involves of personal slight and

sectional differences, and, secondly, of facing the risk of

any untoward incident arising in the next few weeks which

might be used against the new-born government. It also would

enable them to obscure to a certain extent the real issue

before the country. Instead of simply voting for or against

Mr. Balfour and his administration, they would be asked to

express their opinion upon a new ministry, which had not had

any opportunity of giving the country a taste of its quality.

But as Mr. Balfour could not be compelled to stay in when he

had made up his mind to go out, and as it was such a relief to

get rid of him on any terms, the Liberals consented to face

the disadvantages of taking office before the dissolution."

{234}

Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman was invited by the King to form a

Ministry, and accepted the Commission. The organization of his

Cabinet was completed within the week following Mr. Balfour’s

resignation, and it took office at once. Parliament was

dissolved on the 8th of January, 1906, and a new Parliament

was summoned to meet on February 13th. Elections began on the

12th of January and were finished for the most part by the

19th. In their total result, they returned 375 Liberals to the

House of Commons, 55 Labor representatives, who would act on

most questions with the Liberals, and 83 Irish Nationalists,

whose attitude towards the new Ministry would depend upon its

attitude on Irish questions, and seemed more likely to be

friendly than otherwise. Against this array on the side of Sir

Henry and his colleagues, of pledged partisans and conditional

allies, the Conservative Unionists had Secured an Opposition

in the House that numbered only 157. The political overturn

was one of the most remarkable that the United Kingdom has

ever known.

The Cabinet as formed when Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman took

office was made up as follows:

Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury,

Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman.

Lord Chancellor, Sir Robert T. Reid.

Chancellor of the Exchequer,

Herbert H. Asquith.

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,

Sir Edward Grey.

Secretary of State for the Colonies,

the Earl of Elgin.

Secretary of State for War,

Richard B. Haldane.

Secretary of State for Home Affairs,

Herbert J. Gladstone.

Secretary of State for India,

John Morley.

First Lord of the Admiralty,

Lord Tweedmouth.

President of the Board of Trade,

David Lloyd-George.

President of the Local Government Board,

John Burns.

Chief Secretary for Scotland,

John Sinclair.

President of the Board of Agriculture,

Earl Carrington.

Postmaster-General,

Sydney C. Buxton.

Chief Secretary for Ireland,

James Bryce.

Lord President of the Council,

the Earl of Crewe.

Lord of the Privy Seal,

the Marquis of Ripon.

President of the Board of Education,

Augustine Birrell.

Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster,

Sir Henry H. Fowler.

The following were not members of the cabinet, but formed part

of the administration:

Lord Lieutenant of Ireland,

the Earl of Aberdeen.

Under Secretary for the Colonies,

Winston L. Churchill.

First Commissioner of Works,

Louis Vernon-Harcourt.

Attorney-General,

John Lawson Walton.

Solicitor-General,

William S. Robson.

That Lord Rosebery had no place in the new Liberal

administration was due to his wide disagreement with most of

the leaders of his party on the question of Home Rule for

Ireland. When he succeeded Mr. Gladstone as Prime Minister, in

1894, he quite distinctly discarded that line of Irish policy,

and his antagonism to it had undergone no change.

See, in Volume VI. of this work,

ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895)

On the other hand, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman had remained

faithfully sympathetic with Mr. Gladstone’s idea of Ireland’s

due from England, and had reannounced his standing on it in a

recent speech. "My opinion," he said, "has long been known to

you. It is that the only way of healing the evils of

Ireland,—difficulties of her administration, of giving

contentment and prosperity to her people, and of making her a

strength instead of a weakness to the empire,—is that the

Irish people should have the management of their own domestic

affairs; and so far from this opinion fading and dwindling as

the years pass, it is becoming stronger, and, what is more, I

have more confidence in its realization. … If I were asked for

advice by an ardent Nationalist, I would say my desire is to

see the effective management of Irish affairs in the hands of

a representative Irish party. … I trust that the opportunity

of making a great advance on this question of Irish government

will not long be delayed, and when that opportunity comes my

firm belief is that a greater measure of agreement than

hitherto as to the ultimate solution will be found possible,

and that a keener appreciation will be felt of the benefits

that will flow to the Irish communities and British people

throughout the world, and that Ireland, from being

disaffected, impoverished, and discouraged, will take its

place as a strong, harmonious, and contented portion of the

empire."

That Sir Henry, maintaining this posture on the Irish question

of questions, could be the accepted leader of the Liberal

party and the Premier of Government, afforded clear evidence

that the party, and the country which confided power to that

party, were at least more nearly prepared to make the great

concession to Ireland than they were to refuse it; but the

question entered slightly into the parliamentary canvass,

though the Conservative-Unionists strove hard to make it the

dominant issue. The public mind was occupied so fully with the

fiscal and educational controversies of the last three years

that the motives in its voting came mostly from them. The

mandates of the vote were understood to be especially for the

amending of recent legislation on those subjects and on the

terms of the licensing of the liquor trade. It was equally

understood that Irish measures in the Gladstone spirit should

be looked for, not hastily undertaken, but in due time.

The fact of most impressive significance in the result of the

parliamentary elections was the sudden weight that had been

given in the House of Commons to the representation of Labor

by laboring men. Since 1903 the Labor Party had emerged in

British politics as a force to be taken into serious account.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1900-1906; 1903; and

SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.

Of its 55 members in the new Parliament a considerable number

had been elected by a combination of Liberal and Labor votes;

but the same combination went as often to the increase of the

Liberal representation. One large section of the Labor voters,

organized under the name of the Independent Labor Party, stood

aloof from such alliances entirely. It had been formed some

years before, under the lead of Mr. Keir Hardie, a Scottish

miner, with Socialistic beliefs, but opposed to the aims of

the Marxian Socialists, and expecting nothing substantially

beneficial to the working class from any political party. His

mission was to create a Labor Party that would fight its own

battles on its own ground. He made no great headway until the

Taff Vale decision of 1902 roused the British Trade Unions to

fight for their lives. That brought them into the ranks of the

Independent Labor Party, and prepared it for the powerful

showing it made in the elections of January, 1906, when it

polled 303,000 votes, and elected 30 members who are free

lances in the House. The remaining 25 Labor Members act with

these on labor questions, but otherwise are to be reckoned as

allies of the Liberal Party.

{235}

Foremost among these latter is Mr. John Burns, who represents

the Labor Party not only in Parliament but in the Ministry of

Government, being the first of his class to be called to a

Cabinet seat. A London editor who wrote of him when he took

that seat said:

"He has been a working engineer, a strike leader, labor

agitator, a London County Councilor for eighteen years, and

member of Parliament for fourteen. He is a great leader who

never had a party, but whose influence has been felt in every

labor movement in England for the last twenty years. The labor

and social policy of the London County Council has been

largely inspired and directed by him. He has also molded labor

legislation in Parliament. Mr. Burns has ‘scorned delights and

lived laborious days’ for the sake of the workers. He is an

avowed Socialist. He has never changed his principles, only

modified his methods. He is a real Fabian, a skillful

opportunist, a tireless worker, and a first-rate organizer.

Since he became a Socialist who does things, he has been

ostracized by the Socialists who only agitate. Mr. Burns is

exercising great influence within the Cabinet, and is one of

the men in the confidence and in the secrets of the Prime

Minister, who seeks his advice in many matters outside Mr.

Burns’s department."

The same writer gave the following account of the many

important duties and great responsibilities of the office

filled by Mr. Burns, as the President of the Local Government

Board, which supervises the administration of local government

in all England and Wales:

"As President of the Local Government Board, Mr. Burns has

multifarious duties committed to his charge. He has to

sanction local loans, supervise the finances of local

authorities, hold inquiries into proposed new undertakings,

exercise the (almost) legislative powers which Parliament has

delegated to him by way of provisional orders, and is armed

with large powers of initiative, inspection, revision, and

veto, so that in some respects he can revolutionize the whole

system of local administration. In the domain of Poor Law his

authority is paramount. He revises, for example, the rules and

regulations which guide the system of relief and the

administration of the Poor Law, passes plans for new

workhouses, settles the wages of the nurses and porters, and

fixes the amount of snuff (if any) which a pauper may receive.

Sanitary legislation is also under his supervision, as he acts

as Minister of Public Health, and beyond the more strictly

local governmental functions belonging to his department there

is the social side of his work, such as the administration of

the Allotments Acts, the Unemployed Act, inquiring into

housing conditions, etc."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

Sudden German hostility to the Anglo-French agreement

concerning Morocco.

Demand for an International Conference.

The Conference at Algeciras and the Act signed there.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

Pan-Islamic agitation in Egypt.

Menacing attitude of Turkey.

The Tabah incident.

See (in this Volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1905-1906.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

Action in Persia during the Constitutional Revolution.

See (in this Volume)

Persia.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

The Aliens Act.

A new policy of restriction on the admission of aliens.

Its working.

See (in this Volume)

IMMIGRATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

Progress in cooperative organizations of industry.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR REMUNERATION: COOPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1906.

Prevention of Corruption Act.

See (in this Volume)

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (March).

Report of Royal Commission on Labor Disputes.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (MARCH).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (April).

Convention for determining and marking the Alaska Boundary Line.

See (in this Volume)

ALASKA: A. D. 1906.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (April-December).

Fate of the Liberal Education Bill, passed by the Commons

and killed by Amendments in the House of Lords.

Resolution of the Commons, contemplating a change of

Constitutional Law respecting the Legislative Powers of the

House of Lords.

The Education Bill was brought forward by the Government in

April and passed by the Commons in December.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1906

When the bill had been killed by destructive amendments in the

House of Lords, the Prime Minister, Sir Henry

Campbell-Bannerman, proposed to the House of Commons a

resolution, which was adopted, declaring that "the power of

the other house to alter or reject bills passed by this house

should be so restricted by law as to secure that within the

limits of a single Parliament the final decision of the House

of Commons shall prevail." In plainer words, this proposed an

amendment of what has been, since 1832, an unwritten but

understood rule of the British Constitution, namely, that the

House of Lords cannot defeat a measure which has been passed

by the Commons in successive parliaments, and thus certified,

by an intervening election, as being the embodiment of a

popular demand. The proposed amendment is to give the force of

law to a repeated enactment of the House of Commons, even

"within the limits of a single Parliament," and without the

intervention of an election.

The Premier has explained that this resolution is adopted only

to foreshadow action which the Government intends to take at

some convenient future time. So far as indicated by the

Premier’s resolution, he and his colleagues, if they do

anything affecting the peers in Parliament, will not touch the

existing composition of the aristocratic house, but will only

shorten the suspense in which it may hold legislation that is

persisted in by the popular house. As now exercised, the

practical effect of the suspensive veto of the Lords, if not

submitted to by the government, is to bring about what is

actually a referendum of the question at issue to the people.

The proposed constitutional amendment would eliminate the

referendum and empower the Commons to override the opposition

of the Lords.

{236}

The legislative function of the House of Lords would not

differ substantially then from that performed by the President

of the United States. Acts of Congress require the approval of

the President to make them law. His disapproval sends them

back to Congress for reenactment, if two-thirds of both houses

persist in them; annulling them if they do not. The function

is simply a critical one, and involves no exercise of

legislative powers, if the language of our Constitution is

correct; for that instrument, in the first section of its

first article, says: "all legislative powers herein granted

shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which

shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives."

Thus the reference of legislation to the President for his

approval or disapproval is not recognized as a grant to him of

participation in the exercise of legislative powers."

In this view the British House of Lords, when its part in

legislation is reduced, like that of the American President,

to mere criticism, expressed in approval or a suspensive veto,

cannot rightly be regarded as a legislative body, and

Parliament can hardly be counted among the bicameral

legislatures, as we have counted it hitherto. The House of

Commons will hold all the powers of legislation; the House of

Lords will be its official critic, commissioned only to make

it think twice in the enactment of some of its laws.

The King has no voice now in the making of British laws,

although, when his prerogatives are described, it is still

said that "he may refuse the royal assent to any bills." Two

hundred years ago it ceased to be prudent for royalty to

exercise that prerogative, and Queen Anne, in 1707, asserted

it in practice for the last time. The sovereigns of the

reigning House of Hanover have never enjoyed the satisfaction

of refusing assent to an act of Parliament. Even George III.

did not venture it, though he stoutly asserted his right.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (May).

Withdrawal of the last British garrison from Canada.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1906 (MAY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (SEPTEMBER).

Army Order instituting the General Staff.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (December).

Broadened self-government extended to the Transvaal and the

Orange River Colony.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1905-1907.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (December).

Passage of the Workmen’s Compensation Act.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR PROTECTION.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907.

Drink in its relation to crime.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (August).

Act legalizing Marriage with a Deceased Wife’s Sister.

The following are the main provisions of the Act to legalize

marriage with a deceased wife’s sister which, after many years

of agitation by its advocates and many defeats in Parliament,

was passed finally in 1907:

"1. No marriage heretofore or hereafter contracted between a

man and his deceased wife’s sister, within the realm or

without, shall be deemed to have been or shall be void or

voidable, as a civil contract, by reason only of such

affinity: Provided always that no clergyman in holy orders of

the Church of England shall be liable to any suit, penalty, or

censure, whether civil or ecclesiastical, for anything done or

omitted to be done by him in the performance of the duties of

his office to which suit, penalty, or censure he would not

have been liable if this Act had not been passed:

"Provided also that when any minister of any church or chapel

of the Church of England shall refuse to perform such marriage

service between any persons who, but for such refusal, would

be entitled to have the same service performed in such church

or chapel, such minister may permit any other clergyman in

holy orders in the Church of England, entitled to officiate

within the diocese in which such church or chapel is situate,

to perform such marriage service in such church or chapel.

"Provided also that in case, before the passing of this Act,

any such marriage shall have been annulled, or either party

thereto (after the marriage and during the life of the other)

shall have lawfully married another, it shall be deemed to

have become and to be void upon and after the day upon which

it was so annulled, or upon which either party thereto

lawfully married another as aforesaid.

"2. No right, title, estate or interest, whether in possession

or expectancy, and whether vested or contingent at the time of

the passing of this Act, existing in, to, or in respect of,

any dignity, title of honour, or property, and no act or thing

lawfully done or omitted before the passing of this Act shall

be prejudicially affected nor shall any will be deemed to have

been revoked by reason of any marriage heretofore contracted

as aforesaid being made valid by this Act.

"3.

(1) Nothing in this Act shall remove wives from the class

of persons adultery with whom constitutes a right, on the

part of wives, to sue for divorce under the Matrimonial

Causes Act, 1857.

"(2) Notwithstanding anything contained in this Act or the

Matrimonial Causes Act, 1857, it shall not be lawful for a

man to marry the sister of his divorced wife, or of his

wife by whom he has been divorced, during the lifetime of

such wife.

"4. Nothing in this Act shall relieve a clergyman in holy

orders of the Church of England from any ecclesiastical

censure to which he would have been liable if this Act had not

been passed by reason of his having contracted or hereafter

contracting a marriage with his deceased wife’s sister.

"5. In this Act the word ‘sister’ shall include a sister of

the half-blood."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907.

Probation of Offenders Act.

See (in this Volume)

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: PROBATION.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907.

French testimony to the good work of the English in Egypt.

See EGYPT: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (April-May).

Conference of Imperial and Colonial Ministers at London.

Discussing Preferential Trade, Imperial Defence, and other

subjects.

Resolutions adopted.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (May).

Proposed Councils Bill for Ireland rejected by the Irish

National Party.

See (in this Volume)

IRELAND: A. D. 1907 (May).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (July).

Capture of Kaid Sir Harry MacLean in Morocco for ransom, by

Raisuli.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (August).

Convention with Russia containing arrangements on the

subject of Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet.

See EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (August).

Establishment of a Court of Criminal Appeal.

See (in this Volume)

LAW, AND ITS COURTS: ENGLAND.

{237}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (August).

Qualification of women for election to County and

Borough Councils.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (August).

Patents and Designs Act.

See (in this Volume)

PATENTS.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (November).

Abortive Compromise Education Bill.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (November).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (November).

Treaty with France, Germany, Norway, and Russia guaranteeing

the integrity of Norway.

See ENGLAND:

EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (November).

Treaty with France concerning Death Duties.

See (in this Volume)

DEATH DUTIES.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.

Institution of the Territorial Force.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.

Proposals in the House of Lords of Reform in its Constitution.

Consequent, no doubt, on the increase of popular hostility to

the House of Lords which it had provoked by its dealing with

the Education Bill of 1906, and the serious threatenings of an

undertaking in the House of Commons to "end or mend" it as a

branch of Parliament, the Lords, in 1907, gave thought among

themselves to the expediency of a constitutional reformation

of their House. In February, a bill was proposed to them by

Lord Newton which provided in its first two articles as

follows:

"1.

(1) After the termination of the present session of

Parliament a writ of summons to attend and to sit and vote

in the House of Lords shall not be issued to any temporal

peer of the peerage of England entitled by descent to an

hereditary seat in the House of Lords (in this Act referred

to as an hereditary peer), unless he is a representative or

a qualified hereditary peer within the meaning of this Act,

nor to any lord spiritual, unless he is a representative

lord spiritual within the meaning of this Act."

"2.

For the purposes of this Act the expression ‘qualified

hereditary peer’ means an hereditary peer who possesses any

of the qualifications specified in the First Schedule to

this Act."

The schedule referred to was as follows:

"QUALIFICATIONS ENTITLING AN HEREDITARY PEER TO A WRIT

OF SUMMONS:

I. The holding at any time of any of the following Offices:—

1. High judicial office, within the meaning of the

Appellate Jurisdiction Acts, 1876 and 1887.

2. The office of First Lord of the Treasury, Secretary of

State, Chancellor of the Exchequer, President of the

Council, or Head (not being a permanent Civil Servant) of

any other Government Department.

3. The office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and Secretary

to the Lord Lieutenant.

4. Office of Viceroy of India, or a Governor of the

Presidency of Madras or Bombay, or of Lieutenant-Governor

of any Province of India.

5. Office of Governor-General of the Dominion of Canada or

of the Commonwealth of Australia, or of High Commissioner

of South Africa, or of Governor of any Colony.

6. The Office of Parliamentary Under Secretary,

Parliamentary Secretary, or permanent Under Secretary, in

any Government Department.

7. Office of Lord of the Admiralty or member of the Army

Council.

8. Office of Minister plenipotentiary, or any higher

office, in His Majesty’s Diplomatic Service.

9. Office of Vice-Admiral, or any higher office, in His

Majesty’s Naval Forces, or of Lieutenant-General, or any

higher office, in His Majesty’s Land Forces.

"II. Election to serve in the House of Commons on not less

than two occasions before succeeding to the peerage."

In addition to the hereditary peers thus qualified to sit in

the House of Lords as proposed to be reformed, the Bill

provided for the election by the peers, from their own number,

of representatives, to the extent of one-fourth of their whole

number; and likewise for the election by the lords spiritual,

from their ranks, of representatives in the same proportion of

number; such representatives to form part of the House of

Lords in Parliament. It authorized, further, the appointment

by the King of peers for life, to be "peers of Parliament,"

these never to exceed one hundred in number.

Debate on the Bill in May resulted in the substitution for it

of a resolution, that "a Select Committee be appointed to

consider the suggestions which have from time to time been

made for increasing the efficiency of the House of Lords in

matters affecting legislation, and to report as to the

desirability of adopting them, either in their original or in

some modified form." The report of the Committee (twenty-five

in number, having Lord Rosebery for its elected chairman) was

not brought in until near the close of the following year. Its

recommendations were considerably on the lines of the Bill

described above. It suggested that the reformed House of Lords

should be made up of three classes of members, namely,

hereditary peers who had held certain high public offices—

much the same as those scheduled in Lord Newton’s Bill; two

hundred representative "Peers of Parliament," elected from the

whole body of the peerage, not for life, but for a single

Parliament, and ten lords spiritual, to include the two

archbishops and eight bishops to be elected. The

self-governing colonies, in the judgment of the Committee,

should be represented in the House of Lords, and twenty years

of service in the House of Commons should entitle an Irish

peer to a seat in it.

The plan submitted by the Committee would reduce the House

from 617 members to about 350. No action has been taken on the

report.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.

The Small Holdings Act.

The first year of its operation.

In 1907 an Act passed Parliament which provided for the

acquisition by local authorities of land to be divided into

small holdings for sale or lease to buyers or tenants who

could not otherwise be placed on it for self-support. The

results from the first year’s operation of the Act was

reported in September, 1909, by the Board of Agriculture and

Fisheries, which administers the law. The following are

statements from the report of the Board:

"Stated shortly, the result, so far as small holdings are

concerned, of the first year’s work since the Small Holdings

and Allotments Act, 1907, came into operation has been that

23,285 applications have been received by county councils for

373,601 acres, that 13,202 applicants have been approved

provisionally as suitable, that the estimated quantity of land

required for the suitable applicants is 185,098 acres, that

21,417 acres have been acquired by county councils, of which

11,346 acres have been purchased for £370,965, and 10,071

acres leased for total rents amounting to £11,209, that the

land acquired will provide for about 1,500 of the applicants,

and that 504 of them were in actual possession of their

holdings on December 31, 1908.

{238}

"It may seem at first sight that the progress that has been

made in satisfying the keen demand for small holdings which

the Act has disclosed has been small, but the figures do not

give at all an adequate idea of the amount of work that has

been actually done. It must be remembered that practically the

whole of the first six months of the year were occupied in the

preliminary work of constituting committees, issuing forms,

receiving and tabulating applications and holding local

inquiries, and that until this work was completed little

progress could be made in the acquisition of land. … The rate

at which land is being acquired is now increasing rapidly, and

we have little doubt that by Michaelmas, 1909, not less than

50,000 acres will have been obtained. In addition to the

holdings which have been provided by county councils, the

returns we have obtained show that over 700 applicants have

been supplied with holdings by landowners direct, mainly

through the intervention of the councils.

"In considering the results already accomplished it must also

be borne in mind that the problem is to fit particular men to

particular land, and not merely to acquire whatever land may

be in the market and to offer it in small holdings. The great

majority of the applicants desire land in close proximity to

their homes, and it is obviously more difficult to acquire a

large number of detached plots than to take a whole farm or

estate and divide it into a number of small holdings. …

"A striking feature of the applications made under the Act has

been the small extent to which the applicants desire to

purchase their holdings. Out of the 23,295 applications

received during the year, only 629, or 2.7 per cent.,

expressed a desire to purchase. … The Act imposes no direct

obligation on councils to provide houses, but we are of

opinion that where an applicant desires a holding to which he

will devote his whole time and from which he will get his

whole living councils should be prepared to erect a house and

the necessary buildings."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908 (December-March).

Appeals to other Powers for effective measures to

rescue Macedonia from its dreadful state.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

Anglo-Russian action in Persia.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D). 1907, and after.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

The Campaign of the Militant Woman Suffragists or Suffragettes.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

The disaffection in India.

Its character, causes, and meaning.

Hindu and Moslem feeling.

The past of British Government and its fruits.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

Negotiation by the President of the Board of Trade of a

General System of Conciliation and Arbitration Boards for

Settlement of Labor Disputes in the Railway Service.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

Estimate of King Edward VII. as a Diplomatist.

Mr. Isaac N. Ford, the American newspaper correspondent in

London, has much well-informed opinion in Europe and America

to support him in the following estimate of the diplomatic

influence exerted by King Edward, which he expressed in

January, 1908:

"At the opening of King Edward’s reign Berlin was the center

of European diplomacy, as Paris had been when Bismarck entered

upon his series of machinations and triumphs. The personal

ascendency of the German Emperor was unchallenged in Europe. …

In the course of seven years conditions have been transformed.

London is now the diplomatic capital of Europe. Resentful

enemies like France have been reconciled; friendships with

America, Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Spain have been

strengthened; strained relations with Russia and Germany have

been eased; and by the alliance with Japan forces have been

readjusted for the maintenance of existing order in the

Pacific. A new balance of power has been established in

Europe, and the diplomatic resources of the British Empire

have been reinvigorated and enlarged. While there have been

eminent statesmen in the British Foreign Office—Lord Lansdowne

and Sir Edward Grey—these transformations have been mainly

King Edward’s work. Fifty years hence there may be a true

sense of proportion, so that his services as an empire-builder

and a peace-maker can be judged aright."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

Invitation of an International Naval Conference preliminary

to the establishment of an International Prize Court.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907

(appended to account of Second Peace Conference

at The Hague).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

Municipal and County Offices opened to Women.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

North Sea and Baltic agreements.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1908.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

Passage of the Coal Mines Eight Hours Act.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

Rejection of the Liberal Licensing Bill by the House of Lords.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (March).

Communication to the Belgian Government respecting obligations

involved in its proposed annexation of the Congo State.

See (in this Volume)

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (April).

Resignation and Death of Prime Minister

Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman.

Succession of Herbert H. Asquith.

Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman was forced by ill health to

resign the premiership on the 5th of April, 1908, and his

death occurred on the 22d of the same month. He was succeeded

in the headship of the Government by Mr. Herbert H. Asquith,

previously Chancellor of the Exchequer, whose place in the

latter office was filled by Mr. David Lloyd-George. Mr.

Lloyd-George had been President of the Board of Trade, and

that office was now filled by Mr. Winston Churchill, while Mr.

Reginald McKenna became First Lord of the Admiralty.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (April).

Treaty with Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, and

Sweden for maintenance of the Status Quo on the North Sea.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (April).

Treaty with the United States respecting the Demarcation of

the International Boundary between the United States and Canada.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).

{239}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (September).

Withdrawal of intervention in Macedonia.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (December).

Passage of "The Children Act."

See (in this Volume)

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS DEPENDENTS AND OFFENDERS.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (December).

The Shipbuilding Agreement between Employers and

Trade Unions to prevent strikes and lockouts.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

Attitude on the question of the Austrian annexation of

Bosnia and Herzegovina.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

Old Age Pensions Act.

Its working.

Its disclosures of poverty.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS, &c.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

Passage of the Indian Councils Bill.

Its provisions for popular representation in the

Legislative Councils of India.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

Chief source of Food Supplies.

See (in this Volume)

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

Concentration of Wealth.

See (in this Volume)

WEALTH, THE PROBLEMS OF.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

Development and Road Improvement Funds Act.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: GREAT BRITAIN.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

Naval questions.

"Dreadnought" building.

Distrust of Germany.

The Territorial Force, etc.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

Official reports and statements concerning Public Education.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

Passage of the Housing and Town-planning Act.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

Principal Socialist organizations.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIALISM.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

Report of Royal Commission on the working of the Poor Laws

and Relief Systems, and the existing pauperism of the

United Kingdom.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

Summary of the total prospective military defensive strength

of the Empire.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (January).

The Waterways Treaty with the United States, concerning

waters along the Canadian boundary.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (February).

The Opening of Parliament.

The session of Parliament was opened by the King with due form

and ceremony on February 16. "The Royal procession from

Buckingham Palace to Westminster," says a report of the

occasion, "took place in the dim grey light of a typical

February afternoon, and the pageant lost much of its beauty in

consequence. In spite of the cold wind and the absence of the

genial sunshine which is such a valuable asset on occasions of

spectacular display, there appeared to be as many people as

ever along the route of the procession. These formal openings

of Parliament, which have become customary since the beginning

of the present reign, are clearly popular with those of the

King’s subjects who know nothing, except by hearsay, of the

impressive scenes which are to be witnessed in the House of

Lords. The immense crowds who assembled to watch the King and

Queen pass yesterday, waiting patiently for hours in order to

enjoy a few minutes’ ecstatic sight-seeing, welcomed their

Majesties with a cordiality of the meaning of which there

could be no doubt. The King and Queen, in their wonderful gold

coach, with its sides of glass, must have been gratified with

the respect and affection which were manifested from all

quarters."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (February).

Debate in Parliament on the annexation of the

Congo State by Belgium.

Recognition of the annexation dependent on reforms.

See (in this Volume)

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (February).

Represented in International Opium Commission at Shanghai.

See (in this Volume)

OPIUM PROBLEM.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (March).

Representation of the People Bill.

Proposed Universal Suffrage, including women.

Its second reading.

On the 20th of March, 1909, the second reading of a bill

described as "the Representation of the People Bill" was moved

and seconded in the House of Commons. Its provisions were

substantially for universal suffrage, including women. In

explaining the measure, the member who moved the second

reading—a representative of the Labor party, Mr. Howard—said:

"It was difficult, if not almost impossible, to deal with a

reform of the franchise without at the same time dealing with

woman suffrage, and it was difficult to deal with woman

enfranchisement without at the same time making some

alteration in the existing franchise law which should meet the

condition of the new elements proposed to be placed on the

register. The House must face the situation as a whole and

handle the two reforms in one scheme, because by a

coordinated Bill there would be a better chance of getting

nearer a settlement. In the Bill that he submitted to the

House there was no abolition of any old franchise. It proposed

to create a residential franchise in order to do away with the

hardships which any one with a knowledge of registration knew

to exist in connexion with the occupation vote of men. The

second clause provided for a restriction of plural voting, and

the third clause related to the removal of the sex

disqualification."

Before debate began another member presented a monster

petition against the political enfranchisement of women, said

to contain 243,000 signatures.

The attitude of the Government toward the bill was explained

by Mr. Asquith, the Premier. It was well known, he said, that

on the issue whether women should be granted the suffrage

Ministers were not of one mind. But they were strongly in

favour of a wide reform of the existing suffrage. They desired

the abolition of plural voting, the disappearance of the

artificial distinctions between occupiers and lodgers, the

material shortening of the period of qualification, and an

effective simplification of the machinery of registration. But

any measure to bring about these reforms ought, in his

opinion, if it was to take its place on the Statute-book, to

proceed from the responsible Government of the day, and to be

carefully remoulded in the light of prolonged Parliamentary

discussion. For these reasons he thought it was not necessary

that the members of the Government should vote for the second

reading of the Bill under consideration.

After some hours of debate the closure was moved and the

second reading of the bill was carried by 157 votes against

122.

{240}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (March).

Defeat of the Progressives in the London County

Council Election.

See (in this Volume)

LONDON: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (March).

Cession by Siam of suzerainty over three States

in the Malay Peninsula.

See (in this Volume)

SIAM: A. D. 1909.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (March-July).

The question of " Dreadnought" building, with reference to

the accelerated expansion of the German Navy.

Debates in Parliament and excitement in the country.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April).

The National Debt of the United Kingdom.

The following official statement of the national debt of the

United Kingdom was published in April, 1909:

"On the 1st April, 1908, the aggregate gross liabilities of

the State amounted to £762,326,051. On the 1st April, 1909,

the corresponding figure was £754,121,309, showing a reduction

of £8,204,742.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April).

Announced Governmental projects of Afforestation, and other

measures for Development of Natural Resources.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: GREAT BRITAIN.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April-December).

Mr. Lloyd-George’s Budget.

Its features of taxation, denounced as Socialistic.

Seven months of vehement debate.

Adopted by the Commons and rejected by the Lords.

Warnings to the Lords against their action.

Preparation for appeal to the people.

The 29th of April, 1909, when the financial proposals of the

Government for meeting the needs of the coming year, called

"the Budget," were brought before Parliament, and the 30th of

the following November, when, after seven months of arduous

and angry debate, and after their adoption by a great majority

of the Commons, the Bill embodying them was overwhelmingly

rejected by the Lords, will be memorable dates in English

history if the consequences of the action of the Peers are

what, at this writing, they seem likely to be. Even failing

those consequences, the production of the Budget will be in

itself an event of no small moment, from what it signifies of

the development of democracy in Great Britain.

As a formulated "Finance Bill," the Budget was not submitted

to the House of Commons and to the public in print until the

28th of May. It was then entitled "A Bill to grant certain

Duties of Customs and Inland Revenue (including Excise), to

alter other Duties, and to amend the Law relating to Customs

and Inland Revenue (including Excise), and the National Debt,

and to make other provisions for the Financial Arrangements of

the Year." Until then its provisions were known only from the

statement of them made four weeks before by the Chancellor of

the Exchequer, Mr. David Lloyd-George, in a speech extended

through several hours, which even his opponents were forced to

characterize as "a wonderful effort."

The Chancellor’s explanation of the Budget rested primarily on

the fact that an anticipated deficit of £15,762,000 required

to be filled from new sources of revenue. Of the main causes

of the deficit he said: "Were I dealing with a shortage due

only to a temporary cause like forestalments, I might have

resorted to some temporary shift which would have carried me

over until next year when the revenue would resume its normal

course. But unfortunately I have to reckon not merely with an

enormous increase in expenditure this year, but an inevitable

expansion of some of the heaviest items in the course of the

coming years. What is the increase of expenditure due to? It

is very well known that it must be placed to the credit of two

items, and practically two items alone. One is the Navy, and

the other is old-age pensions. Now I have one observation

which I think I am entitled to make about both. … The

increased expenditure under both these heads was substantially

incurred with the unanimous assent of all political parties in

this House. There was, it is true, a protest entered on behalf

of honourable members below the gangway against increased

expenditure in the Navy, but as far as the overwhelming

majority of members in this House are concerned the increase

has received their sanction and approval. I am entitled to say

more. The attitude of the Government towards these two

branches of increased expenditure has not been one of rushing

a reluctant House of Commons into expense which it disliked,

but rather of resisting appeals coming from all quarters of

the House for still further increases under both heads. …

"We are told that we ought not to have touched old-age

pensions, at least not at the present moment, when heavy

liabilities were in sight in connexion with the defence of the

country. I may point out that when we introduced our Old-Age

Pensions Bill that emergency had not arisen. But, apart

altogether from that, we had no honourable alternative left.

We simply honoured a cheque drawn years ago in favour of the

aged poor, which bore at its foot the signatures of all the

leaders of political parties in this country. They had all

promised pensions at election after election, and great

political parties have no right to make promises to poor

people in return for political support, valuable to them, and

all these people had to give, and then time after time return

the bill with ‘No assets’ written across it."

Proceeding next to survey the "inevitable expansion" of future

expenditure to which he had referred at the outset, and which

could be foreseen in connection with the navy and with social

reform, the Chancellor dealt at length on the demands that

were pressing from the latter side and would not be postponed.

"What the Government have to ask themselves," he said, "is

this: Can the whole subject of further social reform be

postponed until the increasing demands made upon the National

Exchequer by the growth of armaments has ceased? Not merely

can it be postponed, but ought it to be postponed? Is there

the slightest hope that if we deferred consideration of the

matter we are likely within a generation to find any more

favourable moment for attending to it? I confess that, as to

that, I am rather pessimistic. And we have to ask ourselves

this further question—If we put off dealing with these social

sores are the evils which arise from them not likely to grow

and to fester until finally the loss which the country

sustains will be infinitely greater than anything it would

have to bear in paying the cost of an immediate remedy?

{241}

There are hundreds of thousands of men, women, and children in

this country now enduring hardships for which the sternest

judge would not hold them responsible; hardships entirely due

to circumstances over which they have not the slightest

command—the fluctuations and changes of trade, or even of

fashions, ill-health, and the premature breakdown or death of

the bread-winner. … Last year, while we were discussing the

Old-Age Pensions Bill, all parties in this House recognized

fully and freely that once we had started on these lines the

case for extension was irresistible. The leader of the

Opposition, in what I venture to regard as the most notable

speeches he has probably delivered during this Parliament,

recognized quite boldly that, whichever party was in power,

provision would have to be made in some shape or other for

those who are out of work through no fault of their own, and

those who are incapacitated for work owing to physical causes

for which they are not responsible."

The speaker then developed at length the intentions of the

Government on these lines of social reform, which will have to

include undertakings of some system like the German, of

compulsory insurance against sickness, accident and

unemployment, and which will have to look to the organization

of labor exchanges and to the opening of wider fields for

employment, by development of neglected resources of the

country, through afforestation, through promotion of

agriculture, and the extension and improvement of roads.

And now, at last, he began to unfold his plans for raising the

means with which to deal with all these augmented demands on

the Government, and started them with a schedule of increased

taxes on automobiles. Further details of his scheme are

summarized in the following, from The Times "Review of

Parliament," next morning:

"The right honourable gentleman was listened to with intense

attention when he proceeded to announce an increase of the

income-tax and of the estate duty. He proposed that for earned

incomes under £2,000 the tax should remain at 9d. but that

between £2,000 and £3,000 it should be 1s., and that all other

incomes now liable to the shilling tax should pay 1s. 2d.

Holding that the family man was entitled to more relief than

the bachelor, he proposed that on all incomes under £500, in

addition to existing abatements, a special abatement should be

allowed of £10 for every child under 16 years of age. He hoped

to get £160,000 by the partial restoration of the shilling

duty and £3,000,000 from the additional 2d. on the higher

incomes. There was also to be a super-tax on incomes exceeding

£5,000, to be levied on the amount by which such incomes

exceeded £3,000. The tax would be at the rate of 6d. in the

pound. Exclamations denoting great disapproval arose from the

Unionist benches when this was announced. The yield from this

super-tax, Mr. Lloyd-George explained, would be in a full year

£2,300,000; but this year not more than £500,000. He next came

to the Death duties. There would be no change in the case of

estates up to £5,000, but between this limit and the limit of

two millions graduation would be steepened. The duty on

estates between £5,000 and £10,000 would be 4 per cent.;

"between £10,000 and £20,000, 5 per cent.; £20,000 to £40,000,

6 per cent.; £40,000 to £70,000, 7 per cent.; £70,000 to

£100,000, 8 per cent.; £100,000 to £150,000, 9 per cent.;

£150,000 to £200,000, 10 per cent.; £200,000 to £400,000, 11

per cent.; £400,000 to £600,000, 12 per cent.; £600,000 to

£800,000, 13 per cent.; £800,000 to £1,000,000, 14 per cent.,

and above £1,000,000, 15 per cent. This new scale was

estimated to yield £2,550,000 this year, £4,200,000 next year,

and afterwards £4,400,000. The settled Estate duty he raised

from 1 per cent. to 2 per cent. From this source he hoped to

get £50,000 this year and £375,000 in 1910-1911. The Legacy

and Succession duty was to be raised in some cases from 3 per

cent. to 5 per cent., and in all others to 10 per cent. The

yield from this next year would be £1,300,000, and would

increase in the course of time to £2,150,000. Property

alienated inter vivos within five years from death was

to be liable to duty. Objects of national and scientific

interest would only be chargeable for duty when they were

actually sold. There were to be increased duties in bonds to

bearer and in stock and share transfers. The estimated yield

from the increased Stamp Duties would be this year £650,000.

"It was at this point in his speech that the Chancellor of the

Exchequer required rest and that the sitting was suspended.

When in half-an-hour’s time it was resumed, the right

honourable gentleman continued his speech with renewed vigour.

He dealt at considerable length with the subject of licenses,

dwelling on the value of the monopoly granted to the liquor

trade and arguing that the toll exacted by the public was

ludicrously inadequate. He explained in detail a number of

changes which he proposed to effect, the chief being a uniform

charge of 50 per cent., subject to a minimum rate in

urban areas according to population. For clubs there would be

a poundage rate of 3d. on the amount taken for the sale of

liquor. The yield from his revision of the liquor licensing

law would be £2,600,000.

"Then he turned to land, drawing a marked distinction between

the agricultural landowner and the urban landowner, of whom he

spoke with some scorn. He proposed to levy a tax on the value

accruing to land in the future through the enterprise of the

community, taking the land apart from buildings and other

improvements. This duty of 20 per cent. on unearned increment

would be payable on two occasions—when land was sold and when

land passed at death. A preliminary valuation of the land at

the price which it might be expected to fetch at the present

time would be necessary; and as the tax was to be imposed only

on the unearned increment subsequently accruing on that

valuation, the yield would probably be only £50,000 in 1909,

but in future years it should prove a fruitful source of

revenue. It was further proposed to levy an annual duty of one

halfpenny in the pound on the capital value of undeveloped

land and undeveloped minerals. Until the proposed valuation of

the land of the United Kingdom on a capital basis was

completed, it would be impossible to estimate the yield of

this duty, but till then the duty would be calculated on the

declarations of the owners, and in the current year he

expected it to bring in £350,000. A 10 per cent. reversion

duty was to be imposed on any benefit accruing to a lessor on

the termination of a lease, and from this source a yield of

£100,000 was anticipated. The three land taxes were,

accordingly, calculated to produce £500,000 in the current

year.

{242}

"He next dealt with indirect taxation. He proposed to raise

the present duty on spirits by 3s. 9d. per gallon. This would

justify an increase in the retail price of whisky of one

half-penny per glass, which would recoup the publican for the

additional duty and leave him something more to mitigate the

pressure of the new duties on licenses. The yield, during the

current year, he estimated at £1,600,000. He also proposed to

increase the duty on unmanufactured tobacco from 3s. to 3s.

8d. per lb., with equivalent additions to the rates for

cigars, cigarettes, and manufactured tobacco, the return from

which he estimated at £1,900,000 during the current year and

£2,250,000 for a full year.

"The total estimated revenue was £162,590,000 and the total

estimated expenditure £162,102,000, leaving a margin of

£488,000 for contingencies. In conclusion, the right

honourable gentleman—anticipating the charge that he was

imposing very heavy taxation for a time of peace—declared it

was a war Budget. The Government had declared implacable war

against poverty. It was 8 o’clock when the right honourable

gentleman finished, amid the cheers of his supporters."

That Mr. Lloyd-George’s Budget was a gage of battle and that

the fight over it was fierce is known to everybody, for the

din of the conflict penetrated to every corner of every land.

The key-note of the outcry against it was sounded in The

Times of next morning, which opened its editorial comment

with these words:

"One general impression will be very widely made by the

complicated and portentous Budget which Mr. Lloyd-George

expounded at enormous length yesterday. That is that the huge

deficit of nearly sixteen millions is to be raised almost

exclusively at the cost of the wealthy and the fairly

well-to-do. They are struck at in all sorts of ways, through

the income-tax, the legacy duties, the estate duties, the

stamps upon their investments, their land, their royalties,

their brewery dividends, and their motor-cars. So when Mr.

Lloyd-George exclaims rather theatrically—‘Mr. Emmott, this

is a war Budget,’ his words carry a meaning which he did not

intend. He talks of waging war against poverty, but that is

never really waged by unjust exactions from those whose custom

prevents a worse poverty than any we know; and whose brains

and capital count for at least as much as thews and sinews.

Unless men exempt from income-tax either smoke or drink, they

do not pay a single penny towards making up a deficit mainly

due to a pension scheme of which they reap the whole benefit.

The doctrine of social ransom has never been carried quite so

far."

So it was branded by its opponents as a "Socialist Budget" and

its authors as allies of Socialism, throughout the campaign.

This denunciation was applied especially to the tax on

unearned increments of value in land, as such increments

should occur hereafter. On that point of opposition to the

Budget Mr. Asquith, the Prime Minister of the Government,

speaking at a public meeting in London, had this to say: "The

increment duty is a tax of 20 per cent. on the increase in the

capital value of certain kinds of land which is shown on the

occasion of its transfer or devolution, and which is not

attributable to the efforts or to the expenditure either of

the owner or the occupier. That is what the increment duty is.

Now what is it not? I spoke a few moments ago of certain

classes of land. Let me ask you to observe, first, what are

the kinds of landed property which are altogether exempted

from the scope of this taxation. In the first place, all

agricultural land which has no building value above its

agricultural value; next, small properties occupied by their

owners; thirdly, property belonging to local authorities;

again, property held for public or charitable purposes; and,

finally, property belonging to statutory companies, such as

railways, which cannot be used for other than statutory

purposes. …

"Now, suppose the case of land which does not fall within any

of those exempted categories, how is the duty charged? Here,

again, there is a great deal of misapprehension about it, so

it is better to state the case as clearly as one can. You

start with the site value of the land at the present moment,

and by site value—I am not going into technicalities—we mean,

roughly speaking, the value of the land divested of the

buildings. You do not go back into the past, you take things

as they are; you do not rip up the previous history; you do

not interfere with existing or past contracts. You give to

every man, however he has acquired it, the full and

undisturbed enjoyment of the rights, privileges, and property

which he at present possesses. Starting with that datum line,

you will see that in years to come, when that piece of land is

transferred by sale—it may be by lease—or devolves upon death,

the site value (you are comparing like with like, mind you) at

that date—that is to say, the value after giving the owner and

every one who has been interested in the land credit for all

expenditure they have made in the way of improvement and

development in the interval—comparing site with site, if you

find an increment in value there, you say that it is an

increment due to the community, to social causes, to causes

over which the owner was no more responsible than you or I,

and that it is not unfair in point of justice, and that it is

in the highest degree expedient in point of policy that the

State should be entitled to claim for itself in relief of the

necessities of the same community some part—not any

exaggerated or exorbitant part—but some part, of the increment

which has so accrued. I may point out that there is no duty

chargeable at all. So tender has my friend Mr. Lloyd-George

(laughter and cheers) been to the interests concerned—he is a

man of a most sympathetic nature—sometimes I am disposed to

think he is of almost too impressionable a nature when appeals

of this kind are addressed to him—so tender has he been of all

these interests that he has agreed that no duty should be

chargeable unless the increment value amounts to at least 10

per cent., and where it is over, the first 10 per cent. should

escape free. That is the increment duty which Lord Rothschild

tells you—I think I am not misquoting him—is rank and

undiluted Socialism, and which Lord Lansdowne says is going to

shake the very foundations of civilized society. …

{243}

"The propriety and justice of taxing this kind of increment,

in the case of these classes of land, rests upon the most

solid ground both of authority and experience. It has been

advocated for generations by the most eminent economists. It

has been recommended in one shape or another by more than one

Royal Commission. It was approved in principle more than once

even by the late non-progressive House of Commons. It has been

put in practice in various forms for local purposes in not a

few Continental municipalities and in many of our own

Colonies, and, I believe, always with successful results. And

let me add, by way of climax to that catena of authority, that

it is at this moment, or at any rate was a few weeks ago, the

alternative proposal put forward by the Conservative party in

the Reichstag in Germany—an increment duty, not for local but

for Imperial purposes, was the alternative proposal to the

Budget of Prince Bülow put forward by the Conservative party

in the Reichstag in Germany, and this is rank Socialism!"

Next to the proposed land taxes, the most bitterly opposed

feature of the Budget was the increased revenue to be exacted

from the licensed monopolists of the liquor trade. Everything,

however, in its new taxation was denounced by the

Conservatives, who set against it their own project of

obtaining increased revenues by returning to the protective

tariff which England had abandoned three-quarters of a century

ago. The cry for what they preferred to call "tariff reform"

had been silenced since the election of 1906, when the

electors of the Kingdom rejected Mr. Chamberlain's revived

protectionism by an overwhelming vote. Now it was raised

again, and fully made the prime article in the Conservative

creed, as it had not been before.

It was not until the 4th of November that the Finance Bill was

brought to its third reading in the House of Commons, and was

passed, by the heavy majority of 379 to 149. From the

beginning it was known, of course, that the measure had few

friends in the House of Lords, and would go down in defeat

there if the Peers ventured to assume the right to negative a

money Bill. For many generations they had not disputed the

claim of the Commons to exclusive control of revenue

legislation; but a theory had now been mooted, that Mr.

Lloyd-George’s Budget Bill differed from a mere money Bill by

carrying Socialistic implications tacked on to it, which the

House of Lords was under no obligation to accept. Whether the

Lords would or would not be bold enough to act on this theory

and throw down the Bill, as they had thrown down so much of

the non-financial legislation of the Liberal Government, had

been a serious question throughout the debates. Sir Edward

Grey said of it, in a speech at Leeds, in August:

"As to the fate of the Budget—Is it going to be destroyed by

the House of Lords or is it not? The leaders of the Tory

party—with whom the decision rests—are very cautious in

expressing their opinions. Some of the rank and file have said

the House of Lords is going to destroy the Budget, or have

spoken as if it were so. But the leaders—Mr. Balfour, Lord

Lansdowne, and so forth—have been very cautious. They are

great partisans in this matter of the open door, or, perhaps I

should say, of two open doors. They have studiously kept two

doors open, and as far as Lord Lansdowne’s utterances go, he

has kept the door open for passing the Budget in the House of

Lords or rejecting it. He says the House of Lords is bound to

decide so that the people should be properly consulted, and

that that is the function of the House of Lords, to protect

the right of the people to have their say on the subject. A

very nice function if only it was performed impartially; but

when it is a function which has been in abeyance for the

greater part of the last 20 years, and is only to be erected

into operation when a Liberal Government comes into office, it

is not a function for which we can have much respect. But,

nevertheless, it is so in our Constitution at present that the

House of Lords is a weapon—a great gun, if you like to call it

so—which can be pointed only against Liberal measures—not

against Conservative measures—and which is in the hands of the

Conservative party. Now there is the Budget going presently to

the House of Lords; there is the gun pointing when it arrives

there; there is the Conservative finger on the trigger. Are

they going to fire the gun or not? They do not know themselves

yet. They are debating in their own minds what will happen if

they fire the gun. Will they destroy the Budget, or will the

recoil be more injurious to themselves? Or, perhaps, will the

gun burst altogether if they let it off? We know what their

wishes and inclinations are; what we do not know at the

present time is how much nerve they have got. But of this I am

convinced—whatever the House of Lords may do, when the time

comes for an appeal to the country, it will be an appeal on

this Budget as a Free Trade Budget, and against the

alternative of tariff reform.

Others among the prominent Liberals spoke with more temper of

the threatened action of the Lords. Mr. Winston Churchill, for

example, at Leicester, in September, said: "The rejection of

the Budget by the House of Lords … would be a violent rupture

of constitutional custom and usage extending over 300 years

and recognized during all that time by the leaders of every

party in the State. It would involve a sharp and sensible

breach with the traditions of the past; and what does the

House of Lords depend upon if not upon the traditions of the

past? It would amount to an attempt at revolution not by the

poor, but by the rich; not by the masses, but by the

privileged few; not in the name of progress, but in that of

reaction; not for the purpose of broadening the framework of

the State, but greatly narrowing it. Such an attempt,

gentlemen, whatever you may think of it, such an attempt would

be historic in its character, and the result of the battle

fought upon it, whoever wins, must inevitably be not of an

annual, but of a permanent and final character. The result of

such an election must mean an alteration of the veto of the

House of Lords; if they win they will have asserted their

right, not merely to reject legislation of the House of

Commons, but to control the finances of the country, and if

they lose we will smash to pieces their veto. I say to you

that we do not seek the struggle, we have our work to do; but

if it is to come, it could never come better than now."

Very soon after the Bill had been passed over to the House of

Lords it was known that the Conservative leaders had consented

to its death in that body. What may be called the death

sentence was pronounced on the 22d of November, when Lord

Lansdowne moved the following amendment to a motion for the

second reading of the Bill: "That this House is not justified

in giving its consent to this Bill until it has been submitted

to the judgment of the country."

{244}

Speaking to the motion with great seriousness he said: "I have

been in this House more than 40 years, I owe everything to its

indulgence, and I say from the depth of my heart that it is my

desire to do nothing unworthy of your high reputation or your

great place in the Constitution of this country. But I believe

that the worst and most damaging thing that you could do would

be that you should fail those who look to you as the guardians

of their greatest constitutional right, the right to be

consulted when fundamental political changes are demanded by

the Government of the day; and, my lords, depend upon it that

by rejecting this Bill you will, on the one hand, insist that

that right shall be respected; you will not usurp the function

of granting aid and supplies to the Crown; you will not

pronounce a final verdict upon this Bill, bad though you may

believe it to be; but you will say that it is a Bill to which

you have no right to give your indispensable consent until you

are assured by the people of the country that they desire it

to pass into law."

In the week of debate which followed many speeches of notable

force and impressiveness were made on both sides; but,

unquestionably, the weightiest, in reasoning and feeling, were

those which came from opponents of the Budget who would not

join their associates in the step proposed, but warned them of

dangers involved, to the existence of their House and to the

future of parliamentary government, from constitutional

changes which no man could forecalculate. On the latter point,

Lord Rosebery begged his fellows of the peerage to "remember

this: The menaces which were addressed to this House in old

days were addressed by statesmen of a different school and

under a different balance of constitutional forces in this

country. The menaces addressed to you now come from a wholly

different school of opinion, who wish for a single Chamber and

who set no value on the controlling and revising forces of a

second Chamber—a school of opinion which, if you like it and

do not dread the word, is eminently revolutionary in essence,

if not in fact. I ask you to bear in mind that fact when you

weigh the consequences of the vote which you are to give

to-morrow night. ‘Hang the consequences,’ said my noble friend

Lord Camperdown last night. That is a noble sentiment and a

noble utterance. It is a kind of Balaklava charge, and nothing

more intrepid could be said by any of us if we had not to

weigh the consequences, not to the individual, but to the

State; and you should think once, you should think twice, and

thrice, before you give a vote which may involve such enormous

constitutional consequences."

Lord Balfour, while condemning the Bill, condemned still more

the proposition that the House of Lords would do its duty in

compelling a referendum to the people on the measure. A

question in finance, he said, differs from all others in its

unfitness for this treatment in Great Britain. "If you are to

establish a system whereby this House or any other authority

had the right of establishing a referendum as it is called—a

reference to the people in matters of finance—you would spoil

and destroy the control of the other House of Parliament over

the Government, and you would make, I venture to say, perhaps

the most momentous change in the Constitution, as it has grown

up, which has been made in the whole history of that

Constitution. Take it how you like, if you pass this

resolution, if you make it a precedent—I care not with what

safeguards you accompany it, whether you say it is only to be

done on extreme occasions or by any other safeguard—you have

made a change in the practice and in the Constitution which

will prevent things going on as they have gone on up to the

present time. My lords, if you win, the victory can at most be

a temporary one. If you lose you have altered and prejudiced

the position, the power, the prestige, the usefulness of this

House, which I believe every one of you honours and desires to

serve as heartily and as thoroughly as I do myself. If you win

you are but beginning a conflict."

Lord James, one of the ablest of the Law Lords, and Lord

Cromer, were other opponents of the Budget who earnestly

counselled the Upper House not to interfere with the action of

the Commons on this measure of finance. From the side of the

few Liberals among the peers came other weighty words of

admonition, spoken especially by the calm and thoughtful Lord

Morley and by the Lord Chancellor, the presiding officer of

their House. "No one," said the latter, "will be so simple as

to believe that the only question which the country will

consider will be the question whether this Bill ought to pass

into law. Other and graver questions will be raised. We have

been in office for four years. In 1906 our whole time in the

House of Commons was taken up by passing an Education Bill. It

came to this House. It was wrecked, and the whole labour of

that Session was thrown away. The following year, 1907, was

not a year of very great enterprise of a legislative

character. In 1908 the whole time of the House of Commons was

spent in passing the Licensing Bill, a measure the loss of

which I regret more than I regret the loss of any other. It

came up to this House. It was not alive when it came here. It

had perished by the stiletto in Berkeley-square before it ever

saw this House. Now, again in 1909, after a Session of

unexampled labour, the House of Commons has presented to your

lordships the proof of many, many months of arduous work in a

domain entirely their own; and this House is going to destroy

the Finance Bill of 1909 and to refuse supplies. It is, in my

opinion, impossible that any Liberal Government should ever

again bear the heavy burden of office unless it is secured

against a repetition of treatment such as our measures have

had to undergo for the last four years. If we fail in the

coming general election, assuming that his Majesty is pleased

to dissolve Parliament, it will only be the beginning of a

conflict which can end only in one way. If we succeed, I hope

we shall not flinch from that which will have to follow."

The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Spiritual Lords generally

refrained from taking sides on what they regarded as a

political question; but the Archbishop of York construed his

duty differently, and added his voice to the remonstrance

against Lord Landsdowne’s motion. Close upon midnight,

November 30, the House divided on that motion and it was

carried, rejecting the Finance Bill, by a vote of 350 to 75.

So big a vote—such a swarming of titled legislators to record

it—had not been known within the memory of living men.

{245}

Three days later, on the 3d of December, the Premier, Mr.

Asquith, rose in the House of Commons and moved the adoption

of the following declaration:

"That the action of the House of Lords in refusing to pass

into law the financial provision made by this House for the

service of the year is a breach of the Constitution and a

usurpation of the rights of the Commons."

Speaking to this motion, he said, in part:

"When, a short time ago, the Finance Bill received its third

reading, as it left this House it represented, I believe, in a

greater degree than can be said of any measure of our time,

the mature, the well-sifted, the deliberate work of an

overwhelming majority of the representatives of the people

upon a matter which, by the custom of generations and by the

course of a practically unbroken authority, is the province of

this House, and of this House alone. In the course of a week,

or a little more than a week, the whole of this fabric has

been thrown to the ground. For the first time in English

history the grant of the whole of the Ways and Means for the

Supply and the Services of the year, the grant made at the

request of the Crown to the Crown by the Commons, has been

intercepted and nullified by a body which admittedly has not

the power to increase or to diminish one single tax or to

propose any substitute or alternative for any one of the

taxes. The House of Commons would, in the judgment of his

Majesty’s Government, be unworthy of its past and of the

traditions of which it is the custodian and the trustee if it

allowed another day to pass without making it clear that it

does not mean to brook the greatest indignity, and, I will

add, the most arrogant usurpation (loud cheers), to which for

more than two centuries it has been asked to submit."

After a short debate, the House divided on the motion, and it

was adopted by 349 against 134.

On the afternoon of the same day the King prorogued Parliament

to the 15th of January, 1910, this being preparatory to the

dissolution and appeal to the people which the action of the

Lords had made necessary.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (January-March).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May).

A Majority Vote in the Commons for removing Disabilities

from Roman Catholics.

A bill for the removal of remaining disabilities from Roman

Catholics passed its second reading in the House of Commons on

the 14th of May, by a vote of 133 to 123. Not being a

Government measure, the crowded programme of business for the

session gave no hope that it could be carried into law; but

the vote was an encouragement.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May).

Resolution of the House of Commons in favor of the Payment

of Members and the public payment of election expenses.

The following resolution was introduced in the House of

Commons on the 12th of May, 1909, by Mr. Higham, of York:

"That in the opinion of this House the non-payment of members

and the liability of candidates for the returning officers’

expenses render it impossible for many constituencies to

exercise a free choice in their selection of candidates and

election of members of Parliament; and this House is of

opinion that any measure of general electoral reform passed

before the dissolution of this Parliament, and coming into

force upon or after the dissolution, should be accompanied by

arrangements for the payment of members elected to serve in

Parliament and for the transfer to the Imperial Exchequer of

the financial responsibility for the returning officers’

expenses incurred in the conduct of such elections."

Mr. Harcourt, for the Government, accepted the motion at once.

He pointed out that the expenditure entailed, if members were

paid £300 a year, would be £200,000 annually; but this was not

a valid argument against the change. For his part, he could

not see why politics should be the only profession "run by

amateurs." He was, therefore, not frightened by the prospect

of an Assembly of professional politicians. The time had gone

by when the country could select its legislators solely from

the leisured class; public servants deserved to be paid.

Most of the speakers in a debate of three hours favored the

resolution, and it was then adopted, by 242 votes against 92.

No legislation in accordance with it has yet been undertaken.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May).

Reorganization of Passive Resistance to the Education Act

of 1902.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: ENGLAND; A. D. 1909 (MAY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May-October).

Consumption of whiskey diminished by increase of tax.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (June).

The Imperial Press Conference.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (July).

Assassination of Sir W. Curzon-Wyllie by an Indian Anarchist.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (July-August).

Imperial Defence Conference.

Its conclusions and agreements.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (July-December).

Decision against the right of Trade Unions to pay Salaries

to Members of Parliament.

On the 23d of July, 1909, an appeal from an order of the Court

of Appeal was argued before five legal members of the House of

Lords, on the question whether the payment of members of

Parliament chosen to represent the interests of a trade union

was a lawful application of the funds of such union. The

complainant in the case had sued the Amalgamated Society of

Railway Servants, of which he had been a member since 1892, to

have it declared that one of the rules of the society, which

provides, amongst other things, for Parliamentary

representation and the enforced levy of contributions from the

plaintiff and other members of the society, towards the

payment of salaries, or maintenance allowance, to members of

Parliament pledged to observe and fulfil the conditions

imposed by the constitution of the Labour Party therein

referred to, is ultra vires and void, and that the

society may be restrained from enforcing it. And in the

alternative that it may be declared that a certain amendment

or addition made to the rules in 1906 be declared to be

illegal and void. The added rule, thus complained of, was as

follows; "All candidates shall sign and accept the conditions

of the Labour Party and be subject to their Whip."

{246}

The judgment of the Lords, rendered on the 21st of December,

sustained the order from the court below, dismissing the

appeal. Their decision rested mainly on considerations

relating to the rule quoted above, and stated briefly by one

of their bench, Lord James, as follows:

"The effect of this rule and others that exist is that a

member of the trade union is compelled to contribute to the

support of a member of Parliament, who is compelled ‘to answer

the Whip of the Labour Party.’ I construe this condition as

meaning that the member undertakes to forego his own judgment,

and to vote in Parliament in accordance with the opinions of

some person or persons acting on behalf of the Labour Party.

And such vote would have to be given in respect of all

matters, including those of a most general character—such as

confidence in a Ministry or the policy of a Budget—matters

unconnected directly at least with the interests of labour.

Therefore I am of opinion that the application of money to the

maintenance of a member whose action is so regulated is not

within the powers of a trade union. If your Lordships decide

on this branch of the case that the respondent is entitled to

judgment, it is unnecessary that any opinion should be

expressed upon the very broad constitutional question raised

for the first time in the Court of Appeal affecting the

general support of members."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (August).

The Prevention of Crimes Act brought into force.

The Borstal System.

See (in this Volume)

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY, PROBLEMS OF.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (August).

The Trade Boards Bill, to suppress "Sweating."

See (in this Volume)

LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES REGULATION.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (September).

Imperial Congress of Chambers of Commerce.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (September).

Marconi Wireless Telegraph Stations taken over

by the Post Office.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ELECTRICAL.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (October).

Organization of a Navy War Council.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (January-March).

Dissolution of Parliament.

An indecisive Election.

No majority in the House of Commons for any single party.

Precarious support for the Liberal Ministry.

Uncertainties of the Situation.

As expected, Parliament was dissolved by royal proclamation

early in January, and new elections commanded, the first of

which took place on the 15th of that month and the last on the

14th of February. The result was generally disappointing,

because wholly indecisive. The new House of Commons was found

to be made up of 275 Liberals, 273 Unionists, 71 Nationalists

(Irish), 11 Independent Nationalists, and 40 Labor members.

Neither of the political parties arrayed on the main issues

involved had won a majority. The people had rendered no

recognizable verdict on the Budget, or on the tariff question,

or on the abolition of the veto power claimed by the House of

Lords.

Even with the support of the Labor members the Asquith

Ministry was in a minority. The balance was held by the Irish

members, and it was only by compromise with them that either

Liberals or Unionists could do anything. Had the Ministry been

able to choose its own course it might have preferred,

perhaps, to push the Budget question to a settlement before

attempting to determine the future of the House of Lords; but

the leader of the Nationalists, Mr. Redmond, gave prompt

notice that they would allow no such second rating of the

Lords’ veto question to go into the programme of legislation.

Probably, therefore, there were negotiations between Liberals

and Nationalists before Mr. Asquith announced the intentions

of the Government, which he did on the 28th of

February,—Parliament having been formally opened on the 15th.

Up to the 24th of March, he claimed all the time of the House

of Commons for immediate measures which must be adopted before

the close of the financial year, to provide immediately

necessary means for maintaining the national credit. Then,

"when the House reassembled after Easter, on March 29, the

Government would present their proposals on the relations

between the two Houses. They would be presented, in the first

instance, in the form of resolutions affirming the necessity

for excluding the House of Lords altogether from the domain of

finance, and inviting the House to declare that, in the sphere

of legislation, the power of the veto now possessed by the

Lords should be so limited as to secure the predominance of

the deliberate and considered will of the Commons within the

lifetime of a single Parliament. Further, it would be made

plain that these constitutional changes were without prejudice

to and contemplated in a subsequent year the substitution in

our Second Chamber, of a democratic for an hereditary basis.

When these resolutions had been agreed to, they would be

submitted to the House of Lords, so as to bring the main issue

to a trial at the earliest possible moment."

This programme of procedure appears to have been hastened

slightly; for despatches from London on the 21st of March

announced that Mr. Asquith had brought forward his

resolutions, and that their purport was as follows:

"The first resolution provides for complete control of money

bills by the House of Commons, thus unmistakably disposing of

the question that was precipitated by the Lords’ rejection of

the budget; the second precludes the Lords from rejecting any

bill that, has been passed by the Commons at three successive

sessions, provided the entire time the bill has been before

the House is not less than two years; and in the same case the

bill becomes a law without the royal assent."

ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (May).

Death of King Edward VII.

Accession of King George V.

The political situation in England, which had become

problematical, was probably changed with suddenness, on the

night of May 6, by the death of King Edward, after a brief

illness, consequent on chronic bronchial disorders. His son

was proclaimed as King George V. Settlement of the pending

political questions seems likely to be postponed for some

time.

----------ENGLAND: End--------

ENJUMEN.

See (in this Volume)

ANJUMAN.

ENVER BEY.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

EQUADOR.

See (in this Volume)

ECUADOR.

EQUITABLE LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIETY.

See (in this Volume)

INSURANCE, LIFE.

ERDMAN LAW.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907 (APRIL).

ERICHSEN, DR. MYLIUS:

Tragically ended survey of Greenland coast.

See (in this Volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION.

{247}

ERICSSON, JOHN:

Unveiling of a monument to his memory at Stockholm,

September 14, 1901.

See (in this Volume)

SWEDEN: A. D. 1901.

ERIE CANAL:

Popular vote for its enlargement to a capacity

for boats of 1000 tons.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YOKE STATE: A. D. 1903.

ERITREA:

Its habitability by whites.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA.

ESHER ARMY COMMISSION, The.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

ESNEH BARRAGE, Opening of the.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

ESPERANTO.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: ESPERANTO.

ESTOURNELLES DE CONSTANT D', BARON.

See (in this Volume)

Nobel Prizes.

ESTRADA, GENERAL JUAN:

Revolutionary leader in Nicaragua.

See (in this Volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.

ESTUPINIAN, DON BALTASER:

Vice-President of Second International Conference of

American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

ETHER OF SPACE, NEW CONCEPTION OF THE.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.

ETHIOPIA.

See (in this Volume)

ABYSSINIA.

EUCKEN, Rudolf.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

EUDISTES, THE CONGREGATION OF THE.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

EUGENICS.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: EUGENICS.

EULENBURG, PRINCE,

The charges against.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1907-1908.

EUPHRATES VALLEY:

Railway building.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

EUPHRATES VALLEY:

Irrigation projects.

See in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

----------EUROPE: Start--------

EUROPE: A. D. 1850-1907.

Growth and changes in population.

The shifting of numerical weight among nations and peoples.

Some statistical statements of surprising interest were set

forth in an article published by Professor Sombart, of Berlin,

in 1907. German statisticians have a reputation for accuracy,

and we have no ground for questioning the figures submitted by

this professor, which show that, notwithstanding the great

flow of emigration from Europe within the last 60 years, its

population has increased from about 250,000,000 to 400,000,000

since the middle of the nineteenth century. The main growth,

however, has been in Russia, from which the emigration has

been slight.

The exhibit of relative increase in the several countries and

among the several races of Europe is more interesting and more

important than the total growth. This comparison gives a heavy

gain of weight to Russia since 1850, a considerable gain to

Germany, slight gains to Austria-Hungary, Great Britain and

Ireland (wholly on the British side of the United Kingdom),

Belgium, and the Netherlands, with comparative losses in all

the rest. The drop made by France in the scale of population

is distressingly great. Out of every 1,000 inhabitants of

Europe in 1850, 137 were in France; but out of the same number

of Europeans in 1905 she counted but 94. Russia, in the same

period, raised her share of the population of Europe from 215

per 1,000 to 285; Germany from 138 to 145; Austria-Hungary

from 114 to 117; Great Britain and Ireland from 104 to 105;

Belgium from sixteen to seventeen; the Netherlands from twelve

to thirteen. On the other hand, Italy dropped from 95 to 80;

Spain and Portugal from 71 to 58; Sweden, Norway, and Denmark

from 29 to 25; the Balkan States from 60 to 53; Switzerland

from nine to eight.

Carrying the comparisons of relative population back to the

beginning of the last century, Professor Sombart finds that

Germany, which gained ground in the last half of the period,

had lost more in the first half than that gain made good. In

1801 the Germans furnished 160 to each 1,000 of the population

of Europe, against their present count of 145. But Great

Britain and Ireland gave but 93 to that 1,000 in 1801 against

the 105 of the present time. The gains of Russia and the

losses of France, Italy, and Spain were alike continuous from

the first to the latest date.

As the result of these differences of advance in population,

the Slavic peoples have been raised from the lowest to the

highest weight in numbers; the Germanic have dropped just

enough in the scale to take second place; while the Latinized

folk of Southwestern Europe, or Latins as we call them, have

fallen far from the share they had in the peopling of the

continent 100 years ago. Of each 1,000 Europeans in 1801 the

Slavs numbered 268, the Latins 355, the Germanics 375. In

1850 the count was 310 for the Slav, 321 for the Latin, 369

for the Germanic. The next 55 years brought the Slav to the

front, with a great bound, and the figures in the column for

1905 are 375 Slav, 373 Germanic, 251 Latin.

These statistics hold a number of deep meanings; but they are

especially eloquent in their showing of the deadly effects of

the Napoleonic wars. For France there has been no recovery

since those horrible years when the Corsican vampire sucked at

her veins; and Spain and Italy are still sicklied from the

same cause. But Germany’s languishing ended when the long

peace of the last 36 years began. Her vitality had never been

spent, even in the Thirty Years’ War and by the belligerency

of Frederick, "called the Great," before Napoleon came to

trample upon her, as that of France had been exhausted by her

Bourbon and Corsican masters.

{248}

EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

Rate of Increase of Population in other countries

compared with Germany.

"During the last few decades, the population of Germany has

been increasing with marvellous and unprecedented rapidity.

From 1870 to the present time it has grown from 40,818,000

people to more than 60,000,000 people, and has therefore

increased by 50 per cent. During the same period, our own

[British] population has increased from 31,817,000 people to

43,000,000 people, or by but 32 per cent. No nation in the

world excepting those oversea which yearly receive a huge

number of immigrants from abroad multiplies more rapidly than

does the German nation, as may be seen from the following

figures:

"Average Yearly Increase of Population

between the Last and the Previous Census.

Germany,        15,000 people per million of inhabitants.

Russia,         13,600 people per million of inhabitants.

Holland,        12,300 people per million of inhabitants.

Switzerland,    10,400 people per million of inhabitants.

Belgium,        10,100 people per million of inhabitants.

Great Britain,   9,400 people per million of inhabitants.

Austria-Hungary, 9,300 people per million of inhabitants.

Spain,           8,800 people per million of inhabitants.

Italy,           6,900 people per million of inhabitants.

France,          1,700 people per million of inhabitants.

"From the foregoing table it appears that not only the

population of Germany, but that of all the chiefly Germanic

nations, increases very much faster than that of all other

nations, Russia excepted. However, Russia cannot fairly be

compared with Germany, partly because her population

statistics are not reliable, partly because the growth of her

population is to some extent due to conquest. …

"The proud boast of the Pan-Germans that it is the destiny of

the German race to rule the world would appear to be correct,

were it not for a singular phenomenon which, so far, has

remained almost unobserved. Whilst the 60,000,000 Germans in

Germany are increasing with astonishing celerity, the

30,000,000 Germans who live in Austria-Hungary and in other

countries are so rapidly losing all German characteristics and

even the German language, that it seems possible that, forty

or fifty years hence, the number of Germans outside Germany

proper will be almost nil. …

"The 90,000,000 Germans who live in Germany and in Greater

Germany are distributed over the globe as follows:

Germany                      60,000,000

Austria-Hungary              11,550,000

Switzerland                   2,320,000

Russia                        2,000,000

Various European countries    1,130,000

----------

Total in Europe              77,000,000

United States and Canada     11,500,000

Central and South America       600,000

Asia, Africa, Australia         400,000

Grand total                  89,500,000"

O. Eltzbacher,

Germany and Greater Germany

(Contemporary Review, August, 1905).

Later figures, relative to France, on this subject, were given

by the Paris correspondent of the New York Evening Post,

writing June 12th, 1909, when he said: "From 1901 to 1905 the

birthrate was high enough to increase the population of France

18 for every 10,000 yearly. During the same period the

relative increase per 10,000 was 106 in Italy, 113 in Austria,

121 in England, 149 in Germany, and 155 in Holland. … Coming

back to single years, the birth rate of 1906 only increased

the French population 7 per 10,000; that is, among every

10,000 inhabitants there were as many births of living

children as there were deaths taken altogether, plus seven

births more. In 1907 there were five fewer births than deaths

per 10,000 inhabitants. And now here comes 1908 jumping back

to an excess of twelve births over deaths per 10,000. Such

sudden fluctuations can be seized on by no theory; 1907 had

its deficit because it had 19,892 more deaths than the

average; 1908 recovers lost ground because it had 48,266 fewer

deaths than 1907, or 28,374 fewer than the average of the

preceding period of five years. Along with this slow but sure

decrease in the absolute birth rate of France goes the happier

decrease of deaths, owing to greater well-being in general and

better popular hygiene in particular.

"Statistics have something better than this to show. The

steady increase in marriages, which I noted last year, has

gone on. For 1908 it is the heaviest since 1873; the total

number was 315,928—which is 1,172 more than in 1907 and 9441

more than in 1906. Divorces, for all France, were 10,573 in

1906 and 11,515 in 1908.

"Why do Frenchmen have few children? Because they deliberately

will not to have them. That is the answer which every

intelligent observer who passes his life among Frenchmen—as

one of themselves, not as an outsider—will give spontaneously;

and it is the answer to which all statistics and all verified

social facts lead up."

EUROPE: A. D. 1878-1909.

Thirty-one Years of Peace, broken only by

Thirty-one Days of War.

In the spring of 1897 there were thirty-one days of war

between Turkey and Greece. With that exception there have been

no hostilities on the European continent since Russia fought

the Turks in 1877-1878, a period of thirty-one years. In the

preceding thirty years there had been nearly a score of

serious insurrections and wars: the widespread revolutionary

conflicts of 1848-1849, in France, Italy, Austria, Hungary,

Germany, and Denmark; the coup d’etat of 1851 in France; the

Crimean War of 1854-1856; the war of France and Sardinia with

Austria in 1859; Garibaldi’s liberation of Sicily and Naples

in 1861, and his attempt on Rome the next year; the Greek

revolution of 1862; Polish revolts of 1861 and 1863; the

Schleswig-Holstein war of 1864; the Austro-Prussian "Seven

Weeks War" and the Austro-Italian war, in 1866; Garibaldi’s

renewed attack on the Papal government at Rome in 1867;

revolution in Spain in 1868; the Franco-German War and the

insurrection of the Communists at Paris in 1870-1871; the

revolts of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1875 and of Bulgaria in

1876.

There is no mistaking the hopeful significance of so striking

a contrast as this; and if we look back through two more

similar periods, each of which represents the average term

reckoned for a generation, we find the key to a better

understanding of its hopefulness. Behind the turbulent thirty

years from 1847 to 1877 are thirty years during most of which

Europe lay bleeding, panting, exhausted by thirty other years

of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic wars; exhausted

physically but stirred deeply in brain and heart, and

gathering strength for the efforts toward freer and better

institutions of government and more homogeneous organizations

of nationality which most of the conflicts between 1847 and

1877 represent.

{249}

It is because those conflicts resulted in far better political

conditions, and in much of satisfaction to racial affinities

and national aspirations long resisted, that the people of

Europe, in these last thirty years, have enjoyed the longest

exemption from war on their own soil that their history

records.

EUROPE: A. D. 1902-1907.

Renewal and maintenance of the Triple Alliance.

Its value to Italy.

The Triple Alliance or Dreibund of Germany, Austria-Hungary

and Italy, formed in 1882 and renewed in 1887 and 1891, was

renewed for the third time in 1902, a year before the end of

its term, by the Zanardelli Government. "The term of this

renewal was for six or 12 years; that is to say, if the treaty

were not denounced in 1907, five years after its actual

renewal, it should be considered as holding good for the full

term of 12 years. The treaty was not denounced by the Giolitti

Ministry, with Signor Tittoni Minister of Foreign Affairs, and

therefore is in force until 1914, 12 years after its third

renewal by Prinetti. Except in the case of a very marked

alteration in the friendly relations between the three

contracting Powers there can be no question of its renewal or

non-renewal at this date. That case has not arrived; the

cordial relations between Italy and her allies, in spite of

conjectured though unacknowledged differences of opinion,

remain ostensibly unaltered, and may still be considered as

correctly described in the words used in their speeches in

Vienna by the Emperor of Austria and the German Emperor, and

in the telegrams which they afterwards exchanged with the King

of Italy.

"Some Italian politicians, however, seem disposed to question

the utility of an alliance which does not relieve Italy from

the necessity of spending more money on her national defence.

What, they ask, is the use of the alliance if we have to make

these heavy sacrifices in order to increase our army and navy

and put our frontier fortifications in order? The answer is

more simple than agreeable. It is precisely the existence of

the Triple Alliance that has permitted Italy to leave her

Austrian frontier absolutely open to invasion, and to allow

both her army and navy to fall below the standard which she

had proposed to keep up. The alliance has secured her immunity

for her neglect. But she has naturally paid for that combined

neglect and immunity by accepting a subordinate role by the

side of her allies."

Rome Correspondence,

London Times, May 15, 1909.

EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (April).

The Entente Cordiale of England and France.

In his interesting work on "France and the Alliances," founded

on a course of lectures delivered at Harvard University in

1908, M. André Tardieu reviews the long antagonism between

England and France, which ran through their history, from

early in the Fourteenth Century to the last year but one of

the Nineteenth, when, in March, 1899, France, by treaty with

the British Government, gave up her strong desire to extend

her North African dominion eastward to the Nile. Then he asks:

"How came it that within five years a sincere understanding

was established between the two hereditary enemies?" He

answers the question by saying: "Neither in England nor in

France is the principle of the understanding to be sought.

Rather was it the fear of Germany which determined England—not

only her King and Government, but the whole of her people—to

draw near to France." This, without doubt, is substantially

the true explanation of the friendly agreements, forming what

is known as the Entente Cordiale between England and France,

which were signed on the 8th of April, 1904. They involved

nothing in the nature of a defensive alliance against Germany,

and they had been prepared for by a rapid growth of natural

and real good feeling between English and French folk; but it

is certain that they received their immediate prompting from

the common recognition, in England and France, that Germany

had become a rival in political and economic ambitions to both

of them, more formidable than either could be to the other.

This gave them a common reason for obliterating all their old

differences and causes of difference, and exhibiting

themselves to the world as friends.

M. Tardieu credits the English King with the initiation of

this most important rapprochement. "He it was," says the

French writer, "who both conceived and facilitated it, while

still many believed that the moment was premature. Edward VII.

has been both praised and attacked without stint. Perhaps he

deserves neither the ‘excess of honor nor yet the excess of

abuse.’ Among present sovereigns, he has one superiority, that

of having gained experience in life before reigning. … He is

not afraid of taking the initiative; and so far his initiative

has been a success. The boldest example of it was his visit to

Paris in 1903. Putting aside all objections, and being

convinced of his success, he arrived in France amidst an

atmosphere of uncertainty. When the first platoons of

cuirassiers rode down the Champs Elysées, embarrassment and

anxiety weighed on the public. The Nationalists had declared

their intention of hissing. What would be the result of a

hostile manifestation? The King, as far as he was concerned,

did not believe in the danger, and he was right. The Parisians

accorded him, not an enthusiastic, but, from the first, a

respectful, and soon a genial, reception. The road was clear.

Two months later, Mr. Loubet paid King Edward a return visit.

And, on welcoming his colleague, Mr. Delcassé, to London, Lord

Lansdowne said to him: ‘Now we are going to have some

conversation.’ As a matter of fact, there was conversation

both in Paris and in London. … On the 8th of April, 1904, the

agreement was signed, and its immediate publication produced a

deep impression in Europe."

Strictly speaking, there were three Agreements, or two

Declarations and one formal Convention, signed on the 8th of

April, 1904, constituting, together, the Anglo-French

Entente. The first, a "Declaration respecting Egypt and

Morocco," ran as follows:

"Article I.

His Britannic Majesty’s Government declare that they have no

intention of altering the political status of Egypt. The

Government of the French Republic, for their part, declare

that they will not obstruct the action of Great Britain in

that country by asking that a limit of time be fixed for the

British occupation or in any other manner, and that they give

their assent to the draft Khedivial Decree annexed to the

present Arrangement, containing the guarantees considered

necessary for the protection of the interests of the Egyptian

bondholders, on the condition that, after its promulgation, it

cannot be modified in any way without the consent of the

Powers Signatory of the Convention of London of 1885. It is

agreed that the post of Director-General of Antiquities in

Egypt shall continue, as in the past, to be entrusted to a

French savant. The French schools in Egypt shall

continue to enjoy the same liberty as in the past.

{250}

"Article II.

The Government of the French Republic declare that they have

no intention of altering the political status of Morocco. His

Britannic Majesty’s Government, for their part, recognize that

it appertains to France, more particularly as a Power whose

dominions are conterminous for a great distance with those of

Morocco, to preserve order in that country, and to provide

assistance for the purpose of all administrative, economic,

financial, and military reforms which it may require. They

declare that they will not obstruct the action taken by France

for this purpose, provided that such action shall leave intact

the rights which Great Britain, in virtue of Treaties,

Conventions, and usage, enjoys in Morocco, including the right

of coasting trade between the ports of Morocco, enjoyed by

British vessels since 1901.

"Article III.

His Britannic Majesty’s Government, for their part, will

respect the rights which France, in virtue of Treaties,

Conventions, and usage, enjoys in Egypt, including the right

of coasting trade between Egyptian ports accorded to French

vessels.

"Article IV.

The two Governments, being equally attached to the principle

of commercial liberty both in Egypt and Morocco, declare that

they will not, in those countries, countenance any inequality

either in the imposition of customs duties or other taxes, or

of railway transport charges. The trade of both nations with

Morocco and with Egypt shall enjoy the same treatment in

transit through the French and British possessions in Africa.

An Agreement between the two Governments shall settle the

conditions of such transit and shall determine the points of

entry. This mutual engagement shall be binding for a period of

thirty years. Unless this stipulation is expressly denounced

at least one year in advance, the period shall be extended for

five years at a time. Nevertheless, the Government of the

French Republic reserve to themselves in Morocco, and His

Britannic Majesty’s Government reserve to themselves in Egypt,

the right to see that the concessions for roads, railways,

ports, &c., are only granted on such conditions as will

maintain intact the authority of the State over these great

undertakings of public interest.

"Article V.

His Britannic Majesty’s Government declare that they will use

their influence in order that the French officials now in the

Egyptian service may not be placed under conditions less

advantageous than those applying to the British officials in

the same service. The Government of the French Republic, for

their part, would make no objection to the application of

analogous conditions to British officials now in the Moorish

service.

"Article VI.

In order to insure the free passage of the Suez Canal, His

Britannic Majesty’s Government declare that they adhere to the

stipulations of the Treaty of the 29th October, 1888, and that

they agree to their being put in force. The free passage of

the Canal being thus guaranteed, the execution of the last

sentence of paragraph 1 as well as of paragraph 2 of Article

VIII of that Treaty will remain in abeyance.

"Article VII.

In order to secure the free passage of the Straits of

Gibraltar, the two Governments agree not to permit the

erection of any fortifications or strategic works on that

portion of the coast of Morocco comprised between, but not

including, Melilla and the heights which command the right

bank of the River Sebou. This condition does not, however,

apply to the places at present in the occupation of Spain on

the Moorish coast of the Mediterranean.

"Article VIII.

The two Governments, inspired by their feeling of sincere

friendship for Spain, take into special consideration the

interests which that country derives from her geographical

position and from her territorial possessions on the Moorish

coast of the Mediterranean. In regard to these interests the

French Government will come to an understanding with the

Spanish Government. The agreement which may be come to on the

subject between France and Spain shall be communicated to His

Britannic Majesty’s Government.

"Article IX.

The two Governments agree to afford to one another their

diplomatic support, in order to obtain the execution of the

clauses of the present Declaration regarding Egypt and

Morocco."

The more formally designated Convention relates to questions

concerning the Newfoundland fisheries and certain boundaries

between French and English possessions in Africa. The articles

respecting Newfoundland and the fisheries are as follows:

"Article I.

France renounces the privileges established to her advantage

by Article XIII of the Treaty of Utrecht, and confirmed or

modified by subsequent provisions.

"Article II.

France retains for her citizens, on a footing of equality with

British subjects, the right of fishing in the territorial

waters on that portion of the coast of Newfoundland comprised

between Cape St. John and Cape Ray, passing by the north; this

right shall be exercised during the usual fishing season

closing for all persons on the 20th October of each year. The

French may therefore fish there for every kind of fish,

including bait and also shell fish. They may enter any port or

harbour on the said coast and may there obtain supplies or

bait and shelter on the same conditions as the inhabitants of

Newfoundland, but they will remain subject to the local

Regulations in force; they may also fish at the mouths of the

rivers, but without going beyond a straight line drawn between

the two extremities of the banks, where the river enters the

sea. They shall not make use of stake-nets or fixed engines

without permission of the local authorities. On the

above-mentioned portion of the coast, British subjects and

French citizens shall be subject alike to the laws and

Regulations now in force, or which may hereafter be passed for

the establishment of a close time in regard to any particular

kind of fish, or for the improvement of the fisheries. Notice

of any fresh laws or Regulations shall be given to the

Government of the French Republic three months before they

come into operation. The policing of the fishing on the

above-mentioned portion of the coast, and for prevention of

illicit liquor traffic and smuggling of spirits, shall form

the subject of Regulations drawn up in agreement by the two

Governments.

{251}

"Article III.

A pecuniary indemnity shall be awarded by His Britannic

Majesty’s Government to the French citizens engaged in fishing

or the preparation of fish on the ‘Treaty Shore,’ who are

obliged, either to abandon the establishments they possess

there, or to give up their occupation, in consequence of the

modification introduced by the present Convention into the

existing state of affairs. This indemnity cannot be claimed by

the parties interested unless they have been engaged in their

business prior to the closing of the fishing season of 1903.

Claims for indemnity shall be submitted to an Arbitral

Tribunal, composed of an officer of each nation, and, in the

event of disagreement, of an Umpire appointed in accordance

with the procedure laid down by Article XXXII of The Hague

Convention. The details regulating the constitution of the

Tribunal, and the conditions of the inquiries to be instituted

for the purpose of substantiating the claims, shall form the

subject of a special Agreement between the two Governments.

"Article IV.

His Britannic Majesty’s Government, recognizing that, in

addition to the indemnity referred to in the preceding

Article, some territorial compensation is due to France in

return for the surrender of her privilege in that part of the

Island of Newfoundland referred to in Article II, agree with

the Government of the French Republic to the provisions

embodied in the following Articles:"

The provisions here referred to, contained in the subsequent

articles, modify the former frontier between Senegambia and

the English colony of the Gambia, "so as to give to France

Yarbutenda and the lands and landing places belonging to that

locality"; cede to France "the group known as the Isles de

Los, and situated opposite Konakry"; and substitute a new

boundary, to the east of the Niger, for that which was fixed

between the French and British possessions by the Convention

of 1898.

The Declaration which concludes the series of Agreements has

to do with matters in Siam, Madagascar, and New Hebrides. As

to Siam, the two Governments "declare by mutual agreement that

the influence of Great Britain shall be recognized by France

in the territories situated to the west of the basin of the

River Menam, and that the influence of France shall be

recognized by Great Britain in the territories situated to the

east of the same region, all the Siamese possessions on the

east and southeast of the zone above described and the

adjacent islands coming thus henceforth under French

influence, and, on the other hand, all Siamese possessions on

the west of this zone and of the Gulf of Siam, including the

Malay Peninsula and the adjacent islands, coming under English

influence. The two Contracting Parties, disclaiming all idea

of annexing any Siamese territory, and determined to abstain

from any act which might contravene the provisions of existing

Treaties, agree that, with this reservation, and so far as either

of them is concerned, the two Governments shall each have

respectively liberty of action in their spheres of influence

as above defined."

The further agreements were, on the part of the British

Government, to withdraw a protest it had raised against the

customs tariff established in Madagascar, and, on the part of

the two Governments, "to draw up in concert an arrangement

which, without involving any modification of the political

status quo, shall put an end to the difficulties arising from

the absence of jurisdiction over the natives of the New

Hebrides."

In the British Parliamentary Paper (Cd. 1952, April, 1904)

which gave official publication to these Agreements, they are

accompanied by an explanatory despatch from the Marquess of

Lansdowne, British Foreign Secretary, to Sir E. Monson,

Ambassador at Paris, which affirms distinctly that "if any

European Power is to have a predominant influence in Morocco,

that Power is France." The language of the despatch on this

subject is as follows:

"The condition of that country [Morocco] has for a long time

been unsatisfactory and fraught with danger. The authority of

the Sultan over a large portion of his dominions is that of a

titular Chief rather than of a Ruler. Life and property are

unsafe, the natural resources of the country are undeveloped,

and trade, though increasing, is hampered by the political

situation. In these respects the contrast between Morocco and

Egypt is marked. In spite of well-meant efforts to assist the

Sultan, but little progress has been effected, and at this

moment the prospect is probably as little hopeful as it ever

has been. Without the intervention of a strong and civilized

Power there appears to be no probability of a real improvement

in the condition of the country.

"It seems not unnatural that, in these circumstances, France

should regard it as falling to her lot to assume the task of

attempting the regeneration of the country. Her Algerian

possessions adjoin those of the Sultan throughout the length

of a frontier of several hundred miles. She has been compelled

from time to time to undertake military operations of

considerable difficulty, and at much cost, in order to put an

end to the disturbances which continually arise amongst tribes

adjoining the Algerian frontier—tribes which, although

nominally the subjects of the Sultan, are, in fact, almost

entirely beyond his control. The trade of France with Morocco

is again—if that across the Algerian frontier be included—of

considerable importance, and compares not unfavourably with

our own. In these circumstances, France, although in no wise

desiring to annex the Sultan’s dominions or to subvert his

authority, seeks to extend her influence in Morocco, and is

ready to submit to sacrifices and to incur responsibilities

with the object of putting an end to the condition of anarchy

which prevails upon the borders of Algeria. His Majesty’s

Government are not prepared to assume such responsibilities,

or to make such sacrifices, and they have therefore readily

admitted that if any European Power is to have a predominant

influence in Morocco, that Power is France."

{252}

Of the reciprocal and equally important recognition by France

of the paramount influence of Great Britain in Egypt, Lord

Lansdowne wrote:

"From the point of view of Great Britain the most important

part of the Agreement which has been concluded in respect of

Egypt is the recognition by the French Government of the

predominant position of Great Britain in that country. They

fully admit that the fulfilment of the task upon which we

entered in 1883 must not be impeded by any suggestion on their

part that our interest in Egypt is of a temporary character,

and they undertake that, so far as they are concerned, we

shall not be impeded in the performance of that task. This

undertaking will enable us to pursue our work in Egypt

without, so far as France is concerned, arousing international

susceptibilities. It is true that the other Great Powers of

Europe also enjoy, in virtue of existing arrangements, a

privileged position in Egypt; but the interests of

France—historical, political, and financial—so far outweigh

those of the other Powers, with the exception of Great

Britain, that so long as we work in harmony with France, there

seems no reason to anticipate difficulty at the hands of the

other powers."

EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

General Consequences in Europe of the Russo-Japanese War and

the Weakening of Russia in Prestige and Actual Power.

"Europe is apparently on the eve of such a new combination of

the Great Powers as was caused by the Franco-German War of

1870, and just as after that fateful event Berlin became the

centre of the continental political system, so Paris bids fair

to play this part in the near future. For France has never

been so powerful a factor in politics since the fall of the

Empire as to-day. Everyone recognises that her alliance with

Russia was the first step from the isolation which followed

her military reverses towards her reinstatement in the

political hierarchy, and some of the most popular and

statesmanlike politicians of the Republic hold that the

dissolution of that partnership will be the second. For the

good which it achieved, they allege, was largely accidental,

while the cost it entailed was proportionately great. …

"The chief aim of the French statesman who struck up an

alliance with the Government of Alexander III. was to

neutralise Teutonic aggressiveness, and if possible to recover

the lost provinces as well. The latter part of this programme

has turned out to be a will-o’-the-wisp, while the first item

can now be realised independently of the Russian alliance.

Moreover, France, far from being isolated to-day, counts among

her friends and natural allies not only the Latin peoples but

the smaller States of the Continent, to say nothing of Great

Britain. …

"The motives which induced Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy

to enter into partnership have lost their force; the Triple

Alliance has ceased to exist in aught but the name. Italy was

the first of the three States to break away. And her adherence

to the league was so obviously opposed to the sentiments of

her people and the real interests of the nation, that only the

strongest conceivable motive could keep her in the uncongenial

society of her former oppressor. That motive had been supplied

by Bismarck, who persuaded Crispi that clerical France was at

the beck and call of the Vatican, and only awaited a

prosperous moment to disunite Italy and restore Rome to the

Pope. But to-day Germany herself has become the most trusty

and perhaps the most helpful friend of the Holy See, while

France has struck a vigorous blow on the line of cleavage

between the political and ecclesiastical institutions which

constitute the Catholic Church. The ruling body in

Parliamentary Germany is the Ultramontane centre, and if any

State in Europe could be conceived to be capable of breaking a

lance for the temporal power of his Holiness, it would

certainly be one of the two Teutonic Empires of Central

Europe."

E. J. Dillon,

Foreign Affairs

(Contemporary Review, August, 1904).

The following is from a special correspondent of the New York

Evening Post, who wrote from St. Petersburg on the 5th

of March, 1909:

"The international position of Russia has weakened greatly

during the last five years. Before the Japanese war and the

revolution her strength was enormous, and a Japanese officer

who visited St. Petersburg in 1903 wrote in a Japanese paper

that, judging by the attention which was paid to the Czar by

every court in Europe and by the respect, almost awe even,

with which he was regarded, that monarch might almost be

styled the king of kings. The war and the revolution made

short work, however, of this respect and awe. The Emperor

William first took advantage of Russia’s weakness by springing

the Morocco surprise on Europe; then Baron von Aerenthal

annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina, which he would never, of

course, have dared to do six years ago; while recently in the

Duma Mr. Iswolsky frankly confessed that Russia can do

absolutely nothing; that the war and the revolution have bled

her white, and that no assistance or hope of assistance can be

given to the Serbs and the Montenegrins."

EUROPE: A. D. 1905.

Joint action of Powers in forcing Financial Reforms in

Macedonia on Turkey.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

Sudden hostility of Germany to the Anglo-French Agreement

concerning Morocco.

The Kaiser’s speech at Tangier.

Threatening pressure on France.

Demand for International Conference.

Results at Algeciras.

What use the French Government wished to make of the free

exercise of influence in Morocco which Great Britain consented

to, in the agreements of April 8, 1904, is stated by M. Tardieu

in his "France and the Alliances," with more than probable

truth, as follows:

"There was no design of conquest, or of protectorate, or of

monopoly. Conquest would have cost too dear. A protectorate

would have served no purpose in face of the exclusiveness of

the tribes. Monopolization would have been contrary to

international treaties. To create police forces with Moroccan

natives and Algerian instructors in all the principal towns;

to restore finances by means of a more honest collection of

taxes, a genuine checking of expenses, and the repression of

smuggling; to increase the carrying trade by public works

wisely planned and the construction of ports, bridges and

roads—all this by contract law; to multiply hospitals,

schools, educational and charitable institutions,—such was

the tenor of the programme. … As Mr. Delcassé wrote: ‘Far from

diminishing the Sultan’s authority, we were peculiarly anxious

to enhance his prestige.’"

{253}

For almost a year after the signing of the Anglo-French

agreements of April, 1904, no objection was raised in Europe

to the undertaking by France of such regenerative work in

Morocco as they contemplated. Italy had assented to it before

England did. Spain did the same a few months later. These were

the Powers most concerned. The German Ambassador to France had

been informed of the tenor of the agreement with England a

fortnight before it was signed, and no criticism came from his

Government. After the text of it had been published,

Chancellor von Bülow said in the Reichstag: "We know of

nothing that should lead us to think that this agreement is

directed against any Power whatsoever. … From the point of

view of German interests, we have no objection to make against

it." During the eleven months that followed this utterance

nothing appears to have been done by France in Morocco that

changed the situation; but something changed the official

attitude of Germany towards what it had found acceptable

before, and changed it very suddenly. On the 31st of March,

1905, the German Emperor, on a yachting cruise to the

Mediterranean, disembarked at Tangier, and found occasion to

address these remarks to a representative of the Sultan:

"To-day, I pay my visit to the Sultan in his character of

independent sovereign. I hope that, under the Sultan’s

sovereignty, a free Morocco will remain open to the pacific

competition of all nations without monopoly and without

annexation, on a footing of absolute equality. My visit to

Tangier is intended to make known the fact that I am resolved

to do all that is in my power properly to safeguard the

interests of Germany, since I consider the Sultan as being an

absolutely free sovereign. It is with him that I mean to come

to an understanding respecting the best way of safeguarding

such interests. As regards the reforms which the Sultan is

intending to make, it seems to me that any action in this

direction should be taken with great precaution, respect being

had for the religious sentiments of the population in order

that there may be no disturbance of public tranquillity."

All Europe read an emphasized threat in these words, and felt

instantly that they meant hostile intentions towards France.

That they came so quickly after the crushing defeat of Russia

at Mukden; that Russia, ally of France in European politics,

would need no longer to be counted, for some indefinite future

time, as a military Power; that the Dual Alliance, which had

been the prop of France in the recovery of her standing among

the Powers, was thus suddenly a broken reed, and that

circumstances were propitious, therefore, for humiliating her

again,—here were facts for a bit of reasoning which suggested

itself quickly to a multitude of minds.

Twelve days after the speech of William II. at Tangier

Chancellor Bülow addressed a circular to the Ambassadors of

Germany at various capitals, directing them to demand an

International Conference for the settlement of matters

concerning Morocco. A little later the Moorish Sultan, Abd el

Aziz, endorsed the demand, in the following missive, addressed

to the several legations of foreign governments at Tangier:

"We have been ordered by our master the Sultan (God strengthen

him) to request all the great powers to hold a conference at

Tangier, composed by its honorable representatives and those

appointed by the Maghzen [the royal council or Cabinet] to

discuss the manner for suitable reforms which His Shcreefian

Majesty has determined to introduce into his Empire, and the

expenses to carry out the same. We therefore beg to inform

your excellency of this, so that you may notify your

government and request them to permit your excellency to

attend said conference for the above-mentioned purpose and let

us know of its answer, and remain in peace and with joy.

Written at the Holy Court at Fez on the 25th day of Rabe 1st,

1905; corresponding to May 29, 1905.

MOHAMMED BEN ARBY TORRES."

Meantime, Germany was bringing pressure at Paris to force the

resignation or removal of M. Delcassé, the Foreign Minister,

whose policy was now said to be "A threat to Germany," and the

French Government, unprepared for war, submitted to

concessions which involved that result. It entered on

preliminary pourparlers concerning the demand for an

international conference, and allowed Minister Delcassé to

resign.

A fair-minded German’s view of the proceedings of the German

Government in this matter was expressed by Mr. W. C. Dreher in

his next annual review of "The Year in Germany" for The

Atlantic Monthly. Frankly acknowledging that the Morocco

controversy had "left with most other nations a distinctly

disagreeable impression of the disturbing tendencies of German

policy," and that the Kaiser’s famous speech at Tangier had

"astonished the German people not less than other nations," he

remarks: "For the Germans had learned to acquiesce in the

Anglo-French settlement, under which France was to have a free

hand for its scheme of pénétration pacifique in

Morocco. The utterances of the Imperial Chancellor in the

Reichstag clearly indicated that the Government accepted with

good grace the general terms of that settlement. The people,

too, had been schooled by the inspired press in the theory

that Germany’s commercial interests in Morocco were so

insignificant as not to warrant the inauguration of a large

and energetic action to assert them; and this view had been

generally accepted by them, barring the noisy little faction

of Pan Germans.

"The chief fault of Germany’s Morocco policy was, accordingly,

that it was sprung upon the German people themselves without

warning, without any preparation of their minds for it; hence

they imperfectly comprehended it and never had any great

interest in it. They did not feel that it was a matter

intimately affecting the nation’s interests; and while the

German Ambassador at Paris was asserting Germany’s solidarity

with Morocco, the press at home was diligently occupied in

convincing the outside world that Germany would never go to

war on account of that remote and insignificant state.

"Despite the abruptness and lack of skill in launching its new

policy, however, the government’s position was logical and,

within certain limits, reasonable. France and England had

assumed to decide the fate of Morocco between themselves,

whereas the Madrid Treaty of 1880, to which Germany was

signatory, had explicitly given an international character to

the Moroccan question. This was clearly an affront to

Germany’s dignity and an attempt to isolate her, which ought

to have been objected to at once."

W. C. Dreher,

The Year in Germany

(Atlantic Monthly, November, 1906).

{254}

On the 28th of September M. Rouvier, the French Premier, and

Prince de Radolin, the German Ambassador at Paris, arrived at

an agreement concerning the matters to be settled at the

demanded Conference, and it was announced to other governments

in the following Memorandum;

The two Governments have agreed to submit to the Sultan the

draft of the following programme elaborated in conformity to

principles adopted by exchange of notes on July 8:

"First.

1. Organization, by way of international agreement, of the

police outside the border region.

"2. Regulations organizing the surveillance and suppression of

the smuggling of arms. In the border region the enforcement of

these regulations will exclusively concern France and Morocco.

"Second.

Financial reform.

"Financial support given to the Maghzen through the

establishment of a state bank with the privilege of issue,

taking charge of treasury operations and acting as a medium

for the coinage of money, the profits of which would belong to

the Maghzen.

"The said state bank would undertake to bring about a sounder

monetary condition.

"The credits opened to the Maghzen would be applied to the

equipment and salaries of the public forces and to urgent

public works, especially the improvement of the harbors and

their facilities.

"Third.

Study of better proceeds from imposts and of new sources of

revenue.

"Fourth.

Undertaking on the part of the Maghzen that no public service

will be disposed of for the benefit of private interests.

"Principle of letting contracts for public works to the lowest

bidder, without preference for any nationality."

In due time the further details were arranged, and

representatives of thirteen governments, namely, of

Austria-Hungary, Belgium, France, Germany, Great Britain,

Italy, Morocco, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Russia,

Sweden, and the United States, were assembled in Conference on

the 15th of January, 1906, not at Tangier, but at the Spanish

city of Algeciras, on the coast of the Straits of Gibraltar.

The United States were represented by the American Ambassador

to the French Republic, Henry White, and by the American

Minister to Morocco, S. R. Gummeré. The instructions addressed

to them from Washington by the Secretary of State, Mr. Root,

were partly in these words:

"The United States is a participant in the discussions of the

conference solely by reason of being a treaty power, having

conventional engagements with Morocco dating back to 1836, by

which this country not only enjoys special privileges, but is

entitled to the most-favored-nation treatment for the time

being. This government also shares in the right of protection

of certain native Moors as defined in the multipartite

convention of July 3, 1880. Our interest and right comprise

and are limited to an equal share in whatever privileges of

residence, trade, and protection are enjoyed by, or may be

hereafter conceded by, the Shereefian Government to aliens and

their local agencies, and it follows that we have a like

concern in the enlargement of those privileges in all

appropriate ways. With the special political problems of

influence and association affecting the relations of the

Moroccan Empire, as a Mediterranean state, to the powers

having interests in that great sea and whose concern lies

naturally in the conservation and extension of its commerce

for the common benefit of all, the United States have little

to do beyond expression of its wish that equality and

stability be secured. …

"It is expected that your attitude in the proceedings of the

conference will display the impartial benevolence which the

United States feels toward Morocco and the cordial and

unbiased friendship we have for all the treaty powers. Fair

play is what the United States asks—for Morocco and for all

the interested nations—and it confidently expects that

outcome. The complete dissociation of the United States from

all motives or influences which might tend to thwart a perfect

agreement of the powers should, in case of need, lend weight

to your impartial counsels in endeavoring to compose any

dissidence of aims which may possibly develop in the course of

the conference."

Algeciras, the chosen seat of the Conference, had been three

times a landing place of the Moors in their invasions of

Spain. "The modern town," says one who wrote an account of the

Conference, "dating only from 1760, has but one attraction, a

magnificent English hotel, built by the owners of the

picturesque railway which connects it with the rest of Europe,

and of the corresponding steamer service across the bay to

Gibraltar, placing it in touch with all the world. But this

attraction sufficed, and the Reina Cristina Hotel was engaged

for the delegates, while the town-hall was cleared and

refitted for their deliberations. …

"The meetings were held at irregular intervals, about three

times a week, being summoned whenever the President was

advised that sufficient instructions had been received, or

that the drafting committee had some document to present for

consideration. Formal sessions were held from ten to twelve in

the morning, the Conference meeting in committee from three to

five in the afternoon, the drafting and translating committees

assembling when and where convenient to their members."

Budgett Meakin,

The Algeciras Conference

(Fortnightly Review, May, 1906).

The General Act of the Conference, finished and signed on the

7th of April, 1906, is in 123 Articles, divided into 6

Chapters, as follows:

I. A Declaration relative to the Organization of the Police;

II. Regulations concerning the detection and suppression of

the Illicit Trade in Arms;

III. An Act of Concession for a Moorish State Bank;

IV. A Declaration concerning an Improved Yield of the Taxes,

and the creation of New Sources of Revenue;

V. Regulations respecting the Customs of the Empire and the

suppression of Fraud and Smuggling;

VI. A Declaration relative to the Public Services and Public

Works.

The first chapter provides for the organization of a police

force, not less than 2000 nor more than 2500 in number,

recruited from among Moorish Mussulmans and commanded by

Kaids, but having Spanish and French officers and

non-commissioned officers for instructors, nominated to the

Sultan by their respective Governments, and their services

given for five years.

{255}

This police force, moreover, is subject to general inspection

by a superior officer of the Swiss army. The regulations of

the second chapter are minute and precise for their stated

purpose. The Morocco State Bank, provided for in the third, is

made subject to the law of France, and is to "discharge the

duties of disbursing Treasurer of the Empire" and "financial

agent of the Government." The Directors of the Bank are

chosen, of course, by the shareholders; but one article

stipulates that "the Shereefian Government shall exercise its

high control over the Bank through a Moorish High

Commissioner, whom it shall appoint after previous agreement

with the board of directors," while another requires that

"each of the following institutions, viz., the German Imperial

Bank, the Bank of England, the Bank of Spain and the Bank of

France, shall, with the approval of its Government, appoint a

Censor to the State Bank of Morocco." The prescriptions in the

fourth and fifth chapters of the act are not of general

significance or interest. In the sixth, relating to "public

services and public works," it is set forth that, "should the

Shereefian Government consider it necessary to have recourse

to foreign capital or to foreign industries for the working of

public services or for the execution of public works, roads,

railways, ports, telegraphs, or other, the Signatory Powers

reserve to themselves the right to see that the control of the

State over such large undertakings of public interest remain

intact." On the signing of the Act Mr. Henry White, the chief

delegate from the United States to the Conference, made the

following Declaration on behalf of his Government:

"The Government of the United States of America, having no

political interests in Morocco, and having taken part in the

present Conference with no other desires or intentions than to

assist in assuring to all the nations in Morocco the most

complete equality in matters of commerce, treatment, and

privileges, and in facilitating the introduction into that

Empire of reforms which should bring about a general state of

well-being founded on the perfect cordiality of her foreign

relations, and on a stable internal administration, declares:

that in subscribing to the Regulations and Declarations of the

Conference by the act of signing the General Act, subject to

ratification according to constitutional procedure, and the

Additional Protocol, and in consenting to their application to

American citizens and interests in Morocco, it assumes no

obligation or responsibility as to the measures which may be

necessary for the enforcement of the said Regulations and

Declarations."

EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

Convention between Great Britain and Russia, containing

arrangements on the subject of Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet.

Parallel with the Agreements—the "Entente Cordiale"—of

1904 between England and France, in its purpose and in its

importance to Europe, was the Convention between England and

Russia in 1907, which harmonized the interests and the policy

of the two nations in matters relating to Persia, Afghanistan,

and Tibet. In each case the dictating motive looked not so

much to a settlement of the particular questions involved, as

to a general extinguishment of possible causes of contention

which might at some time disturb the peaceful or friendly

relations of the peoples concerned. Taken together, the two

formally expressed understandings, Anglo-French and

Anglo-Russian, added to the Franco-Russian Alliance of 1895

(see, in Volume VI. of this work, FRANCE: A. D. 1895)

constituted, not a new Triple Alliance, set over against that

of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy, but an amicable

conjunction which bore suggestions of alliance, and which

introduced a counterweight in European politics that makes

undoubtedly for peace.

The Anglo-Russian Convention, signed August 31, 1907,

contained three distinct "Arrangements," under a common

preamble, as follows:

"His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain

and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas,

Emperor of India, and His Majesty the Emperor of All the

Russias, animated by the sincere desire to settle by mutual

agreement different questions concerning the interests of

their States on the Continent of Asia, have determined to

conclude Agreements destined to prevent all cause of

misunderstanding between Great Britain and Russia in regard to

the questions referred to, and have nominated for this purpose

their respective Plenipotentiaries. … Who, having communicated

to each other their full powers, found in good and due form, have

agreed on the following:

Arrangement concerning Persia.

"The Governments of Great Britain and Russia having mutually

engaged to respect the integrity and independence of Persia,

and sincerely desiring the preservation of order throughout

that country and its peaceful development, as well as the

permanent establishment of equal advantages for the trade and

industry of all other nations;

"Considering that each of them has, for geographical and

economic reasons, a special interest in the maintenance of

peace and order in certain provinces of Persia adjoining, or

in the neighbourhood of, the Russian frontier on the one hand,

and the frontiers of Afghanistan and Baluchistan on the other

hand; and being desirous of avoiding all cause of conflict

between their respective interests in the above-mentioned

Provinces of Persia;

"Have agreed on the following terms:

"I. Great Britain engages not to seek for herself, and not to

support in favour of British subjects, or in favour of the

subjects of third Powers, any Concessions of a political or

commercial nature—such as Concessions for railways, banks,

telegraphs, roads, transport, insurance, &c.—beyond a line

starting from Kasr-i-Shirin, passing through Isfahan, Yezd,

Kakhk and ending at a point on the Persian frontier at the

intersection of the Russian and Afghan frontiers, and not to

oppose, directly or indirectly, demands for similar

Concessions in this region which are supported by the Russian

Government. It is understood that the above-mentioned places

are included in the region in which Great Britain engages not

to seek the Concessions referred to.

"II. Russia, on her part, engages not to seek for herself, and

not to support in favour of Russian subjects, or in favour of

the subjects of third Powers, any Concessions of a political

or commercial nature—such as Concessions for railways, banks,

telegraphs, roads, transport, insurance, &c.—beyond a line

going from the Afghan frontier by way of Gazik, Birjand,

Kerman, and ending at Bunder Abbas, and not to oppose,

directly or indirectly, demands for similar Concessions in

this region which are supported by the British Government. It

is understood that the above-mentioned places are included in

the region in which Russia engages not to seek the Concessions

referred to.

{256}

"III. Russia, on her part, engages not to oppose, without

previous arrangement with Great Britain, the grant of any

Concessions whatever to British subjects in the regions of

Persia situated between the lines mentioned in Articles I and

II. Great Britain undertakes a similar engagement as regards

the grant of Concessions to Russian subjects in the same

regions of Persia. All Concessions existing at present in the

regions indicated in Articles I and II are maintained.

"IV. It is understood that the revenues of all the Persian

customs, with the exception of those of Farsistan and of the

Persian Gulf, revenues guaranteeing the amortization and the

interest of the loans concluded by the Government of the Shah

with the ‘Banque d’Escompte et des Prêts de Perse ’ up to the

date of the signature of the present Arrangement, shall be

devoted to the same purpose as in the past. It is equally

understood that the revenues of the Persian customs of

Farsistan and of the Persian Gulf, as well as those of the

fisheries on the Persian shore of the Caspian Sea and those of

the Posts and Telegraphs, shall be devoted, as in the past, to

the service of the loans concluded by the Government of the

Shah with the Imperial Bank of Persia up to the date of the

signature of the present Arrangement.

"V. In the event of irregularities occurring in the

amortization or the payment of the interest of the Persian

loans concluded with the ‘Banque d’Escompte et des Prêts de

Perse’ and with the Imperial Bank of Persia up to the date of

the signature of the present Arrangement, and in the event of

the necessity arising for Russia to establish control over the

sources of revenue guaranteeing the regular service of the

loans concluded with the first-named bank, and situated in the

region mentioned in Article II of the present Arrangement, or

for Great Britain to establish control over the sources of

revenue guaranteeing the regular service of the loans

concluded with the second-named bank, and situated in the

region mentioned in Article I of the present Arrangement, the

British and Russian Governments undertake to enter beforehand

into a friendly exchange of ideas with a view to determine, in

agreement with each other, the measures of control in question

and to avoid all interference which would not be in conformity

with the principles governing the present Arrangement.

Convention concerning Afghanistan.

"The High Contracting Parties, in order to ensure perfect

security on their respective frontiers in Central Asia and to

maintain in these regions a solid and lasting peace, have

concluded the following Convention:

"Article I.

His Britannic Majesty’s Government declare that they have no

intention of changing the political status of Afghanistan. His

Britannic Majesty’s Government further engage to exercise

their influence in Afghanistan only in a pacific sense, and

they will not themselves take, nor encourage Afghanistan to

take, any measures threatening Russia. The Russian Government,

on their part, declare that they recognize Afghanistan as

outside the sphere of Russian influence, and they engage that

all their political relations with Afghanistan shall be

conducted through the intermediary of His Britannic Majesty’s

Government; they further engage not to send any Agents into

Afghanistan.

"Article II.

The Government of His Britannic Majesty having declared in the

Treaty signed at Kabul on the 21st March, 1905, that they

recognize the Agreement and the engagements concluded with the

late Ameer Abdur Rahman, and that they have no intention of

interfering in the internal government of Afghan territory,

Great Britain engages neither to annex nor to occupy in

contravention of that Treaty any portion of Afghanistan or to

interfere in the internal administration of the country,

provided that the Ameer fulfils the engagements already

contracted by him towards His Britannic Majesty’s Government

under the above-mentioned Treaty.

"Article III.

The Russian and Afghan authorities, specially designated for

the purpose on the frontier or in the frontier provinces, may

establish direct relations with each other for the settlement

of local questions of a non-political character.

"Article IV.

His Britannic Majesty’s Government and the Russian Government

affirm their adherence to the principle of equality of

commercial opportunity in Afghanistan, and they agree that any

facilities which may have been, or shall be hereafter obtained

for British and British-Indian trade and traders, shall be

equally enjoyed by Russian trade and traders. Should the

progress of trade establish the necessity for Commercial

Agents, the two Governments will agree as to what measures

shall be taken, due regard, of course, being had to the

Ameer’s sovereign rights.

"Article V.

The present Arrangements will only come into force when His

Britannic Majesty’s Government shall have notified to the

Russian Government the consent of the Ameer to the terms

stipulated above.

Arrangement concerning Thibet.

"The Governments of Great Britain and Russia recognizing the

suzerain rights of China in Thibet, and considering the fact

that Great Britain, by reason of her geographical position,

has a special interest in the maintenance of the status quo in

the external relations of Thibet, have made the following

Arrangement:—

"Article I.

The two High Contracting Parties engage to respect the

territorial integrity of Thibet and to abstain from all

interference in its internal administration.

"Article II.

In conformity with the admitted principle of the suzerainty of

China over Thibet, Great Britain and Russia engage not to

enter into negotiations with Thibet except through the

intermediary of the Chinese Government. This engagement does

not exclude the direct relations between British Commercial

Agents and the Thibetan authorities provided for in Article V

of the Convention between Great Britain and Thibet of the 7th

September, 1904, and confirmed by the Convention between Great

Britain and China of the 27th April, 1906; nor does it modify

the engagements entered into by Great Britain and China in

Article I of the said Convention of 1906.

{257}

"It is clearly understood that Buddhists, subjects of Great

Britain or of Russia, may enter into direct relations on

strictly religious matters with the Dalai Lama and the other

representatives of Buddhism in Thibet; the Governments of

Great Britain and Russia engage, as far as they are concerned,

not to allow those relations to infringe the stipulations of

the present Arrangement.

"Article III.

The British and Russian Governments respectively engage not to

send Representatives to Lhassa.

"Article IV.

The two High Contracting Parties engage neither to seek nor to

obtain, whether for themselves or their subjects, any

Concessions for railways, roads, telegraphs, and mines, or

other rights in Thibet.

"Article V.

The two Governments agree that no part of the revenues of

Thibet, whether in kind or in cash, shall be pledged or

assigned to Great Britain or Russia or to any of their

subjects.

Annex to the Arrangement between Great Britain and Russia

concerning Thibet.

"Great Britain reaffirms the Declaration, signed by his

Excellency the Viceroy and Governor-General of India and

appended to the ratification of the Convention of the 7th

September, 1904, to the effect that the occupation of the

Chumbi Valley by British forces shall cease after the payment

of three annual instalments of the indemnity of 25,000,000

rupees, provided that the trade marts mentioned in Article II

of that Convention have been effectively opened for three

years, and that in the meantime the Thibetan authorities have

faithfully complied in all respects with the terms of the said

Convention of 1904. It is clearly understood that if the

occupation of the Chumbi Valley by the British forces has, for

any reason, not been terminated at the time anticipated in the

above Declaration, the British and Russian Governments will

enter upon a friendly exchange of views on this subject."

As an Inclosure with the Convention, Notes were exchanged by

the Plenipotentiaries, of which that from Mr. Nicolson was in

the following words, M. Iswolsky replying to the same effect.

"ST. PETERSBURG, AUGUST 18 (31), 1907.

"M. LE MINISTRE,

"With reference to the Arrangement regarding Thibet, signed

to-day, I have the honour to make the following Declaration to

your Excellency:

"'His Britannic Majesty’s Government think it desirable, so

far as they are concerned, not to allow, unless by a previous

agreement with the Russian Government, for a period of three

years from the date of the present communication, the entry

into Thibet of any scientific mission whatever, on condition

that a like assurance is given on the part of the Imperial

Russian Government.

"‘His Britannic Majesty’s Government propose, moreover, to

approach the Chinese Government with a view to induce them to

accept a similar obligation for a corresponding period; the

Russian Government will as a matter of course take similar

action.

"‘At the expiration of the term of three years above mentioned

His Britannic Majesty’s Government will, if necessary, consult

with the Russian government as to the desirability of any

ulterior measures with regard to scientific expeditions to

Thibet.’ I avail, &c.

(Signed) A. NICOLSON."

In authorizing Sir A. Nicolson to sign the preceding

Convention, Sir Edward Grey, the British Secretary for Foreign

Affairs, wrote, on the 29th of August, as follows:

"I have to-day authorized your Excellency by telegraph to sign

a Convention with the Russian Government containing

Arrangements on the subject of Persia, Afghanistan, and

Thibet.

"The Arrangement respecting Persia is limited to the regions

of that country touching the respective frontiers of Great

Britain and Russia in Asia, and the Persian Gulf is not part

of those regions, and is only partly in Persian territory. It

has not therefore been considered appropriate to introduce

into the Convention a positive declaration respecting special

interests possessed by Great Britain in the Gulf, the result

of British action in those waters for more than a hundred

years.

"His Majesty’s Government have reason to believe that this

question will not give rise to difficulties between the two

Governments, should developments arise which make further

discussion affecting British interests in the Gulf necessary.

For the Russian Government have in the course of the

negotiations leading up to the conclusion of this Arrangement

explicitly stated that they do not deny the special interests

of Great Britain in the Persian Gulf—a statement of which His

Majesty’s Government have formally taken note.

"In order to make it quite clear that the present Arrangement

is not intended to affect the position in the Gulf, and does

not imply any change of policy respecting it on the part of

Great Britain, His Majesty’s Government think it desirable to

draw attention to previous declarations of British policy, and

to reaffirm generally previous statements as to British

interests in the Persian Gulf and the importance of

maintaining them.

"His Majesty’s Government will continue to direct all their

efforts to the preservation of the status quo in the

Gulf and the maintenance of British trade; in doing so, they

have no desire to exclude the legitimate trade of any other

Power."

Parliamentary Papers by Command.

Russia. Number 1. 1907 (Cd. 3750).

EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

Treaties respecting the Independence and Territorial Integrity

of Norway, and concerning the Maintenance of the Status Quo

in the territories bordering upon the North Sea.

Two Treaties of great importance to the security of peace in

Europe, having for object a joint protection by several Powers

of existing conditions on the North Sea and the Baltic exit to

it, were concluded and signed on the 2d of November, 1907, and

the 23d of April, 1908, respectively. The parties to the first

of these Treaties were Great Britain, France, Germany, Norway,

and Russia, and its purpose was "to secure to Norway, within

her present frontiers and with her neutral zone, her

independence and territorial integrity, as also the benefits

of peace." It was signed at Christiania, where ratifications

were deposited on the 6th of February following: The following

is the text of the Treaty;

{258}

"Article I.

The Norwegian Government undertake not to cede any portion of

the territory of Norway to any Power to hold on a title

founded either on occupation, or on any other ground

whatsoever.

"Article II.

The German, French, British, and Russian Governments recognize

and undertake to respect the integrity of Norway. If the

integrity of Norway is threatened or impaired by any Power

whatsoever, the German, French, British, and Russian

Governments undertake, on the receipt of a previous

communication to this effect from the Norwegian Government, to

afford to that Government their support, by such means as may

be deemed the most appropriate, with a view to safeguarding

the integrity of Norway.

"Article III.

The present Treaty is concluded for a period of ten years from

the day of the exchange of ratifications. If the Treaty is not

denounced by any of the parties at least two years before the

expiration of the said period, it will remain in force, in the

same manner as before, for a further period of ten years and

so on accordingly.

"In the event of the Treaty being denounced by one of the

Powers who have participated with Norway in the conclusion of

the present Treaty, such denunciation shall have effect only

as far as that Power is concerned.

"Article IV.

The present Treaty shall be ratified and the ratifications

shall be exchanged at Christiania as soon as possible."

The second of the two Treaties was in two documents, styled

"Declaration and Memorandum between the United Kingdom,

Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden,

concerning the maintenance of the Status Quo in the

territories bordering upon the North Sea." They were signed at

Berlin, where ratifications were deposited on the 2d of July,

1908, and were in the following terms:

"Declaration.

The British, Danish, French, German, Netherland, and Swedish

Governments,

"Animated by the desire to strengthen the ties of neighbourly

friendship existing between their respective countries, and to

contribute thereby to the preservation of universal peace, and

recognizing that their policy with respect to the regions

bordering on the North Sea is directed to the maintenance of

the existing territorial status quo,

"Declare that they are firmly resolved to preserve intact, and

mutually to respect, the sovereign rights which their

countries at present enjoy over their respective territories

in those regions.

"Should any events occur which, in the opinion of any of the

above-mentioned Governments, threaten the existing territorial

status quo in the regions bordering upon the North Sea,

the Powers Signatory of the present Declaration will

communicate with each other in order to concert, by an

agreement to be arrived at between them, such measures as they

may consider it useful to take in the interest of the

maintenance of the status quo as regards their

possessions.

"The present Declaration shall be ratified with the least

possible delay. The ratifications shall be deposited at Berlin

as soon as may be, and, at the latest, on the 31st December,

1908. The deposit of each ratification shall be recorded in a

Protocol, of which a certified copy shall be forwarded through

the diplomatic channel to the Signatory Powers.

"Memorandum.

At the moment of signing the Declaration of this day’s date,

the Under signed, by order of their respective Governments,

consider it necessary to state—

"1. That the principle of the maintenance of the status

quo, as laid down by the said Declaration, applies solely

to the territorial integrity of all the existing possessions

of the High Contracting Parties in the regions bordering upon

the North Sea, and that consequently the Declaration can in no

case be invoked where the free exercise of the sovereign

rights of the High Contracting Parties over their

above-mentioned respective possessions is in question;

"2. That, for the purposes of the said Declaration, the North

Sea shall be considered to extend eastwards as far as its

junction with the waters of the Baltic."

British Parliamentary Papers by Command,

Treaty Series No. 35, 1907, and 23, 1908

(Cd. 3754 and 4248).

EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1909.

The Situation in Crete as controlled by the Four Protecting

Powers.

See (in this Volume)

CRETE: A. D. 1907-1909.

EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (October-March).

Declaration of Bulgarian Independence.

Austrian Annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Excitement of Servia.

The menace to European peace.

The question of a Conference.

Attitude of Germany.

Was Russia coerced to assent?

Violation of the Public Law of Europe.

On the 5th of October, 1908, the independence of Bulgaria as a

Kingdom was formally proclaimed, the suzerainty of the Sultan

of Turkey renounced, and Prince Ferdinand invested with the

title of Tzar, or King. This proceeding was consequent on the

revolution in Turkey, which had resurrected the suspended

Constitution of 1876, broken the despotism of the Sultanate

and subjected it to a Parliamentary system of government.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908, JULY-DECEMBER.

Never having accepted the arrangements of 1878, made by the

Congress of Berlin, which gave them self-government but kept

them tributary and nominally subject to the over lordship of

the Sultan, the Bulgarians had but waited for the opportunity

which now seemed to invite this act.

See, in Volume V. of this work,

TURKS: A. D. 1878;

and in Volume I.,

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1878, and 1878-1886)

An immediate provocation to their declaration of independence

was supplied by a thoughtless offence to them given by the new

Ministry at Constantinople. To celebrate the triumph of the

revolution a state dinner was given, the Sultan presiding, and

all the diplomats at the Turkish capital were invited to it

excepting the representative of Bulgaria. When he asked for an

explanation of this exception he was told that he could not be

recognized as an ambassador or envoy, but only as the agent of

a subject province. This was enough to set Bulgaria aflame.

Her affronted Minister at Constantinople was withdrawn and

diplomatic intercourse with the Turkish Government dropped.

The breach was accentuated further by the recent occurrence of

a strike on the railway, owned by the Turkish Government,

which traverses both Turkish and Bulgarian territory. The

Bulgarians had taken possession of and were operating the

section within their own domain, and when the strike was

called off the Government announced its intention to retain

that portion of the line, with due compensation to the company

which leased it. This proceeding intensified and doubled the

ferments produced by the proclamation of independence.

Statesmen were disturbed by the violation of the Treaty of

Berlin and capitalists by the danger which menaced their

Turkish railway securities.

{259}

But this tells of only half the threatening incidents of the

time. Simultaneously with the Bulgarian defiance of the Treaty

of Berlin and its signatory sponsors, the Government of

Austria-Hungary broke away from its obligations, by a formal

announcement that the simple occupation and administration of

Bosnia, and Herzegovina, which that treaty had permitted the

Dual Empire to undertake, was now to be complete annexation,

by no other authority than the Imperial will to have it so.

Many interests and ambitions, many jealousies and distrusts

among the Powers, were disturbed and excited by this sudden

disordering of the political geography of Southeastern Europe.

Pan-Slavic feelings and hopes were profoundly antagonistic to

the Austrian absorption of more Slavic populations and lands.

Servia was alarmed to desperation by the aggrandizement of her

dangerous great neighbor, and Russia was more than sympathetic

with her alarm. What Turkey could or would do in vindication

of her treaty rights over Bulgaria, Bosnia, and Herzegovina,

was a question of little gravity compared with that which

asked what Servia might attempt in resistance to the Austrian

scheme, and what Russia would venture if an Austro-Servian war

should break out. The situation very soon became one in which

any act of hostility on any side could hardly fail to

precipitate a great tempest of war; and thus the peace of

Europe was held in a trembling balance for months. The state

of affairs was described clearly and with ample knowledge at

the time by Mr. Archibald R. Colquhoun, in a paper which he

read in London, at a meeting of the Royal Society of Arts.

"The more hot-headed Servians," he said, "undoubtedly felt

that their whole future was imperilled, and that they might as

well risk all on a desperate hazard, in the belief that

intervention would come to their assistance should their

independence be threatened. The close racial ties between the

Bosnians, Servians, and Montenegrins made it impossible to say

how far an armed movement might spread if it once broke out.

While Turkey and Bulgaria might come to terms, and while

Austria might effect an amicable arrangement with Turkey, it

was difficult to see how the question of the Southern Slavs

was to be finally adjusted unless Austria could placate them

in sections, and so perhaps divide them. Concessions of a

comparatively unimportant nature might induce Montenegro to

keep quiet, and a liberal policy, with a promise of autonomy

in the near future, would discount a good deal of the

agitation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The more far-sighted

Bosnians appreciated the fact that their shortest cut to

comparative freedom lay through that local autonomy which they

could legitimately demand from Austria. …

"The spectacle of these Southern Slave countries, whose

peoples exhibited so many splendid qualities, but yet did not

have that instinct for government which characterized some far

less gifted races, was rather a melancholy one. In the tangle

of mountains, races, and religions which made up the Balkans

the people needed peace above every other thing—a breathing

space in which to develop themselves and their resources, and

to get a truer perspective on their position in Europe. To the

Great Powers who controlled the destinies of these small ones

peace was no less essential, but it was not quite clear that

Austria-Hungary, with the great military power of Germany

behind her, realized this or was prepared to ‘seek peace and

ensue it.’ It was this uncertainty which made many await with

anxiety the melting of the Balkan snows, which put an end to

enforced inactivity in those regions."

Great Britain, France, Russia, and Italy were agreed in

desiring a Conference of the Powers which had been parties to

the Berlin Treaty of thirty years before, to adjudicate all

the questions raised by the acts of Austria and Bulgaria, in

contravention of that treaty. Austria was supported by Germany

in holding back from such a conference, and nothing definite

in that direction was done. Meantime Turkey was brought to

negotiations with both of the trespassers on her ancient

sovereignty, and within a few months she came to terms with

both. The arrangement with Austria, determining an indemnity

to be paid for the surrender of Turkish claims to Bosnia and

Herzegovina, was quickened by a boycott of Austrian

merchandise in Turkey, so extensive as to be felt very

seriously in Austrian and Hungarian trade. By the terms of a

protocol, which was signed on the 26th of February, 1909,

Austria-Hungary paid £T2,500,000 ($10,800,000) of indemnity to

the Ottoman Government; assured religious freedom and

political equality to Mussulman Bosniaks who should choose to

remain in the province, with liberty of emigration during

three years to all who might choose to depart, and promised a

commercial treaty on lines which the Turks desired. This

cleared the situation as between Austria and Turkey, but

intensified the Servian and Montenegrin bitterness of anger

and dread, which menaced the peace of the continent for

another month.

Meantime the terms of a Turkish adjustment with Bulgaria had

been practically settled, on the basis of a helpful suggestion

from St. Petersburg. Bulgaria offered $16,400,000 of

indemnity; Turkey claimed $24,000,000. The bargaining was at a

standstill until Russia offered to remit a yearly

war-indemnity of $1,600,000 which Russia owed her under the

Berlin Treaty, until the Turkish claim on Bulgaria should be

satisfied, while she would collect from Bulgaria in similar

instalments until the offer of the latter had been made good.

Inasmuch as the Turkish debt to Russia bore no interest, while

Bulgaria would pay interest on the deferred payments to

Russia, the Muscovite treasury would suffer no loss. The

matter was so arranged, and the interests of peace were served

by a most ingenious and happy device.

{260}

But peace was made more than insecure for some weeks yet by

the irreconcilability of Servia to the Austrian annexation of

Bosnia and Herzegovina. Of course that small State could not

hope to resist it successfully alone, or with Montenegrin aid;

but a desperate venture of war, into which Russia might be

dragged, and if Russia, then Germany,—and who could tell what

other powers!—and out of the wreckage of which something

better for Southeastern Europe than an Austro-Hungarian

domination might be drawn,—this appeal to the lottery of

battle seemed a dangerous temptation to the Servian mind. It

was extinguished as such in the end by the decision of Russia

to drop the project of a Conference of Powers, accept the

action of Austria, and recognize, unreservedly, on her own

part, the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina as an

accomplished fact. This was announced on the 15th of March,

and with the announcement came excited and exciting reports

that Germany had extorted the concession from the Russian

Government, by pressures that were humiliating, but which the

Empire, in its present circumstances, was powerless to resist.

Germany denied having exercised an illegitimate pressure in

the matter, but made no concealment of the fact that she stood

by Austria-Hungary with approval of what the Imperial

Government at Vienna had done. In a speech on the 29th of

March Chancellor Bülow was reported as saying:

"In her quarrel with Servia Austria indisputably had right on

her side. The annexation was no cynical act of robbery, but

the last step on the road of the political work of

civilization which had been followed for 30 years with the

recognition of the Powers. Any offence against the form of the

law had been disposed of by the negotiations with Turkey, and

after this agreement between the parties most nearly

interested the formal recognition of the other Powers

signatory of the Berlin Treaty could not be withheld. The

controllers of Russian policy, and especially the Emperor

Nicholas, had earned the gratitude of all friends of peace in

Europe. Concerning the Conference question, Germany still had

no objection in principle to a Conference in which all the

Powers took part and of which the programme was established in

advance. They had been charged with inactivity, but they had

no reason for special activity. They had done what they could

and used influence, not without success, between Vienna and

Constantinople, and also between Vienna and St. Petersburg.

They had, however, carefully observed the limits prescribed by

their interests and their loyalty. They had done nothing, and

they would do nothing, which could afford the smallest doubt

of their determination to sacrifice no vital interest of

Austria-Hungary, and they would have nothing to do with

suggestions to Austria which were incompatible with the

dignity of the Hapsburg Monarchy. They had experiences of

their own to inspire caution with regard to playing the part

of the broker, even in the most honourable way. … To sum up,

by loyalty to her ally Germany best secured her own interests

and contributed most to the maintenance of the peace of

Europe."

On the day of this speech at Berlin the London Times   expressed, in an editorial article, what was then and what

continues to be the prevailing belief and judgment of the best

informed political circles throughout Europe, when it said:

"The decision of the Russian Government to recognize the

annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was, of course, an

admission of their inability, in present circumstances, to

countenance the aspirations of the Southern Slavs. The intense

and general indignation which it has excited in Russia is

natural, and indeed, in the known state of public feeling,

inevitable. We trust, however, that it may be kept within

bounds, and that it will not find expression in useless and

vehement invective. Those who are tempted to indulge in it

without restraint should reflect upon the difficulties which

confront the responsible rulers of the State, and should

consider whether, as Statesmen answerable for the future, as

well as for the immediate present, of the Empire and of the

Slav race, those rulers could wisely have rejected the

proposal peremptorily made to them by the German Ambassador.

The cardinal fact in the situation—the fact upon which

Austria-Hungary and Germany have based their calculations and

determined their action throughout—is that Russia could not

for some time to come engage in a great war without incurring

unjustified risks. Nothing, we may be sure, but the

overwhelming consciousness of this fact could have induced the

Emperor and his advisers to adopt the decision to which they

came a few days ago. They must have been well aware of the

painful effect which it was certain to produce, in the first

instance, abroad as well as at home. None can have realized

more acutely than they that the presentation of the demand was

humiliating, and that the circumstances attending it were

eminently calculated to make that humiliation bitter. But they

held, and rightly held, that it was their duty to accept

humiliation rather than to jeopardize the great permanent

interests which are committed to their keeping. They might,

indeed, have been somewhat less precipitate. They might

reasonably have asked for time for consulting the Powers with

whom they have acted, and who have consistently supported

them, upon the proposals which Germany sprang upon them. The

fact that they did not do so is a significant indication that

the pressure which Count Pourtalès was instructed to put upon

them must have been of the most imperious and dictatorial

kind.

"As to the precise form of the intimation conveyed to M.

Isvolsky by the German Ambassador no definite information is

yet forthcoming, but of its nature there can be no possible

doubt. Our Paris Correspondent learns that, immediately after

his interview with Count Pourtalès, the Russian Minister

summoned a Council, and, after a hasty audience with the Tsar,

communicated to the German Ambassador Russia’s acquiescence in

the demands of his Government. There was no alternative to

this course, as we are told from St. Petersburg, unless Russia

was prepared to face the consequences of the mobilization of

the German Army. The matter, our Correspondent adds, was

treated as of ‘supreme urgency,’ from which it may be inferred

that a reply was required without delay. The Council of

Ministers knew what ‘German mobilization’ in the circumstances

would mean."

{261}

In appearance, if not in reality, Germany or Germany’s Kaiser

had again, as in the Morocco affair of 1905, taken advantage

of the weakened circumstances of Russia to play a dictatorial

part in European politics. The distrust and apprehension kept

alive by such repeated performances of the military big stick

at Berlin seem infinitely more dangerous to Europe than any

possible explosion of the unstable compounds of race,

religion, and lawless politics that are mixed in the Balkan

magazine. For the time being, however, the sparks that

sputtered alarmingly in the latter, throughout the winter of

1908-1909, were easily extinguished by the sudden dash of cold

water upon them from St. Petersburg. Great Britain, France,

and Italy, accepting the situation, joined Germany and Russia

in persuading the Government at Belgrade to be equally

submissive to events. Their persuasions were effective, and a

note to the following purpose, which the Powers in question

had formulated, was signed by the Servian Ministry and

presented to the Government at Vienna on the 31st of March:

"(1.) Servia declares that her rights have not been violated

by the annexation by Austria-Hungary of Bosnia and

Herzegovina, and accepts the Powers’ decision to annul

paragraph 25 of the Treaty of Berlin.

(2.) Servia will not protest against the annexation of Bosnia

and Herzegovina.

(3.) Servia will maintain peaceful relations with

Austria-Hungary.

(4.) Servia will return her military forces to normal

conditions, and will discharge the reservists and volunteers;

she will not permit the formation of irregular troops or

bands."

The arbitrary annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was now

legitimated; the Treaty of Berlin was revised by violations

condoned; a serious precedent had been injected into European

public law. What was said on the subject by the London

Times on the morning after the delivery of the Servian

note is hardly open to the least dispute. "The danger of war,"

said the Times, "has thus, we may confidently hope, been

averted. But the sense of immediate relief with which this

deliverance may well be greeted cannot blind us to the cost at

which it has been achieved. The first great international

compact to which the new German Empire of the Hohenzollerns

subscribed within a few months of its proclamation at

Versailles was that which embodied the resolutions of the

London Conference of 1871. The European Powers, rightly

disputing Russia’s claim to denounce motu proprio the Black

Sea Clauses of the Treaty of Paris, maintained that no

revision of an international treaty could take place without

‘impartial examination’ and ‘free discussion.’ None upheld

that principle more stoutly than Austria-Hungary. Russia

herself finally accepted it, and it was solemnly placed on

record by Lord Granville in his opening speech as President of

the London Conference. It was embodied in a Protocol, signed

by all the Plenipotentiaries of the Powers, laying down as ‘an

essential principle of the law of nations that no Power can

repudiate treaty engagements or modify treaty provisions,

except with the consent of the contracting parties by mutual

agreement.’ That instrument has, until recently, governed the

public law of Europe. In conformity with its provisions,

Russia, after her war with Turkey in 1877-1878, was fain to

submit the Treaty of San Stefano to the Congress of Berlin;

and again in 1885 a Conference was held at Constantinople to

settle the question of the union of Eastern Rumelia with

Bulgaria which had been effected in violation of the Treaty of

Berlin. Five months ago, immediately after the annexation of

Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary and the proclamation

of Bulgarian independence, Great Britain, France, and Russia

were agreed, after M. Isvolsky’s conversations with M.

Clemenceau and Sir Edward Grey, that the same 'essential

principle of the law of nations’ was once more at stake and

must be upheld. Italy adhered subsequently to that agreement,

which took shape in the suggestion for a conference, and

neither Germany nor Austria-Hungary openly rejected it at the

time. …

"The terms of the submission now made by Servia at the

instance of the Powers show how far we have travelled away

from that ‘essential principle of the law of nations’ since

October last. … Whether the formal ratification of the

breaches of international law which were committed last autumn

takes place now at a Conference, or by an exchange of Notes,

is a matter of small moment. In substance the Powers have

already conveyed their acquiescence in the abrogation of

Article XXV. of the Berlin Treaty concerning Bosnia and

Herzegovina, without the slightest show even of that

‘impartial examination’ and ‘perfectly free discussion’ which

the London Conference of 1871 laid down as an essential

preliminary to the revision of treaty engagements."

There was an illuminating sequel to this transaction near the

end of the year, in the trial of a libel suit, known as the

Friedjung case, which uncovered many hidden circumstances of

the annexation. One of the arguments by which the annexation

of Bosnia-Herzegovina was defended at the time was the

necessity of putting an end to an alleged conspiracy of the

Southern Slavs against the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.

See (in this Volume),

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.

"Agram Trials", page 40.)

At the trial it was proved that the "documents" which had been

accepted as proving the existence of this conspiracy were

forgeries of the clumsiest description.

EUROPE: A. D. 1909.

Changed conditions making for peace.

Three striking examples.

Speaking at Sheffield, England, on the occasion of "the

Cutlers’ Feast," October 21, Sir Edward Grey, the British

Secretary for Foreign Affairs, called to mind, in a few

admirable sentences, three illustrations in the past year of

wonderfully changed conditions in Europe, making for peace. He

said:

"In the world at large to-day—if I may say a few words about

the business of my own department—there is no doubt plenty of

trouble, as there always is, but if you take the true measure

of the situation by comparing it with what it was a short time

ago, the outlook is distinctly favourable. I will give you

three points which are, I think, subjects of congratulation.

"It is only a year ago to this very month that we were at the

beginning of what was called the Balkan crisis. I do not know

whether the Budget has driven all recollection of it from your

minds, but it did occupy a good deal of attention a year ago

and for some months afterwards. For a long time it had been

almost an axiom of the diplomacy of Europe that some day or

other there would be trouble in the Balkans, and that, when

that trouble came, there would be danger of a European war.

The trouble came a year ago; it caused anxiety; there was a

storm; and for some months some anxiety as to whether one or

other of the Great European Powers might not drift from their

moorings.

{262}

But the anchors held, and now the swell has subsided, and

though there may be trouble again in the future, the fact that

the Great Powers of Europe have passed through the Balkan

troubles of the last year and yet maintained their peace is a

good augury that in future troubles the same may be done.

"Then I will take the question of Persia. A few years ago, had

any one foretold exactly what has happened in Persia in the

last year—that there would be a revolution, that there would

be great outbreaks of disorder throughout the country, and

that the Shah would be deposed—he would certainly have said

that it would be a time of considerable anxiety both for

Russia and for ourselves. A few years ago the representatives

of those two countries were watching each other in Persia with

jealousy, suspicion, and distrust. Had what has happened in

Persia in the last year happened a few years ago when those

were the relations between the two countries, I do not say

that there would actually have been war, but there would

certainly have been considerable anxiety and considerable

scares in the public opinion of both countries as to the

effect upon their relations with each other. Now we have

passed through the troubles of the last year in Persia, and in

no section of the Press of either country, in no section of

public opinion of either country, has there been a fear that

relations between ourselves and Russia would be impaired by

what was happening in Persia.

"The third subject to which I would refer is that of Morocco.

Morocco is to-day very full of trouble, and the trouble is a

matter of concern and worry to those Powers who have

conterminous frontiers in Morocco. That of course is so, but

look back over the last few years and survey. The matter which

occupied men’s minds in regard to Morocco was not the troubles

in Morocco itself but the possible effect which events in

Morocco might have upon the relations of the European Powers

to each other. To-day the trouble continues in Morocco, but

during the last year the anxiety that what was happening in

Morocco might cause serious difficulties between European

Powers themselves has greatly diminished if it has not

entirely disappeared. That, again, is a satisfactory

retrospect."

EUROPE: A. D. 1909.

Contradictory feeling and action concerning War.

Its causes.

International Barbarism with Inter-personal Civilization.

The two main knots of difficulty in the situation.

Great Britain and Germany.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

EUROPE: A. D. 1909.

Size and cost of its armies.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

----------EUROPE: End--------

EVANS, Rear-Admiral Robley D.:

Commanding the American Battleship Fleet.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

EVICTED TENANTS ACT.

See (in this Volume)

IRELAND: A. D. 1907.

EXCLUSION OF ALIENS.

See (in this Volume)

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION, AND RACE PROBLEMS.

EXPATRIATION:

Its Rights.

Principles maintained by the United States.

See (in this Volume)

NATURALIZATION.

EXPLORATION, Polar.

See (in this Volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION.

EXPOSITIONS, Industrial.

See (in this Volume)

BUFFALO; ST. LOUIS; CHARLESTON;

JAMESTOWN; PORTLAND, OREGON; SEATTLE.

EZCURRA, COLONEL:

Deposed President of Paraguay.

See (in this Volume)

PARAGUAY: A. D. 1904.

F.

FABIAN SOCIETY.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

FAIRBANKS, Charles W.:

Elected Vice-President of the United States.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).

FAKUMENN RAILWAY QUESTION, between Japan and China.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909.

FALLIÈRES, ARMAND:

President of the French Senate.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

FALLIÈRES, ARMAND:

President of the French Republic.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

FALL RIVER STRIKE, in the Cotton Mills.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1905.

FAMINES:

In China.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1906-1907.

FAMINES:

In India: The poverty they signify.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA; A. D. 1905-1908.

FAMINES:

In Russia.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

FARADAY, MICHAEL:

His Prophetic Conception of Radiant Matter.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM.

FARM COLONY, Cleveland, Ohio.

See (in this Volume)

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY, PROBLEMS OF.

FARMAN, Henri.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: AERONAUTICS.

FARMERS’ ORGANIZATIONS.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909; and

LABOR REMUNERATION: COÖPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

FEDAKIARANS, The.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

FEDERAL PARTY.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 and 1907.

FEHIM PASHA, THE FATE OF.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908(JULY-DECEMBER), AND 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

FEJERVARY MINISTRY.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

FENGHUANGCHENG.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

FENSHUILING.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), AND (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

FERRER, Professor Francisco:

His trial and execution.

See (in this Volume)

Spain: A. D. 1907-1909.

FERTILIZER TRUST:

Dissolution and indictment.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

{263}

FETVA, of the Sheik-ul-Islam.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

FIALA ARCTIC EXPLORATION.

See (in this Volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION.

FICHTE’S PROPHECY, of a World Commonwealth.

See (in this Volume)

WORLD MOVEMENTS.

FILIPINO CATHOLIC CHURCH, Independent.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.

----------FINANCE AND TRADE: Start--------

FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

A Review of the decade.

The Sequence of Phenomena from the beginning of "the great

Trade Boom" to the Collapse of 1907, and after.

The Process of Recovery.

On the 31st of December, 1908, the New York Evening

Post gave an admirably studied and clear, though succinct,

review of the sequence of phenomena in financial and

commercial affairs that could be traced through "the series of

years since the great trade boom began which collapsed in

1907," and thence to the close of 1908. By permission of the

proprietors of the Evening Post a considerable part of

that review is quoted here. While it relates more especially

to conditions and events in the United States, it affords

substantially a summary of the financial history of the world

from 1901 to 1908, both inclusive:

"1901.

This was preeminently the ‘boom year’—much more legitimately

so, as events have proved, than 1905 or 1906, when

overstrained capital resources gave an atmosphere of unreality

to what seemed altogether real in the days of abundant capital

in 1901. It is first to be said of 1901 that a probably

unexampled surplus of ready capital in the United States, and

a certainly unprecedented foreign credit balance—due to our

amazing surplus of exports over imports—happened to coincide

with a period of European trade reaction which released

foreign capital from foreign industries and left it free for

use in America. Presuming the foregoing influences, the six

main causes for the phenomena of 1901 were:

(1) The series of enormous company amalgamations, beginning

with the billion-dollar Steel incorporation, and culminating

in the purchase of the British steamship lines at wildly

extravagant prices; these operations being based on issues of

securities in unprecedented quantity;

(2) Formation of ‘underwriting syndicates’ to float these

securities, one of those syndicates receiving a bonus of

$50,000,000 for one year’s use of $25,000,000, and all of them

using freely for their purposes the surpluses of life

insurance companies and the deposits of trust companies;

(3) Acquisition of control of great railway companies by

powerful millionaires, through purchase of stock of these

railways in the open market, often at extravagant prices; the

purchase-money being obtained through issue of bonds by

railways already under control of the purchasers;

(4) Wild speculation by the public;

(5) Sudden fright of Europe at our excesses, withdrawal of its

capital, and consequent severe reaction in our markets;

(6) The failure of the corn crop, which in the summer applied

a further check to this speculation, but which was itself

offset by a wheat crop larger than any harvested in this

country before or since, and sold at the highest average price

since 1897.

"1902.

This year was one both of reaction and of further expansion;

it was both a legitimate sequel to 1901 and a legitimate

forerunner of 1903. …

"Its salient phenomena were these:

(1) Abundant harvests;

(2) Overstraining of bank resources by financial ‘deals’ and

Stock Exchange speculation, exhausting the bank surplus in

September;

(3) Enormous increase in imports and decrease in agricultural

exports, along with Europe’s withdrawal of its capital;

(4) Rapid advance in cost of raw material and labor;

(5) Struggle of capitalists to so entrench themselves in

control of corporate enterprises that they could not be

dislodged.

"1903.

The year which followed was an entirely logical sequel. Its

controlling factors were:

(1) Forced liquidation by individuals and syndicates who were

tied up in new securities at a time when the investing public

withdrew from the market;

(2) Inability of great corporations to sell bonds, and their

resort to notes at a high interest rate;

(3) Abundant grain crops, but an inadequate cotton crop, with

great speculation, and famine prices;

(4) Rapid fall in the price of steel and iron;

(5) Severe contraction in profits of industrial combinations,

with reduced dividends in some, reorganization of capital in

others, and bankruptcy in still others.

"1904.

For obvious reasons, 1904 is an interesting year to compare

with 1908. Both were in a sense 'after-panic years,’ though

the strain of 1903, and the resultant financial and commercial

reaction of 1904, were trifles compared with those of the past

two years. It will be seen that 1904, which did in fact usher

in another great boom in trade, paralleled closely in some

respects the history of 1908, but in others diverged very

widely from it. Its dominant influences were:

(1) A huge surplus reserve at the New York banks, reaching in

August a height only four times exceeded in the country’s

history, and as a result a 1 per cent. call money market

during two-thirds of the year;

(2) The largest gold export movement in the history of the

country;

(3) A midsummer recovery on the Stock Exchange, with large

investment buying;

(4) A Presidential campaign, which hardly affected business;

(5) Substantial, but not very rapid, trade revivals, without

any of the extravagant optimism of 1908;

(6) Famine prices for cotton during half the year, followed by

a new crop unparalleled in history, and by a heavy fall in

prices;

(7) Virtual disappearance of our export trade in wheat, with

the smallest harvest since 1900, the highest prices since

1898, and the smallest shipment to Europe since 1872. The

Russian war, which began in February, affected our markets

only indirectly.

{264}

" 1905.

This year’s history is better understood to-day than it has

been before. The testimony of the whole financial and

commercial world now is, that the exploiting of capital in

trade and speculation, which eventually brought about the

recent panic, and the abnormal enhancement of cost of living,

which lifted the average price of commodities as much in two

years as it had risen in the eight preceding years, began in

the middle of 1905. These were the salient incidents of the

financial year:

(1) Rapid and vigorous trade revival, with industry and

production probably more active than at any previous period,

and with profits and dividends enhanced;

(2) Exposure of the use of life insurance funds by promoting

and speculating millionaires, an exposure which ended in

legislation preventing such use of them in future

speculations;

(3) World-wide money stringency, with the New York bank

surplus twice exhausted, London’s bank position the weakest

since 1890, and Berlin’s the weakest since 1897;

(4) Excited stock speculation for the rise, in this country

and in Germany, which in New York almost wholly disregarded

the abnormal strain on money.

"1906.

Neither the $400,000,000 loss at San Francisco in April, nor

the Treasury’s efforts to relieve an overstrained New York

money market in September, was a fundamental cause for the

events of 1906. They were a true sequel to 1905, and may be

summarized as follows:

(1) Enormous Volume of trade, the whole world over, with rapid

rise in price of goods, but equally rapid rise in cost of raw

material and labor;

(2) Grain harvests, as a whole, never paralleled in Volume,

and wheat crop second only to 1901;

(3) Wild speculation by all classes of the community,

particularly in land, mining shares, and Stock Exchange

securities, but not as a rule in produce, the wealthiest

capitalists in the country entering into stock speculation in

the late summer, and using most unscrupulously their power

over company finance to help along their purposes;

(4) Overstrained bank resources as a result, with five

deficits at New York, occurring in spring, autumn, and winter,

two of these deficits being the largest since 1893;

(5) Abnormally high money rates all the year, with the highest

September rate for call loans ever reached in New York, and

the highest rate for time loans and merchants’ paper reached

at that time of year since 1872;

(6) Sudden decision by Europe that American credit was

unlimited, and the consequent placing of foreign capital

unrestrictedly at our disposal;

(7) Struggle between London and New York for possession of new

gold arriving in London, resulting in our import of

$40,000,000 gold from Europe in the spring, and $45,000,000 in

the autumn, and leading to a rise of the Bank of England rate

to 6 per cent. for the first time since the Boer war panic,

and to an energetic effort on the Bank’s part to stop the

wholesale equipping of the American speculation with London

bank money.

"1907.

The panic year’s story may be told without further

introduction, summing up thus its characteristic events:

(1) Withdrawal by Europe of the capital loaned to us in 1906,

leading, early in the year, to $32,000,000 gold exports to

Europe, of which $25,000,000 went to France:

(2) Partial withdrawal of their capital from Wall Street by

interior markets, which were said to have had $400,000,000

outstanding in New York during 1906;

(3) Distress of the immensely wealthy capitalists who had tied

themselves up in the Wall Street speculation of 1906, their

forced liquidation on an enormous scale, and consequent

demoralized Stock Exchange markets in March and August;

(4) Very abnormal crop weather throughout the spring and over

nearly all the world, with a resultant shortage of the whole

world’s wheat crop, the deficit of supplies below expected

requirements being probably the largest since 1890.

"(5) Revelation of unsound banking practices at New York in

October; leading to the failure of the Knickerbocker Trust, a

formidable run on the banks, adoption of Clearing House

certificates in all the larger cities and issue of emergency

credit currency in many; to restriction of cash payments to

depositors throughout the country, to a premium on currency,

to complete demoralization of interior exchange, and to

insolvency of several large industrial companies and numerous

banks—neither, however, reaching the number which shortly

followed the panic of 1893;

(6) Import of $100,000,000 gold from Europe during November

and December, most of it bought at a premium and some of it

engaged with sight sterling at 4.91;

(7) As a result, large inroads on the Bank of England’s gold

reserve, rise in the bank rate from 4½ to 7 per cent., rapid

advance of all continental bank rates, and loan of large sums

of gold by the Bank of France to the Bank of England.

"(8) Precarious position of financial Germany throughout the

year, important failures at Hamburg, minor financial panics in

Holland, Egypt, Italy, and Chili, many of them before our own;

(9) Intervention of our Treasury, which wisely placed all its

surplus on deposit with the banks in October, and most

unwisely undertook to issue $150,000,000 bonds and notes in

November to provide basis for new bank-note circulation;

(10) Recovery in markets late in November, with slow return of

the bank situation to normal, the currency premium at New York

lasting longer than in either 1893 or 1873;

(11) Discharge of laborers from employment all over the

country, and the beginning of severe trade reaction—all this

in spite of the largest annual gold output in the history of

the world.

"1908.

Now comes the present remarkable after-panic year, of which

the salient phenomena may be thus summed up:

(1) Spasmodic and irregular recovery in trade activity,

starting from a very low level, with merchants rushing in

suddenly with orders—in February, in July, and in

November—when their shelves were almost depleted, these buying

impulses ceasing as suddenly as they had begun, leaving trade

stagnation again;

(2) Slow increase in consumption of merchandise, here and

abroad, the ratio being below 30 per cent. of normal at the

beginning of the year, and 60 to 75 per cent. on the average

at its close;

(3) Sudden shrinkage of our international commerce,

merchandise trade in eleven months falling $478,000,000 from

1907, a decline of 15 per cent., of which $326,000,000 was

imports and $152,000,000 exports, experience of European

nations being similar;

(4) Enormous increase in the unemployed, leading, at the

Atlantic ports, to an emigration 250,000 larger than

immigration;

(5) Severe contraction of railway earnings, resulting in

twenty-four railway insolvencies, involving the largest

capital of any receiverships since those of 1893, and causing

many dividend reductions, but followed, after the middle of

the year, by such enormous reduction in expenses that, in some

cases, autumn net earnings actually increased over 1907;

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"(6) Sudden rush of currency into the banks, as a result,

first of removal of restrictions on depositors and next of

idle trade, with resultant change from a $20,000,000 New York

bank deficit at the end of 1907 to a surplus of $40,000,000 at

the end of January and of $66,000,000 on June 27—the latter

being second only to the $111,000,000 maximum of 1894;

(7) As a consequence, abnormally low rates for money, call

loans going at 2 per cent. before the end of January, at 1 per

cent. in eighteen weeks of the present year, and at less than

1 per cent. in three weeks;

(8) Export of $73,000,000 gold, the largest (except for 1904)

since 1895, and net export of $45,000,000, the largest in

thirteen years;

"(9) In spite of the above recited facts, a constant spirit of

optimism throughout the year, expressing itself, first in the

organization of ‘Prosperity Leagues’ which held conventions

and proclaimed that if people would only decide to be

prosperous, they would be prosperous, and second by a series

of extravagant speculative movements on the Stock Exchange, in

the course of which it was declared in February, in July, and

in November, that we were not only destined to get back into

the boom of 1906, but that we were there already;

(10) A wheat harvest which in midsummer promised to be the

second largest on record, but which turned out only of average

Volume, the quality and price for this and other cereals,

however, being so good as to enhance very greatly the wealth

of the agricultural West;

(11) A Presidential election, the result of which the markets

and all experienced people foresaw from the beginning, but of

which it was alleged, for two weeks in November, that its

outcome had totally changed for the better the entire aspect

of American business affairs."

1909.

The following, from the New York Evening Post of

December 31, 1909, continues the review:

The noteworthy characteristics of "the year which ends to-day,

… so far as they can now be discerned, have been as follows:

(1) Rapid industrial recovery, beginning with the steel

trade’s reduction of prices, leading in September to the

largest monthly output of iron and steel in the history of the

country, and to heavy demand from consumers, but contrasting

singularly with the copper market, where signs of

overproduction were visible throughout the year;

(2) Very rapid increase in cost of necessaries of life,

affecting chiefly food, clothing, and rent, leading in the

autumn to bitter complaint and to numerous strikes for higher

wages, notably on the railways;

(3) Along with reviving trade, a speculation of great

magnitude on the Stock Exchange, ascribed to the initiative of

very powerful finance houses, and converging in a most

peculiar way on United States Steel common shares, whose

dividend was twice advanced, notwithstanding the fact that

quarterly earnings had not recovered to the magnitude of 1906

or 1907, when the dividend had been maintained at the old

rate;

(4) Largely as a result of the tying-up of capital in this

speculation, severe autumn strain on bank reserves, turning a

New York surplus of $34,000,000 on July 10 into one of only

$1,600,000 on October 2, driving Wall Street to probably

unprecedented borrowings from interior banks and from London,

which latter market, under the influence of the Bank of

England, threw back great amounts of these New York loans

during October;

"(5) Call money rates kept down by such expedients, 6 per

cent. being the maximum up to the two closing days of

December;

(6) a wheat corner in June, in the course of which the New

York cash price rose to $1.51 in June, the highest price since

the Leiter corner of 1898, followed by a new wheat crop

unsurpassed in magnitude except for 1901, yet with high prices

continued in later autumn, despite an abundant crop in Europe

also;

(7) A very short crop of cotton, driving the price from 9½

cents a pound, early in the year, to 16 cents in December, the

latter being the highest December price since paper inflation

days, and less than one cent below the highest price in the

corner of 1904;

(8) Import of foreign merchandise wholly unparalleled for

magnitude in our history, causing, in June, July, and August,

an excess of imports over exports for the first time since

1897, and resulting, in the eleven first months of the year,

in a total excess of exports over imports $340,000,000 less

than in 1908, and very much the smallest of any year since

1897;

(9) As a partial consequence, the largest export of gold of

any year in the country’s history, and the largest net export

except for 1894 and the paper money days.

"The prolonged tariff debate in Congress, which high financial

authority declared would hold back financial activity, but

which gave no evidence of doing so, can hardly be classed as a

fundamental influence of the year. Whether Mr. Harriman’s

death in September, with the resultant realignment of forces

in high finance, deserves to be so classed, is a question

which can hardly be passed upon as yet."

FINANCE AND TRADE:

America: Proposal of an International American Bank.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

FINANCE AND TRADE: Asia; A. D. 1909.

Disturbance of Trade by the Fall in Silver Exchange.

The following is a Press telegram from Ottawa, Canada,

June 23, 1909:

"The serious check to American exports to the Orient resulting

from the great fall in the silver exchanges last year is

attracting increasing attention on the Pacific Coast. A League

which describes itself as the Fair Exchange league has been

organized in Ottawa to keep the issues before the Dominion

parliament. It advocates the adoption of the Goschen plan of

1891 jointly by the British empire and the United States with

open mints in India as before 1893. The new movement has

secured a qualified endorsement from J. J. Hill of the Great

Northern railway. Mr. Hill says: ‘We must await the proposals

of the monetary commission at Washington. The silver problem

is full of difficulties. I wish it were possible to ignore it.

But our consuls in Asia warn us that at the present rate of

silver exchange Asia has ceased to import our wheat or flour

or lumber; that the Shanghai merchants who eighteen months

since bought the sovereign or five gold dollars with five

taels, must now pay near eight taels; the result is disaster;

he no longer buys.’"

FINANCE AND TRADE: British Empire: A. D. 1909.

Imperial Congress of Chambers of Commerce.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

FINANCE AND TRADE: England: A. D. 1909.

The Budget of Mr. Lloyd-George.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

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FINANCE AND TRADE: Germany: A. D. 1901-1902.

Industrial Crisis and Period of Depression.

The extraordinary industrial development of Germany between

1895 and 1900 had its usual sequel in a sudden collapse,

followed by a period of depression and slow return to

productive activity. According to Dr. Braun, writing in the

Yale Review of May, 1902, "the cause of the crisis lay

undoubtedly in extreme overproduction, which had continued for

a long time without its significance having been discovered by

any one. Enormous quantities of commodities had been

accumulated, numberless new industrial undertakings had come

into being, or were about to be started, and every one was

counting on further development of production by leaps and

bounds. But a feeling of uncertainty, which should pass into a

crisis, was bound to arise the moment certain unhealthy

conditions of German economic life, which had been covered up

during the period of prosperity, made their appearance.

"The conditions which did arouse this widespread feeling in

German capitalistic circles lay far from the industrial market

itself. Great losses suddenly appeared in the field of

mortgage investments, whose securities had been accepted by

the public as, next to government bonds, the safest form of

investment, and the freest from speculation. These

developments caused a panic among the investing public. This

feeling of panic began, according to my view, at the time when

the authorities found themselves forced to arrest two

directors of the Pomeranian Mortgage Bank (Pommersche

Hypothekenbank), who occupied the highest social position. …

The extraordinary result of the action of the authorities

against the leaders of certain mortgage banks is explained

only by the facts that at the end of 1900, six and two-third

billion marks of mortgage debentures were in circulation, and

that within ten years the amount invested in such debentures

had increased by three billion marks. The great majority of

the small and middle-class capitalists, who wished to invest

their money in safe securities, had put it into mortgage

debentures of this kind. The greatest confidence had been

placed in them, and now, for the first time, the eyes of the

public were open to the fact that great losses could also

ensue from such investments. The five principal offending

banks had at the end of 1900, 692,670,950 marks of mortgage

debentures in circulation. Every one had invested in these,

from the smallest capitalist to the German Empress. The public

and pretentious piety of the directors of the Prussian

Mortgage Stock Bank, who were later placed under arrest, had

induced even church-building associations to place their money

in these debentures."

"Then came the failure of the Dresdener Kreditanstalt, which,

with a capital of 20,000,000 marks, had loaned a single

industrial company, the Dresden Electrical Company, 9,000,000

marks; and this failure was followed by that of the famous

Leipsic Bank, which had loaned 84,000,000 marks to a concern

which had used up its own capital, and was paying fraudulent

dividends of 50 per cent. These two failures frightened the

public into a general withdrawal of deposits from banks of

every class."

FINANCE AND TRADE: Japan: A. D. 1909.

State of the War Debt and its Payment.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

FINANCE AND TRADE: Mexico: A. D. 1905.

Currency Reform.

Cessation of Free Coinage of Silver.

See (in this Volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.

FINANCE AND TRADE: United States: A. D. 1908.

The Emergency Currency Act.

What is known as the Emergency Currency Act was passed by

Congress in May, 1908, and received the approval of the

President on the 30th of that month. It is a temporary

measure, for exigencies that may repeat the monetary

experience of 1907 before an adequate reform of the banking

and currency system of the country is effected, and will

expire by limitation on the 30th of June, 1914. It does not

disturb the present National bank note currency of the

country, based on Government bonds, but provides a means by

which an additional Volume, amounting to a total of

$500,000,000, if necessary, may be issued by the National

banks in case of a currency stringency.

There are two ways in which emergency circulation may be

issued. A bank may make an application through the Currency

Association of which it is a member, or, where State and

municipal bonds are offered as security, the application may

be made directly. A Currency Association may be formed by ten

or more banks having an aggregate capital and surplus of at

least $5,000,000. Only one may be formed in any city, and no

bank may belong to more than one. It must be formed by banks

located in territory as contiguous as convenient.

All applications for emergency currency are to be passed upon

by the Secretary of the Treasury after recommendation by the

Comptroller of the Currency. The Secretary will also determine

whether business conditions in the locality warrant the

issuance of such circulation. The distribution of the notes is

likewise left to him. Where application is made through an

Association, the securities are deposited with it; where a

direct application is made, they are deposited with the

Treasurer or any Assistant Treasurer of the United States. All

the members composing an Association are jointly and severally

liable to the United States for the redemption of all

emergency circulation taken out by its members.

FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1908.

Banking and Currency Questions in the Party Platforms.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1909.

The "Wall Street Investigation."

Report on the Operations of the Stock Exchange and other

Exchanges of New York City.

In December, 1908, a Special Committee of nine experienced

gentlemen, having Mr. Horace White for its chairman, was

appointed by Governor Hughes, of the State of New York, to

investigate and report "what changes, if any, are advisable in

the laws of the State bearing upon speculation in securities

and commodities, or relating to the protection of investors,

or with regard to the instrumentalities and organizations used

in dealings in securities and commodities which are the

subject of speculation." On the 7th of the following June the

Committee submitted to the Governor an extended report,

describing and discussing the organizations, the

instrumentalities and the methods employed in the dealings

with which their inquiry had to do. The following excerpts

from this important report (known commonly as the "report on

Wall Street") may suffice, perhaps, to convey the main matters

of information afforded by it and the more valuable

conclusions at which the Committee arrived:

{267}

"In law, speculation becomes gambling when the trading which

it involves does not lead, and is not intended to lead, to the

actual passing from hand to hand of the property that is dealt

in. … The rules of all the exchanges forbid gambling as

defined by this opinion [of the New York Court of Appeals,

case of Hurd vs. Taylor, 181 New York 231; but they make so

easy a technical delivery of the property contracted for, that

the practical effect of much speculation, in point of form

legitimate, is not greatly different from that of gambling.

Contracts to buy may be privately offset by contracts to sell.

The offsetting may be done, in a systematic way, by clearing

houses, or by ‘ring settlements.’ Where deliveries are

actually made, property may be temporarily borrowed for the

purpose. In these ways, speculation which has the legal traits

of legitimate dealing may go on almost as freely as mere

wagering, and may have most of the pecuniary and immoral

effects of gambling on a large scale.

"A real distinction exists between speculation which is

carried on by persons of means and experience, and based on an

intelligent forecast, and that which is carried on by persons

without these qualifications. The former is closely connected

with regular business. While not unaccompanied by waste and

loss, this speculation accomplishes an amount of good which

offsets much of its cost. The latter does but a small amount

of good and an almost incalculable amount of evil. In its

nature it is in the same class with gambling upon the

race-track or at the roulette table, but is practised on a

vastly larger scale. Its ramifications extend to all parts of

the country. It involves a practical certainty of loss to

those who engage in it.

"The problem, wherever speculation is strongly rooted, is to

eliminate that which is wasteful and morally destructive,

while retaining and allowing free play to that which is

beneficial. The difficulty in the solution of the problem lies

in the practical impossibility of distinguishing what is

virtually gambling from legitimate speculation. The most

fruitful policy will be found in measures which will lessen

speculation by persons not qualified to engage in it. In

carrying out such a policy exchanges can accomplish more than

legislatures. …

"The New York Stock Exchange is a voluntary association,

limited to 1,100 members, of whom about 700 are active, some

of them residents of other cities. Memberships are sold for

about $80,000. The Exchange as such does no business, merely

providing facilities to members and regulating their conduct.

The governing power is in an elected committee of forty

members and is plenary in scope. The business transacted on

the floor is the purchase and sale of stocks and bonds of

corporations and governments. Practically all transactions

must be completed by delivery and payment on the following

day. The mechanism of the Exchange, provided by its

constitution and rules, is the evolution of more than a

century. …

"The Volume of transactions indicates that the Exchange is

to-day probably the most important financial institution in

the world. In the past decade the average annual sales of

shares have been 196,500,000 at prices involving an annual

average turnover of nearly $15,500,000,000; bond transactions

averaged about $800,000,000. This enormous business affects

the financial and credit interests of the country in so large

a measure that its proper regulation is a matter of

transcendent importance. While radical changes in the

mechanism, which is now so nicely adjusted that the

transactions are carried on with the minimum of friction,

might prove disastrous to the whole country, nevertheless

measures should be adopted to correct existing abuses.

"It is unquestionable that only a small part of the

transactions upon the Exchange is of an investment character;

a substantial part may be characterized as virtually gambling.

Yet we are unable to see how the State could distinguish by

law between proper and improper transactions, since the forms

and the mechanisms used are identical. Rigid statutes directed

against the latter would seriously interfere with the former.

The experience of Germany with similar legislation is

illuminating.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1908.

But the Exchange, with the plenary power over members and

their operations, could provide correctives, as we shall show.

"Purchasing securities on margin is as legitimate a

transaction as a purchase of any other property in which part

payment is deferred. We therefore see no reason whatsoever for

recommending the radical change suggested, that margin trading be

prohibited. … In so far as losses are due to insufficient

margins, they would be materially reduced if the customary

percentage of margins were increased. The amount of margin

which a broker requires from a speculative buyer of stocks

depends, in each case, on the credit of the buyer; and the

amount of credit which one person may extend to another is a

dangerous subject on which to legislate. Upon the other hand,

a rule made by the Exchange could safely deal with the

prevalent rate of margins required from customers. In

preference, therefore, to recommending legislation, we urge

upon all brokers to discourage speculation upon small margins

and upon the Exchange to use its influence, and, if necessary,

its power, to prevent members from soliciting and generally

accepting business on a less margin than 20 per cent.

"‘Pyramiding,’ which is the use of paper profits in stock

transactions as a margin for further commitments, should be

discouraged. The practice tends to produce more extreme

fluctuations and more rapid wiping out of margins. If the

stock brokers and the banks would make it a rule to value

securities for the purpose of margin or collateral, not at the

current price of the moment, but at the average price of, say,

the previous two or three months (provided that such average

price were not higher than the price of the moment), the

dangers of pyramiding would be largely prevented.

"We have been strongly urged to advise the prohibition or

limitation of short sales, not only on the theory that it is

wrong to agree to sell what one does not possess, but that

such sales reduce the market price of the securities involved.

{268}

We do not think that it is wrong to agree to sell something

that one does not now possess, but expects to obtain later.

Contracts and agreements to sell, and deliver in the future,

property which one does not possess at the time of the

contract, are common in all kinds of business. The man who has

‘sold short’ must some day buy in order to return the stock

which he has borrowed to make the short sale. Short-sellers

endeavor to select times when prices seem high in order to

sell, and times when prices seem low in order to buy, their

action in both cases serving to lessen advances and diminish

declines of price. In other words, short-selling tends to

produce steadiness in prices, which is an advantage to the

community. No other means of restraining unwarranted marking

up and down of prices has been suggested to us. …

"A subject to which we have devoted much time and thought is

that of the manipulation of prices by large interests. This

falls into two general classes:

(1.) That which is resorted to for the purpose of making a

market for issues of new securities.

(2.) That which is designed to serve merely speculative

purposes in the endeavor to make a profit as the result of

fluctuations which have been planned in advance.

The first kind of manipulation has certain advantages, and

when not accompanied by ‘matched orders' is unobjectionable

per se. …

"The second kind of manipulation mentioned is undoubtedly open

to serious criticism. It has for its object either the

creation of high prices for particular stocks, in order to

draw in the public as buyers and to unload upon them the

holdings of the operators, or to depress the prices and induce

the public to sell. There have been instances of gross and

unjustifiable manipulation of securities, as in the case of

American Ice stock. While we have been unable to discover any

complete remedy short of abolishing the Stock Exchange itself,

we are convinced that the Exchange can prevent the worst forms

of this evil by exercising its influence and authority over

the members to prevent them. When continued manipulation

exists it is patent to experienced observers.

"In the foregoing discussion we have confined ourselves to

bona-fide sales. So far as manipulation of either class

is based upon fictitious or so-called ‘wash sales’ it is open

to the severest condemnation, and should be prevented by all

possible means. These fictitious sales are forbidden by the

rules of all the regular exchanges, and are not enforceable at

law. They are less frequent than many persons suppose. … There

is, however, another class of transactions called ‘matched

orders,’ which differ materially from those already mentioned,

in that they are actual and enforceable contracts. We refer to

that class of transactions, engineered by some manipulator,

who sends a number of orders simultaneously to different

brokers, some to buy and some to sell. These brokers, without

knowing that other brokers have countervailing orders from the

same principal, execute their orders upon the floor of the

Exchange, and the transactions become binding contracts; they

cause an appearance of activity in a certain security which is

unreal. Since they are legal and binding, we find a difficulty

in suggesting a legislative remedy. But where the activities

of two or more brokers in a certain securities become so

extreme as to indicate manipulation rather than genuine

transactions, the officers of the Exchange would be remiss

unless they exercised their influence and authority upon such

members. …

"The subject of corners in the stock market has engaged our

attention. The Stock Exchange might properly adopt a rule

providing that the governors shall have power to decide when a

corner exists and to fix a settlement price, so as to relieve

innocent persons from the injury or ruin which may result

therefrom. The mere existence of such a rule would tend to

prevent corners."

Speaking in a general way, it may be said that the Committee

holds the directorate of the Stock Exchange responsible for

evils connected with the operations that are centralized by

it. "It has almost unlimited power over the conduct of its

members," says the report, "and it can subject them to instant

discipline for wrongdoing." As a voluntary organization it is

more free in the exercise of this power than it would be if

incorporated and brought under the authority and supervision

of the State and the process of the courts. Hence the

Committee refrains from advising the incorporation of the

Exchange; but it does so only on the assumption that it "will

in the future take full advantage of the powers conferred upon

it by its voluntary organization." In the past it has failed

to do so.

At the same time, the Committee corrects an erroneous public

notion that Wall Street and the Stock Exchange are one and the

same thing. "An investigation was made of the transactions on

the Exchange for a given day, when the sales were 1,500,000

shares. The returns showed that on that day 52 per cent. of

the total transactions on the Exchange apparently originated

in New York city, and 48 per cent. in other localities."

The operations of the various other trading exchanges in New

York,—the Consolidated Stock Exchange, "the Curb," so called,

and the several "commodity exchanges," where dealings in

produce, cotton, coffee, etc., are centered,—are discussed in

the report, with disapproval of some. The abuses which find

their opportunity in the unorganized Curb market,—carried on

within a roped-off section of Broad Street,—are set forth with

distinctness, and are traced clearly to the tolerance and

encouragement afforded to them by the Stock Exchange. "About

85 per cent, of the business of the Curb," says the report,

"comes through the offices of members of the New York Stock

Exchange, but a provision of the constitution of that Exchange

prohibits its members from becoming members of, or dealing on,

any other organized Stock Exchange in New York.

Accordingly, operators on the curb market have not attempted

to form an organization. The attitude of the Stock Exchange is

therefore largely responsible for the existence of such abuses

as result from the want of organization of the curb market.

The brokers dealing on the latter do not wish to lose their

best customers, and hence they submit to these irregularities

and inconveniences. Some of the members of the Exchange

dealing on the curb have apparently been satisfied with the

prevailing conditions, and in their own selfish interests have

maintained an attitude of indifference toward abuses. We are

informed that some of the most flagrant cases of discreditable

enterprises finding dealings on the curb were promoted by

members of the New York Stock Exchange. The present apparent

attitude of the Exchange toward the curb seems to us clearly

inconsistent with its moral obligations to the community at

large."

{269}

On the much debated question, whether dealing in

"futures,"—the selling of agricultural products for future

delivery,—should be prohibited or otherwise interfered with,

the report of the Committee is strongly in favor of letting it

alone. It says, "The subject was exhaustively considered by

the Industrial Commission of Congress which in 1901 made an

elaborate report (Volume VI.), showing that selling for future

delivery, based upon a forecast of future conditions of supply

and demand, is an indispensable part of the world’s commercial

machinery, by which prices are, as far as possible, equalized

throughout the year to the advantage of both producer and

consumer. The subject is also treated with clearness and

impartiality in the Cyclopedia of American Agriculture, in an

article on ‘Speculation and Farm Prices’; where it is shown

that since the yearly supply of wheat, for example, matures

within a comparatively short period of time, somebody must

handle and store the great bulk of it during the interval

between production and consumption. Otherwise the price will

be unduly depressed at the end of one harvest and

correspondingly advanced before the beginning of another.

Buying for future delivery causes advances in prices; selling

short tends to restrain inordinate advances. In each case

there must be a buyer and a seller, and the interaction of

their trading steadies prices. Speculation thus brings into

the market a distinct class of people possessing capital and

special training who assume the risks of holding and

distributing the proceeds of the crops from one season to

another with the minimum of cost to producer and consumer."

FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1909-1910.

The "Central Bank" Question.

In Boston, at the outset of President Taft's tour of the

country in the fall of 1909, he made a speech on financial

subjects which touched the old question of the need in the

country of a Central Bank of Issue, as an instrument for the

automatic or natural regulation of its currency, in quantity

and distribution. This gave the opening to a revival of

discussions which have been seldom heard since Jackson’s time.

A clear, succinct statement of the banking conditions which

have revived this question, with explanations of what it

involves, appears in the following, borrowed from a monthly

financial letter sent out in November by the National City

Bank of Chicago:

"The creation of a Central Bank of Issue as a cure for the

defects of our financial system is of such importance that a

brief review of the proposition may be of interest to our

clients:

"The business of banking is probably as sound in this country

as in any other. Our individual banks are, as a rule,

prudently, honestly and capably managed. During normal times

they deserve and enjoy the confidence of the public which they

efficiently serve. Yet only two years ago they practically

suspended because the system—that is the relation of one bank

to all the others—had collapsed. This occurred while there was

more gold in the country than existed in several of the other

leading commercial nations combined, and while nearly all of

the twenty or more thousand banks in the United States were

sound, solvent, and in normal condition. With over

$900,000,000 of gold in the United States Treasury, and

several hundred millions more in the country, we imported at

great cost about $100,000,000 chiefly from the coffers of the

Bank of England, which itself only held $105,000,000.

"The loss on investments and to general business by such a

panic as that of 1907 is beyond computation. When we consider

that we have had several such panics within the memory of

living men, and that other and poorer countries possess the

means of avoiding such conditions, we naturally ask what is

wrong or lacking in our financial system as compared to

theirs?

"In times of trouble our reserves scatter. Theirs are massed.

Our currency is rigid and cannot be quickly expanded to meet

an emergency. Their currency is capable of instantaneous

expansion. Our chief gold reserves are in the United States

Treasury unavailable as a basis for such expansion. Their

reserves are in great central banks—immediately available for

currency expansion. Besides, under our national banking

system, a bank in a non-reserve city with deposits of, say

$1,000,000, keeps six per cent, or $60,000 in its own vault,

and nine per cent, or $90,000, to its credit with a reserve

city bank. In the reserve city bank, however, the $90,000 is

merely a deposit against which it keeps an actual reserve of

about $20,000. When trouble comes, therefore, and the bank in

the non-reserve city decides to increase its cash reserves

from six to eight per cent it calls upon its reserve agent for

$20,000 cash, and when the reserve city bank has forwarded

that amount, it has parted with all the actual reserve it has

belonging to the non-reserve city bank, and it still has a

deposit liability on its books of $70,000 against which it

holds no reserve whatever.

"As it is a very natural and prudent thing for banks in

non-reserve cities to increase their cash reserves by at least

two per cent when trouble threatens, nearly all try to do so

at the same time, and the result is that the threatened

trouble becomes a reality. In short, when financial trouble

threatens in any other great country the system   provides relief and the danger is avoided, whereas,

unfortunately, with us every step we take increases the

trouble and helps it along until it is beyond control.

"Financial stringency existed in all the leading countries in

1907. Suspension of specie-payments and actual panic occurred

only in the United States. They stopped abruptly at our

borders, and Canada and even Mexico knew nothing of them.

Manifestly, we need something! There is little difference of

opinion on that score. But when we begin to discuss the remedy

we have a wide divergence of views.

"Many favor asset or credit currency similar to that

prevailing in Canada. The Canadian System of asset currency is

excellent when joined to the branch banking system. But it is

felt that it would be almost impossible to apply it to a

system containing thousands of individual banks. The

difficulty is that of providing adequate redemption

facilities, without which the danger of currency inflation

could scarcely be avoided. Several schemes to meet this

difficulty have been suggested, but the best of them seem

rather unwieldy.

{270}

"The proposal which seems to be gaining most ground is to

establish a great semi-government bank to be added to our

present system. To this bank would be transferred at once the

government deposits now in national banks, and later a large

part of the reserves of the banks in the central reserve, and

possibly also the reserve cities. Like everything else, the

bank would have to be an evolution. Years would pass before it

would work into its proper position and exercise its full

powers. Gradually, it is hoped, the United States Treasury

could be done away with, and the government taken out of the

banking business. Then all government funds would be deposited

with the Central Bank. Its branches would take the place of

our Sub-Treasuries. It would be a bank of banks, where other

banks could re-discount their bills, or borrow on securities,

receiving therefor currency to be issued by the Central Bank.

This currency would be partly secured by a gold reserve, and

partly by the general assets of the bank.

"If the $900,000,000 gold in the United States Treasury in

1907, held against an equal amount of notes, had been in a

Central Bank it would have formed a sufficient basis for the

issue of an additional $900,000,000 of currency, for fifty per

cent reserve against currency would be ample. For such

additional issue the Central Bank would, of course, receive

acceptable banking assets. A far smaller amount, however, than

$900,000,000 would have averted the panic. It seems clear that

such an institution would provide the elasticity to our

currency which we so much need, not only in times of stress,

but every crop-moving season.

"There are many details which would require careful study, but

to many competent to judge, the Central Bank idea seems to be

the correct solution of the difficulty. The fact that all the

other important countries of the world have adopted it ought

to give it weight. Even little Switzerland came to it four

years ago, and Japan, after adopting a system copied from

ours, has established a Central Bank patterned after the

Imperial Bank of Germany.

"Most of the objections raised seem to be largely based on

sentiment rather than on argument. It is said to be

‘un-American,’ or that it would be ‘used by Wall Street.’ or

that ‘it would get into politics.’ It would seem to us that if

the system is the best, it should not be ‘un-American’ to

adopt it, and that an illegitimate use of it by ‘ Wall Street’

could easily be guarded against in its organization. To say

that we cannot trust our government to properly use, and not

abuse, the powers of a Central Bank is to say that it is

inferior to the governments of Europe which have wisely used

such powers for generations.

"There seems some danger that the bank would not pay unless it

entered into competition with existing banks for regular

commercial business; but we must remember that Central Banks

are not expected to earn large dividends.

"We predict a long campaign of discussion before the right

course appears clear to the American people; but it seems to

us that the arguments advanced for a Central Bank are well

worthy of the most earnest study."

FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1909-1910.

Powerful Combination of Banking Interests by J. P. Morgan & Co.

Early in December, 1909, the powerful banking house of J. P.

Morgan & Co. obtained control of the Guaranty Trust Company

and the Equitable Life Assurance Company, which latter

controls the Equitable and Mercantile trust companies. In the

former case it purchased the holding of the Harriman estate,

and in the latter that of Thomas Ryan. At the beginning of the

following month, by another deal with Mr. Ryan, the same firm

acquired the Morton and the Fifth Avenue trust companies. The

combined assets of the Guaranty, Morton, and Fifth Avenue

trust companies were reported to be $259,000,000. Joined to

the vast resources of the Equitable Life Assurance Company and

to those previously controlled by the Morgan Company, the

financial combination seems overpowering.

FINANCE AND TRADE.

See,(in this Volume),

TARIFFS, AND COMBINATIONS.

----------FINANCE AND TRADE: End--------

FINLAND: A. D. 1901.

The Russianizing of the Finnish Army.

Resistance to the Violation of Constitutional Rights.

Despotic measures of the Tsar.

M. de Plehve’s defence.

The shameful overthrow, in 1899, by the present Tsar of

Russia, of the ancient constitution of Finland, which had

preserved its distinct nationality ever since it came, in

1809, under the Russian crown, is related in Volume VI. of

this work. Among the measures then undertaken for Russianizing

Finland—reducing it substantially to the status of a Russian

province—the most serious was the practical incorporation of

the Finnish army with the Russian, the law for accomplishing

which had not been fully carried through when the account of

events in Volume VI. was closed. It was opposed very

strenuously by M. Witte, then rising to influence in the

councils of the Tsar, and seemed not unlikely to be put aside.

But the worse influences prevailed in the end over the wiser,

and the proposed measure became law on the 11th of July, 1901.

It placed all Finnish troops under the orders of the Russian

commander in Finland, authorized the putting of Finnish

conscripts into the Russian regiments stationed in Finland,

and subjected Finnish regiments to service, when required,

outside of Finland, from which service they had been

constitutionally exempt hitherto.

The resistance to this gross violation of time-honored rights

was universal and determined. Conscripts refused to answer the

call to military service, subjecting themselves to the

penalties for desertion, and practically the whole population

stood ready to protect them. Extensive movements of emigration

to America and elsewhere were begun. At the same time the

Tsar’s authority, as the common sovereign of Finland and

Russia, was used in many ways as autocratically in his

constitutional realm as in that where his absolutism knew no

bounds. The powers of the Russian Governor-General of Finland

were enlarged; the Finnish archives were removed to St.

Petersburg; Cossacks were sent into the abused country with

their knouts to quell resistance to the army law; but the

resistance went on, taking presently a more passive form.

Communes refused to elect the conscription boards which the

law prescribed for carrying out the levy of recruits, and

heavy fines were imposed on them without effect. In November,

1902, a convention of delegates from all parts of Finland,

composed largely of peasants and workmen, resolved to

"continue everywhere, unswervingly, and until legal conditions

are restored to the country, the passive resistance against

all measures conflicting with, or calculated to abolish, our

fundamental laws."

{271}

An elaborate defence of these Russianizing measures in Finland

was addressed, in August, 1903, by the Russian Minister of the

Interior, M. dePlehve, to Mr. W. T. Stead, editor of the

English Review of Reviews, by way of reply to an "open

letter" to himself on the subject, by Mr. Stead, published in

the Review of that month. Concerning the military law,

M. Plehve wrote:

"This law, in its application to the new conscription

regulations, has alleviated the condition of the population of

Finland. Contrary to the information you have received, the

military burden laid on the population of the land has not

been increased by 5,000 recruits annually, but has been

decreased from 2,000 men to 500 per annum, and latterly to

280. As you will see, there is in reality no opposition

between the will of the Emperor of Russia as announced to

Finland in 1899 and his generous initiative at The Hague

Conference." At the end of a long exposition of the principles

of Russian imperial policy, which left it far from clear, the

Minister said: "I shall give the following answer to your

entreaty to put an end to the present policy of Russia in

Finland, which you are pleased to call the policy of General

Bobrikoff. First of all, it is incorrect to connect the

present course of Russian policy in Finland with the name of

the present Governor-General of Finland alone, for, as regards

the fundamental purpose of his labors, all the advisers and

servants of his Imperial Majesty who have to do with the

government of Finland are at one with him in their firm

conviction that the measures now applied in Finland are called

for by the pressing requirements of our state. With regard to

the essence of the question, I repeat that in matters of

government temporary phenomena should be distinguished from

permanent ones. The incidental expression of Russian policy,

necessitated by an open mutiny against the government in

Finland, will, undoubtedly, be replaced by the former favor of

the sovereign toward his Finnish subjects, as soon as peace is

finally restored and the current of social life in that

country assumes its normal course. Then, certainly, all

repressive measures will be repealed. But the realization of

the fundamental aim which the Russian Government has set

itself in Finland,—i. e., the confirming in that land of the

principle of imperial unity,—must continue, and it would be

best of all if this end were attained with the trustful

cooperation of local workers under the guidance of the

sovereign to whom Divine Providence has committed the

destinies of Russia and Finland."

FINLAND: A. D. 1904.

Assassination of Governor-General Bobrikoff.

On the 15th of June, 1904, Governor-General Bobrikoff, who had

been the executor of the Russianizing policy in Finland, and

was hated accordingly, was shot by a Finnish member of the

Parliamentary opposition.

FINLAND: A. D. 1905.

Successful Revolt against the Russianizing Oppressions.

The Tsar’s Concessions.

Restoration of Ancient Liberties.

Taking advantage of the situation in Russia, which tied the

hands of the Autocrat (see (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D.

1904-1905), the Finns, by a sudden general rising, drove out

the Russian officials in their country, took possession of the

military posts and Government building, and forced the

Governor, Prince John Obolenski, to send to the Tsar their

demand for a restoration of their ancient constitutional

rights which he had taken away (see, in Volume VI. of this

work, FINLAND: A. D. 1898-1901). The helplessness to which

their Russian master had been reduced was signified by the

prompt amiability of his response, in successive manifestoes,

the first of which bore the following command:

"By the grace of God, we, Nicholas II., etc., command the

opening at Helsingfors, December 20, of an extraordinary Diet

to consider the following questions.

"First.

The proposals for the budget of 1906-1907, provisional taxes,

and a loan for railway construction.

"Second.

A bill providing, by a new fundamental law, a parliament for

Finland on the basis of universal suffrage, with the

establishment of the responsibility of the local authorities

to the nation’s deputies.

"Third.

Bills granting liberty of the press, of meeting, and of

unions."

A subsequent manifesto announced:

"We have ordered the elaboration of bills reforming the

fundamental laws for submission to the deputies of the nation,

and we order the abrogation of the manifesto of February 15,

1899; the ukase of April 15, 1903, concerning measures for the

maintenance of public order and tranquillity; the imperial

ukase of November 23, 1903, according exceptional rights to

the gendarmerie in the grand duchy; Article 12 of the ukase of

July 13, 1902, on Finnish legislation; the ukase of September

21, 1902, on the reform of the Senate and the extension of

powers of governors; the ukase of April 8, 1903, on

instructions for the governor-general and the assistant

governor of Finland; the law of July 25, 1901, on military

service; the ukase of August 13, 1902, on the duties of civic

officials in Finland; the ukase of August 27, 1902, on the

resignation of administrative officials and judicial

responsibility for offenses and crimes of officials, and the

ukase of July 15, 1900, on meetings.

"We further order the Senate to proceed immediately with the

revision of the other regulations enumerated in the petition,

and we order the immediate suppression of the censorship.

"The Senate should prepare bills granting liberty of speech,

of the press, of meeting, and of union; a national assembly on

the basis of universal suffrage, and the responsibility of the

local authorities as soon as possible, in order that the Diet

may discuss them.

"We trust that the measures enumerated, being dictated by a

desire to benefit Finland, will strengthen the ties uniting

the Finnish nation to its sovereign."

An article quoted from a Danish magazine tells in a few words

how the bloodless revolution was accomplished:

"The weapon used for the purpose of paralyzing the government

was the general strike. It may be questioned to which class

belongs the chief part of honor in this struggle. A marvelous

unity characterized the whole movement. While post, telegraph,

and railroad traffic was stopped the entire light supply was

cut off. The strike extended even into the private kitchen,

and this was one of the reasons which hastened the departure

of the Russian officials. In the meantime the question was not

only should Russian guns be directed on Helsingfors, but also

should personal safety be maintained. That so few

transgressions of the law occurred with the whole police force

on strike is a splendid testimony for the Finnish people. The

revolution in Finland stands hence as an unparalleled example

of a popular upheaval."

{272}

FINLAND: A. D. 1906.

Political Enfranchisement of Women.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

Russian Measures for the Destruction of the

Constitutional Autonomy of Finland.

The reactionary determinations of the Russian Government,

since it mastered the revolutionary movements of 1905-1906, are

revealed in nothing else more plainly than in its steady

pursuance of measures to extinguish the degree of autonomy

which belongs to Finland, under the constitution that was

confirmed to its people by the Tsar Alexander I., after he had

taken their country from the Swedish crown.

See, in Volume IV. of this work,

SCANDINAVIAN STATES: A. D. 1807-1810.

One of the most arbitrary of the early measures in this

direction was the assumption by the Tsar, in June, 1908, of a

right to confer on the Russian Council of Ministers certain

powers of control over Finnish legislation. The protests of

the Diet and Senate of Finland against this and other attacks

on their constitutional rights led to a dissolution of the

Diet, and the election of a new representative body, early in

May, 1909. The election produced substantially the same

popular representation in the new Diet that had characterized

its predecessor, and its attitude toward the autocratic

invasion of Finnish rights was the same. The Socialists

received 79,447 votes. The party of the Old Finns which

inclines to submissiveness polled a total of 52,396. The

Constitutional parties, the Young Finns and the Swedes,

received respectively 28,711 and 15,885 votes, while the

Agrarian-Socialists got 13,648 and the Christian Workmen 6172.

The Old Finns stand alone against the other parties.

Meantime, the Tsar, in sanctioning an Act of the previous

Diet, after its dissolution, had done it in terms that were

deemed contrary to the Constitution of Finland, and the

Senate, which is composed of members appointed by the Tsar,

petitioned him for a modification of them. His reply was a

rebuke and a command that they promulgate the law, and thus

accept his misconstruction of the Constitution. Thereupon the

Vice-President of the Senate and four of its members resigned.

The remaining five, pliant to the imperial will, voted with

the presiding Governor-General for the promulgation of the

law.

In the course of the next few months other demands were made

on the Finns which even the imperial appointees of the Senate

could not yield to. In October, an Imperial rescript decreed

that military service legislation for Finland should be

withdrawn from the competence of the Finnish Diet and

transferred to the Imperial Legislature; and that until such

legislation is enacted Finland should pay into the Russian

exchequer an annual contribution of 10,000,000 marks

($2,000,000), to be increased gradually to 20,000.000 marks.

This left the Finnish Diet no voice in the appropriation. The

five members who had remained in the Senate when their four

colleagues resigned now intimated their intention to withdraw.

On the 14th of October the four vacant seats were filled by an

appointment of naval and military officers who were said to be

"technically Finnish citizens," but all of whom, save one, had

spent their lives in Russia. A month later, November 17, a

Press despatch from Helsingfors made the following

announcement: "At an all-night session which ended to-day the

Finnish Diet rejected the government bill providing for

Finland’s contribution to the Russian military appropriation.

A resolution was adopted requesting the Emperor to reintroduce

the measure in a constitutional form. The dissolution of the

Diet is expected. The Emperor has accepted the resignations of

the Finnish Senators who refused to remain in office if the

Russian demand for a big military appropriation by Finland was

pressed." The expectation of another dissolution of the Diet

by the Tsar, as the consequence of this action, was realized

the next day.

Some months prior to this time a joint committee of Russians

and Finns had been appointed to formulate rules or principles

that should apply with authority in future to legislation for

Finland. Agreement between the two constituents of this

Russo-Finnish committee appears to have been impossible from

the beginning. They were hopelessly opposed in their views of

the relation existing between the constitutional Grand Duchy

of Finland and the autocratic Empire of Russia, by virtue of

their having a common sovereign. Toward the end of November

their failure to come to any agreement was made known; and on

the 22d of December a despatch from St. Petersburg announced

that "the conclusion of the labours of the Russo-Finnish

Commission, resulting in a perfunctory majority vote of the

Russian members in favour of the reduction of the Finnish

Constitution to a provincial autonomy, is deplored by most of

the newspapers. The Finnish members apprehend a military

dictatorship."

The St. Petersburg correspondent of The Times had

previously stated what the prescription of the Russian

majority of the Committee would be. They maintain, he wrote,

that "there never was a Constitution granted to Finland

binding on Russia as the Sovereign Power, and that, therefore,

a new order of procedure can be established independently of

the Finnish authorities by an Act of legislation passed by the

Russian Legislature alone. They have drawn up a list of

matters to come under the new procedure. According to this

list all legislation on such matters as the Russian language

in Finland, the principles of Finnish administration, police,

administration of justice, public education, formation of

business companies and of associations, public meetings,

Press, importation of foreign literature, Customs tariffs,

literary and artistic copyright, monetary system, means of

communication, including pilot and lighthouse service, and

many other subjects, shall be enacted by the Imperial

legislative organs. The Finnish Diet shall be entirely ignored

in such matters, while there is a provision for some cases

that the opinion of the Finnish Senate shall be taken.

"It is difficult to understand what legislative matters are to

be left for the Finnish Diet to deal with; but it seems that

the Russian members are not sure that they have covered the

whole ground, for their project contains a clause to the

effect that additions to their list may be made by means of

Imperial legislation.

{273}

"It is proposed that Finland shall be represented in the

Russian Duma by five members, one of whom shall be elected by

Russian residents in Finland who are not Finnish citizens,

whilst the Finnish Diet shall send one member to the Council

of Empire."

The first movement, probably, on these new lines of imperial

government for Finland, was that reported in a Reuter message

from St. Petersburg, December 24, as follows:

"The Cabinet has approved new regulations whereby all

documents issued by the Chancellery of the Governor-General of

Finland shall be worded in Russian without a Finnish or

Swedish translation."

FINLAND: A. D. 1910.

Fresh Elections to the Finnish Diet.

The Russian Duma assuming authority over Finland.

A new Diet, chosen at elections held early in February, 1910,

is composed as follows:

Old Finns, 42;

Young Finns, 28;

Swedish People’s party, 26;

Social Democrats, 86;

Agrarians, 17;

Christian Labor party, 1.

Fifteen women were elected, nine of them by the Social

Democrats.

Just as this matter goes into type, a despatch from St.

Petersburg, March 30, 1910, announces the introduction of a

bill in the Russian Duma assuming authority in that body over

Finland.

FINSEN, Niels Ryberg.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

FIRE, Great calamities of.

See (in this Volume)

BALTIMORE;

CHICAGO;

NEW YORK CITY;

SAN FRANCISCO;

OSAKA.

FISCAL REFORM, Mr. Joseph Chamberlain’s programme of.

See (in this Volume)

England: A. D. 1903 (May-September).

FISCHER, Emil.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

FISHER, Andrew:

Prime Minister of Australia.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRALIA; A. D. 1908, and 1909 (MAY-JUNE).

FISHERIES:

Newfoundland.

See (in this Volume)

NEWFOUNDLAND.

FISHES, FOOD:

Convention for their Preservation and Propagation in the

Waters contiguous to the United States and Canada.

See (in this Volume)

FOOD FISHES.

FIVE CIVILIZED TRIBES:

End of their Autonomy.

See (in this Volume)

INDIANS, AMERICAN.

FLOODS.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA; A. D. 1906-1907, and

FRANCE: A. D. 1910.

FOLK, Joseph Wingate:

Prosecutor of Municipal Thievery and Corruption in St. Louis.

Governor of Missouri.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

FOOD FISHES:

Convention respecting their Protection, Preservation, and

Propagation in the Waters contiguous to the United States

and Canada.

The following are the articles of a Convention negotiated at

Washington and signed by Ambassador James Bryce, for the

Government of Great Britain, and by Secretary Elihu Root, for

that of the United States, on the 11th of April, 1908.

Ratifications of the Convention were exchanged on the 4th of

June:

"ARTICLE 1.

The times, seasons, and methods of fishing in the waters

contiguous to the United States and Canada as specified in

Article 4 of this Convention, and the nets, engines, gear,

apparatus, and appliances which may be used therein, shall be

fixed and determined by uniform and common international

regulations, restrictions, and provisions; and to that end the

High Contracting Parties agree to appoint, within three months

after this Convention is proclaimed, a Commission to be known

as the International Fisheries Commission, consisting of one

person named by each Government.

"ARTICLE 2.

It shall be the duty of this International Fisheries

Commission, within six months after being named, to prepare a

system of uniform and common International Regulations for the

protection and preservation of the food fishes in each of the

waters prescribed in Article 4 of this Convention, which

Regulations shall embrace close seasons, limitations as to the

character, size, and manner of use of nets, engines, gear,

apparatus, and other appliances; a uniform system of registry

by each Government in waters where required for the more

convenient regulation of commercial fishing by its own

citizens or subjects within its own territorial waters or any

part of such waters; an arrangement for concurrent measures

for the propagation of fish; and such other provisions and

measures as the Commission shall deem necessary.

"ARTICLE 3.

The two Governments engage to put into operation and to

enforce by legislation and executive action, with as little

delay as possible, the Regulations, restrictions, and

provisions with appropriate penalties for all breaches

thereof; and the date when they shall be put into operation

shall be fixed by the concurrent proclamations of the

President of the United States and the Governor-General of the

Dominion of Canada in Council.

"And it is further agreed that jurisdiction shall be exercised

by either Government, as well over citizens or subjects of

either party apprehended for violation of the Regulations in

any of its own waters to which said Regulations apply, as over

its own citizens or subjects found within its own jurisdiction

who shall have violated said Regulations within the waters of

the other party.

"ARTICLE 4.

It is agreed that the waters within which the aforementioned

Regulations are to be applied shall be as follows:

(1) The territorial waters of Passamaquoddy Bay;

(2) the St. John and St. Croix Rivers;

(3) Lake Memphremagog:

(4) Lake Champlain;

(5) the St. Lawrence River, where the said River constitutes

the International Boundary;

(6) Lake Ontario;

(7) the Niagara River;

(8) Lake Erie;

(9) the waters connecting Lake Erie and Lake Huron,

including Lake St. Clair;

(10) Lake Huron, excluding Georgian Bay but including

North Channel;

(11) St. Mary’s River and Lake Superior;

(12) Rainy River and Rainy Lake;

(13) Lake of the Woods;

(14) the Strait of San Juan de Fuca, those parts of

Washington Sound, the Gulf of Georgia and Puget Sound

lying between the parallels of 48° 10' and 49° 20';

(15) and such other contiguous waters as may be

recommended by the International Fisheries Commission and

approved by the two Governments.

It is agreed on the part of Great Britain that the Canadian

Government will protect by adequate regulations the food

fishes frequenting the Fraser River.

"The two Governments engage to have prepared as soon as

practicable charts of the waters described in this Article,

with the International Boundary Line indicated thereon; and to

establish such additional boundary monuments, buoys, and marks

as may be recommended by the Commission.

{274}

"ARTICLE 5.

The International Fisheries Commission shall continue in

existence so long as this Convention shall be in force, and

each Government shall have the power to fill, and shall fill

from time to time, any vacancy which may occur in its

representation on the Commission. Each Government shall pay

its own Commissioner, and any joint expenses shall be paid by

the two Governments in equal moieties.

"ARTICLE 6.

The Regulations, restrictions, and provisions provided for in

this Convention shall remain in force for a period of four

years from the date of their executive promulgation, and

thereafter until one year from the date when either the

Government of Great Britain or of the United States shall give

notice to the other of its desire for their revision; and

immediately upon such notice being given the Commission shall

proceed to make a revision thereof, which Revised Regulations,

if adopted and promulgated by the President of the United

States and the Governor-General of Canada in Council, shall

remain in force for another period of four years and

thereafter until one year from the date when a further notice

of revision is given as above provided in this Article. It

shall, however, be in the power of the two Governments, by

joint or concurrent action upon the recommendation of the

Commission, to make modifications at any time in the

Regulations.

"ARTICLE 7.

The present Convention shall be duly ratified by His Britannic

Majesty and by the President of the United States, by and with

the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and the

ratifications shall be exchanged in Washington as soon as

practicable."

FOOD LAWS.

See (in this Volume )

PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS.

FORESTS, Conservation of.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

FORMOSA:

Earthquake in.

See (in this Volume)

EARTHQUAKES: FORMOSA: A. D. 1906.

FORMOSA:

Japanese Dealing with the Opium Problem.

See (in this Volume)

OPIUM PROBLEM.

FORTIS MINISTRY.

See (in this Volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1905-1906.

FOSTER, John W.:

On the American Violation of Treaties with China.

See (in this Volume )

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

FOSTER, Volney W.:

Delegate to Second International Conference of

American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

FOUNDATION FOR THE PROMOTION OF INDUSTRIAL PEACE.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

----------FRANCE: Start--------

FRANCE: A. D. 1870-1905.

Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

FRANCE: A. D. 1896-1906.

Encroachments of the French Algerian Boundary on Morocco.

See Morocco: A. D. 1896-1906.

FRANCE: A. D. 1900.

Comparative Statement of the Consumption of Alcoholic Drink.

Its Increase.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

FRANCE: A. D. 1902.

Purchase of Franchises and Property of the French Panama

Canal Company by the United States.

See (in this Volume)

PANAMA CANAL.

FRANCE: A. D. 1902.

Favored footing in Abyssinia.

Railway Projects.

See (in this Volume)

ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

FRANCE: A. D. 1902.

French Central Africa.

Explorations.

A Land-locked Empire.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA: FRENCH CENTRAL.

FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (April-October).

Elections to the Chamber of Deputies.

Resignation of Waldeck-Rousseau.

Formation of a Radical Ministry under M. Combes.

Enforcement of the Law of Associations.

Closing of unauthorized schools.

The first ballot in elections to the Chamber of Deputies was

cast on the 27th of April, producing 413 conclusive elections

and leaving 178 to be decided by a second vote. The new

Chamber met on the 1st of June, and elected for its president,

M. Leon Bourgeois, by a vote of 303 against 267. On the

following day M. Waldeck-Rousseau, who had been at the head of

the Ministry for three years—an exceptional term of

premiership in France—resigned, on the plea that his task was

done. A new Radical Cabinet was then formed by M. Émile

Combes, which announced a moderate programme on the 10th, and

received the declared support of 312 members, against 116 in

opposition and 149 who took neutral ground. Of the previous

Cabinet, M. Delcassé retained the portfolio of Foreign Affairs

and General Andre that of War. The session was short and

little was done.

In the following months great excitement and much disorder in

parts of the country, especially in Brittany, was caused by

proceedings taken to enforce the law concerning Associations,

passed in the previous year.

See in Volume VI.

FRANCE: A. D. 1901.

Some religious orders—teaching orders and others—had refused

or neglected to register themselves and obtain authorization,

as required by the law, and these were now to be closed. In

many cases there was resistance to the closing of the

unauthorized schools. In a few cases there was a refusal by

military officers to obey commands for the assistance of their

soldiery in enforcing the law. Magistrates, too, opposed the

government, and a majority of the councils in the departments

of France withheld their support. Nevertheless the government

proceeded firmly in the matter and the provisions of the law

were carried out. When the Chambers were reconvened in October

the burning subject came up for fierce discussion, and the

attitude and acts of the Combes Ministry were approved in the

Chamber of Deputies by 329 against 233.

FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (May).

Courtesies at the unveiling of a Monument to

Marshal de Rochambeau, at Washington.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (MAY).

FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (October).

Strikes in the Coal Mines and on the Docks at Marseilles.

See (in this Volume)

Labor Organization:

FRANCE: A. D. 1902.

FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (October).

Treaty with Siam.

Acquisition of more territory.

See (in this Volume)

SIAM: A. D. 1902.

{275}

FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

Elections to the Senate.

Execution of the Associations Law.

Closing of Schools and Houses of the Religious Orders.

Resistance and Rioting encouraged by Magistrates.

State Monopoly of Education established.

Building new Schoolhouses.

Elections for a section of the Senate, occurring early in

January, 1903, went favorably for the Government. M. Fallières

was reëlected President of that body, while M. Bourgeois was

seated again in the presiding chair of the lower Chamber. The

Combes Ministry was strengthened in its hold of power by the

continued agitation that attended the execution of the

Associations Law as applied to the religious orders and

brotherhoods.

See in Volume VI. of this work,

FRANCE: A. D. 1901.

Its support was a shifting one, made up sometimes by one

combination of the many party divisions in the Chambers and

sometimes by another; but it did not fail throughout the year

to find somewhere a majority that would not allow a political

crisis to be brought on. Everywhere the closing of the schools

and houses of the unauthorized associations was resisted with

increasing determination, and the proceeding became too much

retarded to satisfy the supporters of the law. Objection was

raised to the separate dealing with questions of authorization

for this and that order or congregation, and the Government

was called upon to name at once to the Chambers the whole list

of institutions which it would have authorizations refused to.

In March this demand was acceded to, so far as concerned the

male congregations, and a great debate, of a fortnight’s

duration, in the Chamber of Deputies, resulted in the refusal

of authorization to all the teaching, preaching, and

contemplative orders, of Redemptorists, Capuchins,

Benedictines, Dominicans, and Passionists. A few months later

the same entire refusal of authorization to the teaching

orders of women was voted, but by a diminished majority.

The Clericals, on their side, were as energetic as the parties

of the Government, and were supported very generally by the

magistracy of the country at large, which dealt so leniently

with the resistance and rioting provoked by the enforcement of

the law that the Government was left practically dependent on

the army and the police. The army, too, was a doubtful

instrument of authority in many cases, numerous officers of

all grades resigning to escape the repugnant mandate of law.

The most threatening situation arose in Brittany, consequent

on the inauguration of a monument to Renan, which the

Catholics regarded as an insult to the Church.

One final step in the secularizing of education in France was

taken late in the year, by the passing of a bill which

practically established a State monopoly of education, by

repealing a law of 1850 that abolished such monopoly. By the

new law all members of any religious order, authorized or

unauthorized, were forbidden to engage in teaching.

The extent to which the schools of the religious congregations

were being closed involved a great expenditure for building

new schoolhouses, and the Government had difficulty in passing

an Act which laid the cost of this provision on the communes,

instead of accepting it for the state at large. It carried the

Act, however, notwithstanding the opposition of M.

Waldeck-Rousseau.

FRANCE: A. D. 1904.

Rivalry with England in the Persian Gulf.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1904.

FRANCE: A. D. 1904 (April).

The Agreements of the Entente Cordiale with England.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

FRANCE: A. D. 1904 (June-July).

Groundless charges against the Premier.

A great public scandal was raised in June by charges against

the Premier, M. Combes, that he had tried to force the

Chartreux monks to buy the right of remaining in France.

Investigation showed that bold swindlers had attempted to

obtain money from the monks on the pretence of being able to

buy such permission for them. As the result of the

investigation the President of the Council and his colleagues

were vindicated by an almost unanimous vote of the Chamber of

Deputies.

FRANCE: A. D. 1904-1909.

General Consequences in Europe of the Weakening of Russia in

the Russo-Japanese War.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

FRANCE: A. D. 1905.

Action with other Powers in forcing Financial Reforms in

Macedonia on Turkey.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

The Separation of Church and State.

Preceding Contentions.

Measures and Proceedings of the Separation,

as recounted by writers of each Party.

The separation of Church and State in France involved the

nullification of the Concordat, negotiated by Napoleon I. with

Pope Pius VII. in 1802, and of what are known as the Organic

Statutes, promulgated by the French Government at the same

time.

See (in Volume IV. of this work)

PAPACY: A. D. 1808-1814.

The former was in the nature of a treaty; the latter was not.

The French Government claimed rights under both; the Roman

Church acknowledged no force in the Statutes that could be

binding on itself. This difference, which entered into much of

the controversy preceding the measures taken by the Government

to separate the State from the Church, is explained in the

first quotation below,—following which, two accounts are

given of some among those controversies, and of the

proceedings connected with the adoption and execution of the

Act of Separation,—one account written from the view-point of

the Government and the other from that of the Church:

"The Concordat consists of a preamble and seventeen statutes.

It is a reciprocal contract between the temporal and spiritual

powers, and is therefore at the same time State law and Church

law. The preamble states that the Catholic, Apostolic, and

Roman religion is that of the great majority of the French

people; it does not say that it is ‘the religion of France,’

as the Holy See would have wished, and consequently it does

not restore to the Catholic religion its former character of

being a State religion. After establishing a new distribution

of the French dioceses, it directs that the bishops shall be

‘nominated’ by the Government and ‘installed’ by the Pope. The

alienation of ecclesiastical property, effected by the

Revolution, is definitely sanctioned. In return the Government

undertakes, as had already been done by the Constituent

Assembly, to secure ‘a reasonable allowance to the bishops and

curés, whose dioceses and parishes will be included in the new

arrangement,’ and to take ‘measures to allow French Catholics

to make foundations in favour of churches if they wish.’

{276}

"As regards the Organic Statutes, promulgated at the same

time as the Concordat, 18th April, 1802, they proclaim that no

bull, pastoral letter, or writing of any kind from the Holy

See shall be published in France without the authority of the

Government; no council, general or special, shall be held

without this authority. There must be no other delegate from

Rome in France besides the Nuncio, the official representative

of the Sovereign Pontiff. Any infraction on the part of the

clergy of the provisions either of the Concordat or of French

law is referred to the Council of State, who must decide if

there has been any abuse. The Organic Statutes were equally

concerned with questions relating to discipline, doctrine, and

even dogma—which are purely spiritual questions. They

therefore not only upheld the Declaration of 1682 as a

declaration of the principles of the Gallican Church, but also

expected all the professors to teach it in the seminaries.

According to the Concordat, bishops had a right to appoint

curés; the Organic Statutes obliged them to obtain the

approval of the Government for their appointments.

"Although the Organic Statutes are, with the Concordat, part

of one and the same State law, they must not be considered to

be entirely on the same footing. The Concordat concluded

between the two powers binds them together; the Organic

Statutes, an exclusive product of the French Government, never

received the sanction of the Papal authority. They were, on

the contrary, a source of further quarrels with the Roman

Court. Even in our days, they frequently lead to conflict, the

representatives of the Church having refused, on various

occasions, to recognise the validity of decisions made in

virtue of these Statutes by the French Government."

Jules Legrand,

Church and State in France

(Contemporary Review, May, 1901).

FRANCE:

Measures and Proceedings of the Separation as recounted

by its Advocates.

"The action of the Republic in suppressing the religious

orders had produced strained relations between it and the

Vatican. This was intensified by the ‘nominavit nobis’

controversy. In the Bulls instituting some bishops whom the

President had nominated, and which had to have the sanction of

the Government before they could be published and be valid in

France, the Vatican had inserted the word ‘nobis,’ implying

that the President had merely nominated the bishop to the Pope

for appointment and that the appointment was really in the

hands of the Pope. The French Government, under the guidance

of M. Combes, the Premier and Minister of Public Worship,

insisted that this word must be removed before the bull was

sanctioned, and as both sides refused to yield no bishop was

instituted. Relations were still further strained by the visit

of the President to the King of Italy. … To visit the King was

to insult the Pope by disregarding the protest made by him

against the occupation of Rome. President Loubet was the first

Roman Catholic ruler who ventured to disregard the feelings

and protests of the Pope. From the 24th to the 28th April,

1904, M. Loubet was the guest of King Victor Emmanuel, and

gave no intimation to the Pope of his intention to visit Rome,

and did not include a visit to the Vatican in his programme.

On the 28th of April, Cardinal Merry del Val sent to the

representatives of the Curia at the Courts of all the Roman

Catholic powers in the world, to be communicated to the

Governments to which they were commissioned, a protest against

the action of the French Government. … The French Government

replied by recalling its ambassador from the Vatican and

breaking off diplomatic relations with the Pope.

"In the summer of the same year the friction between the

French Government and the Vatican was increased by the cases

of the bishops of Laval and Dijon. Bishop Geay of Laval, in

his opening discourse in his cathedral, had proclaimed his

adherence to the Republic and his desire to be the shepherd of

all his flock. He denounced Orleanism and refused to support

reactionaries at the elections. … He was summoned to appear at

Rome. He submitted the summons to the Government, as he was

required by the Organic Articles to do, and he was refused

permission to leave his diocese. Subsequently, under threats

of excommunication, he went, and was immediately informed by

the Minister of Public Worship that his salary was stopped

from the day he left his diocese without permission. A similar

summons to Mgr. Le Nordez, Bishop of Dijon, led to similar

results. …

"In the month of October, 1904, M. Combes, replying to several

interpellations addressed to the Government, reviewed the

history of the relations of the Vatican to the Republic since

its foundation in 1870, and showed that there had been a

continuous disregard of the Concordat and of the Organic

Articles by the Vatican, and that clericalism had been the

most inveterate enemy of the Republic. He showed that no

stipulations could safeguard the rights of the State, which

were denied by the doctrines of the Catholic Church. The

confidence of the Chamber was expressed by a vote of 548 to

88. In November he introduced a Bill for the separation of

Church and State, which was referred to a Commission, by which

it was adopted on the 2nd December. In the middle of January,

1905, M. Combes, owing to resentment at certain incidents in

connection with the administration of the army, carried a vote

of confidence by a majority of only ten votes and resigned.

Before the end of the month a new Cabinet under the presidency

of M. Rouvier, retaining several members of M. Combes’

administration, was formed, which asserted its determination

to carry out the policy of its predecessor in its relations

with the Vatican. The Chamber of Deputies referred to a new

Commission all the Bills dealing with the question of Church

and State which had been presented to it, including that of M.

Combes. Instead of adopting any one of them, the Commission

decided to draft its own Bill, and shortly afterwards

presented to the Chamber a Bill which engaged the close

attention of the deputies for several months in the spring and

summer of the year 1905. It passed through the Chamber on the

3rd of July, and was sent to the Senate the following day. …

The Senate made no alterations in the Bill, and it became law

on the 6th of December, 1905."

John A. Bain,

The New Reformation, chapter 17

(T. and T. Clark, Edinburgh, 1900).

{277}

"The law of the 9th of December, 1905, which put an end to the

regime of the Concordat and substituted that of separation

between Church and State, had been promulgated on the 11th of

December, 1905. It was to come into effect a year after its

promulgation. The Protestants and the Israelites had accepted

it even before it was passed; but they represented an

infinitesimal minority, and it was not that minority that the

legislators had had in view when they framed the law of

separation. The one question in the matter was that of the

attitude that would be taken by the Catholics,—the counsels

that would come to them from Rome.

"In the French Episcopate there were two opposing currents of

opinion, one for acceptance of the law, under certain

reserves, the other for resistance. In the latter part of

November, 1905, some bishops met in Paris and agreed that

energetic efforts must be made to prevent action at Rome on

misinformation as to the situation of the Church in France and

the state of mind prevailing in it. Monseigneur Fulbert Petit,

Archbishop of Besançon, was their chosen envoy, and in the

following January he repaired to Rome. There he met other

bishops who had come to give counsels to the Pope that were

not pacific; and he met, also, the Père Le Doré, former

superior of the dissolved congregation of the Eudistes, well

known for his uncompromising opinions and his aggressive

temper, but who had been commissioned to convey to Rome the

proceedings of the meeting of French cardinals at Paris, on

the 28th of December, which showed a majority in favor of the

acceptance of the law. At the same time, an important meeting

of bishops was held at Albi, under the presidency of Monsignor

Mignot, the majority at which meeting, notably the Archbishop

who received them and the Archbishop of Toulouse, Monsignor

Germain, made no secret of their desire to adjust themselves

to the law, according to the expression of Cardinal Lecot.

"But nothing said or done drew the Pope from the silence which

he kept. Then it was rumored that the head of the Church would

reserve his decision until a general assembly of the French

episcopate, which the French cardinals had advised, could be

held, to propose a solution of the question. This, however,

was contradicted positively by the party which urged

resistance to the law.

"Such was the situation when the Government, obliged to

act,—since the period of delay fixed by the law was only a

year,—came to the first proceedings which the Act prescribed.

Article 43 of the law provided for administrative rules, of

which the part relating to inventories appeared logically the

first, that being the operation which needed consideration

before all others. The second part of the regulations had to

do with the life pensions and temporary provisions accorded to

the ministers of religion. The regulation concerning pensions

and provisions was published in the Journal Official of

January 20, 1906. [Article 11 of the Act assigned to priests

or ministers of more than sixty years of age, who had been not

less than thirty years in an ecclesiastical service salaried

by the state, a yearly life pension of three-fourths of their

former stipend. To those under sixty years of age and above

forty-five, whose service had been for less than thirty years

but not less than twenty, it assigned one-half of their

previous compensation.] …

"The first executive act imposed on the Government was the

inventorying of the property, movable and fixed, belonging to

the State, to the departments or to the communes, of which the

establishments of public worship had had the use. Article 3 of

the law required this to be proceeded with immediately after

its promulgation. This article had been voted in the Chamber

and in the Senate by very large majorities, and, so to speak,

without discussion, so rational and judicial it seemed to be.

In fact, as the existence of the public establishments of

worship came to an end with the regime of the Concordat, the

succession to them was left open, and an inventory,

descriptive and estimative, of their property, was a necessary

measure preliminary to any devolution of such property,

dependent on that succession. … Being one of those

conservative measures which attack no right and leave a

continuous state of things, there was no expectation of much

feeling about it among Catholics. … Apparently, the consistent

attitude on the part of Catholics, provisionally, at least,

and until the Pope had spoken, would be one of calm, of

prudence, of expectancy. Such was the purport of the

instructions given by the bishops, even by the most combative.

These latter, while condemning the law with vehemence, did not

counsel a recourse to force against the agents appointed to

make the inventory. They required but one thing of their

priests and of the administrators of parish property, which

was that they should not coöperate in the work, and that they

should make declaration that their non-resistance did not

imply acceptance of the law.

"On the 29th of December, 1905, a first decree for regulating

the procedure was issued by the Council of State. This was

followed by a circular from the Minister of Finance which, it

must be confessed, roused a justifiable feeling among the

Catholics. From one phrase in that circular it could be

understood that the officials making the inventory were

authorized to demand the opening of the tabernacles. M.

Groussau questioned the Minister on the subject, and M. Merlou

cleared away all misunderstanding by replying that officials

were to accept the declaration of the curé of a church as to

the contents of its tabernacle; and that they had been

instructed to avoid everything that could give pain to pious

minds. The Abbé Gayraud recognized that these decisions of the

Government were in conformity with the instructions of the

Cardinal Archbishop of Paris, and the interpellation was

withdrawn.

"The inventories were begun at once after this decision of the

question of the tabernacles. At first there was no disorder.

The bishops, notably those of Toulouse, of Rouen, of Albi, of

Besançon, of Arras and Chartres, and their curés, from their

example, confined themselves to the reading of a protestation

to the receiver of the registration, after which the receiver

was left free to fulfil his mission. But soon, in some

dioceses, particularly in Paris, in the West, and in one part

of the Center, the inventorying was made the pretext for

demonstrations more political than religious, organized by

enthusiasts or by political cliques. Generally the clergy were

passively present at these demonstrations. …

{278}

These tumultuous manifestations, at the head of which the most

conspicuous personalities of the reactionary opposition were

often seen, ended by degenerating into veritable riots,

necessitating the intervention of troops, and leading finally

to bloody conflicts."

René Wallier,

Le Vingtième Siècle Politique, Annee 1906,

pages 123-132.

It was not until the 17th of February that the silence of the

Pope on the matters that were agitating France and the Papal

Church was broken. Then the "Encyclical Vehementer," so named,

according to custom, from its first word, was published.

FRANCE:

Measures and proceedings of the separation as recounted

by opponents.

"In the first period of his premiership M. Combes was not

prepared either to denounce the Concordat or to separate the

churches from the State, simply because he found public

opinion not yet ripe for either measure. Later he thought he

saw in adopting this course a means of prolonging his official

existence, a matter of considerable importance to a country

doctor like himself without large private resources. Having

slaughtered nearly all religious congregations or prepared

their ultimate extinction, Combes appeared to seek no further

occupation for himself and to fortify his position by

attacking the Church itself, whose secular clergy he had so

recently praised and sought to protect from unfair and ‘unjust

concurrence or competition with the regulars!’ Like

Waldeck-Rousseau, Combes saw here an opportunity to ‘save’ the

Republic from ‘clerical reaction.' Throughout its whole

discreditable history this third Republic of France has only

been kept alive by being periodically ‘saved’ by some clever

politician from ‘perils’ conjured up to terrorize the

peasantry, who still recall the misery of their ancestors in

the old régime and the misfortunes of France in the

downfall of the first and second Empires. … The Pope

protested, in March, 1904, against the bad faith and infamous

aggressions of the French Government in the matter of

religious education and those imparting it, and M. Delcassé,

through the French Ambassador at the Vatican, protested

against the Papal protest. In the following month M. Loubet,

as President of the French Republic, visited the King of Italy

at Rome, at the same time politely, but significantly,

ignoring the existence of the Pope and the Vatican, at which

court France then had accredited an Ambassador! Then followed

the protest of the Vatican, addressed directly to the French

Government, and the protest simultaneously sent to all the

powers where Papal Nuncios are in residence. …

"In March, 1904, had arisen the trouble in the Diocese of

Dijon, France, which culminated in students of the diocesan

seminary refusing to receive ordination from the hands of the

Bishop, Monsignor Le Nordez. The Bishop of Dijon was,

unfortunately, not the only one of the French episcopate

claiming to be a ‘victim of hatred, deceit and calumny.’

Almost from the commencement of his episcopate Monsignor Geay,

Bishop of Laval, was attacked by accusations filed at Rome,

charges which were examined into during the Pontificate of Leo

XIII., and which led the Holy Office to advise the Bishop to

resign his see. It was then (in 1900) thought at Rome that in

the local conditions actually then existing it was impossible

for Monsignor Geay to govern the diocese with the necessary

authority and efficacy. Monsignor Geay agreed to resign,

provided he received another bishopric in France. This

condition appeared unacceptable to the Vatican, but no further

action was taken in this case until May 17, 1904, when by

order of Pius X. the request for the Bishop’s resignation was

renewed, and in case it was not forthcoming within a specified

time an ecclesiastical trial was intimated as inevitable.

Notwithstanding the secret and private character of this last

letter emanating from the Holy Office, Monsignor Geay

communicated its contents to the French Government. Combes and

Delcassé, jealous of the prerogatives of the French State and

presumably caring little for the honor of the French

episcopate, notified Cardinal Merry del Val (by the acting

Charge d’ Affaires) ‘that if the letter of May 17 is not

annulled the government will be led to take the measures that

a like derogation of the compact which binds France and the

Holy See admits of.’ The Papal Nuncio at Paris explained to M.

Delcassé that this was not a threat of deposition of the

Bishop without a decision of the French Government, but an

invitation to the Bishop to meet the charges by a voluntary

resignation.

"As regards Monsignor Le Nordez and Monsignor Geay,

respectively Bishops of Dijon and Laval, their long hesitation

between the wishes of the French Government and the will of

the Holy See ended by the departure of both of them for Rome.

The government then promptly suppressed their salaries and

after they had (under virtual pressure) placed their

‘voluntary resignation’ in the hands of the Holy Father, an

allowance from the funds of the Vatican was made to each of

them. They have since lived in France in a retirement, varied

at first by interviews of Monsignor Geay with reporters that

have since happily ceased. The severance of diplomatic

relations with the Vatican was completed by a note from M.

Delcassé to the Papal Nuncio at Paris stating that in

consequence of the rupture of diplomatic relations between

France and the Vatican ‘the mission of the Nuncio would

henceforth be deprived of scope.’ In the parliamentary session

of November 26, 1904, the credit for the Embassy at the

Vatican was stricken from the budget. …

"After the downfall of Combes, through the odium attaching to

his spy system, the Minister of the Interior and of Public

Worship presented to the Chamber of Deputies on behalf of the

Rouvier Ministry a project of law to establish the separation.

If for Combes separation had signified little else than

spoliation, aggravated by oppression, the Rouvier plan sought

to render spoliation less unjust, less intolerant. The

ministerial project having been somewhat altered by the

commission, conferences were held and a final agreement having

been obtained, the proposed law was reported to the Chamber of

Deputies in March, 1905. It is unnecessary to follow the

parliamentary evolution of this immature project, forced as an

issue by two successive Premiers who had far less solicitude

for the permanent interests of their country than to assure

their own continuance in power. M. Briand, speaking for the

commission, took great trouble to throw upon the Pope the

responsibility of a law which he at the same time declared to

be perfectly good, beneficent for the Republic and honorable

for its authors! Alas! for separatists, in an unguarded moment

Combes betrayed the utter falsity and ridiculous insincerity

of this pompous and solemn pretence of the anti-religious

majority, that the Pope forced the separation upon France. In

the parliamentary session of January 14, 1905, Combes

declared: ‘When I assumed power I judged that public opinion

was insufficiently prepared for this reform. I have judged it

to be necessary to lead it to that.’

{279}

"When the law of separation, as finally adopted in the Chamber

of Deputies, was referred to the Senate, the Senatorial

commission, under ministerial pressure, adopted the law as

passed in the Chamber, without change of a single word.

Although the law was the most important of any passed in

France for a hundred years, and though it is fraught with

grave influences upon the destinies of the country, this

hastily matured, ill-framed measure, with all its unjust and

vexatious provisions, was swallowed whole by a commission of

cowardly, truckling Senatorial politicians, who disregarded

their plain duty at the dictation of Radicals and Socialists

on the outside. Separationists both in and out of Parliament

were eager to see the law become operative before the

universal suffrage of France could have an opportunity of

passing judgment upon the principle of the separation in the

parliamentary elections of May, 1906. …

"In the Papal Consistory of December 11, 1905, the Pope

pronounced an allocution protesting against the law of

separation in mild and temperate language, announcing his

intention of again treating upon the same subject ‘more

solemnly and more deliberately at an opportune time.’ The Holy

Father evidently waited for the regulations of public

administration that would indicate in what manner the

Government of France intended to administer and enforce the

law. …

"Immediately after the adoption of the law of separation the

government appointed a special commission to elaborate rules

of public administration by which the law was to be

interpreted and applied. This commission being stuffed with

the anti-religious element, its work was worthy of its

authors. … The first details of the regulations officially

promulgated governed the taking of inventories of all movable

and real property of churches, chapels and ecclesiastical

buildings, including rectories, chapter houses, homes of

retreat for aged and infirm priests (even pension endowments),

etc., ostensibly to facilitate the transfer of these

properties to such associations for the maintenance of public

worship as might be formed under the provisions of the law of

separation. These inventories were imposed upon all religious

bodies—Catholic, Protestant and Jewish—and the law was made

applicable to Algiers, where there is a large Mahomedan

population. Viewed in the abstract, the taking of inventories

was a formality necessary to an application of principles

inscribed in the law. As estimates of value such inventories

are worthless, because compiled by agents of the

administration of Public Domains or treasury agents, unaided

by experts in art, architecture and archivial paleography. The

Director General of the Register prescribed to agents taking

these inventories a request for the opening of tabernacles in

churches and chapels to facilitate completeness and accuracy.

This order aroused a storm of indignation throughout France

and the government realized that a stupid blunder had been

made, and it was announced that agents would content

themselves with gathering and incorporating into their report

declarations of the priests upon the nature and value of

sacred vessels contained in the tabernacles.

"The taking of inventories of churches and their contents

commenced simultaneously in many parts of France in the latter

part of January, 1906. Instead of the simple formality hastily

accomplished without general observation, of which separatists

had dreamed, this proceeding was characterized in various

places by scenes of the wildest disorder. When officials of

the Registry presented themselves for the taking of the

inventories, the clergy, surrounded or attended by trustees of

the building, read formal protests against what most of them

styled ‘the first step in an act of spoliation.’ … If these

protests had not been accompanied by physical violence, the

country might have been spared the shocking scenes that took

place in Paris and the provinces. In many churches free fights

took place between militant Catholic laymen, opposed to an

inventory, and police, firemen and troops, who burst open the

doors of churches or broke them down with fire axes in order

to make an inventory possible. While at the doors chairs and

fragments of broken confessionals were flying through the

air, pious women within sang:

‘We will pray God that the Church may be able to teach the

truth, to combat error which causes division, to preach to all

charity!’"

F. W. Parsons,

Separation of Church and State in France

(American Catholic Quarterly Review, July, 1906).

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

The Morocco Question.

Sudden hostility of Germany to the Anglo-French Agreement.

Demand for an International Conference.

The Conference at Algeciras.

The resulting Act.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

Claims against Venezuela.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907-1909.

FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

President Fallières succeeds Loubet.

Fall of the Rouvier Ministry.

Rise of M. Clemenceau.

The Elections of May.

Conformity to the Separation Law prohibited by the Pope.

Sequestration of Church Property.

The Socialists and the Bourgeois.

Justice at last to Dreyfus.

Honors to Picquart.

The presidential term of M. Loubet, who had been elected on

the 19th of February, 1899, would expire on the 18th of

February, 1906. M. Loubet declined a reflection, and M.

Fallières, the chosen candidate of the various groups of

Republicans, was elected President of the French Republic at a

joint session of the two chambers of the National Assembly, on

the 17th of January, by 449 votes of a total 848. The new

President was inducted into office on the 18th of February,

and, according to usage, was offered the resignations of the

existing Ministry, under M. Rouvier, which, however, he did

not accept. M. Rouvier and his colleagues continued in office

until the 7th of March, when a vote in the Chamber of Deputies

which expressed want of confidence compelled a resignation

that could not be declined.

{280}

The new Ministry then formed, and announced on the 14th, was

nominally presided over by M. Sarrien, President of the

Council and Minister of Justice, but its real chief was known

to be M. Clemenceau, Minister of the Interior. Other important

members of this Cabinet were M. Bourgeois, Minister of Foreign

Affairs, and M. Aristide Briand, Minister of Public

Instruction and of Worship. Sarrien and Bourgeois were classed

politically as Radicals, Briand as a Socialist, and Clemenceau

as a Socialist-Radical. The Ministerial declaration read in

both chambers on the 14th was criticised as colorless, and as

indicating an incongruity of political material in the make-up

of the administration. On the burning question of the

execution of the law for the separation of Church and State

its language was:

"The law on the separation of Church and State has met, in the

execution of the provisions relating to the inventories, a

resistance as unexpected as it is unjustified. There is no one

among us who wishes to assail in any manner whatever the

freedom of religious belief and worship. The law will be

applied in the same liberal spirit in which it was adopted by

the Parliament. … But it is our duty to insure the execution

of all laws throughout the land. Under a republican government

the law is the highest expression of national sovereignty; it

must everywhere be respected and everywhere obeyed. The

Government intends to apply with all necessary circumspection,

but with inflexible firmness, the new legislation which

certain parties of opposition strive vainly to misrepresent."

On the 14th of April the Chamber of Deputies was adjourned

sine die, and fresh elections to it were to be held in

May. "The seventh legislature held under the Constitution of

1875 came to an end amid a domestic confusion unparalleled in

France since 1871. In the Nord and the Pas de Calais there

were miners’ strikes, at Clermont-Ferrand strikes in the

building trade; at Lorient and Toulon there was a general

strike, and there were strikes also at Alais and Bordeaux. At

Paris the compositors, the excavators and the railway men on

the Metropolitan had left work, and the postmen also had

joined the movement, though they were servants of the State.

M. Clemenceau paid two visits to Lens to treat with the

strikers; following his example and by his orders the

magistrates, officers and soldiers exhibited admirable

coolness as well as energy in controlling the excited crowds

without resorting to force. … Attempts were made to form what

were virtually revolutionary governments, and these announced

openly that on May 1, capitalism would be assailed, a general

strike proclaimed in Paris, and the Government swept away if

it showed signs of attempting to interfere. These threats set

up an unprecedented panic, which was intensified by the

measures taken by the Government to get rid of it. Troops

guarded the Metropolitan Railway workshops, the printing

establishments, the bakeries. All the cavalry and infantry

available were concentrated at Paris, and schools and empty

houses taken up for their accommodation."

Annual Register, 1906,

page 270.

In the midst of these distractions the political canvass for a

new representation of the Republic in its legislature was

carried on, and the elections were but slightly disturbed.

They went so sweepingly in favor of the Government that only

176 seats in the Chamber, out of 589, were carried by the

opposition. The victory of the Government was more complete

and decisive than the most sanguine had expected. Said a

writer in The Fortnightly Review:

"It is the end of the long struggle between the Republic and

its internal enemies, those Emigres de l’intérieur as M. Paul

Sabatier has happily called them. The political power of the

Church is broken forever; the parties of reaction are finally

crushed, and their future will be that of the Jacobites after

Culloden. … It may perhaps be useful to record the relative

strength of parties in the new Chamber as compared with the

old. Precise accuracy is difficult, owing to the uncertainty

as to the exact group to which a few of the deputies should be

attributed, but the following figures are as near exactitude

as possible:—

New Chamber. Old Chamber.

Ministerialists: (The Bloc):--

Republicans of the Left

(Alliance Démocratique

and Gauche Démocratique)                  90         83

Radicals                                 117         98

Radical-Socialists                       132        119

Independent Socialists                    20         14

Total                                 359        314

Unified Socialists                        54         41

Opposition:—

Republicans of the Centre

(Union Républicaine and Progressists)     68         97

Nationalists                              30         53

Conservatives and Clericals               78         84

Total                                 176        234

"But the mere figures do not bring out the full significance

of the election. Even more important than the fact that only

108 Clerical and Nationalist deputies were returned is the

fact that these 108 represent, with very few exceptions, the

most ignorant and backward districts in France. Immediately

after the election the Matin published an electoral map

of France, in which the districts represented by Opposition

deputies were left white. It is an instructive document. The

whole of central France is a solid mass of black, in the north

and south the white spots are few and scattered, in the east

black very greatly predominates; only in the west is there any

conspicuous show of white."

Robert Dell,

France, England, and Mr. Bodley

(Fortnightly Review, September, 1906).

Manifestly the majority in France approved the severance of

religious institutions from the political organization of the

State. In recognition of the fact, the General Assembly of

French Bishops, sitting soon afterwards at Paris, petitioned

the Pope, by the vote of a large majority, to permit the

forming of Public Worship Associations under the Separation

Law. The papal reply, given late in the summer, was a new

Encyclical, formally forbidding French Catholics to form such

Associations for taking the offered use of the church

buildings and property, as provided for continued exercises of

religion by the law. A little later the prohibition was

carried farther, and French Catholics were forbidden to

conform to the Associations Law of 1891, as well as to the

Separation Law.

{281}

There seems to have been a disposition in the Government to

extend, from one year to two, the period allowed for

conformity to the latter enactment; but this attitude on the

part of the head of the Church dispelled it. Accordingly, on

the 11th of December, 1906, when the term fixed by the law

expired, sequestration of the property of the vestries was

pronounced, and buildings occupied in connection with the

churches by bishops, rectors, seminaries, etc., were ordered

to be vacated with no further delay.

Before matters reached this stage M. Sarrien had resigned, on

account of ill health, and the premiership had passed to

Clemenceau. The Cabinet underwent a degree of reconstruction

soon afterwards, and the upright, courageous Picquart,

formerly Colonel, now Brigadier-General, who had stood so long

almost alone in army circles as a champion of justice to the

foully wronged Dreyfus, had been given the portfolio of War.

See, in Volume VI. of this work,

FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899)

To Dreyfus himself the Republic had made all the reparation

that it could. On the 12th of July in this year its highest

court had pronounced a decision which branded with falsity and

forgery every document and the whole testimony on which he had

been convicted, and declared that "the accusation against

Dreyfus was completely unjustified." Thereupon he was

reinstated in the army with the rank of major, and not many

days later, on the spot where the ceremony of his degradation

had been performed, in 1894, he received the insignia of a

Chevalier of the Legion of Honor.

In the May elections for the Chamber of Deputies the

Socialists had been heavily reinforced, and their most

strenuous leader, M. Jaurès, was inspired to say in his

journal, L'Humanité:

"There is no more time to be lost. This time we must give the

finishing blow to the Reaction, to all parties of the past, to

Clericalism and Cæsarism. After clearing the battleground of

all its litter, the Proletariat must be able to say to the

face of the Republican Democracy, the Radical Democracy which

at last is master of public power: ‘What are you going to do

for workmen? What reforms, what guarantees, are you going to

give them? How are you going to help French society out of the

deep crisis in which it struggles? How, by what organization

of Property and Labor, will you put an end to the exploiting

of men, to the war of classes let loose by the Capitalist form

of property?’" Quoting these words, soon afterwards, a writer

in The Atlantic Monthly remarked:

"Such words are not the mere rhetoric of a Parliamentary

dictator who has just suffered a year’s eclipse in the

retrograde combinations given to the Radical majority by Prime

Minister Rouvier. Almost physiologically, certainly socially,

the millions of French workmen stand over against

property-holders in a way to which there is nothing comparable

in the Northern and Western United States, with all their

labor difficulties. They form a separate class in society,

because French property-holders form an exclusive caste. It

was the middle classes, the property-holding bourgeois and the

peasant proprietors bound up with them, who profited by the

great Revolution against the privileged classes of that

day,—royalty, clergy, and nobles. During the century which has

elapsed the triumphant bourgeois have steadily persisted in

throwing around themselves a practically impenetrable wall of

legal and social privilege in their turn. And now there is a

spontaneous upheaval of the excluded, unprivileged, inferior

class."

Stoddard Dewey,

The Year in France

(Atlantic Monthly, August, 1906).

Mainly, it appears, from the prompting and the influence of

the Socialist and Labor organizations, France obtained, in

1906, a law making Sunday a day of rest from most descriptions

of industry and commerce, exceptions being made to allow

travel and transportation companies, lighting and water works,

newspaper offices, and some other performers of public

services, to continue their operations, while hotels,

restaurants, wine shops, drug stores, and the like, were

exempted from closing their doors.

See (in this Volume)

SUNDAY OBSERVANCE.

FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

Woman Suffrage Movement.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

The Thrift and consequent loanable Wealth of the country.

The power that it makes for peace.

"In the world at large, however, France has also come to a

consciousness of her real power. An English financier had

already said that if the French people continue to live on the

principle, ‘where you have four sous spend only two,’ they

will end by having in their possession all the coined gold in

the world. The great portion of it which they already possess,

and the distress caused to German finance and industry by the

patriotic refusal of the united French banks to allow their

gold to be drawn until peace was secure, had a great and

probably decisive influence in the happy termination of this

entangled affair of Morocco. The floating of the latest

Russian loan has since come to show yet further the riches of

France, to which tourists alone, it is estimated, add two

billion francs in gold each year. This money power and money

need should tend to the keeping of European peace more than

all the theories of the pacifists who clamor for a disarmament

impossible to obtain."

Stoddard Dewey,

The Year in France

(Atlantic Monthly, August, 1906).

FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

Deposition of the insane King of Anam.

See (in this Volume)

ANAM.

FRANCE: A. D. 1906 (February).

The Papal Encyclical "Vehementer Nos."

See PAPACY: A. D. 1906 (February).

FRANCE: A. D. 1906-1907.

The Separation of Church and State.

Further measures and proceedings, as related from opposite

standpoints.

From the Separationist Standpoint:

"The practical question, what course the French Catholics were

to adopt when the law should go into effect, was first

answered by the pope in his encyclical Gravissimo, published

August 10, 1906, eight months after the promulgation of the

law. The gist of the document is in two sentences: ‘After

having condemned as was our duty this iniquitous law, we

examined with the greatest care whether the articles of the

aforesaid law would leave at least some means of organizing

religious life in France so as to rescue the sacred principles

upon which rests the Holy Church.’ Having consulted the

bishops, and addressed 'fervent prayers to the Father of

Light,’ the pope came to the following conclusion:

‘As for the associations of worship, as the law organizes

them, we decree that they can absolutely not be formed without

violating the sacred rights which are the very life of the

church.’

{282}

"Is there any other form of association which might be both

legal and canonical? Pius X did not see any. Therefore, as

long as the law remained as it was, the Holy Father forbade

the French Catholics to try any form of association which did

not promise, in an ‘unmistakable and legal manner, that the

divine constitution of the church, the immutable rights of the

Roman pontiff and the bishops, as well as their authority over

the property necessary to the church, especially over the

sacred edifices, will be forever insured in those

associations.’ …

"For this decision there were, from the ecclesiastical point

of view, three grounds. One was the failure of the law of 1905

to recognize, in so many words, the authority of the

ecclesiastical hierarchy. Another was the abrupt fashion in

which the French government broke off its diplomatic relations

with the Vatican. The fact that the government consistently

ignored the pope during the drafting of the bill was a third.

…

"Under what regime the churches were to live was at first

somewhat uncertain; but M. Briand speedily discovered in

existing legislation all that was needed to insure the

continuance of religious worship. He was willing to admit that

the church was not obliged to avail herself of the privileges

that the new law provided for her. Law imposes duties on

citizens, but it does not force them to make use of rights or

privileges. Everything that is not forbidden is lawful. … The

minister stated that the priests could make use of the

churches after having filed such an application or declaration

as is required for ordinary meetings by the law of 1881. These

declarations would be valid for a whole year instead of for

one meeting. But under this regime the priests would be simply

temporary occupants of the buildings of worship without any

legal title.

"This compromise proved no more satisfactory to the Vatican

than the law of 1905. …

"The pope refused to sanction this arrangement. He objected to

the scheme of yearly declaration. In the first place he

complained that this broad interpretation of the law on public

meetings was merely a personal fancy of M. Briand which might

not bind his successors. In the second place, the dignity of

the priests did not allow them to accept the humiliating

position of simple occupants of the churches. …

"The government, however, could not leave several million

Catholics in a position in which opportunity to perform their

religious duties depended upon uncertain texts and the

circulars of a temporary minister of worship. It therefore set

out to draft a bill that would be acceptable to the church

without any recourse to the discarded associations of worship.

The new bill was submitted to Parliament December 15, 1906;

was accepted by the Chamber December 21 and by the Senate

December 29, and was promulgated January 2, 1907. …

"Most of the privileges granted in the law of 1905 are

withdrawn; and the law of associations of 1901, combined with

the law of public meetings of 1881, forms the basis of the new

regime. …

"Of all the catastrophes prophesied or feared by foes or

friends none has occurred. The new regime so violently

attacked in and out of France is being gradually acclimated."

Othon Guerlac,

The Separation of Church and State in France

Political Science Quarterly, June, 1908.

FRANCE: A. D. 1906-1907.

The Separation of Church and State.

Further measures and proceedings, as related from opposite

standpoints.

From the Standpoint of the Church:

"The third meeting of the French episcopate, held at the

Château de la Muette, Paris, January 15-19, resulted in a

declaration (approved by the Holy See) of their unanimous

consent to essay the organization of public worship in

churches to be placed at the Bishops’ disposal free; an

essential condition being a legal contract (authorized by

Government) between themselves or their clergy and the

Prefects or Mayors to whom such churches (sequestrated in

December) have been handed or will be handed over; the

contract to be for a term of eighteen years, during which term

(being fixed by the common law of municipal leases of communal

properties) neither Mayors nor Prefects shall in any way

interfere either in parochial administration or in regard to

the conditions of occupancy of the edifices, which must be, as

regards police, under control of the priest in charge, the

mayor intervening only on grave occasions when his official

duties require him according to law to re-establish disturbed

order.

"This document, published on January 29, was immediately, with

a form of contract, sent by each Bishop to the Parish priests

in his diocese with a request to be informed immediately

whether the proposed contract would be entered into by their

respective mayors, and instructing them if possible to get it

signed at once and return it to the Bishop. Of course, from

every parish where Catholics are strong and zealous the signed

contracts were quickly obtainable or obtained. But so soon as

the Minister of Worship learned these proceedings, he

circularized the Prefects of France on February 1:

"‘You will shortly receive instructions concerning the

application of the Article in the Law of January 2, 1907,

providing that free use of Communal buildings intended for

worship, and of their fittings, may, subject to the

requirements of Article 13 in the Law of 9 December, 1905, be

accorded by an administration act of the mayors to the

ministers of worship specified in declarations of

worship-meetings. It is extremely urgent, to prevent mayors

being entrapped into giving their signatures, that you should

telegraphically warn them, they are not entitled to enter into

a contract of this kind without preliminary deliberation by

their municipal council, and that they should, pending the

vote of that body, confine themselves, if asked for it, to

giving an acknowledgment of receipt of any request for use of

edifices they may have received. You will also assure them

they shall at a very early date receive instructions defining

the conditions to be observed to render such contracts valid,

and will direct them to do nothing until those instructions

reach them.’

"It is due to M. Briand to acknowledge: first, that he lost no

time whatever in fulfilling this promise; second, that his new

circular on the application of the law of January 2, 1907,

which bears date Paris, February 3rd, and was published the

following evening, lays down regulations concerning the leases

of Churches and Communal Chapels which on the face of these

are fair, reasonable, and likely to be universally acceptable.

{283}

The main conditions are, approval of the agreements by the

municipal councils, failing which mayors cannot enter into

them; maximum term to be eighteen years; the lessee (whether a

curé, or a worship association) to keep the buildings in

proper repair; leases for longer periods than eighteen years

to be sanctioned by the prefect; that the curé acts by

permission of his ecclesiastical superior may be stated in the

lease, but such superior is not to be entitled in any way,

once the document is signed, to interfere, or exercise

authority. …

"In Paris the appearance of the circular was hailed with

satisfaction by Catholics and reasonable men. … Cardinal

Richard deems it proper and useful to direct his priests to

make the declaration, after the contract is duly signed, and

when His Eminence shall authorize them to make it. …

"His Eminence lost no time in submitting to the Protestant

prefect of the Seine, M. de Selves, a draft lease of the Paris

Cathedral (Notre Dame) and the historical St. Denis Basilica.

It was understood that, if settled and signed, this contract

should serve as the model to be followed in the remaining

eighty-five French dioceses. The Cardinal Secretary of State

at the Vatican authorized these negotiations, against his

personal judgment, without any illusions as to the result,

simply to satisfy the French episcopate and a minority in the

Sacred College. …

"After negotiations extending over three weeks, the Prefect

informed the Cardinal (in writing, on February 23) that His

Eminence’s proposals were inacceptable, but the government

invited amended ones based on ministerial declarations made in

the Chamber during a stormy debate on February 19, when M.

Briand found himself forced to confess the churches were left

open in view of the truth that a parliamentary majority had

‘no right to hinder millions of Catholic compatriots from

practising their religion.’ The Cardinal Archbishop replied

immediately that the text of the draft submitted embodied the

extreme limits of possible concessions."

J. F. Boyd,

The French Ecclesiastical Revolution

(American Catholic Quarterly Review, January-April, 1907).

FRANCE: A. D. 1907.

Effects of the Separation Law.

The Catholics of France lose all Legal Organization.

"The Church Separation Law has failed to do the particular

work for which it was voted by the preceding Parliament.

Catholic citizens have chosen to undergo its penalties, with

new pains and reprisals voted by the present Parliament,

rather than accept that civil reorganization of their religion

which it imposed on them. The result has been to deprive

French Catholics, not only of the church property which had

been restored to them after the confiscations of the

Revolution, but also of all church property of whatever kind,

even such as had since been gathered together by their private

and voluntary contributions. It is impossible to foresee how

they are legally to constitute new church property for

themselves. By the automatic working of separation, Catholics,

so far as any corporative action might be intended, are left

quite outside their country’s laws.

"The Associations Law had previously suppressed their

religious orders and congregations, that is, all those

teaching and other communities which combined individual

initiatives into a working power for their religion. In virtue

of that law, their convents and colleges and the other

properties of such religious associations have ‘reverted’ to

the State, which is gradually liquidating them for its own

purposes.

"No example of temporal sacrifices for religion’s sake on such

a scale has been seen since Catholics in the France of the

Revolution chose to lose all, in many cases life itself,

rather than accept the schismatical civil constitution of

their clergy, which was accompanied by a like nationalizing of

all their church property."

Stoddard Dewey,

The Year in France

(Atlantic Monthly, August, 1907).

FRANCE: A. D. 1907.

Rapid Development of the Syndicalist Labor Union Movement.

The Confederation Generate du Travail.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1907.

FRANCE: A. D. 1907.

Popular Vote on the Greatest Frenchman of the

Nineteenth Century, awarding the distinction to Louis Pasteur.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.

FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (May-July).

The revolt of the Wine-growers of the Midi.

From various causes, the wine-growers of Southern France have

suffered from an increasing decline in the market for their

products. They attributed this wholly to the extensive

manufacture of adulterated and counterfeited wines, though it

came partly, without doubt, from the increasing use of beers

and spirituous liquors among the French. The struggling

cultivators of the grape, who could hardly obtain a living

from their vineyards, accused the government of neglect to

make and enforce effective laws for the suppression of the

adulterating frauds. They demanded new measures for the

suppression of all vinous beverages that were not the pure

product of the grape. In the spring of 1907 their attitude

became seriously threatening; for a leader named Marcelin

Albert, having an eloquent tongue, a bold spirit, and a

capacity for command, had risen among them. Alarming

demonstrations of popular excitement occurred in the cities of

Perpignan, Montpellier, Narbonne, and others.

Then, in May, the discontented people gave formal notice that

they would refuse to pay taxes if all adulterate wine-making

was not summarily stopped by the 10th of June. At the

appointed time the threat was even more than made good, for

most of the municipal officers in the four departments of

Gard, Aude, Hérault, and the Pyrenees Orientales resigned and

the machinery of local government was dissolved. The

troublesome situation thus created was handled ably by Premier

Clemenceau. On one hand he secured new legislation from

Parliament against wine adulteration, while promptly ordering

troops to the region of revolt on the other. Marcelin Albert

and another leader, Dr. Ferroul, Mayor of Narbonne, were

arrested, and order was soon restored, though a few collisions

with turbulent crowds were attended with some loss of life.

The new laws enacted for the occasion were intended in part to

secure an annual record of the vineyard product of the country

that would enable the Government to keep knowledge of it from

the vine to the wine cask, and make fraudulent tampering with

it more difficult, at least.

{284}

FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (September).

Convention with Great Britain concerning Commercial Relations

with Canada.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1907-1909.

FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (November).

Treaty with Great Britain, Germany, Norway, and Russia,

guaranteeing the integrity of Norway.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (November).

Treaty with England concerning Death Duties.

See (in this Volume)

DEATH DUTIES.

FRANCE: A. D. 1907-1909.

Operation in Morocco.

Bombardment of Casablanca.

Fresh irritation of Germany.

Arbitration of the Casablanca incident.

Dethronement of Sultan Abd el Aziz by his brother, Mulai Hafid.

Franco-German Agreement.

See (in this Volume)

Morocco: A. D. 1907-1909.

FRANCE: A. D. 1908.

North Sea and Baltic Agreements.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1908.

FRANCE: A. D. 1908.

The Situation of the Catholic Church since the Separation

of Church and State.

A Church Organization impossible.

"To question whether the Catholics in France, who have alone

done more than the Catholics in any other nation for foreign

missions and for the propagation of the faith, will succeed in

maintaining the Church in their own country by private

contributions, will perhaps arouse astonishment. Nevertheless

it may be questioned. We do not doubt the generosity of our

people, but that which does give us concern is the

impossibility of organizing any revenue which can be

permanent. … The Church would be able to surmount the

difficulty if she had endowments, revenues, or property, as in

other countries. But that of course demands some regular

organization, some corporation or some body recognized by the

laws of the country and capable of acquiring, possessing, and

exercising ordinary property rights. We cannot state too

emphatically that such an organization for the Church is not

possible to-day in France. On one side the only body

authorized by the law to look after the material side of the

religious interests is the association cultuelle, or

local committee of public worship, as defined and regulated by

the Law of Separation. On the other side, this association

cultuelle has been declared by the Pope incompatible with

the hierarchical constitution of the Church of Rome, and the

bishops, the priests, and the Catholic laity, in obedience to

their Supreme Head, have abstained and will continue to

abstain from forming any such organization. Not only, then,

have there been no Catholic associations cultuelles to

receive from the state the portion of the former religious

property (the half perhaps) which we might have kept; but

there will be none in the future to receive a gift of any

kind. In the eyes of the law there is no diocese, no parish,

no corporation representing diocese or parish. The bishop and

the pastor are only individual citizens, Messrs. So-and-So.

They cannot hold property except as individuals, and what they

might receive for religious purposes cannot be handed down to

their successors,—it must revert only to their legal heirs. In

brief, no permanent body whatever can provide for the

maintenance of public worship.

"This is the situation with its almost insurmountable

difficulties. In all probability it will be a long time before

we escape from it."

Felix Klein,

The Present Difficulties of the Church in France

(Fortnightly Review, April, 1908).

FRANCE: A. D. 1908 (April).

Treaty with England, Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, and

Sweden, for maintenance of the Status Quo on the North Sea.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

FRANCE: A. D. 1908 (June).

Treaty with Japan, adjusting interests of each country

in the East.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1907 (JUNE).

FRANCE: A. D. 1908 (June).

Purchase of the Western Railway.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: FRANCE.

FRANCE: A. D. 1908-1909.

Operations in and around Morocco.

French Mauritanie.

Pushing French lines toward the West.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

FRANCE: A. D. 1908-1909.

Attitude on the question of the Austrian Annexation of

Bosnia and Herzegovina.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

FRANCE: A. D. 1909.

Socialism and the Socialist Parties.

The classes appealed to.

The leaders and the followers.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIALISM: FRANCE.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909.

A late awakening to the need of better Technical

and Industrial Training.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909.

Coöperative Organization in Agriculture.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR REMUNERATION: COOPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (January).

Elections to one-third of the French Senate.

Success of the Socialist-Radicals.

Endorsement of the Clemenceau Ministry.

Elections to the one-third of the French Senate which goes out

every third year were held on Sunday, the 3d of January, and

resulted heavily in favor of the party which calls itself

Socialist-Radical, holding a middle ground between the extreme

Socialists and the Moderate Republicans. M. Clemenceau, the

Premier, is of this party, and his administration had given it

great strength. He was one of the Senators whose term had

expired, and his constituents of the Var re-elected him by a

majority of 390, 46 more than they had formerly given him. Of

the 103 Senators chosen at this election the

Socialist-Radicals and Radicals (who work together) won 60,

giving them secure control of the Senate, where the Moderate

Republicans had been holding the balance of power. The latter

lost eighteen seats, while the Conservatives or Reactionists

of the Right added 1 to the 4 they had previously held. The

strength in France of a politically and practically restrained

sympathy with the economic ideas of Socialism was proved

signally in this election.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (January).

Amended Convention with Great Britain concerning Commercial

Relations with Canada.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1907-1909.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (March).

Appointment of Abbé Loisy to the Professorship of the

History of Religions in the College of France.

Early in March, 1909, the Abbé Loisy, most conspicuous of the

"Modernists" who had been condemned and denounced by the Pope,

was appointed by the Minister of Public Instruction to be

Professor of the History of Religions in the College de

France, filling the chair vacated by the death of M. Réville.

The appointment had been recommended by the authorities of the

College, which is reputed to be an institution entirely

devoted to "disinterested scientific research." Nevertheless,

the choice was looked upon at once as being prompted by a

motive of offensive antagonism to the Papacy.

{285}

The Abbé has had distinction for years among the masters of

the higher criticism, and five of his books were placed on the

"Index" by the church in 1903. The propositions characterized

as "Modernism" and condemned by the Pope in 1907 were largely

drawn from his writings. The Abbé replied to the condemnation,

and was excommunicated.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (March-May).

Serious strike of Government employés in the Telegraph and

Postal Service.

Overcome by the firmness of the Government.

Disciplinary proceedings.

Court decision against Trade Unions among

employés of the State.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH-MAY).

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (March-June).

Report of Parliamentary Commission on the Naval Administration.

Alarming conditions.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (April).

Reported reanimation of Clerical Anti-Republicanism.

"I learn on excellent authority," said an English

correspondent of the Press, writing from Paris in April, "that

the leaders of anti-clericalism in the French political world

are becoming somewhat concerned as to the rapid recrudescence

of the political religious orders, which, although suppressed,

are somehow managing to reestablish themselves in France. As

was recently pointed out by M. André Mater, in a Volume, ‘La

Politique Religieuse de la République Française,’ published

under the auspices of the ‘Committee for the defence abroad of

the religious policy of France,’ the French monks, and not the

French Bishops and priests, were almost entirely responsible

for the Vatican’s refusal to accept the three Separation Laws

which M. Briand, the then Minister of Public Worship, framed

in a conciliatory spirit towards the Roman Catholic Church,

and often with the assistance of the French Bishops

themselves. The French Government will certainly not allow the

religious orders to revive the old campaign of

anti-Republicanism, which has, in the opinion of many French

Roman Catholics, done so much to compromise the interests of

Roman Catholicism in this country."

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (June).

Earthquake on the Mediterranean coast.

See (in this Volume)

EARTHQUAKES: FRANCE.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (June-July).

Revised Naval Programme.

Changes in the Department of the Marine.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (July).

Discussion of the Navy Report in the Chamber of Deputies.

M. Clemenceau’s outbreak of passion.

His flings at M. Delcassé resented by the Chamber.

He is driven from office by its vote.

His Successor, M. Briand, and the New Cabinet.

A Socialist Statesman at the head of the Government.

When the report of the Parliamentary Commission on the Navy

and the Naval Administration came up for discussion in the

Chamber of Deputies, in July, it brought about the overthrow

of Prime Minister Clemenceau and his Cabinet in a singular

way.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

The report itself had not been seriously threatening to the

stability of the Ministry. Responsibility for the weaknesses

found in the Naval administration belonged evidently, in large

measure, to the predecessors of M. Clemenceau and his

colleagues, and they were united in maintaining that M.

Picard, who held the Marine portfolio, had done all that could

be done since he came to office towards reforming his

department. M. Picard himself spoke with an aggressive

boldness of self-justification in the debate. His speech, made

on the 20th of July, called out M. Delcassé, president of the

investigating Commission, who mounted the tribune and

delivered an attack on the Government, fierce with the

animosities of a long antagonism between M. Clemenceau and

himself. This angered the Premier to a degree, apparently,

which overpowered his usually clear judgment, and he retorted

in a speech which taunted M. Delcassé with references to that

Morocco affair in which he and France were subjected to

mortifications at the hands of Germany.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906).

It is a matter on which sore feeling exists naturally in

France, and concerning which the sympathy of the nation is

with M. Delcassé. Hence the Chamber resented Clemenceau’s

allusions to it, and Delcassé was cheered when he made a

passionate but dignified reply. The Premier would have needed

to be blind if he did not see that his own party was against

him in the tone he had given to the controversy; and yet he

proceeded to a repetition of the taunt he had flung at his

opponent before. What followed was thus described to the

readers of the London Times the next morning, by its

Paris correspondent:

"M. Clemenceau rose in face of a hostile Chamber, which had

been profoundly impressed by M. Delcassé, although on entering

the Palais Bourbon before the debate this afternoon not a

single member of the House had contemplated the possibility of

a division which would entail the fall of the Ministry and

expose all parties to the necessity of readjustments of

electoral arrangements under a new and untried Cabinet within

less than a year of the general election. M. Clemenceau said:—

"‘M. Delcassé has taken a great deal of trouble not to reply

to the only question which I put to him—namely, you were

Minister and you followed a policy which was bound to carry us

to one of the greatest humiliations.’

"It seemed, as one gazed down upon the House, that the entire

Chamber leapt as one man in indignant repudiation of this

sentence, which, moreover, had been truncated by this

spontaneous and concerted interruption. When the noise of the

slamming desks had died down, M. Clemenceau was heard to say:

"‘Oh, a truce to false indignation, I beg of you. You led us,

M. Delcassé, within a hair’s breadth of war and you did

nothing to prepare for any such policy by taking military

precautions. Everybody is aware that the Ministers of War and

of Marine were questioned, and that they declared that we were

not ready. (Loud protests.) I have not humiliated France, M.

Delcassé humiliated her.’

"As M. Clemenceau returned to his place, there could be no

doubt as to the temper of the House. A division was

immediately announced on an order of the day of confidence,

proposed by M. Jourde and accepted by the Government.

{286}

"The vote took place on priority in favour of this order of

the day amid the liveliest agitation. By 212 votes to 176

priority was rejected. As soon as the President had read out

the figures, M. Clemenceau and the Ministers rose, and leaving

the Government Bench filed out into the lobbies. Loud cheers

from the Right and the Extreme Left followed them to the door.

It was the fall of the Ministry which has enjoyed the longest

lease of life of any under the Third Republic.

"After holding a consultation at the Palais Bourbon, the Prime

Minister and his colleagues immediately proceeded to the

Elysee in order formally to tender their resignation.

President Fallières, who was at dinner and who had not heard

the result of the vote in the Chamber, was taken by surprise

and expressed regret at the departure of M. Clemenceau, with

whom he had collaborated so long. The short interview, which

lasted only ten minutes, concluded with a formal request on

the part of the President that M. Clemenceau and his

colleagues would continue to discharge the duties of their

respective Departments until the appointment of their

successors."

Though his colleagues went out of office with him, it was M.

Clemenceau, alone, who could be said to have "fallen." Even

that characterization of the occurrence was criticised by one

of his opponents, who said: "M. Clemenceau did not fall; he

plunged out of office." "The Chamber had no intention of

upsetting the Government," said one of the Republican journals

of Paris, "and an hour earlier, in fact, had loudly cheered

the Minister of Marine, M. Picard." In these circumstances it

was certain that the change of Ministry would make little

change in the character or policy of the Government. It did,

in fact, make no extensive change in even the personnel of the

Ministry; for six members of the Cabinet of M. Clemenceau

reappeared in its successor, and these included the new

Premier, M. Aristide Briand.

The choice of M. Briand for leadership in the Government

appears to have been made by a common consensus of opinion

that he was the one man pointed to by all the circumstances of

the case. As Minister of Public Worship he had shown a

temperateness of disposition and a political capacity, in

steering the country through the stormy achievement of the

separation of the State from the Church, which won high

admiration and esteem both at home and abroad. He had been

known as distinctly a Socialist, according to the full meaning

of the term in France, and had come into public life with the

prejudices raised against that brand of radicalism to contend

with. But he had given good proof that he could be practically

a statesman as well as theoretically a Socialist, and France

appeared to be fully willing to see the helm of Government put

into his hands. He is the first fully professed Socialist to

attain that position in a great State. In making up his

Cabinet he called into it two others of his own Socialist

sect, namely, M. Millerand, to be Minister of Public Works,

Posts, and Telegraphs, and M. Viviani to be Minister of Labor,

as he had been before. For himself he retained the Ministry of

Public Worship, and, with it, the Ministry of the Interior. Of

other important departments of the Government, that of Foreign

Affairs was reassumed by M. Pichon and that of Public

Instruction by M. Domergue. General Brun became Minister of

War and Admiral Boué de Lapcyrère, Minister of Marine. The

Cabinet appears to have been generally recognized as one of

exceptional strength.

On the 27th of July the new Premier spoke as such to the

Chamber of Deputies for the first time, and did so, it was

manifest, with impressive effect. "If I deemed my person to be

an element of discord in the Republican party," he said, "I

should ask you not to follow me. I could not suppose that

serious men would come to ask me to sort out, as it were, from

my old ideas those which experience has confirmed within me

and those which it has made me discard. If I had been base

enough to do that, my interpellators would be right if they

refused me their confidence. I come before you just as I am, a

man whom you all know. I have been working with you of the

majority for the last seven years. You know that I am not

afraid of ideas, and that my way of thinking is daring. The

Republic seems to me to be the germ of all progress, but I

admit only such ideas as are feasible. Je suis un homme de

réalisation. Those who have watched me know that full

well. If there be among you any who are still ignorant of

these facts, let them vote against me. I have as yet no

mandate from you. Tonight I may have one, but at present there

is still time for you to refuse to invest me with one."

At the close of the Premier’s address a motion of confidence

was made, and carried by 306 votes against 46.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (July).

French Deputies to lose pay when not in attendance

at the Chamber.

Voting by proxy is permitted in the French Chamber of

Deputies, and this encourages absenteeism. To correct that

result a remarkable rule was adopted by the Chamber at its

session of July 17. "The Socialist Deputy for the Cher, M.

Berton, aided by the Socialist Radical M. Dumont, induced the

House to adopt, by 441 votes to 77, a measure in virtue of

which ‘any Deputy who shall not have signed during six

consecutive sittings a certificate of attendance shall be

regarded as being absent without permission’ and deprived of

his pay. M. Pelletan, ex-Minister of Marine, who is, with men

like M. Brisson, President of the Chamber, the type of the old

Parliamentary hand of the Republican régime, protested

in vain against a conception of Parliamentary work which, as

he said, humiliated the representatives of France to the

position of schoolboys who have to be ruled with a rod of iron

lest they play truant. M. Brisson himself pointed out that the

proposal of the Socialist Deputies was seriously wanting in

respect for the national sovereignty, and he reminded his

colleagues that mere attendance in the Chamber was by no means

the only, nor necessarily the most effective, way of doing

one’s duty as Deputy.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (July).

The Pensioning of State Railway Employés.

The Pending Workman’s Pension Bill.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY: ITS PROBLEMS: FRANCE.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (October).

Abrogation of Commercial Agreements with the United States.

See (in this Volume)

TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (October).

Clerical attack on the Secular or Neutral Schools.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.

{287}

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (November).

Contemplated Reform in Criminal Court Procedure.

See (in this Volume)

LAW AND ITS COURTS: FRANCE.

FRANCE: A. D. 1910.

Destructive Floods in France, most seriously

in and around Paris.

Many parts of France suffered heavily from extraordinary

floods in the later half of January and the early days of

February, 1910; but Paris had the worst of the calamity to

bear. In its long history the city has been cruelly dealt with

many times by the waters of the Seine, which its quays and

bridges constrict and obstruct; but this latest experience

proved nearly the climax. It was comparable, at least, with a

historic flood that dates back to 1615. Large districts were

uninhabitable for days; half the streets and squares of the

city were under water: foundations of many of the grandest

buildings were being sapped, while sewers, subways, and

pavements were extensively destroyed. It was not until the

beginning of February that any subsidence of the waters

occurred, and far into the month before much restoration of

conditions could be taken in hand. The suffering meantime was

very great and the pecuniary damage immense.

----------FRANCE: End--------

FRANCO, JOÃO:

His drastic Government of Portugal.

See (in this Volume)

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

FREDERICK VIII.:

Succession to the Crown of Denmark.

See (in this Volume)

DENMARK: A. D. 1906.

FREE CHURCH, of Scotland.

See (in this Volume)

SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.

FREE ZONE, Mexican:

Its abolition.

For an account of the Free Zone:

See Volume VI. of this work,

MEXICAN FREE ZONE.

It went out of existence in 1905.

See (in this Volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.

FRIEDJUNG CASE, The.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

FRIARS’ LANDS, Governmental purchase of the.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902-1903.

FRY, Sir Edward.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: England: A. D. 1907-1909.

FULLER, Sir Bampfylde, Resignation of.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

FULTON CELEBRATION.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.

FURNESS, Sir Christopher:

His plan of Profit-sharing with Workmen.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR REMUNERATION: PROFIT-SHARING.

G.

GAELIC LEAGUE.

See (in this Volume)

IRELAND: A. D. 1893-1907.

GAGE, Lyman J.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905.

GALSTER, Vice-Admiral:

Argument for Submarines against "Dreadnoughts."

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1909.

GALVESTON PLAN OF MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

DES MOINES PLAN OF MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: GALVESTON.

GAMBLING:

Its suppression in Siam.

See (in this Volume)

SIAM: A. D. 1905.

GAMBLING: Race-track:

Legislation for its Suppression in the State of New York.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1908.

GAMBLING:

Legislation for its Suppression in Louisiana and

the District of Columbia.

In June, 1908, Louisiana followed the example of New York in

passing an Act for the suppression of race-track gambling.

There, as in New York, only exactly enough votes to pass the

bill were secured; one Senator was present for the final vote

in spite of illness which subjected him to the most serious

inconvenience, and one Senator had to be sought by messenger

with a motor-car and brought by an all-night ride ninety miles

through the Louisiana marshes. Within a few months past the

gamblers of the race track had been similarly placed under the

ban of the law in the District of Columbia.

GAMBLING:

Its Suppression in Japan.

The following was reported from Tokio, March 27, 1909:

"A tremendous effort has been made by the race-track element

in Japan to induce the government to retract and permit

betting upon the tracks, but Marquis Katsura, the premier, has

stood firm, and, for another year, at least, the race tracks

of the Empire will be without their favorite Pari Mutuel or

any other form of betting. This means in Japan practically an

end of horse-racing, and necessarily a heavy loss to the

stockholders in the various race tracks. The development of

racing in Japan was extremely rapid. From a single course

established at Yokohama by foreigners, at least half a dozen

tracks were in full swing when gambling was prohibited. So

flagrant were the cases of fraud and so numerous the examples

of ruin brought about by reckless betting that the government

suddenly put its foot down upon the whole thing."

GAMBLING:

Stock, and other Speculative Dealing.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

GAPON, Father George.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

GARCIA, Lugardo:

Deposed President of Ecuador.

See (in this Volume)

ECUADOR.

GARFIELD, HARRY A.: President of Williams College.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

GARFIELD, JAMES R.:

Commissioner of Corporations and Secretary of the Interior.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.

GARFIELD, JAMES R.:

Investigation of the "Beef Trust," so-called.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

GARFIELD, JAMES R.:

Investigation of the Standard Oil Company, and Report.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

GASOLINE ENGINE.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION.

GATUN DAM.

See (in this Volume)

PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1905-1909.

GAUNA, JUAN:

Revolutionary President of Paraguay.

See (in this Volume)

PARAGUAY: A. D. 1904.

GAUTSCH, BARON.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

{288}

GAYNOR, WILLIAM J.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D). 1909.

GEAY, Bishop.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

GENERAL EDUCATION BOARD.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

"GENERAL SLOCUM," Burning of the.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1904.

GEORGE, David Lloyd.

See (in this Volume)

LLOYD-GEORGE, DAVID.

GEORGE V., KING OF GREAT BRITAIN:

His accession to the Throne.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (MAY).

GEORGE JUNIOR REPUBLIC.

See (in this Volume)

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

GEORGEI POBIEDONOSETS, MUTINY ON THE.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

GEORGIA: A. D. 1908.

Abolition of the Convict Lease System.

See (in this Volume)

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

GEORGIA: A. D. 1908.

Suffrage Amendment to the Constitution.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

GEORGIA: A. D. 1909.

Railroad Strike.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

GEORGIAN BAY CANAL.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1909.

GERMAN EAST AFRICA:

Its parts suitable for European Settlement.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA.

GERMAN SOUTHWEST AFRICA.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA: GERMAN COLONIES.

----------GERMANY: Start--------

GERMANY:

Industrial Combinations, called Cartels.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: IN GERMANY.

GERMANY:

Matters relating to the Use of Alcoholic Liquors.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

GERMANY:

State and Municipal Dealings with the

Problems of Poverty and Unemployment.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1870-1905.

Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

GERMANY: A. D. 1898-1904.

Rise of Commercial Universities.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: GERMANY: A. D. 1898-1904.

GERMANY: A. D. 1900.

Comparative Statement of the Consumption of Alcoholic Drink.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (December).

Claims and Complaints against Venezuela communicated to the

United States.

The Reply.

Interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA A. D. 1901.

GERMANY: A. D. 1901-1902.

Industrial Crisis and succeeding Depression.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE: GERMANY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (March-May).

Measures for Germanizing the Polish Provinces of Prussia.

For many years past the Prussian Government had been exerting

itself to dilute the Polish population of its Polish

provinces, by settling German colonists in them and by buying

land from Polish owners. It now assumed a more aggressive

attitude of hostility toward that portion of its subjects, as

appeared from the temper of a speech by Count Bülow in the

Prussian legislature, in January of this year, on what he

characterized as "the most important concern of Prussian

politics at the present time." German property, be said "was

steadily passing into Polish hands," and "Polish lawyers,

Polish doctors, Polish contractors, were united in the attempt

to thrust the German element into the background." In support

of the Count’s position it was averred by others in the debate

that not only was Eastern Prussia being made Polish by the

rise of a vigorous Polish middle class, but that the Poles

already formed 10 per cent of the whole population of Prussia,

and were spreading in other parts of the Empire, holding

themselves generally apart from their German neighbors and

cultivating a national patriotism of their own.

In March the Prussian Government issued orders forbidding the

admission of immigrants from Russian Poland into Prussia

unless they brought not less than 400 marks of money in hand.

Two months later a bill was brought forward appropriating

250,000,000 marks for the purchasing of land in the Polish

provinces and for settling German colonists upon it. In

connection with this measure it was reported that, since the

buying of land for these purposes began, in Posen, the Poles

had acquired more from Germans than Germans had acquired

from Poles, to the extent of 76,611 acres. Hence more money

must be put into the game if it was to be played with effect.

The money was voted, though opposition to the policy which

makes enemies of the Poles, instead of Germanizing them by

friendly treatment, made a show of much strength.

"It was in 1886 that the Iron Chancellor started the fight

against the Poles by the expulsion of more than 50,000 Polish

labourers, natives of Austria and Russia. This measure not

only hit the poor people who were driven away, it also and

principally was directed against the Polish owners of large

landed estates in the Eastern provinces, who thereafter

experienced great difficulty in obtaining the necessary number

of farm-hands. This artificial scarcity of labour, together

with the great decrease in price of agricultural products

which had just taken place, entirely ruined many owners of

large estates, and there were therefore a great number who

wanted to sell. Bismarck then appointed a Committee of

Colonisation to buy Polish estates and parcel them out to

German peasant farmers. The necessary funds were provided for

by a sum of 100,000,000 marks (equal to £5,000,000) which was

placed at the disposal of the Committee.

"At the first moment the Poles were paralysed. What were they

to do to ward off such an attack aimed at the poorest among

them? But they kept up a good heart and did the only

reasonable thing: some wealthy Polish noble men furnished a

sum of 3,000,000 marks (equal to £150,000) whereby to fight

the mighty Prussian Government, with its Committee of

Colonisation and well-nigh inexhaustible financial resources.

With this capital of 3,000,000 marks a Polish land bank was

started for the purpose of buying estates and reselling them

in small holdings to Polish colonists. …

{289}

"It maybe guessed from what is already stated that the Poles

have not only been able to maintain their former hold on the

land, but actually as peaceable conquerors are marching

triumphantly westwards. This is also the case, but we need not

restrict ourselves to a guess, the ‘Statisches Jahrbueh für

den Preussischen Staat’ for 1903 containing ample

corroboration of it. According to this official handbook there

were parcelled out in the years 1896 to 1901, in the Provinces

of Posen and West Prussia, 7,828 estates by German activity,

containing 617,200 hectares, and 9,079 estates by Polish

activity, containing 213,700 hectares. Although the Germans

have parcelled out a very considerably larger area, the Poles

have bought and parcelled out a far greater number of

properties. The advantage thus obtained is put into an even

stronger light when we learn that during the same period by

this parcelling out there have been created only 15,941 German

farms, with an area of 155,200 hectares, as against 22,289

Polish farms, with an area of 95,800 hectares, for these

figures show that during these six years more than 6,000

Polish homes have been established over and above the number

of German homes planted on old Polish soil. Moreover the

advantage thus gained by the Poles has been increased during

the last two years."

Erik Givskov,

Germany and her Subjected Races,

Contemporary Review, June, 1905.

GERMANY: A. D. 1902.

The Imperial Pension Fund for Veterans.

A statement of the condition of the imperial pension fund for

the veterans of the wars of 1864, 1866, and 1870 showed that

this fund, which was established by setting apart $138,000,000

out of the war indemnity paid by France, had not for years

past been able to meet the claims made upon it out of the

income it produced. Recourse was had to appropriations of

capital, and the fund would consequently be exhausted in

course of time, probably not earlier than 1908 and not later

than 1910. All the expenses now covered by the fund would then

have to be incorporated in the ordinary estimates for the

Empire. The Prussian Minister for War had estimated that about

600,000 veterans of the former wars were still surviving.

Allowing 10,000 for those who had died since this estimate was

made, and allowing both for the 45,000 who already received a

pension and the 12,000 who depended upon the special fund at

the disposition of the Emperor, there remained over half a

million veterans who as yet received no support from the fund.

GERMANY: A. D. 1902.

New Tariff Law and changed Commercial Policy.

Attitude toward the United States.

See (in this Volume)

TARIFFS, CUSTOMS: GERMANY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (March-September).

Discussion of Alcoholic Drinking.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM: GERMANY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (June).

Renewal of the Triple Alliance.

See (in this Volume)

TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (August).

Curtailment of visits to their native country of

Expatriated Germans.

Principles asserted by the United States.

See (in this Volume)

NATURALIZATION.

GERMANY: A. D. 1902-1903.

Concessions for building the Bagdad Railway.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

GERMANY: A. D. 1902-1904.

Coercive proceedings against Venezuela concerted with

Great Britain and Italy.

Settlement of Claims secured.

Reference to The Hague.

Recognition given to the American Monroe Doctrine.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

GERMANY: A. D. 1903.

Elections for the Reichstag.

Large gains by the Socialists.

Their disability in Prussia.

Strong combination supporting the Imperial Government.

Brutality in the Army.

Prosecutions for Lèse Majesté.

State of Colonies.

General elections for the Reichstag, on the 16th of June,

1903, took notable significance from the fact that the

representation of the Social Democrats was increased from 58

to 81, and that these figures gave no full measure of their

actual gain in strength, since their votes in the election

rose in number from 2,107,000 in 1898 to 3,010,771. Had the

distribution of seats in the imperial legislature been fair to

the towns, instead of favoring the agricultural interests, the

Socialists would have gained more. In Berlin they won every

seat but one. Nevertheless, in the elections for the lower

house of the Prussian Landtag, which took place in November,

they could not carry a single seat in the kingdom, owing to

the ingenious disfranchisement of the common people which the

Prussian constitution accomplishes by its classification of

votes. Socialist gains in the Reichstag were made at the

expense of the Radicals, from whom it drew votes which

expressed, not so much conversion to Socialism as bitterness

of opposition to the government. Socialist and Radical

representatives together numbered only 111, against 224 in the

combination of Conservatives, Clericals, and National

Liberals, which gave the Ministry a more than ample support.

"The Social Democrats in Germany are increasing in power at

once steadily and rapidly; for, as Herr Bebel declares, every

speech the Emperor makes secures for them thousands of

adherents, adherents of whom quite a fair percentage now

belong to the Intelligentia—are lawyers, professors,

journalists, artists, etc. Already the party numbers nearly

seven million members; it owns seventy-five journals, of which

some thirty are issued daily; and the Berlin branch alone has

under its control a revenue of £20,000 a year. At the General

Election in 1874, their candidates received 351,671 votes; in

1884, although the Exceptional Laws were then in force, they

received 549,990 votes; and in 1893, 1,786,738. Thus, already

at that time they were numerically the strongest party in the

Empire, as the Ultramontanes received only 1,468,000 votes;

and the Conservatives, 1,038,300. At the 1898 General Election

no fewer than 2,120,000 votes were recorded for the

Socialists; and, at the last Election, that held only the

other day, some 3,000,000. Thanks to the Emperor’s speeches,

thanks, too, to the new Tariff, Herr Bebel and his friends

practically swept everything before them in the first ballot,

and captured seats everywhere—five out of the six in Berlin,

and, what is much more notable, eighteen out of the

twenty-three seats in Saxony, the most ultra-Conservative and

clerical of all the States. Were every constituency of equal

size in Germany, and thus every vote of equal value, the

Socialist Party would already to-day be the dominant party in

the Reichstag."

Edith Sellers,

August Bebel

(Fortnightly Review, July, 1903).

{290}

Throughout the year 1903 much excitement of feeling was caused

by the many complaints that were brought against officers of

the army for brutal and insolent treatment of soldiers. No

less than 180 convictions are said to have been obtained in

the course of the single year, for cruelty in the use of the

power which military rank confers. Several soldiers were found

to have committed suicide to escape from the suffering and

humiliation of their life in the service. Another excitement

of angry discussion came often from the many prosecutions for

lèse-majesté that were instituted at this time. In both

matters, a potent corrective was applied, without doubt, by

the public feeling stirred up.

An official report at the end of the year 1903 showed the

total number of Germans in the German colonial possessions in

Africa and the South Seas was only 5,125, more than a fourth

of the number being officials or in the military force. Since

1884 Germany had expended on its colonies about $75,000,000.

GERMANY: A. D. 1903.

Adoption of a new Child Labor Law.

See (in this Volume)

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS WORKERS.

GERMANY: A. D. 1903 (October).

Opposition to Socialism among Workmen.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIALISM: GERMANY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1904.

Arrangement of Professorial Interchanges between German

and American Universities.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

GERMANY: A. D. 1904.

Rivalry with England in the Persian Gulf.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1904.

GERMANY: A. D. 1904-1905.

Wars with Natives in German African Colonies.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1904-1905, and 1905.

GERMANY: A. D. 1904-1905.

Startling Increase of Labor Conflicts,

compared with previous five years.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1905.

The Emperor’s Statement of his Peace Policy based

on Preparation for War.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

GERMANY: A. D. 1905.

Effect of the Russo-Japanese War on the Triple Alliance.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

GERMANY: A. D. 1905.

Action with other Powers in forcing Financial Reforms

in Macedonia on Turkey.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1906.

Raising the Morocco Question.

The Kaiser’s Speech at Tangier.

Demand for an International Conference.

The Conference at Algeciras.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1909.

The Spirit of the Struggle between Workmen and Capitalists.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1909.

GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

Extensions of Popular Rights in Würtemburg, Baden, Bavaria,

Saxony, Saxe Weimar, and Oldenburg.

A Comedy of Election Reform in Prussia.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

Enormous Results derived from Technical Education.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: GERMANY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

German Settlements in Brazil.

See (in this Volume)

BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.

GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

Popular Demand for better Representation in Prussia

and elsewhere.

School "Strike" in Polish Provinces.

Dissatisfaction with Colonial Policy.

Refusal in the Reichstag of Increased Appropriations.

Dissolution by the Emperor.

Result of the Elections.

Popular Vote heavily against the Government.

Incongruous Coalition or "Bloc" secured by the Chancellor.

The democratic demand in Prussia and in some other German

States, for a better representation in the legislatures than

is afforded by their odious schemes of class election, became

turbulent in the early part of 1906, and was met by strong

military preparations for resistance by the Government.

Notable demonstrations of popular feeling occurred in several

cities, but with proceedings of violence only at Hamburg.

Nothing was yielded to the demand; it was simply defied.

The hard Prussian determination to crush out Polish sentiment

in the Prussian provinces of the kingdom was relentlessly

pursued. Polish children in the schools were required to

receive religious instruction in the German language, and

punished if they refused to answer questions in that tongue.

This provoked a "strike" which took over 100,000 pupils out of

the schools. In dealing with it, the Government both fined and

imprisoned parents, and even sent children to a reformatory,

on the ground that their parents were incapable of giving them

proper care.

The affairs of the German colonies in Africa became the

subject of most heated and important discussion in the

Reichstag during the last months of 1906. Both in German

Southwest Africa and in German East Africa the obstinate

revolts of native tribes were unsubdued, and the wars in the

former were still requiring nearly 15,000 troops. The total

German losses in Southwest Africa since the beginning of the

outbreak of Hereros, Hottentots, and Witbois, were reported to

have been 1750 killed, 900 wounded, 2000 disabled by disease.

Popular feeling seemed to be turning very strongly against the

whole colonial policy of the Empire. The economic promises of

the undertaking were not looked upon as satisfactory.

Statistical reports of the German capital invested in all

German colonies excepting Kiao-chau, in China, showed a total

of 370,000,000 marks ($92,500,000) of which 250,000,000 marks

were classed as remunerative, 100,000,000 as

"underdevelopment," 12,000,000 as unremunerative, and

8,000,000 as missionary property. The capital value of the

total productions of German colonies was estimated at

616,000,000 marks ($154,000,000), half of which came from the

Kameruns and Togo; but the revenue was only balancing the cost

of administration. Ugly stories, moreover, of barbarity in the

treatment of the natives, of official misconduct in other

forms, and of private monopolies permitted, were told. On the

whole, the colonial situation had created a temper in the

Reichstag which was not friendly to the demand of the

Government for increased appropriations to that department of

administration. Even the Centrum or Clerical party, on which

the Ministry counted for the reinforcing of the Conservatives

of "the Right," refused the grant, and joined the Liberals,

the Socialists, the Polish deputies, and other discontented

groups in voting it down. As soon as the vote was announced,

Chancellor Bülow arose and read a decree dissolving the House,

which the Emperor had signed, in expectation of the defeat,

that morning, December 13.

{291}

It is a provision of the Constitution of the German Empire

that "in the case of a dissolution of the Reichstag, new

elections shall take place within a period of sixty days".

See (in Volume I.)

CONSTITUTION OF GERMANY.

The elections were appointed accordingly for the 25th of

January, 1907. The preparatory canvass, compressed within six

weeks, was one of extraordinary vigor, especially on the side

of the Government, even the Emperor, as well as the

Chancellor, making personal appeals. The efforts of the latter

were directed especially against the party of the Center, from

its past dependence on which for support the Government was

most anxious to escape. These efforts were so little

effective, however, that the Centrists gained two seats in the

election, carrying 110. The heaviest losers were the

Socialists, who, though they gained a quarter of a million of

electoral votes, yet secured 36 fewer representatives in the

Reichstag than they had before, electing only 43.

Regarded as a plebiscite, the election went heavily

against the government. That is to say, if the elected

Reichstag had been truly representative of the popular vote,

the Government could have made no combination of parties in it

that would have given it support. As it was, the voters were

so unequally represented that Chancellor Bülow was able, by

dexterous compromises, to make up a precarious coalition, or

"bloc," of Conservatives with National Liberals, and even

Radicals, against Socialists, Clericals or Centrists, Poles,

etc., which carried his administration through nearly three

subsequent years.

Somewhat detailed, the election resulted as follows: The

parties which gave subsequent support to the Government for a

time secured 215 seats in the Reichstag, gaining 33, thus

distributed:

Conservatives     108 (gain 13);

National Liberals  56 (gain  5);

Radicals           51 (gain 15).

The parties in opposition won 182 seats,—a net loss among

them of 33,—thus:

Center                110 (gain  2);

Socialists             43 (loss 36);

Poles, Alsatians, etc. 29 (gain  1).

The popular vote in the election was divided among these

parties as follows:

In the parties of the "bloc"—

Conservatives (including Agrarians,

Anti-Semites, etc.)                    2,235,000

National Liberals                      1,655,000

Radicals                               1,226,000

Total for Government                   5,116,000

In the Opposition—

Socialists                             3,259,000

Center                                 2,262,000

Poles, etc.                              626,000

Total against the Government.          6,147,000

To show what the Socialist vote really indicated, the

following statement of the vote cast and the seats won by that

party in successive elections of the past twenty years is

interesting.

Vote.     Seats won.   Seats that equal apportionment

would have given.

1887    763,000     11            40

1890  1,427,000     35            80

1893  1,787,000     44            92

1898  2,107,000     56           108

1903  3,011,000     79           125

1907  3,259,000     43           116

It is evident that the surface-show of results in the election

cannot be taken for a true indication of the prevalent state

of mind in the Empire. The Centrists or Clericals, for

example, elected more than twice as many deputies as the

Socialists, by nearly 1,000,000 votes less. The Socialists

polled about 250,000 votes more than in 1903, and yet lost 36

seats. The inequity in the apportionment of representatives

which produced this travesty of representation had some

beginning, no doubt, in the organization of the imperial

system, thirty-six years before; but it had been aggravated by

the enormously disproportionate growth of cities ever since.

That one constituency in Berlin, with a present population of

nearly 700,000, had the same representation as a town of

60,000 people, is doubtless an extreme instance of the

inequalities that had come about, but the distortion was

universal, and altogether in favor of the country landowning

class. The Socialists polled some 250,000 more votes than in

1903, and this was reckoned as an increase substantially

commensurate with the general growth of population in four

years. Hence socialism may be said to have neither gained nor

lost footing in the empire; but hitherto it had been showing

rapid gains.

"The Centrum is one of the queerest, most paradoxical parties

to be found in any country. It is usually called ultramontane

by its enemies because it has its raison d’être in

safeguarding the interests of the Catholic Church; yet it has

not scrupled at times to disregard the wishes of the Vatican

in respect to German internal affairs; and the Vatican, on its

part, carefully avoids identifying its interests with those of

the Centrum, since it is sure of getting better results

through direct diplomatic action at Berlin. ‘The Centrum is an

incalculable party,’ said Prince Bülow last winter in a

campaign letter; ‘it represents aristocratic and democratic,

reactionary and liberal, ultramontane and national policies.’

The party lives upon a reminiscence, its defeat of Bismarck in

the Kulturkampf; but since that time it has been

without any sound reason for its existence. …

See, in Volume II. of this work,

GERMANY: A. D. 1873-1887.

"The government’s attempt to break the power of the Centrum

had already been tried by Bismarck in 1887 and again by

Caprivi in 1893, and it had failed. Bülow’s step was

accordingly a display of courage which the country had not

been accustomed to expect from him. His breach with the

Centrum, however, proved a most popular issue with the

non-Catholic electorate; a thrill of exultation was its first

response to the dissolution, and this feeling persisted

throughout the campaign. Many of the most intelligent voters

had hitherto stood aloof from politics owing precisely to the

predominance of the Centrum; but they now greeted with

enthusiasm the opportunity to extricate the government from

its yoke. University professors, artists, and literary men

organized an ‘Action Committee’ which plied these stay-at-home

Intellektuellen with campaign literature."

W. C. Dreher,

The Year in Germany

(Atlantic Monthly, December, 1907).

{292}

As stated and illustrated above, the election gave the

Government no majority of natural supporters. For the carrying

of its measures it was left dependent on a coalition of

Liberal with Conservative votes. The alliance was an

incongruous one, produced by nothing but a common opposition

to Socialists and Clericals, and it brought the Liberals into

an utterly false position. Within the first year there were

signs of a Liberal revolt from it: whereupon the chancellor

made known that he would resign if the supporting coalition or

"bloc" was not maintained. To avoid such a governmental crisis

the Liberals were said to have given promises of continued

support.

The attitude thus assumed by the German chancellor toward the

Reichstag is practically that of an English prime minister

toward the House of Commons, and it creates a precedent which

must make it very difficult, if not impossible, for imperial

ministers to recover the defiantly independent posture of

former times. Without verbal amendment, perhaps, but

incidentally and informally, by force of circumstances, the

absolutist features of the German constitution are manifestly

dropping away.

GERMANY: A. D. 1907.

Statistics of Population.

Birth Rate and Death Rate.

"The official report upon public health in Prussia for the

year 1907 has just been published [May, 1909], and includes

the latest available statistics regarding the movement of the

population of Germany. The figures confirm the view, which is

not always admitted, that a satisfactory decrease in the

death-rate is still accompanied by a persistently

unsatisfactory decrease in the birth-rate.

"Prussia may be regarded, roughly, as comprising two-thirds of

the German Empire. The population of the empire on December 1,

1905, was 60,641,278, and the population of Prussia was

37,293,324. On January 1, 1907, the population of Prussia was

37,908,104. During the year 1907 the excess of births over

deaths was 578,687, as compared with 595,942 in 1906, 514,941

in 1905, 562,387 in 1904, and 527,263 in 1903. Although the

Prussian figures are not always a sufficient index, it may be

estimated that the excess of births over deaths in the whole

empire during 1907 did not exceed 900,000. The comparatively

satisfactory total increase of population is due to a decline

in the death-rate to 17.96 per 1,000 of the population—the

lowest rate ever recorded. In Silesia, in Hohenzollern, and in

both West and East Prussia the rate exceeds 20 per 1,000. In

the city of Berlin, on the other hand, the rate is 15.62, and

in Berlin (outside the city) only 14.79. For the most part a

high death-rate is set off by a high birth-rate. In Westphalia

and the Rhine Province alone is a high birth-rate accompanied

by a death-rate below the average. As regards ages at which

death occurred, the statistics show a considerable decrease in

infant mortality, although deaths under the age of one year

were 31.14 per cent., or nearly one-third, of the whole number

of deaths. While the death-rate was in 1907 the lowest ever

recorded in Prussia, the birth-rate was the most

unsatisfactory. The total number of births was less by 10,621

in 1907 than in 1906, and was actually less by 1,058 than in

the year 1901. The birth-rate per 1,000 inhabitants declined

to 33.23, as compared with 34.00 in 1906, 33.77 in 1905, and

35.04 in 1904."

Berlin Correspondence London Times,

May 27, 1909.

The same correspondent reported, June 19, a further

publication of statistics, which prove the Prussian returns,

previously given, "to have been a fairly accurate index to the

movement of population in the whole Empire. There is a marked

decline in the birth-rate, which fell to 33.2 per 1,000

inhabitants, as compared with 34.08 in 1906. The death-rate

fell to 18.98, as compared with 19.20 in 1906. The excess of

births over deaths was 882,624, as compared with 910,275 in

1906. The excess, however, of births over deaths (natural

increase of population) was greater in 1907 than in any

previous year except 1906 and 1902 (902,243). The decline in

the birth-rate, which stood at 41.64 in 1877, 38.33 in 1887,

and 37.17 in 1897, as compared with 33.2 in 1907, as now

attributable to a falling off in the number of births in every

part of the Empire except Westphalia, and in Westphalia the

number of births is not quite keeping pace with the total

growth of population. The decrease in the number of births in

the whole Empire in 1907 was 23,766, or 1.1 per cent. In

Saxony the decrease was 3 per cent., and East Prussia, West

Prussia, and Pomerania show about the same percentage. As

regards the death-rate, which stood at 28.05 in 1877, 25.62 in

1887, and 22.52 in 1897, as compared with 18.98 in 1907, there

is a steady decline in the infant mortality rate in all parts

of the Empire, but especially in large towns."

GERMANY: A. D. 1907.

Rapid Decrease of Agricultural Population.

"The results of a census of occupations, taken in December of

1907, has just been published and shows a remarkably rapid

shifting of the population of Prussia from agriculture to

industry and trade. The number of persons engaged in industry

and trade was increased by 1,500,000 from 1895 to 1907, while

the number engaged in agriculture was decreased by 500,000.

This means that the non-farming population rose from 50 to 66

per cent. in twelve years."

Press Report from Berlin,

February, 1909.

GERMANY: A. D. 1907.

Financial Situation.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

GERMANY: A. D. 1907 (November).

Treaty with Great Britain, France, Norway, and Russia,

guaranteeing the Integrity of Norway.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

GERMANY: A. D. 1907-1908.

The Scandals connected with the Trials of Editor Harden.

Maximilian Harden, editor of the Zukunft, made attacks

on the character of Prince Eulenburg and Count Kuno von

Moltke, in 1907, on account of which the latter brought a

libel suit against him. "The charges not only affected the

character of the persons accused, but affirmed that they had

constituted a kind of kitchen cabinet, or ‘Camarilla,’ and had

again and again given the Emperor misleading information and

had exerted a very unfortunate influence over him. The case

aroused intense interest throughout Germany, and indeed

throughout Europe; and in spite of the unspeakable nature of

the charges, the testimony was widely reprinted, and much more

frankly, it may be said in passing, than would have been

possible for the yellowest journalism in this country. Harden

was acquitted, and the plaintiff was sentenced to pay the cost

of the suit.

{293}

Taking into account the exalted political position of the

accused, and the great respect in which the Imperial court is

held in Germany, this action of a German judge was regarded as

sustaining the high character of the German courts for

independence. A criminal suit was then brought by the public

prosecutor, at the instigation of Count von Moltke and his

associates, on the charge that Harden had committed an offense

against public morals. On this trial the same witnesses

appeared as on the former trial, but a great change had taken

place in their memory of the transactions to which they had

testified on the first trial. They either contradicted or

repudiated their former statements to such a degree that their

evidence was discredited and Harden’s defense was broken down.

Harden was found guilty and sentenced to four months’

imprisonment. What changed the attitude of the witnesses is a

matter of guesswork. It has been charged that their change of

front was due to very powerful influences brought to bear upon

them."

The Outlook,

January 18, 1908.

An appeal was taken by Harden to a higher court. Official

investigations which followed the trials resulted in the

court-martialing of Count Lynar and General Hohenau, the

former of whom was sentenced to fifteen months’ imprisonment,

while the latter was acquitted. In May, 1908, Prince Eulenburg

was arrested on charges of immorality, but appears to have

been so shattered in health that he could not be brought to

trial. Substantially, Editor Harden has been vindicated.

GERMANY: A. D. 1907-1909.

Opposition to the "Navy Fever."

Views of Herr von Holstein and Admiral Galster.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1909.

GERMANY: A. D. 1908.

Maintenance of the "Bloc."

Two good measures of legislation.

Revision of the Bourse Law and the law regulating meetings

and association.

More vigorous Germanizing of Polish Prussia.

"Although many members of the Bloc thought its enemies

justified in predicting that it would speedily break down, the

combination did hold together during the past session. It did

more; it passed at least two good laws. It revised the Bourse

Law in a manner fairly satisfactory to the financial

community, so that swindling speculators will henceforth find

it less easy to get the sanction of the courts for repudiating

debts incurred in stock operations. Another law regulates for

the first time on a national basis the right of assembly and

association, which had hitherto been in the hands of the

individual states. It is interesting to note that this is

another important step in the centralizing tendency in

Germany. …

"The measure foreshadowed in my last article for the forcible

acquisition of Polish estates was duly laid before the Diet.

The discussion of the bill brought out intense antagonisms,

and the line of cleavage between the parties was not along

Bloc lines. The Radicals joined with the ‘Centrum’ in opposing

the dispossession of the Poles. As finally passed, the bill

gives the Government the right to acquire, under the law of

eminent domain, a maximum of 174,000 acres in the provinces of

Posen and West Prussia, and to borrow $65,000,000 for this

purpose and for further prosecuting settlement work. The final

reading of the bill in the House of Lords stirred that usually

somnolent body to a remarkable degree. The vote there showed

how deeply, and on what uncommon lines, this radical measure

had divided the minds of the people. While most of the titled

lords of the land, including many intimate friends of the

Kaiser, voted against dispossession, the university professors

and mayors of liberal municipalities voted mostly for it."

W. C. Dreher,

The Year in Germany

(Atlantic, January, 1909).

In his advocacy of this measure Prince Bülow proclaimed the

reasons for it without reserve. "Can we " he asked, "do

without the two Polish provinces, one of which begins within

75 miles of Berlin? That is the crucial point of the

situation; there is no doubt about it. Our eastern provinces

constitute the point of least resistance in the public body.

We dare not wait until the grave disease, with its probable

irreparable consequences, sets in." An English view of the

measure is presented in the following:

"Prince Bülow is only developing the policy of Bismarck, who

perceived, as Frederick the Great did before him, that the

possession of Posen was vital to the Prussian State, and who

held that the surest way to secure that province was to plant

German settlers on Polish land. The strategical importance of

Posen has been a cardinal article in the political and

military creed of all Prussian statesmen and soldiers for

generations. Posen is of far more importance to Prussia than

is Ireland to Great Britain, and the true motives which have

induced Prussian statesmen to make the agrarian proposals

embodied in Prince Bülow’s Bill are to be found not in their

comparatively trifling difficulties with Liberals, Radicals,

and Revolutionists at home, but in the foreign policy of the

Court of Berlin. …

"That portion of Poland which was given to Prussia by the

Congress of Vienna has been administered by that Power in

accordance with the spirit of Frederick the Great. The object

of Frederick was to develop the intellectual and material

resources of his Polish possessions, making them an integral

part of the Prussian monarchy, and gradually eliminating all

recollections on the part of the Poles of their having once

been an independent nation. This policy to be successful

should be carried out by officials with intellects as clear,

if not as powerful, as that possessed by Frederick himself.

The Prussian officials, however, who have administered Posen

since 1815, have not always risen to the height of their

mission. Edward Henry v. Flottwell, who was charged with the

government of the province from 1830 to 1840, alone understood

the conditions of success. He knew that in politics it is as

mischievous as it is futile to endeavour to reconcile the

irreconcilable. The efforts made in that direction after 1815

strengthened the revolutionary spirit in Posen. On the

retirement of Flottwell, Frederick William IV. tried again to

propitiate Polish national feeling, with the result that the

irreconcilable forces grew in strength, and in March, 1848,

the Poles were the driving-power of the Revolutionary movement

in Berlin. …

"As far as international life is concerned the true

significance of the Polish question is in the relations it has

created between the three great Northern Powers. Those between

Prussia and Russia have in consequence become extremely

intimate. At the present moment that intimacy is as great, if

not greater, than at any previous time.

{294}

Besides the German Ambassador at St. Petersburg and the

Russian Ambassador at Berlin, there is a German military

officer at St. Petersburg, and a Russian military officer at

Berlin, who are especially charged to convey intimate

communications between the Czar and the Kaiser. In spite of

the alliance between Russia and France, which was concluded by

the former Power, mainly for financial reasons, and which has

never much disturbed the equanimity of Berlin, it is quite

certain that in no conceivable circumstances will there be a

real breach between Prussia and Russia. The Government of the

Kaiser must and will make every possible concession to Russia

rather than provoke a serious breach. This is the true

inwardness of the policy as regards Poland. As long as Posen

continues Polish Germany will be largely dependent on Russia."

Rowland Blennerhassett,

The Significance of the Polish Question

(Fortnightly Review, March, 1908).

Dr. Dillon, who reviews European politics regularly for the

Contemporary Review, says with positiveness that the

Polish expropriation bill was passed "against the better

judgment of press, bar, gentry, political parties and people."

He cites it as an illustration of the absolute domination

under which the Prussian legislature is held, and maintains

that national feeling and opinion have, practically, no

influence over Prussian policy and no weight in the conduct of

Prussian affairs. Concerning motives behind the Polish

expropriation, this well-informed writer reports it to be a

prevalent belief in Austrian and other political circles that

the bill was driven through as a military measure, in

anticipation of some future hostile alliance between Russia

and Great Britain. It seems to be the belief that the Kaiser,

if not his ministers, is haunted with the expectation of a war

to be fought with those powers in combination, and is

determined that, if a British fleet in the Baltic is ever

coöperating with a Russian army, there shall be a population

of patriotic Germans instead of disaffected Prussian Poles

between them and Berlin.

GERMANY: A. D. 1908.

The leading motive of German Foreign Policy officially stated.

The Principle of the "Open Door."

Colonial Expansion unnecessary.

"Usually it has been stated that Germany has an annual

increase of population of 800,000, that these new masses must

be supported by manufactories, and that the German Empire will

thus be forced, with or against its will, into expansion, in

order to procure the raw material and to establish the

requisite markets for its industrial growth. The annexation of

Holland and Flemish Belgium, containing Antwerp, is described

as a mere preliminary necessary to make possible such measures

of expansion. Germany must enlarge its maritime basis, and

should have control of the Lower Rhine and its harbors. To the

alien, these arguments may seem plausible enough. Whoever is

acquainted with existing conditions, however, knows that,

though seemingly plausible, this is not the truth.

"In the first place, it is not true that colonial expansion is

a necessity for Germany, resulting from its industrial growth.

The impetus given to German commerce and German manufactures

is to be ascribed far more to the increase in the buying

capacity of other nations—England, France, Russia or

America—than to all the German colonies combined. Germany

needs no colonies; what she wants is merely free competition

on all seas, the open door, and the right to cooperate freely

on an equal footing with all other commercial and industrial

nations, in opening up new and as yet unopened districts and

markets. Hence the principle of the open door is the leading

motive of the foreign policy pursued by Germany. It is the red

thread that winds itself through the Eastern-Asiatic, the

Oriental and the Moroccan policy of the German Empire. The

high quality of all German products obviates the necessity of

unfair preferences accruing to political power. All they need

is a fair chance to compete on equal terms with other

countries. The world is large enough, and rich enough, in

still dormant possibilities, to admit of a pacific

co-operation by all nations in this great work."

Baron von Speck-Sternburg,

Imperial German Ambassador to the United States,

The Truth about German Expansion

(North American Review, March, 1908).

GERMANY: A. D. 1908.

Amendment to Industrial Code.

Hours of Labor.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

GERMANY: A. D. 1908.

Remarkable Decrease of Emigration.

See (in this Volume)

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: GERMANY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1908.

North Sea and Baltic Agreements.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1908.

GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (January).

Institution of Juvenile Courts.

See (in this Volume)

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (April).

Passage of Law defining for the Empire at large the Rights

of Association and Public Meeting.

The rights of association and public meeting were determined

for the Empire at large by an enactment of the Reichstag, for

the first time, in April, 1908. Hitherto each State had

regulated these fundamental matters of political freedom by

legislation of its own, some with considerable latitude, and

others, especially in the North German States, with a narrow

restraint, subject, in an intolerable degree, to the

discretion or will of the police. The national law now brought

into force, superseding the local legislation, enlarged

greatly the liberty of citizens to associate themselves for

legitimate purposes and to hold public meetings. An attempt to

forbid the use of any foreign language at public meetings was

defeated; but public speaking in other languages was

sanctioned only in districts where 60 per cent, of the

population use the foreign tongue. This does not apply,

however, to international congresses in Germany, or to

meetings of electors for the election of legislative

representatives, Federal or State; and the States have some

privilege of modifying the rule.

GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (April).

Treaty with Denmark, England, France, the Netherlands, and

Sweden, for maintenance of the Status Quo on the North Sea.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (November).

Excitement in Europe over a published Interview

with the Emperor.

What may fairly be called a "row" in the European world, and

of the greatest liveliness in Germany itself, arose, early in

November, 1908, from the appearance in the London

Telegraph of a reported interview with the Emperor by

"a representative Englishman who long since passed" it was

said, "from public into private life."

{295}

The writer characterized it as "a calculated indiscretion,"

which was expected to prove of great public service, by

removing misconceptions of the Emperor’s feelings toward the

English. The effect produced by the publication left no doubt

of its indiscretion, but proved likewise that it had been very

badly miscalculated. In his anxiety to convince the English of

his friendliness to them the talkative Emperor made known that

France and Russia, during the Boer War, had invited him to

join them in a demand on England to stop it, and claimed

credit for having prepared for the British army in that war a

plan of campaign, which could be found at Windsor Castle, and

which was on lines that Lord Roberts had followed in his

subsequent operations to a large extent.

How flattering this story was to English pride, and how

pleasing to the Governments of Russia and France, might be

imagined very easily; but it would not have been so easy to

anticipate the outbreak of anger that it exploded in Germany.

The Empire itself was surprised by that. It had been

submissive to so many "indiscretions" of speech from its

Kaiser that it could hardly have expected to be moved

excitedly by anything from the imperial lips. But, with the

indiscretion in this case, there seemed to be a reckless

interference with the appointed organs provided for dealing

with foreign affairs, doing mischief to the whole system of

governmental administration. This proved, however, to be less

the fact than appeared. According to subsequent explanations,

the Emperor had sent the manuscript of the interview (which

embodied the substance of a number of conversations with

several Englishmen) to the Chancellor, Prince von Bülow, for

his judgment on it, and the latter, not recognizing its

character, had not read it, but passed it to a subordinate,

who simply verified the facts stated in it and returned it to

the Emperor as approved.

This revelation convicted the Chancellor very clearly of a

careless performance of duty in his office, and laid on him a

large share of responsibility for the mischievous publication.

He offered his resignation to the Emperor and it was refused.

Constitutionally he was responsible only to the Emperor; the

Reichstag could not hold him to account, in any practical way,

nor did it attempt to do so; but there was such plain speaking

in the Chamber from all parties, Conservative, Liberal, and

Radical, during two days of debate, November 11 and 12, as

never had been heard in Germany before. Whatever the language

of the Constitution might be, it was made known beyond a

question, then and in a later discussion, that Germany

expected the crowned head of its Government to conduct

himself—in the words of one speaker—as "the first servant of

the State," preserving his own august irresponsibility only by

acting and speaking in public matters, through ministers

responsible to the elected representatives of the people. "We

wish," said Herr Bassermann, leader of the National Liberals

"so far as it is possible, for trustworthy guarantees against

the intervention of the personal regime," and before he sat

down he declared with the approval of the House; "It is the

desire of my friends that the Kaiser should be thoroughly

informed with regard to these proceedings. … Although fully

convinced that even these utterances of our Kaiser sprang from

his deep anxiety for the welfare of his people, we must give

expression to the earnest desire that the Kaiser will, in his

political activity, impose upon himself the reserve proper to

a Constitutional ruler."

Dr. Wiener, for the Radicals, corroborated the previous

speaker by declaring that the article in question had filled

the entire nation with embitterment, consternation, and rage,

because it was felt that "confidence in our trustworthiness

had been shaken. Everywhere it had been recognised that

Germany’s prestige had received a severe blow." The trend of

his speech was to show that the so-called "interview" had been

interpreted in Germany as a crass specimen of personal regime

which was distasteful to the nation in its entirety.

Constitutional Government was what was wanted: the Minister,

not the Sovereign, should be responsible to the people.

Prince Hatzfeld, of the Imperial party, who stands in great

favor with the Kaiser, impressed upon the House that the

Chancellor and not the wearer of the crown was the responsible

personage in the State. Prince von Bülow, speaking on the

first day of debate, declared that grave injury had been

caused by the publication in the Daily Telegraph. He

added that immediately on reading the article in question, as

to the disastrous consequences of which he could not for a

moment be in doubt, he sent in his resignation, taking upon

himself full responsibility for the mistakes which had been

made in handling the manuscript. And he followed this up with

the following significant statement: "Gentlemen! recognition

that the publication of these utterances has not in England

had the effect anticipated by his Majesty the Emperor, and, on

the other hand, in Germany has called forth great excitement

and painful regret, will—this firm conviction I have won in

these sad days—induce his Majesty the Kaiser in future to

impose upon himself, even in his private conversations, that

reserve which is indispensable to a consistent policy and to

the authority of the Crown. If that were not so, neither I nor

any of my successors could accept responsibility for it."

Proposals of amendment to the Constitution, carrying such

ministerial responsibility into the fundamental law, were

advocated without success; but the unwritten constitution

which public opinion moulds slowly in every country took a

notable shaping from these debates.

For some time the Emperor was very silent, and kept himself

unusually retired. Having occasion to speak publicly at Berlin

on the 21st of November, when the centennial of the formation

of the City Council was celebrated, it was reported that

"Prince von Bülow stepped forward and impressively handed him

a printed sheet," from which, contrary to his custom, he read

his remarks.

GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

Attempted Reform of Imperial Finance and its Defeat.

Breaking of Chancellor Bülow’s "Bloc" in the Reichstag by

the Government’s project of New Taxes.

Triumph of the Agrarian Interests in renewed Coalition

with the Center.

Resignation of Chancellor Bülow.

His successor.

Expenditure outrunning income from year to year—thanks mainly

to the burden of army and navy—with deficits made good by

loans, mortgaging the future in an ever-growing public debt,

had forced the Government, in 1908, to a resolution, not that

the imperial expenditure on armament must be cut down, but

that imperial taxation must be increased.

{296}

The Governments of the Federated States, which are directly

represented, as such, in the Federal Council, were assenting

parties to this conclusion, and the resulting measure was

regarded, in all the proceedings which followed, as emanating

essentially from that senatorial branch of the Parliament of

the Empire.

Preparatory to the undertaking, a new Minister of Finance,

Herr Reinhold Sydow, was brought into office, and early in

November, 1908, he submitted to the Reichstag a bill providing

for new taxes that were estimated to add 500,000,000 marks

($125,000,000) yearly to the Treasury of the Empire. The

scheme included an extended and augmented inheritance tax, new

methods of deriving revenue from spirits and tobacco, added

excise duties on beer and bottled still wines, taxes on

electricity, gas, advertisements, etc. The bill went to the

Finance Committee of the Reichstag and developed there, during

the next five months, an antagonism of class interests, and

consequently of parties, which completely shattered the

"bloc," or coalition, which Chancellor Bülow had contrived to

organize in 1906 for the support of his administration. The

proposed new inheritance tax or death duty was especially

obnoxious to the land-owning classes,—the agrarian core of

German conservatism,—and no influence from the Government

could save it from being stifled in their hands. Other

oppositions were rallied against the proposals which touched

spirits, tobacco, electricity, gas, and newspaper

advertisements, and by the 20th of March, 1909, it was known

that the Finance Committee had rejected or would reject all

but about one-fifth of the new taxation which the Government

and the Federal Council claimed from it.

A month later the Government signified its abandonment of a

present expectation, at least, of financial reform, by

inviting subscriptions to a fresh loan. The budget wrangle in

Committee went on, however, until the 13th of May, when the

National-Liberals, the Radicals, and the Socialists of the

Committee withdrew from it, the Chairman, Herr Paasche, a

National-Liberal, resigning, refusing to take any further part

in proceedings which they wholly disapproved. This left the

Conservatives, the Center or Clerical party, and the Poles,

who seem to have practically organized an opposition "bloc,"

which proceeded to frame a budget on entirely different lines

from that which the Government desired, one of its

contemplated features being a tax on purchases and sales of

stocks. On the 18th of May the Reichstag was adjourned until

the 15th of June, and a month of rest from the controversy was

enjoyed.

When the Reichstag reassembled the Government laid before it

several proposals of taxes to be substituted for those which

the Committee had rejected. Inheritance taxation was still

prominent in the revised scheme, but considerably modified in

its range and reduced in productiveness. With it went an

extensive readjustment of stamp duties, applied to bonds,

stock certificates, transfers of real estate, bills and checks

and a tax on policies of fire insurance. This revised budget

of additions to the Imperial revenue was estimated to yield

about $35,000,000. It fared no better than the original

proposals of the Government. A week after its introduction the

Reichstag adopted the tax on securities (called the

Cotierungssteuer) which the Government disapproved, and

on the 24th of June it rejected the new inheritance tax bill,

by 194 votes to 186, the minority being composed of

National-Liberals, Radicals and Socialists, with a few from

the Conservative side. On the next day, rumors of the intended

resignation of Prince Bülow were checked by the publication of

the following semi-official statement:

"Prince von Bülow will remain as chancellor of the empire. The

Reichstag will not be dissolved. The chancellor holds that his

duty is to be in accord with the conviction of the Federal

Council of the necessity to bring about the passage of a

taxation measure, but with the exclusion therefrom of duties

on stock transfers, the output of the grain mills, and the

exports of coal. Financial reform must now come into

operation. What the chancellor will do after this has been

accomplished is his personal affair."

Nevertheless, it was made known on the 27th that the

Chancellor had offered his resignation to the Emperor, who had

declined to accept it, pointing out "that in the unanimous

conviction of the Federal Governments the early achievement of

finance reform is a vital question for the internal welfare of

the Empire, as well as for its position in relation to foreign

countries. In the circumstances he could not take into closer

consideration the fulfilment of Prince Bülow’s wish to be

relieved of his offices until the labours for the reform of

the Imperial finances should have produced a result of a

positive kind which the Federal Governments could accept." To

this statement there was added, semi-officially, next day, the

following: "Subject to the rejection of those taxation

proposals which would be injurious to the general interest,

and therefore impossible of acceptance by the Federal

Governments, the Imperial Chancellor was unwilling not to

comply with the Emperor’s desire. Nevertheless, having regard

to the political development which was manifested by the

division on the inheritance tax, he is irrevocably resolved to

retire from office immediately after the accomplishment of

finance reform."

Then followed negotiations with the Conservative-Clerical

majority now fully in control of the Reichstag, the Government

yielding step by step, and the Federal Council coming openly

into the management of the negotiations, the Chancellor

falling into the background, and waiting only for permission

to lay his office down. In the resulting budget of new taxes

there was very little saved of the "financial reform" which

the Federal Council and the Chancellor had undertaken to

introduce. On most points the land-owners had their way. The

character and effect of the legislation accomplished in the

early days of July were described thus by a Berlin

correspondent of the New York Evening Post, who wrote

on the 11th of the month:

"The leitmotif of the bill is that property shall be

protected and industry shall pay. Even on the reckoning of the

new majority the ratio between indirect and direct taxation in

the scheme is as 14 to 34, but in reality property comes off

far better. … The large land-owners will not be hit at all.

The only tax that could touch them to any appreciable extent

is the stamp duty on transfers of real estate.

{297}

But the remedy lies in their hands; they need not sell, and,

in any event, of the $10,000,000 at which the returns are

estimated only $1,250,000 at most falls on landed property. If

the spirits bounty to be paid by the Government to the spirit

distilleries (which are in agrarian hands) is set against this

sum, it will be seen that the agrarians do not only not   suffer, but net a profit of some ten millions of dollars. Most

of all it is the consuming classes that are the victims of the

new majority's taxation proposals. Every cup of coffee, the

staple nourishment of the German workingman’s family, every

cup of tea, every glass of beer and schnapps, the staple

refreshment of the German workingman, will cost more, the

total sum to be derived from these sources reaching

$54,250,000, which, with the duty on the poor man’s cigar,

amounts to over $60,000,000. Adding to this 30 per cent. for

the increase in the middleman’s prices, the total burden of

the consuming classes reaches over $80,000,000, or an increase

of $7.50 on the workingman’s household expenses a year."

On the 13th of July the session of the Reichstag was closed by

Imperial decree. On the 14th the following announcement

appeared in the Imperial Gazette: "His Majesty the

Emperor and King has been graciously pleased to accede to the

request of the Imperial Chancellor, the President of the

Ministry, and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Prince Bülow, to

be relieved of his offices, and has conferred upon him the

High Order of the Black Eagle with brilliants. His Majesty has

been graciously pleased to appoint Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg,

Secretary of State for the Interior, Minister of State, to be

Imperial Chancellor, President of the Ministry, and Minister

for Foreign Affairs." Herr Sydow now resigned from the

secretaryship of the Imperial Treasury, and was made Prussian

Minister of Commerce, in place of Herr Delbruck, who succeeded

the new Chancellor as "Imperial Secretary of State for the

Interior and representative of the Imperial Chancellor." Herr

Sydow’s place in the department of the Imperial Treasury was

taken by Herr Wermuth.

GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909 (September-May).

The Casablanca Incident and its Arbitration at The Hague.

Friendly Agreement with France.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

GERMANY: A. D. 1909.

Accelerated Naval Construction.

Excitement in Great Britain.

Parliamentary Debates.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

GERMANY: A. D. 1909.

Extent of Trade Unionism.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1909.

Proposed Amendments of the System of Workingmen’s Insurance.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS;

also,

LABOR PROTECTION: ACCIDENT AND SICKNESS INSURANCE.

GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (January).

Rejection of Proposed Reforms of the Elective Franchise

in Prussia.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: PRUSSIA.

GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (April).

Economic Conditions.

Gain of Fifteen Years in National Wealth.

Increased Cost of Living.

Diminished Savings.

Check on the Overcrowding of Towns.

A report by the British Consul-General on the trade and

commerce of the consular district of Frankfort-on-the-Main for

the year ending April 30, 1909, gave the following items of

interest touching general economic conditions of the year:

Early in 1909 the national wealth of Germany, which had been

estimated at 220,000,000,000 marks 15 years ago, was estimated

to have reached 350,000,000,000 marks—i. e., an increase of 59

per cent. in half a generation.

"The cheapening of all manufactured commodities in comparison

with the price they had reached during the end of the boom has

failed until now, in spite of an unprecedented supply of cash,

because the development which had taken place behind the wall

of protection—the system of syndication—has killed free

competition at home and has unduly raised the cost of the raw

material needed by the finishing industries. The agricultural

protection as well as the industrial has, moreover, increased

the cost of living and has narrowed down the margin of profit

which might have been used like a safety valve for reductions

of price to revive trade at home or facilitate competition

abroad. Syndication and protection have in fact combined to

deprive German manufacture of that elastic cheapening power

which ought chiefly to revive trade during the period

succeeding a commercial high tide. At the same time the

increased protection of the home market has admittedly

rendered foreign markets more difficult for the German

manufacturer."

See (in this Volume)

LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES, &C.

GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (September).

Speech of the Emperor on the Pride of his Subjects in

"the Game of War."

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (September).

Latest Statistics of the Social Democratic Party.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIALISM: GERMANY.

GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (October-December).

Socialist Gains in By-elections, etc.

Changed relations between Parties and the Government.

Several by-elections for the Reichstag and elections to the

diets of Saxony and Baden in these months showed somewhat

startling gains for the Socialists. In the Saxon Diet they won

25 seats, whereas in the late chamber, elected in 1907, they

had held but 1. Both the Conservatives and the National

Liberals were losers in the contest, the former most heavily.

The Radicals shared a few of the gains. In the Baden Diet the

Socialist gain was 8. At a by-election in one of the

Brandenburg divisions the Socialists increased their vote by

more than a thousand.

The Reichstag was reopened by the Emperor on the 30th of

November. On the organization of the House, Dr. Herman S.

Paasche, National Liberal, declined election as Second

Vice-President, stating that the National-Liberal party had

decided unanimously not to accept office in the reorganization

of the House. The Imperial party, or free Conservatives, also

declined to take part in the organization, while the Radicals

went so far as to decide that they would cast blank votes.

These three parties are determined to place the full

responsibility for the coming legislation upon the German

Conservatives and Clericals.

{298}

This new attitude of parties, as one side of the sequence to

the dissolution of the bloc of the past two years, and to the

retirement of Chancellor Bülow, was responded to most

appositely on the side of the Government by the new Imperial

Chancellor, Dr. von Bethmann Hollweg, when he made his first

speech in that capacity to the Reichstag, December 9th. In not

many words he made it plain that the Imperial Government’s

policy now was "to stand aloof from parties and groups of

parties; in short, that the government of Germany was not a

government by party. Governmental measures would be submitted

to the Reichstag for adoption, but he was not disposed to

define the constellation of parties which, he thought, would

support these measures. The recent political crisis over the

taxation bill had made no change in German institutions, he

continued. Radicalism strove to divide all Germany into two

political camps, but the existence of such a dualism was a

fiction devised for party objects. It could not contribute to

the sound development of the country for every proposal to be

classified as either radical or reactionary. Germany, the

chancellor affirmed, needed continuous and steady policies,

both at home and abroad, to satisfy the people to the end that

their work, either material or intellectual, might be

undisturbed by disorders or experiments." His words in part

were as follows:

"As decidedly as the separate parties have ever refused, and

still refuse, to be Government parties—and I personally can

thoroughly understand it—so little will a Government in

Germany ever be able to be a party Government. With the

difficulties which arise from this fact every German statesman

has had to fight, and in this relation of things, which is

historic and based upon the peculiarity of our party life and

of our State institutions, the last crisis has altered nothing

whatever. I do not shut my eyes," continued the Chancellor,

"to the excitement of party politics which pervades the

country." But he believed that there were wide circles of the

German people who did not wish to live permanently on

political excitement and recrimination. "What our people

desires in the first place is not to be disturbed in its

actual work, whether economic or intellectual, either at home

or abroad, in the markets of the world, by unrest or

experiments. It wishes to be supported and encouraged by a

policy of continuity and stability at home and abroad." As in

the past there had never been a single party which had given

its stamp to German policy, so all parties must work together

in the future. The question was not one of "actual

collaboration" or of nervous anxiety about the creation of a

temporary Parliamentary majority, but of the conviction that

there was an obligation to work imposed by the community upon

each of its representatives, and the certainty that this

obligation would survive the present turmoil.

It is an interesting experiment which the new Chancellor is

venturing on; but it seems to require a Bismarck in the

Chancellor’s shoes.

GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (December).

The Mannesmann Concession Question.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

GERMANY: A. D. 1910 (March).

Demand of the Reichstag for Ministerial Responsibility.

On the 15th of March, 1910, it was reported from Berlin that

the Reichstag had adopted a motion, made by a Socialist

member, demanding the introduction of a bill making the

chancellor responsible to the Reichstag for his official acts

and also extending his responsibility to cover all of the acts

and documents made by the Emperor, for which responsibility he

shall be answerable in a court of law.

[Transcriber's note: The First World War was fought from

July 28, 1914 to November 11, 1918, between the Allies

(France, the United Kingdom, Russia, the United States,

Italy, and Japan) and the Central Powers (Germany,

Austria-Hungary, the Ottoman Empire, and Bulgaria).]

----------GERMANY: End--------

GHENT: A. D. 1900.

Municipal organization of Insurance against Unemployment.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: UNEMPLOYMENT.

GHOSE, Dr. Rash Bihari.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

GIBBONEY, D. Clarence.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: PHILADELPHIA.

GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:

Of Andrew Carnegie:

To Building for the Bureau of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS, BUREAU OF.

For Court House and Library for Permanent Court of

Arbitration at The Hague.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1903.

To Foundation for the Improvement of Teaching.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

To Hero Funds.

See (in this Volume)

CARNEGIE HERO FUNDS.

To Institute at Pittsburg.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

To Institution of Washington.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

To Scottish Universities.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.

GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:

Of George Crocker for Cancer Research.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH: CANCER RESEARCH.

GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:

Of Edwin Ginn to Fund for the Peace Propaganda.

See (in this Volume)

War, The Revolt against: A. D. 1909.

GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:

Of Mrs. Harriman and others to the State of New York for

a State Park on the Hudson.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909-1910.

GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:

Of Miss Anna T. Jeanes to Schools for Southern Negroes.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:

Of Mr. John Stewart Kennedy.

Nearly $30,000,000, out of an estate valued close to

$60,000,000, was left to public institutions by John Stewart

Kennedy, banker and railroad builder, who died early in

November, 1909. The remainder of the estate was bequeathed to

relatives and employés. The larger bequests to religious,

educational, and benevolent institutions were the following:

Board of Foreign Missions of the

Presbyterian Church in the United States   $2,250,000

Board of Home Missions of the

Presbyterian Church in the United States    2,250,000

Board of Church Erection Fund of the

General Assembly of the Presbyterian

Church in the United States                 2,250,000

Presbyterian Hospital in New York City      2,250,000

New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox,

and Tilden Foundations                      2,250,000

Metropolitan Museum of Art                  2,250,000

Columbia University                         2,250,000

Church Extension Committee of the

Presbytery of New York                      1.500,000

Trustees of Robert College,

Constantinople, Turkey                      1,500,000

University of the City of New York            750,000

{299}

American Bible Society                       750,000

Presbyterian Board of Aid for Colleges       750,000

Charity Organization Society of the City

of New York for its School of Philanthrophy,

"to which I have already given an endowment

of $250,000, or to the said school if the

same be separately incorporated at the time

of my death,"                                750,000

United Charities, a corporation of

the State of New York                      1,500,000

GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:

Of Letchworth Park to the State of New York.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK STATE; A. D. 1907.

GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:

Of Rhodes Scholarships.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: RHODES SCHOLARSHIPS.

GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:

Of John D. Rockefeller to the General Education Board.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:

The Russell Sage Foundation.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIAL BETTERMENT. UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

From Mrs. Russell Sage to Yale University.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910.

Of Mrs. Russell Sage to the U. S. Government.

See (in this Volume)

Constitution Island.

GINN, EDWIN:

Great Gift to Fund for the Peace Propaganda.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

GIOLITTI, SIGNOR GIOVANNI:

Minister of the Interior and then Premier of

the Italian Government.

See (in this Volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1901, 1903, and after.

GIORGIS, GENERAL DE:

Command of Gendarmerie in Macedonia.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

GLADSTONE, HERBERT J.:

Secretary of State for Home Affairs.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

First Governor-General of United South Africa.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

GOBAT, ALBERT.

See (in this Volume)

Nobel Prizes.

GOETHALS, LIEUTENANT-COLONEL GEORGE W.:

Chief Engineer of the Panama Canal.

See (in this Volume)

PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1905-1909.

GOLGI, CAMILLO.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

GOLUCHOWSKI, Count.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

GOMEZ, José Miguel:

President of Cuba.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.

GOMEZ, General Maximo:

Military head of the last Cuban Rising against Spain.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1902.

GOMEZ, General:

Acting President of Venezuela.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907-1909.

GOMPERS, Samuel:

Sentence for alleged Violation of an Injunction.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

GORDON MEMORIAL COLLEGE, at Khartoum.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: EGYPT.

GOREMYKIN, Ivan Logginovich.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

GORGAS, Dr. W. C., United States of America:

In charge of the Sanitation of the Panama Canal Zone.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH: PANAMA CANAL.

GOVERNORS’ CONFERENCE, on Conservation of Natural Resources.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

"GRAFT," so called, in Municipal Government.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

GRAND TRUNK PACIFIC RAILWAY PROJECT.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1903.

GRAY, Justice George:

On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

GREAT BRITAIN.

See (in this Volume and Volume II)

ENGLAND.

GREECE: A. D. 1905.

Assassination of Prime Minister Delyannis.

His successors.

Theodoros Delyannis, the Premier of Greece, was assassinated

on the 13th of June, 1905, by a revengeful gambler whose place

had been closed by the police. A new Ministry formed by M.

Ralli conducted the Government until December, when its defeat

in the election of a president of the representative assembly

forced a resignation. It was succeeded by a Cabinet formed

under M. Theotokis, the leader of the Opposition.

GREECE: A. D. 1905-1908.

Barbarities of Greek bands in Macedonia.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

GREECE: A. D. 1905-1906.

Insurrection in Crete.

Demand for Union with "her Mother Greece."

Investigation by the Powers.

Resignation of Prince George.

Appointment of M. Zaimis.

See (in this Volume)

CRETE; A. D. 1905-1906.

GREECE: A. D. 1907-1909.

The Cretan Situation as dealt with by the

Four Protecting Powers.

See (in this Volume)

CRETE: A. D. 1907-1909.

GREECE: A. D. 1909 (July).

Destructive Earthquake in Ellis.

See (in this Volume)

EARTHQUAKES: GREECE.

GREECE: A. D. 1909.

The Government dominated by a Military League.

Its submission to the Dictatorship.

Whatever vitality may previously have animated the forms of

constitutional government in Greece was extinguished suddenly

in July, 1909, by a demonstration of power on the part of a

league of army officers to give orders to it. The Military

League was backed, evidently, by a strong popular feeling

against the Government, partly well founded, perhaps, but

largely due to an unreasoning desire for rash undertakings to

secure the annexation of Crete. The revolution in Turkey had

stimulated this by seeming to open opportunities for breaking

the island away from the claimed sovereignty of the Turks.

What Bulgaria had been able to do in the situation for

herself, and what Austria had done in annexing Bosnia and

Herzegovina, it must be that the Powers which held Crete in

commission, so to speak, could do for Greece, in the present

state of things, if Greece had a competent Government to deal

with affairs. This seems to have been the feeling, to a large

extent, which produced the Military League and the popular

threatenings whereby the Ministry of M. Theotoki was impelled

to resign office on the 17th of July. The new Cabinet

constructed by the King, under M. Ralli, held the semblance of

power a little more than a month, and then had to choose

between dropping it and taking orders from the League.

{300}

When it hesitated, and ventured an arrest of several leaders

of the military combination, the latter, in a body, to the

number of over 500, with about 2000 of the men of their

commands, took possession of a hill outside of Athens, on the

27th of August, and established there a menacing camp. Parley

was then opened with them and they submitted a programme of

demands which M. Ralli declined to accept, and resigned.

According to a manifesto published by the League on the 27th,

its demands, summarized in a letter from Athens, were as

follows: "The officers belonging to the Military League

respectfully ask the King and the Government to carry out

radical reforms, and especially to proceed with the

reorganization of the army and navy, in order that Greece

might not in the future have to undergo any more humiliations

such as she had had to tolerate in the past. The commands held

by the Royal Princes in the army and navy are considered by

the league to be prejudicial to their own prestige and to the

accomplishment of their duties. The officers consequently

insist that the Crown Prince, who is commander-in-chief of the

army, and the other Royal Princes, should not hold any command

in the army. They demand that the army shall be controlled by

a council composed of the commanders of the three divisions

under the presidency of the eldest of them, and the

superintendence of the Crown Prince. They further ask that the

two War Ministries should be invariably entrusted to the best

officers in the army and navy and not to civilians. Among the

detailed features of their programme they ask that four

classes of the reserve should be called to the colours

annually for manoeuvres, that a battleship of not less than

10,000 tons, and eight destroyers of not less than 150 tons

each, should be constructed, that the existing three cruisers

should be repaired, that all the useless small ships should be

sold, including the Royal yachts, with the exception of one

for the King, that a war school should be established, that a

foreign general with some officers should be called in to

organize a Staff service and to look after the theoretical and

practical training of the army and navy, and that a more

efficient corps of Gendarmerie should be organized. In

order to provide the necessary funds to carry out these

reforms the league suggests that large retrenchments should be

made in the general Budget."

The King found a compliant premier, M. Mavromichalis, who

submitted to these dictations in principle, amnestied the

whole League, and took one of its leaders, Colonel

Lapathiotis, into his Cabinet, as Minister of War. Since that

day the actual Government of Greece has been transferred from

the King, his Constitutional Ministers and the "Boule," or

Legislative Chamber, to the Military League. The nominal

Government turned a cheerful face to the world by publishing a

semi-official explanation which began as follows:

"Now that the situation has become clearer it becomes plain

that the sole object of the military movement was the

reorganization of the army and the reform and improvement of

the Administration. The movement was at no time directed

against the King or the dynasty, nor had it as its object the

diminution of the rights and privileges of the Crown or the

violation of the Constitution. The request of the Military

Committee that the Crown Prince and the Royal Princes should

be relieved of their high commands in the army was only

formulated in their Highnesses’ interests, and with a view to

relieve them of grave responsibilities likely to injure their

prestige and in order to avert the discord and hatred which

personal favoritism and the sympathies of the Princes would

inevitably have engendered among the officers serving under

them."

That the League had strong backing in the country was shown by

popular demonstrations, one of which, at Athens, on the 27th

of September, brought 50,000 people, it was said, to the Champ

de Mars, to pass a resolution and to convey it to the King.

"The resolution began by expressing profound satisfaction at

the initiation of the struggle by the Military League against

the mischievous influence of parties on State affairs, and

against the misuse of interest in the army and navy, and …

concluded by declaring the determination of the people to

exercise constant supervision over the Government and the

Chamber until their demands had been completely fulfilled.

"The demonstrators then marched to the Royal Palace, where the

committee were received by the King and handed his Majesty the

resolution. The King, after congratulating them upon the

orderly and lawful way in which the people had made known

their wishes, expressed his conviction that his Government and

the Chamber would consider them and would vote the requisite

laws."

The Chamber, however, was less compliant, and showed marked

signs of refusing legislation for the removal of the royal

Princes from active service in the army. This angered the

military dictators, and fresh trouble was threatened. It was

averted by the resignation of the Princes, and by the speedy

adoption of the whole series of measures demanded by the

League, no less than twenty-three bills being enacted within

the space of an hour.

The dictatorial work of the League, however, had not gone far

enough to satisfy one of its chiefs, a Lieutenant Typaldos,

commander of a fleet of torpedo-boats and submarines, who

suddenly set on foot a naval revolt of his own, withdrawing,

with a few other officers and men, to Salamis and seizing the

arsenal there. But, having the League against him, Typaldos

was easily put to flight, and was captured eventually in

ignominious disguise. For a time after this all went smoothly,

and the Government was credited with a number of good

measures, which its military masters permitted it to adopt.

The situation was ruffled again toward the end of December by

some offensive words in the Chamber from the Minister of War,

Colonel Lapathiotis, which a large part of the deputies

resented. These gave notice that they would not enter the

Chamber again while the Colonel remained in the Ministry.

Fortunately, just at this time, the obnoxious Minister gave

offense to his associates of the League, by promoting several

officers without consulting them, and they were willing that

he should be dismissed.

{301}

GREECE: A. D. 1910.

Agreements for a restored Constitutional Regime.

The dismissal of Colonel Lapathiotis emboldened the party in

the Chamber which follows the lead of ex-Premier Rallis to

make some show of an independent opposition, and provoked

thereby the most arrogant reminder yet given of the

dictatorial power of the Military League. On the 2d of January

two officers from the League appeared in the Chamber, bearing

letters addressed to the Prime Minister and to the two leaders

of Opposition parties, M. Rallis and M. Theotokis, requiring

the Chamber to pass twenty-seven specified measures, besides

the pending budget, and requiring the Government to recall its

diplomatic representatives from Paris, Berlin, Vienna, and

Rome. The messengers announced that they would return at 2 p.

M. for a reply, and when they did so they were assured that

the commands received would be obeyed. A few hours later the

Premier received a fresh mandate to dismiss his Minister of

the Interior. On this, he and his colleagues attempted to

resign, but were so entreated by the King to remain and submit

to the humiliating situation, rather than bring the country to

a state of complete political wreck, that they did so,

excepting the Minister of the Interior, who withdrew.

In the succeeding four weeks, negotiations appear to have

been effected between the League and the leaders of political

parties, with the result announced as follows in a telegram

from Athens to the American Press, January 28:

"An agreement was reached to-day by the Theotokis party, the

Rallis party, and the Military League to convoke the National

Assembly for a revision of the Constitution, with the

condition that the league shall first be dissolved. The powers

of the National Assembly will be limited as to the sections of

the Constitution to be revised, and no interference with the

royal prerogatives will be permitted."

King George assented to the proposed convocation of a National

Assembly for the revision of the Constitution, though the

existing Constitution would be violated by the method of

procedure to be taken, since the choice seemed to lie between

this and a complete wreckage of constitutional government. A

Cretan leader, M. Venezelo, of high reputation for political

sagacity, came to Athens on invitation and conducted a

settlement of the affair with apparent success. The

Mavromichalis Ministry gave way to another, formed under M.

Dragoumis; a programme of constitutional changes to be laid

before the contemplated National Assembly was agreed upon; the

election of the Assembly was appointed for August next and its

meeting for September, and the dissolution of the Military

League was pledged. Such was the situation in the later days

of March, 1910.

GREEN HILLS, Capture of.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

GREY, ALBERT HENRY GEORGE, EARL:

Governor-General of Canada.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1904.

GREY, SIR EDWARD:

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (December), 1905-1906; and

TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

GREY, SIR EDWARD:

Correspondence on American Fishing Rights

in Newfoundland waters.

See (in this Volume)

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

GREY, SIR EDWARD:

On the Changed Conditions in Europe that make for Peace.

See EUROPE: A. D. 1909.

GREY, SIR EDWARD:

On the Budget of 1909 and the House of Lords.

See ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April-December).

GROCERS’ ASSOCIATION, Dissolution of the.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

GROSSCUP, JUDGE PETER S.:

Decision in the Case of the

United States v. Swift & Co., et al.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

GROSSCUP, JUDGE PETER S.:

Opinion in Standard Oil Case.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

GRUITCH, GENERAL:

Head of Radical Servian Ministry.

See (in this Volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA: A. D. 1903.

GUANTANAMO:

Coaling and Naval Station leased to the United States.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1903.

GUATEMALA.

See (in this Volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA.

GUERRA, COLONEL PINO:

Leader of Insurrection in Cuba.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

GUIANA, BRITISH: A. D. 1904.

Settlement of Brazilian boundary dispute.

See (in this Volume)

BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.

GULLY, W. C.:

Resignation of the Speakership of House of Commons.

Elevation to the Peerage.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (JUNE).

GUMMERÉ, S. R.:

American Delegate to the Alegeciras Conference

on the Morocco Question.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

GUTHRIE, GEORGE W.:

Mayor of Pittsburg.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

H.

HAAKON VII., King of Norway.

See (in this Volume )

NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.

HABIBULLAH, Ameer of Afghanistan.

See (in this Volume)

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

HAECKEL, Ernst Heinrich.

Eminent German scientist, retired from his Professorship

at Jena University on his 75th birthday, February 10, 1909.

HAGEN-HAGEN, LIEUTENANT:

Tragically ended Greenland Coast Survey.

See (in this Volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION.

HAGOPIAN, H.:

On the Turkish Revolution.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

HAGUE TRIBUNAL, The: A. D. 1902.

Decision of the Pious Fund Question between Mexico and

the United States.

See (in this Volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1902 (MAY).

HAGUE TRIBUNAL, The: A. D. 1903.

Decision on Venezuela Question.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D 1902-1903.

HAGUE TRIBUNAL, The:

Carnegie Gift to it of a Court House and Library.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1903.

HAGUE, The: A. D. 1907.

The Second Peace Conference.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

HAICHENG, RUSSIAN EVACUATION OF.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

HAKKI BEY: Grand Vizier.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (MAY-DECEMBER).

{302}

HALDANE, Richard B.:

Secretary of State for War.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

HALE vs. HENKEL, The case of.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1906.

HAMID EDDIN, Sheik of the Hadramaut:

His claims to the Caliphate, against the Sultan.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.

HAMLIN, Reverend Dr. Cyrus.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: TURKEY, &c.

HANKAU-SZE-CHUAN RAILWAY LOAN.

The question of American participation.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1904-1909.

HANSEN, Ole.

See (in this Volume)

DENMARK: A. D. 1901.

HARBIN,

KHARBIN: A. D. 1905.

Opened to all commerce.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER).

HARCOURT, VERNON.

See VERNON-HARCOURT.

HARDEN, Maximilian:

The Trials of.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1907-1908.

HARDIE, KEIR.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906;

LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1903; and

SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.

HARRIMAN, Edward H.:

His extraordinary Accumulation and Organization of

Railway Properties.

His death.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

HARRIMAN, Mrs. E. H.

Gift of land to New York for a State Park.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909-1910.

HARVARD UNIVERSITY:

Interchanges of Professors with French and German Universities.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

HASSAN FEHMI EFFENDI,

Assassination of.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

HATSUSE,

Sinking of the.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

HATTI HUMAYUN, The Turkish.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

HAUSA LAND.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (NIGERIA).

HAVANA: A. D. 1907.

Population.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1907.

HAY, John:

Secretary of State.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.

HAY, John:

Negotiation of the Hay-Bond Reciprocity Treaty.

See NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.

HAY, John:

Negotiation of Treaty with China to open two new Ports

to Foreign Trade.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

HAY, John:

Honorary President of Second International Conference

of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

HAY, John:

Proclamation of his death.

See UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (JULY).

HAY-PAUNCEFOTE CANAL TREATY, Interoceanic.

See (in this Volume)

PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1901-1902.

HAITI: A. D. 1901-1902.

Participation in Second International Conference of

American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

HAITI: A. D. 1902.

Revolution and Civil War produced by a Blunder of Law.

Resignation of President Sam.

Election of General Nord Alexis.

An outbreak of revolution in Haiti occurred under singular

circumstances on the 12th of May, 1902. As related in a

despatch of a few days later by Mr. W F. Powell, United States

Minister to Haiti, the circumstances were these: When, in

April, 1896. General Theresias Simon Sam was elected President

of the Republic (see, under HAYTI, in Volume VI. of this

work), on the sudden death of President Hypolite, "Congress

enacted a law requiring him to enter upon the duties of the

Presidential office at once, and to remain in office until May

15, 1903. This law, it seems now," wrote Mr. Powell, "was not

constitutional, as the constitution states: ‘That upon the

death, resignation, malfeasance in office, or removal

therefrom of the President before the 15th of May (in any

year) the cabinet or council of ministers is charged with

these functions until the 15th of May, when the newly elected

President shall assume the duties of the Presidency; but if a

President should accept office or enter upon the duties of the

same prior to this time (15th of May), then his term of office

must expire on the 15th of May of the year preceding the time

that it actually expired, thus not allowing the incumbent to

remain in office the full seven years, the time for which he

was elected.’

"For some reason this provision of the constitution was not

thought of, or else forgotten, at the time General Sam was

elected. No mention was made of this section until about a

year ago, when the question was launched upon the public view

by the enemies of the Government. The more this question was

discussed the more potent it became, until it occupied the

attention of all classes to the exclusion of all other

matters. … The several political arrests and the exile of many

persons within the past two years have been on account of this

discussion, they demanding that this article of the

constitution should be literally followed, the Government, on

its part, believing that in the arrest and exile of all such

persons all discussions and agitation of this matter would

cease. But this rigor on the part of the Government produced,

instead of friends, enemies, who were daily gaining strength.

"At the several interviews I had with the President up to the

time I left for Santo Domingo (February 10) he stated that it

was his intention to remain in office until he had finished

his term (to May 15, 1903) and that he would not resign or

cease to be President prior to that time. He had also

impressed this fact upon the members of his cabinet up to May

1 of the present year, when it was learned that it was his

intention to resign at an early day." This announcement

brought a number of candidates into the field, and Mr. Powell,

on returning to Port au Prince on the 11th of May, found a

precarious situation there. He secured an interview with

President Sam the following morning, and "was informed that he

had determined to resign, that his resignation was ready to be

sent to Congress, that he was tired of this constant

agitation, and that he would leave by the French steamer then

in port for France, where he would pass the remainder of his

life in quietness and peace; that since it was the wish of the

people to have a new President he would not oppose them, but

would abide by article 93 of the national constitution, and if

the chambers did not elect a President to-day, Monday, the

country would be without a President."

{303}

One of the candidates, General Leconte, a member of the

Government about to be dissolved, "felt certain that he would

be elected, as he had sufficient votes pledged in both houses

to elect him. This news spread rapidly, the streets became

full of armed citizens wending their way toward the chambers

to prevent, forcibly if necessary, his election. At first it

was difficult to get the members together. The streets in the

neighborhood of the legislative halls were thronged with

people and the Government troops, the latter to protect the

members in case of violence. Several secret meetings of the

members were held. At last the doors were opened, and as soon

as opened every available space not occupied by the two houses

was filled by the friends and foes of General Leconte. As the

balloting was about to commence some one in the chambers fired

his revolver. In an instant shooting commenced from all parts

of the room. One or two were killed and the same number

wounded. The members all sought shelter in the most available

places they could find—under benches or desks. Others forgot

the way they entered and sought exit by means of the windows.

By this means the populace prevented the election of General

Leconte, forcibly adjourned the chambers without date, and

dispersed the members of both chambers. The Government troops

immediately retired to the palace, the arsenal, the barracks,

or the arrondissement, as it was thought that an attack would

be immediately made on each place.

"A committee of safety was at once formed to safeguard the

interests of the city, and as the news reached the other

cities of the Republic similar committees were named with like

duties. The next object was to secure the palace, arsenal, and

the Government buildings. A concerted attack was made on each

of the above places at 10 p. m., lasting about twenty minutes,

in which the Government troops were the victors. It is

supposed that in these engagements about one hundred persons

were either killed or wounded."

The next day, on the ex-President’s request, Mr. Powell, as

dean of the diplomatic corps, arranged with his associates to

escort General and Mrs. Sam, together with General Leconte, to

the steamer on which they wished to embark, and their

departure was undisturbed.

On the 26th of May a Provisional Government, with General

Boisrond Canal for its President, was established by delegates

sent from "the several sections of the Republic." Elections

for a new Chamber of Deputies were appointed to be held early

in July; though the Constitution had declared that such

elections "must occur during the first weeks in the month of

January." This gave a fine opening for future troubles.

Meantime, irregular skirmishing, preliminary to positive civil

war, was bringing all business to an end. On the 26th of July

Mr. Powell reported to Washington that civil war had been

declared. The contest for the Presidency seemed narrowed to

two candidates. General Nord Alexis, Minister of War and

Marine in the Provisional Government, and Mr. A. Firmin, whose

cause was supported by the Haytian navy, of two gunboats,

commanded by Admiral Killick. It is needless to give details

of the hostilities that ensued.

The elections were determined and the Chamber of Deputies was

organized about the 20th of August. The Deputies had then to

choose the Senatorial body, and the strife of factions among

them prevented that election until late in the year, when the

forces of the Provisional Government had achieved successes

which brought the civil war practically to an end. General

Nord Alexis, who had been campaigning for months, returned

triumphantly with his army to Port au Prince on the 14th of

December; was acclaimed President by the Army on the 17th, and

was formally elected by the National Assembly on the 21st. He

was then reported to be 85 years old.

HAITI: A. D. 1908.

Revolution once more.

Overthrow and expulsion of President Nord Alexis.

General Antoine Simon his elected successor.

The Government under President Nord Alexis was maintained for

six years, by its own unsparing use of power, it would seem,

rather than by the good will of the country. Revolutionary

projects had been crushed with prompt vigor before they had

much chance of development, until November, 1908, when one,

led by a displaced military commander, General Antoine Simon,

ran so rapid a course that it arrived at complete success on

the 2d of the following month. The aged but indomitable Nord

Alexis strove hard to resist it, even to the last inch of

fighting in his own palace; but Port au Prince rose against

him; his partisans fell away; his soldiers deserted; and

finally, on the afternoon of December 2d, he consented to be

taken on board a French training-ship, then in port. In doing

this there was difficulty in saving him from an angry city

mob. The escape of the fallen President was described in a

Port au Prince despatch to the Associated Press as follows:

"So serious was the situation that the French minister, M.

Carteron, and other foreign representatives, with members of a

specially appointed committee, forced themselves upon the

President, who finally consented to withdraw. Shouts greeted

him as he stepped to his carriage. M. Carteron, carrying the

French tri-color, threw the folds of the flag over the

shoulders of the de posed president to protect him. All along

the route the people who lined the streets shouted, jeered and

cursed the fallen President, but when the landing stage was

reached, the mob lost all restraint. The scene was tragic and

shameful. Infuriated women broke through the cordon of troops

and shrieked the coarsest insults into the very face of the

President, who strove bravely to appear undismayed. They

hurled themselves, fighting with hands and feet, against the

soldiers, who found difficulty in forcing them back. One woman

with a murderous knife, got to the President’s side and made a

sweep at his body, but the blow fell short, and, before she

could follow it with another, she was seized by a soldier. A

man struck the President a glancing blow with his fist on the

neck. Alexis, shaking his head, so, turned to M. Carteron and

said: ‘I told you your excellency.’

{304}

"To clear space, the troops fired several volleys over the

heads of the mob. For a moment, they gave way, and Alexis,

with the French colors draped about him, was bustled into a

skiff, in tow of a steam launch, his disordered suite tumbling

in after him. As the launch drew away, three Haytian gunboats

and the American warships in the harbor fired a salute to the

fallen President.

"A trunk which was left behind on the precipitate departure of

the President and his party from the wharf, was seized upon by

the rioters and broken open. It was found to contain some

$10,000 in gold and 20,000 Haytian gourdes. The specie was

scattered about and promptly pillaged."

According to a despatch of the next day, "riot and pillage

swept through the night following the flight of the fallen

President, Nord Alexis. The populace, maddened by a taste of

revolt, gave themselves over to absolute license, They looted

stores and residences and then fought among themselves over

the booty until an armed force, hastily gathered together by

General Poitevin, fired a volley into the mob and finally

drove them into hiding. In all, twelve persons were killed and

many wounded before order was restored. …

"Past 90 years of age—how many years beyond nobody knows—Nord

Alexis had faced his foes with the strength and determination

of a man in the very prime of life. To-day he said: ‘The

courageous conduct of M. Carteron (the French minister) saved

my life.’ … The President was broken-hearted over the attitude

of his people, of whose hostility he was entirely ignorant.

‘They always cheered me when I appealed in the streets,’ he

said mournfully, ‘and I have always labored for their good.’

"He protested against the ‘legend’ that he ever had shown any

enmity toward the whites, and, for the first time, expressed

his views with regard to the summary executions which took

place on March 15th last, when many men were shot to death by

order of General Leconte. He had always been convinced, he

said, that the men had been killed during an attack upon the

palace. His officials and those upon whom he depended had kept

back the truth from him.

"With regard to his destination, Nord Alexis said that he

would wait until he could be transported to Jamaica, Saint

Thomas or Martinique."

General Simon and his victorious army of rebellion entered the

capital on the 5th. Some degree of order had been restored by

a Committee of Safety, under ex-President Legitime, but fresh

strifes were imminent between rival candidates for the vacant

presidency. Simon, with his military following, brushed them

aside, and obtained a unanimous election by the Haitian

Congress on the 17th, assuming office as President on the

20th.

HAITI: A. D. 1909.

The Haitian People.

The splendid industry of the Women.

The curse of the country in its Military Government.

"Four-fifths of the Haitians—the peasantry of the country,

that is to say—are hard working, peaceable country people.

These four-fifths of 3,000,000 are entirely negro in race, and

probably represent a mingling of West African types from

Senegambia, Dahomé, and the Congo. It is a race which

exhibits, away from the towns, a fine physical development;

its skin colour is much darker and the negro type more

pronounced than in the United States. … The women are the best

part of the nation They are splendid, unremitting toilers. In

the face of all discouragements with, which a bad Government

clouds their existence the women of Haiti almost remind one of

certain patient types of ant or termite, who, as fast as you

destroy their labour of months or days, hasten to repair it

with unslacking energy.

"The curse of Haiti from the day she established her

independence in 1804 to the present time is the tyrannical and

wasteful Government of the military party. … Scarcely a

President in the history of Haiti has not been a military man

and the favourite leader, for the time being, of the major

portion of the army. … That President Antoine Simon will

follow in the bloody footsteps of all his Presidential

predecessors is improbable. He is a man of obviously kindly

nature, with a record of 22 years’ essentially clement

government of the great southern province of Haiti; but he is

an old man of imperfect education, and though he may turn out

a complete surprise, yet so far he has done nothing to improve

the conditions of political elections. The whole power of the

country is still entirely based on the soldiers."

Sir Harry Johnston,

in The London Times, April 13, 1909.

HEARST, William R.:

Candidacy for Mayor of New York.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905 and 1909.

HEARST, William R.:

Candidacy for Governor of New York State.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910.

HEDERVARY MINISTRY.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903.

HENEY, FRANCIS J.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO,

and UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

HENRIQUES, CAMPOS.

See (in this Volume)

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

HENRY PHIPPS INSTITUTE.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH: TUBERCULOSIS.

HENRY, Prince of Prussia:

Visit to the United States.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

HEPBURN ACT.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908, and 1906-1909.

HERMANN, BINGER:

U. S. Commissioner of the Land Office, involved in Land Frauds.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

HERO FUNDS.

See (in this Volume)

CARNEGIE HERO FUNDS.

HERREROS, The.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1904-1905, and

GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

HERRING, A. M.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

HERVÉ, Gustave:

Apostle of Anti-Militarism in France.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

HERZEGOVINA.

See (in this Volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

HETCH HETCHY PROJECT, The.

See (in this Volume)

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1901-1909.

HICKS-BEACH, SIR MICHAEL:

Retirement from the English Chancellorship of the Exchequer.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

HIGHBINDER ASSOCIATIONS, CHINESE.

See (in this Volume)

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1902.

{305}

HILL, David Jayne:

Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

HILL, James J.:

His connection with the Northern Securities Case.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

HILMI PASHA.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903; 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

HINDU DISAFFECTION.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

HINDU IMMIGRATION:

The Resistance to in South Africa, Australia, and elsewhere.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS.

HISGEN, Thomas L.:

Nominated for President of the United States.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

HITCHCOCK, Ethan Allen:

Secretary of the Interior.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, 1903-1906, and 1905-1909.

HITCHCOCK, Frank H.:

Postmaster-General.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

HOFF, JACOBUS HENRICUS VAN’T.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

HOHENLOHE, Prince.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

"HOLDING COMPANY," The:

Decision of its Illegality as a method of Combination

between Corporations.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

HOLLAND.

See (in this Volume and Volume III)

NETHERLANDS.

HOLSTEIN, Herr von:

On the German "Navy Fever."

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1909.

HOLSTEIN-LEDREBORG MINISTRY.

See (in this Volume)

DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.

HOLY SEE.

See (in this Volume and Volume IV)

PAPACY.

"HOLY WAR," IN ARABIA.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.

HOMEL, JEWISH MASSACRE AT.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

HONDURAS.

See (in this Volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA.

HORUP, M.

See (in this Volume)

DENMARK: A. D. 1901.

HOTTENTOTS, REVOLT OF THE.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

HOURS OF LABOR.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902;

GERMANY: A. D. 1908.

Also,

LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR; and

LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES AND COST OF LIVING.

HOUSING AND TOWN-PLANNING ACT.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

HSIHOYEN, BATTLE OF.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

HSUAN-TUNG:

Child-Emperor of China.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

HUDSON BAY REGION: A. D. 1903-1904.

Canadian measures to establish Sovereignty over Land and Sea.

See (in this Volume )

CANADA: A. D. 1903-1904.

HUDSON BAY REGION:

Projected Railway from the Canadian Northwest.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: CANADA: A. D. 1908-1909.

HUDSON-FULTON COMMEMORATION.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.

HUDSON TUNNELS.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1909.

HUGHES, Charles Evans:

Counsel of the Legislative Joint Committee to Investigate

Life Insurance Companies in New York.

See (in this Volume)

INSURANCE, LIFE.

HUGHES, Charles Evans:

Governor of the State of New York.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910.

Also,

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES, and PUBLIC UTILITIES.

HUGHES, Charles Evans:

On the Proposed Income Tax Amendment to the Constitution

of the United States.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

HUMPHREY, Judge:

Immunity Decision in "Beef Trust" Case.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

HUNGARY.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY.

HYDE, Dr. Douglas:

Founder of Gaelic League.

See (in this Volume)

IRELAND: A. D. 1893-1907.

HYDE, HENRY B.:

Founder of the Equitable Life Assurance Society.

See (in this Volume)

INSURANCE, LIFE.

HYDE, James Hazen:

Relations to the Equitable Life Assurance Society.

See (in this Volume)

INSURANCE, LIFE.

I.

ICELAND:

Its Ancient Claims to Nationality.

Within the last few years the Icelanders have been asserting

their ancient right to a national life of their own so

seriously that the King of Denmark has exerted himself to

soothe their discontent with but partial success. For many

historical reasons Iceland ought to have an independent

standing among the European states. For some of those reasons

its people seem fairly entitled to recognition as the foremost

representatives of the old Norse or Scandinavian race. Their

ancestors were men of the best blood of Norway, who quitted

that country in the ninth century and took possession of the

arctic island, because they would not submit to the despotism

established by Harold the Fairhaired. That they took with them

the best culture of their race and time is proved by the fact

that almost everything we know of the old Norse literature,

and of the mythology and history embedded in it, was preserved

by their pens. Learning was cherished and cultivated among

them from the first: and they had the capacity and the spirit

for self-government from the first. Before the end of the

tenth century they had adopted a republican constitution and

founded a commonwealth which endured for about 300 years. This

antedated the rise of the city republics of Italy and the free

cantons of the Swiss by one or two centuries at the least.

The Icelandic republic was destroyed at last by feuds among

its leading families, which invited Norwegian intervention

from time to time, and subjected the island to the parent

kingdom in the end. Late in the fourteenth century the three

Scandinavian kingdoms of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark were

joined in a union which did not endure.

{306}

Its dissolution left Norway, with Iceland as a dependency,

attached to Denmark, and that connection was maintained till

1814. Norway was then transferred from the Danish to the

Swedish crown; but Iceland was still kept as a part of the

dominion of the Danish King. Norway regained national

distinctness and independence in 1905, and now it is to be

hoped that Iceland will have its just turn.

The island has never been governed as a mere province of

Denmark, but always under its own laws. Its old representative

assembly, the Althing, was suspended during most of the first

half of the last century, but revived in 1845 as a merely

consultative assembly. As such it voiced very steadily the

claim of the Icelanders to more of autonomy and political

distinctness than their Danish lord was willing to yield. In

1874, however, at the 1,000th anniversary of the Icelandic

settlement, he granted a constitution which reinvested the

Althing with legislative powers, and met the wishes of the

island in other important ways; but not so far as to produce

content.

IDAHO: A. D. 1905-1907.

Murder of ex-Governor Steunenberg.

Trial and acquittal of Haywood.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1899-1907.

IDE, HENRY CLAY:

Governor-General of the Philippine Islands.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1906-1907.

IGNATIEFF, COUNT ALEXEI:

Assassination.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

ILLINOIS: A. D. 1899.

Enactment of the first Juvenile Court Law.

See (in this Volume)

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

IMAM, ALI.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

----------IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Start--------

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Australia: A. D. 1909.

The needs of the country.

The attitude of the people toward Immigration.

The difficulties.

Speaking at a dinner in his honor, given in London, after his

return from five years of service as Governor-General of

Australia, Lord Northcote touched on what he described as "the

Aaron’s rod of all political questions in Australia, which, if

it does not swallow up the others, at all events the others

depend upon it,"—meaning the increase of Australia’s

population. As to the attitude of Australia to the immigration

question he said: "No doubt, from time to time certain

over-zealous officials have made mistakes which have

prejudiced Australia in the eyes of the British public, but I

do not believe that anything in the nature of a fixed desire

to keep out men who are able to sustain themselves by their

labour has ever existed. Of course, Australia has her number

of unemployables, and is not prepared to import more from the

old country. Then I come to the very important question of

coloured immigration, and that is a question we should look at

from an Australian as well as from a British point of view. …

"Suppose Australia or Canada confronted by the presence of a

large number of Asiatics, men of ability enough to hold their

own, men who, if they come there, come to stay, and it is

quite conceivable from an Australian point of view that if

they do not rigidly secure themselves against the possibility

of being swamped by Asiatic labour, they may be presented with

a problem even more serious than is the great negro question

in the United States. I say this to show that there is more to

be said for the Australian point of view than some people are

inclined to suppose. Of course a great deal depends upon

whether the huge northern territory can be populated by white

men. Upon that I hesitate to pronounce a definite opinion. I

believe it is possible for a white man, if he is steady,

sober, and careful, to colonize for a time this great tropical

land; but it is a very serious matter how far the climate is

suitable for women and children, and whether we can hope from

generation to generation that a healthy and virile race can

continue to live and breed in that climate. The territory is

over half a million square miles in extent, and the white

population is well under 2,000 people. …

"There is plenty of land all through Australia for men who

are willing to go there and will be steady and sober and work

hard. I have been North, South, East, and West. I can claim

for myself the credit that I have travelled fairly hard, and I

have seen in every State of Australia plenty of land available

for close settlement. If the great landowners are disinclined

to sell their holdings—and I quite acknowledge that a great

deal of the best land in Australia is in comparatively few

hands—at all events the State Governments have very large

reserves of land; and by the application of irrigation and

other methods of scientific farming they could compete on even

terms at least with these squatters, and they could turn these

waste lands into fertile country fit for settlers. I am very

glad to think that both in New South Wales and Victoria very

large irrigation works are in progress and will be completed

in a very short time, adding enormously to the acreage of land

fit for cultivation; and I say deliberately and advisedly, I

care not for reports of Commissions or individuals, that there

is land and to spare for generations for men who are ready to

undertake the cultivation."

A correspondent of the London Times, writing from

Sydney in January, 1909, on the subject of the vast quantity

of fertile land in Australia that is locked up by private

owners in vast sheep runs, to the exclusion of settlement, had

this to say: "You may take it as an axiom that immigration to

Australia will do no good till the fertile lands are thrown

open. And a very large proportion of the closed land is

controlled from London, either by ex-Australians who live

there and draw their income from Australian property, or by

big British companies. … It is necessary to warn seriously

shareholders and directors of the big companies that they must

put pressure on their officials out here, or prepare to have

more drastic pressure forced on themselves. At present, those

officials are often responsible for Australian dislike of the

absentee company."

{307}

In another letter to the same paper it was said: "Somehow or

other the locked-up lands must be opened for agricultural

uses. No one now doubts that, and only a few owners, usually

either absentees or corporations, pretend to doubt it. The

Labour recipe is a Federal land tax on estates over £5,000 in

value, of such a kind that fair use of the land will produce

profit on which the tax will be a mere fleabite, while it will

be a serious charge on fertile land that is used only for

sheep runs. The proposed tax is to be Federal simply because

there is no hope of passing the requisite Bill through several

of the State Upper Houses; otherwise it is more properly a

State concern. Now what we have to remember is that this is

not only Labour’s remedy. I believe it would be quite possible

to carry such a proposal in the present Federal Parliament, so

definitely has public opinion swung round against the big

owners who keep their land idle. If it is not carried next

session, it will be because Mr. Deakin gave his word two years

ago that he would not introduce the subject in this

Parliament; but Mr. Deakin’s attitude is this—that he wishes

the States would do it, that he does not consider this

Parliament has any mandate to legislate for it, but that he

personally has always favoured such a tax, and, if the

States take no steps in that direction, he will support, or

even propose, the measure when it has been submitted to the

country at a general election. It is useless, therefore, for

any one to decry the tax as merely a Labour idea, a

‘Socialistic’ nostrum. The support given it in Australia is

far wider than that. And, apart from the many who advocate it

as the best remedy for the present land-hunger, there is an

increasing body of electors who are being forced into

supporting it because no other remedies seem practicable."

The attitude of the Australian Labor Party on the inseparable

immigration and land questions was stated very clearly and

succinctly in a letter to the London Times, dated at

Newcastle, New South Wales, June 30, 1909, by a member of the

Party, Frank Pittock, who signs himself "a Magistrate of the

Territory." He writes: "We cannot at present obtain land for

our own genuine land-seekers, skilled in the peculiar

requirements of pastoral and agricultural work on the

Australian soil. We certainly are unable to give our own

unemployed a chance on the land. Any importations of labour

from over the seas merely serve to render more distressful the

unfortunate position of the colonial out-of-works. On the

other hand, we do now, and always have, welcomed new arrivals

who may be able, in the near future, to effectively augment

our productive wealth. The party fully recognizes the need of

population—of the right sort. We have vast empty spaces all

over the continent, now grazing grounds for sheep, yet

eminently suitable for intense settlement. The Australian

Labour party seeks the support, at the forthcoming general

election, of all who believe, as does your own Australian

Correspondent, that the satisfying of the earth-hunger of our

people is the great outstanding need of the day. Can we but be

authorized to force the huge monopolists to surrender portions

of their holdings we shall have, not only land for our own

landless, but land and to spare for those who seek it from the

British Isles. … We dare not, as a conscientious and

humanitarian party, invite our kith and kin from other parts

to come here now. We should be traitors to the Empire,

betrayers of the race, if we endorsed in any way the attitude

of those who seek, apparently, to flood this fair land with

any population at all, regardless of the evil consequences to

the immigrants themselves, and alike regardless of the grave

injustice thereby done to native-born landless and, in many

cases, at present, work-seeking Australians."

A Press despatch from Sydney, October 30, made the following

announcement: "Under the closer settlement amendment Bill,

which is now before the Legislative Council of New South

Wales, the Government will be empowered by proclamation to

earmark estates in the vicinity of towns which might impede

settlement. When such estates are of the value of £10,000 and

upwards the Government may agree with the owners to subdivide

them on terms and areas to be agreed upon, so as to ensure

bona fide settlement. If the owners fulfil the

agreement, the proclamation will be cancelled; if the owners

refuse to subdivide within five years, the Government reserves

the power to resume at the value on the date of proclamation."

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Brazil: 1908-1909.

Increasing Influx.

"During the year [1908] 112,234 persons came into the country,

of which 17,539 were visitors and 94,695 immigrants. This

shows a notable increase of 26,908 immigrants, or about forty

per cent. over the number registered in 1907. Of these 74,999

came at their own expense and 11,109 at the cost of the Union.

The increase continues this year, as will be seen from the

record of the Port of Rio de Janeiro alone, which received

13,580 immigrants during the first quarter of this year, as

compared with 8,607 in 1908 and 5,943 in 1907. In spite of the

small grant allotted to this service, it has been conducted

with the greatest efficiency. The Department for the Peopling

of the Soil has effected the location of immigrants in 26

colonies, situated respectively in the States of Espirito

Santo, Rio de Janeiro, Minas Geraes, São Paulo, Parana, Santa

Catharina, and Rio-Grande-do-Sul, eleven of which are directly

under the supervision of the Union. All the nucleus colonies

founded last year enjoy unrestricted prosperity, and it has

been even necessary to acquire neighbouring lands in order to

satisfy the constant demand for more land on the part of the

families settled."

President’s Message to Congress,

May 3, 1909.

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Canada: A. D. 1896-1909.

The "American Invasion" of the Northwest.

Immigration of the last decade.

See (in this Volume )

CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: England: A. D. 1905-1909.

The Aliens Act.

Restrictions on the admission of Aliens.

A new policy.

Until 1905, England offered practically an open door to the

aliens who sought either a permanent home or a temporary

residence on her island soil. Little scrutiny was given to

them and almost no restriction on their coming in. But some

years before that date a growing criticism of such

unconditioned hospitality was begun.

{308}

In 1888 it induced the appointment of a Select Committee of

the House of Commons "to inquire into the laws existing in the

United States and elsewhere on the subject of the immigration

of destitute aliens, and the extent and effect of such

immigration into the United Kingdom, and to report whether it

is desirable to impose any, and if so, what, restrictions on

such immigration." The Commission reported in 1889 that it

thought "the alien population was not numerous enough to

create alarm," and that it was "not prepared to recommend

legislation at present," but saw "the possibility of such

legislation becoming necessary in the future." Several

proposals of restrictive measures were urged without success

in the course of the next dozen years, and, in 1902, a Royal

Commission was appointed, "to inquire into—

(1) the character and extent of the evils which are attributed

to the unrestricted immigration of aliens, especially in the

Metropolis;

(2) the measures which have been adopted for the restriction

and control of alien immigration in foreign countries and in

British colonies."

The Commission produced an elaborate report in 1903

(Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 1741). Reviewing the hospitality of

the past, it found that the migrant aliens of former

generations had made the English people "their debtors"; but

they were of a different stamp from the immigrants of the

present movement, which "may be said to have begun about 1880,

and is drawn mainly from the Jewish inhabitants of Eastern

Europe." The causes of this recent exodus have been partly

economic and partly due to oppressive measures; and the result

of the Commission’s investigation of it was the expressed

opinion that "in respect of certain classes of immigrants,

especially those arriving from Eastern Europe, it is necessary

in the interests of the State generally, and of certain

localities in particular, that the entrance of such immigrants

into this country and their right of residence here should be

placed under conditions and regulations coming within that

right of interference which every country possesses to control

the entrance of foreigners into it. Such regulations should,

in our opinion," the report went on to say, "be made in order

to prevent so far as possible this country being burdened with

the presence of ‘undesirable aliens’ and to provide for their

repatriation in certain cases.

"But we think that the greatest evils produced by the presence

of the alien immigrants here are the overcrowding caused by

them in certain districts of London, and the consequent

displacement of the native population. There seems little

likelihood of being able to remedy these great evils by the

enforcement of any law applicable to the native and alien

population alike. We therefore think that special regulations

should be made for the purpose of preventing aliens at their

own will choosing their residence within districts already so

overcrowded that any addition to dwellers within it must

produce most injurious results. On this point the Commission

recommended specifically that if it be found that the

immigration of aliens into any area has substantially

contributed to any overcrowding, and that it is expedient that

no further newly-arrived aliens should become residents in

such area, the same may be declared prohibited area.

"We are also of opinion that efforts should be made to rid

this country of the presence of alien criminals (and other

objectionable characters)."

An Act embodying substantially the recommendations of the

Commission passed Parliament in 1905. Both the Act and the

administration of it have been criticised since, as lacking

stringency. Its working was reviewed at considerable length in

The Times of February 9, 1909 which made the following

statements, among others, on the subject:

"The Act, as now administered, does not subject all alien

immigrants, or even all steerage immigrants, to inspection. To

begin with, the regulation of alien immigration is confined,

practically, to the traffic between the United Kingdom and

ports in Europe or within the Mediterranean Sea."

In fact, according to The Times, "the vast majority of

aliens are not affected by the Act. A foreigner may enter this

country unchallenged—If he comes from an ‘extra-European’

port (with some exceptions); if he is a cabin passenger; if he

is an exempted second-class passenger; if he is a

transmigrant; if he is a passenger in a ship containing fewer

than 21 ‘alien steerage passengers.’

"Then also, though nominally a subject for inspection, he is

not called upon to satisfy the full requirements of the Act,

if he is proceeding to a destination outside the United

Kingdom; if he holds a return ticket; if he is a seaman; if he

is fleeing from religious or political persecution."

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Germany: A. D. 1904-1908.

Remarkable decrease of Emigration.

"German emigration has dwindled so steadily and rapidly that

at present it would seem to have reached the low-water mark in

its downward trend. A glance at the official statistics of

emigration will indicate the remarkable extent of this

retrogression. In 1852, Germans, to the number of 145,918, and

in 1854, to the number of 215,009, went to the United States

alone. In 1872, just after the unification of the Empire, the

grand total of German emigration amounted to 128,152; in 1873,

to 110,438; in 1881, to 220,902; in 1882, to 203,585 persons.

During the years succeeding 1882 up to 1892, the figures, in

the average, still surpassed 100,000, but since then they have

shown a notable falling off. Thus only 22,309 in 1900; 22,073

in 1901; 32,098 in 1902; 36,310 in 1903; 27,984 in 1904—were

recorded as having gone from Germany to lands beyond the sea.

"This retrogressive tendency appears the more surprising when

it is remembered that Germany’s population, mainly as a result

of the excess of births over deaths, but partly through its

inland migration, has, since the foundation of the Empire,

increased at an average annual rate of over half a million,

during recent years at the still higher rate of 800,000 per

annum. The cause for this seeming anomaly lies in the

extraordinary economical development of Germany during the

last decade, in the consequent steady improvement of the

social status of its laboring classes, brought about by a

progressive rise in wages, and in the elimination, thereby, of

one of the strongest incentives to emigration in former days."

Baron Speck von Sternburg,

The Phantom Peril of German Emigration and

South American Settlements

(North American Review, May, 1906).

{309}

Of the emigrants from Germany in 1908, the United States

Consul-General reported that they numbered only 19,880, being

11,816 less than in 1907.

"From 1897 to 1907 the yearly mean average was 27,526, or 0.47

per cent. of the population. Altogether since 1871 the German

Empire has lost only 2,750,000 people by emigration, or as

many people as can be made good in four years by the excess of

births over deaths."

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Italy: A. D. 1908.

Great falling off in the Movement of Emigration.

As reported in a Press despatch from Rome, in June, 1909, the

statistics of 1908 showed a marked falling off in Italian

emigration. "In 1907 the total number of emigrants was

704,675; in 1908 it was only 486,674. The most notable

reduction is in the number of emigrants to the United States,

which has fallen from 298,124 in 1907 to 131,501 in 1908. This

chiefly affects Southern Italy, the Abruzzi, Campania,

Calabria, Basilicata, and Sicily; the northern emigration,

which for the most part is directed towards European

countries, is also diminished, but in a less proportion.

Unfortunately, this change is not due to more favourable

labour conditions in Italy, but to a smaller demand for labour

in North America. The number of emigrants to Argentina has

slightly increased from 78,493 to 80,699; but the great market

for Italian labour, the United States, is, to judge from the

figures of this year as well as last year, surely and

irretrievably growing smaller."

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Peru: A. D. 1906.

Decree for the Encouragement of Immigration.

The following decree was promulgated by President Pardo the

10th of August, 1906:

"First.

The State will provide third-class passages for the natives of

Europe and America who may wish to introduce industrial or

private enterprises, provided that they fulfill the following

conditions:

(a) That they are from 16 to 50 years of age, if they

are males, and from 10 to 40 if they are females, fulfilling

the conditions of morality and health laid down in the rules

now in force.

(b) That they come to engage in agriculture, in mining,

or in other industries, or to devote themselves to these

occupations for account of colonization, immigration, or

irrigation enterprises.

"Second.

The payment of the passages will be made through the consuls

of the Republic in the ports of shipment in view of the orders

cabled by the ministry of fomento, to which office must be

presented in writing the request of the interested parties for

such payment, indicating at the same time the number of

immigrants, the agricultural estate or industrial

establishment to which they are destined, and declaring

themselves obliged to provide lodging, board, and medical

attendance for the immigrants from the port of landing to the

place of destination.

"Third.

The consuls of the Republic, on receipt of the order from the

minister of fomento, shall make the payment of the passages to

the steamer companies direct, with previous personal and

individual evidence that the immigrants fulfill the conditions

set forth in Article 1 of this decree, and for this purpose

they shall give a certificate to each immigrant, which shall

be collected by the maritime authorities of the port of

landing and afterwards forwarded to the ministry of fomento.

"Fourth.

A general register of immigrants shall be opened in the

agricultural section of the ministry of fomento, in accordance

with the models and instructions obtained from that

department."

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1868-1908.

Chinese Exclusion Laws vs. Treaties with China.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1868-1900, and 1905-1908.

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: A. D. 1905-1909.

National Conference of 1905.

The New Immigration Law.

Excluded Classes.

Congressional Commission to investigate Immigration.

Its Preliminary Report.

Information for Immigrants.

Measures for distributing them.

Backward turn of the tide in 1908.

At a National Conference on the subject of Immigration, held

at New York in December, 1905, under the auspices of the

National Civic Federation, the Commissioner-General of

Immigration, Mr. Frank P. Sargent, presented some facts of the

immigration of the preceding statistical year which claimed

very grave consideration. During the twelve months ending June

30 there had been 1,026,499 arrivals in this country, and of

this number seven hundred and seventy-seven thousand, or 76

per cent., settled in six States—New York, Pennsylvania,

Massachusetts, Illinois, New Jersey, and Ohio. New York

received over three hundred and fifteen thousand, while the

West received only forty three thousand; Pennsylvania received

over two hundred and ten thousand, while the South received

only forty-six thousand. Fifty-seven thousand came to New

Jersey, while North Carolina’s share was one hundred and

eighty-three. These figures gave point to Mr. Sargent’s

statement that the immigrants go where their friends are.

Their only sources of information concerning this country are

the agents of the transportation companies and their friends

who have come here before. The resulting lack of knowledge

concerning those parts of the country in which they are most

needed is the chief cause of the congestion in the large

cities and the more densely populated States which is one of

the most serious aspects of the immigration problem.

Nearly twelve thousand immigrants were refused admission

during the year, of whom eight thousand were paupers, two

thousand diseased, and one thousand brought in violation of

the contract labour law. "It is right," said Mr. Sargent,

"that they should be denied admission, wrong that they ever

should have been started from home."

In the new Immigration Law enacted by Congress in February,

1907, provision was made for giving information to immigrants,

after their landing in the country, such as may guide them in

the choice of their place of settlement. It authorized the

Commissioner-General of Immigration to establish a Division of

Information, the duty of which shall be "to promote a

beneficial distribution of aliens admitted into the United

States among the several States and Territories desiring

immigration." To which end "correspondence shall be had with

the proper officials of the States and Territories, and said

division shall gather from all available sources useful

information regarding the resources, products, and physical

characteristics of each State and Territory, and shall publish

such information in different languages and distribute the

publications among all admitted aliens who may ask for such

information at the immigrant stations of the United States and

to such other persons as may desire the same." Agents

appointed by any State or Territory to represent to arriving

immigrants the inducements it can offer to them are to have

perfect freedom and opportunity to do so.

{310}

For checking the immigration of prohibited classes of aliens

at the foreign starting-points of their journey to America,

instead of at the landing places on this side of the ocean,

the new law only lays more rigid restrictions and heavier

penalties on the transportation companies, to make them

exercise a more careful discrimination in their acceptance of

passengers. It adds several classes to the former list of

aliens to be excluded from admission to the United States. The

list now reads: "All idiots, imbeciles, feeble-minded persons,

epileptics, insane persons, and persons who have been insane

within five years previous; persons who have had two or more

attacks of insanity at any time previously; paupers; persons

likely to become a public charge; professional beggars;

persons afflicted with tuberculosis or with a loathsome or

dangerous contagious disease; persons not comprehended within

any of the foregoing excluded classes who are found to be and

are certified by the examining surgeon as being mentally or

physically defective, such mental or physical defect being of

a nature which may affect the ability of such alien to earn a

living; persons who have been convicted of or admit having

committed a felony or other crime or misdemeanor involving

moral turpitude; polygamists, or persons who admit their

belief in the practice of polygamy, anarchists, or persons who

believe in or advocate the overthrow by force or violence of

the Government of the United States, or of all government, or

of all forms of law, or the assassination of public officials:

prostitutes, or women or girls coming into the United States

for the purpose of prostitution or for any other immoral

purpose; persons who procure or attempt to bring in

prostitutes or women or girls for the purpose of prostitution

or for any other immoral purpose,"—together with contract

laborers, so called, assisted immigrants, and children under

sixteen years of age unaccompanied by one or both of their

parents.

The new law created a Commission to investigate the subject of

immigration and to report its findings and recommendations to

Congress. The Commission to be composed of three Senators,

three Representatives, and three persons to be appointed by

the President. A preliminary report from this Commission was

presented to Congress on the 1st of March, 1909. This

indicated no more than the progress that had been made in a

most exhaustive investigation, which probably would require

the greater part of another year to carry it to completion. It

was covering every phase of the immigration question,

including Oriental aliens and other excluded classes, peonage,

charity among immigrants, white slave traffic, conditions of

steerage, anthropology, congestion in large cities, alien

criminality, competition of immigrants, school inquiries,

administration of the immigration laws, distribution of

immigrants, and other questions. In its work the Commission

had employed 198 persons, of whom 82 were in Washington, 2 in

New York, 2 in San Francisco, 92 in field work, and 20 in

special lines of inquiry.

The preliminary report of the Commission indicates that the

present provisions of law for the exclusion of undesirable

persons are stronger in theory than they are effective in

practice, and that thousands of very undesirable immigrants

enter the country every year. The Commission expresses a

confident expectation of finding means of prevention that will

be effective. It is conducting an inquiry of great importance

into the subject of alien criminality. The higher criminal

courts of New York city are keeping records, at its request,

in detail, of each person convicted of crime, and it is

intended that a study of foreign-born criminals, and criminals

of the second generation, will be made in that city. The

investigation, however, is not confined to the larger cities.

The Division of Information in the Department of Commerce and

Labor which the new Immigration Law provided for was organized

with Mr. Terence V. Powderly, former Commissioner-General of

Immigration, as its Chief. In July, 1909, there was an

announcement of its undertaking to bring about coöperation

with the Governors of States and Territories, in organized

measures to accomplish a better distribution through the

country of the foreigners that come to it.

Dr. L. Pierce Clark has lately called attention to the fact

that the increase of immigration into the United States has

reached the point of making the influx of aliens the principal

source of population, and that "its character has changed so

fundamentally that it has assumed an entirely new relation to

American social problems. Up to 1900 the average annual

immigration had not exceeded one-half of one per cent of the

population of the United States, and the races which had made

the first settlement in the country were still contributing

more than 75 per cent. of the whole number of arrivals. By

1901 the new immigration had fairly started, the English,

Irish, German, and Scandinavian had been supplanted by

Hebrews, Slavs, and Italians, and the impetus had been

received which, four years later, was to carry immigration

past the million-a-year mark. More than one-fifth of all the

immigrants who have come to this country have arrived since

1900, and, with the changed source of immigration, a

remarkable transformation in the composition of our

foreign-born population is in progress."

The industrial depression of 1907, however, produced evidence

that much of this later immigration has not been for permanent

settlement; that the facilitation and cheapening of travel

have brought about extensive movements of people, from

southern and southeastern Europe, especially, who come to

America only to earn and save a little fund which suffices for

a comfortable remainder of life in their own land. The check

to such earning which occurred in 1907 turned the tide of

migration instantly back from America to Europe. According to

statistics prepared by Mr. Watchorn, the late

Commissioner-General of Immigration, the excess of departures

over arrivals at the port of New York, in the half year from

January 1 to July 1, 1908, was 129,511. In the whole fiscal

year that ended June 30, 1908, the departures from New York

were 631,458; the arrivals 689,474; showing the gain of

population to the country that year from incomers through the

port of New York to have been only 58,016, even if all became

permanent inhabitants.

See, also (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS, AND CANADA.

----------IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: End--------

{311}

IMPERIAL CONFERENCE.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

IMPERIAL PRESS CONFERENCE, The.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).

INCOME TAX:

Proposed amendment to the U. S. Constitution.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

INDEMNITY FOR THE BOXER RISING:

Remittance of part of it by the United States.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

INDEPENDENCE LEAGUE.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905, and

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910.

INDEPENDENCE PARTY, or KOSSUTH PARTY.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903, and 1904.

INDEPENDENT FILIPINO CHURCH.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.

INDEPENDENT LABOR PARTY, BRITISH.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903, and 1905-1906; also,

SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.

INDEPENDENTS.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

INDEPENDISTAS.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

INDETERMINATE SENTENCES.

See (in this Volume)

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

----------INDIA: Start--------

INDIA: A. D. 1902-1903.

Ravages of the Bubonic Plague.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH: BUBONIC PLAGUE.

INDIA: A. D. 1902-1904.

Forced opening of Tibet to trade.

The mission and expedition of Colonel Younghusband.

See (in this Volume)

TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.

INDIA: A. D. 1903.

The question of Indian Labor in South Africa.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903.

INDIA: A. D. 1903 (January).

Great Durbar at Delhi.

A great Durbar or reception was held at Delhi, on the

first of January, 1903, by the Viceroy and by the Duke and

Duchess of Connaught, specially deputed to represent their

majesties the Emperor and Empress of India. About 100 ruling

chiefs were in attendance, and the visitors drawn by the

spectacle were estimated to number 173,000.

INDIA: A. D. 1903-1908.

Hostility in the Transvaal to British Indian Immigration.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1908.

INDIA: A. D. 1904-1909.

Coöperative Industrial Movement.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: INDIA.

INDIA: A. D. 1905 (April).

Terrific earthquake in the Punjab and United Provinces.

See (in this Volume)

EARTHQUAKES: INDIA: A. D. 1905.

INDIA: A. D. 1905 (August).

Resignation of Lord Curzon.

Announcement of the resignation of the Viceroyalty by Lord

Curzon was made August 21. The immediate cause of his action

was understood to be the refusal of the Home Government to

approve his nomination of an officer, General Barrow, whom he

wished to have placed on the Viceroy’s Council. But friction

between Lord Curzon and the Commander-in-Chief in India, Lord

Kitchener, over questions of military administration and the

authority belonging to their respective offices had been

troublesome for some time past, and the Viceroy had seemed to

regard the attitude of the government at home as more

favorable to Lord Kitchener than to himself.

INDIA: A. D. 1905 (August).

Agreement concerning India between Great Britain and Japan.

See (in this Volume)

Japan: A. D. 1905 (August).

INDIA: A. D. 1905-1908.

The Starving Poverty of the Mass of the People.

"Suppose we divide the past century into quarters, or periods

of twenty-five years each. In the first quarter there were

five famines, with an estimated loss of life of 1,000,000.

During the second quarter of the century were two famines,

with an estimated mortality of 500,000. During the third

quarter there there were six famines, with a recorded loss of

life of 5,000,000. During the last quarter of the century,

what? Eighteen famines, with an estimated mortality reaching

the awful totals of from 15,000,000 to 26,000,000. And this

does not include the many more millions (over 6,000,000 in a

single year) barely kept alive by government doles.

"What is the cause of these famines, and this appalling

increase in their number and destructiveness. The common

answer is, the failure of the rains. But there seems to be no

evidence that the rains fail worse now than they did a hundred

years ago. Moreover, why should failure of rains bring famine?

The rains have never failed over areas so extensive as to

prevent the raising of enough food in the land to supply the

needs of the entire population. Why then have people starved?

… Because they were so indescribably poor. All candid and

thorough investigation into the causes of the famines of India

has shown that the chief and fundamental cause has been and is

the poverty of the people,—a poverty so severe and terrible

that it keeps the majority of the entire population on the

very verge of starvation even in years of greatest plenty. …

"And the people are growing poorer and poorer. The late Mr.

William Digby, of London, long an Indian resident, in his

recent book entitled, Prosperous India, shows from

official estimates and Parliamentary and Indian Blue Books,

that, whereas the average daily income of the people of India

in the year 1850 was estimated as four cents per person (a

pittance on which one wonders that any human being can live),

in 1882 it had fallen to three cents per person and in 1900

actually to less than two cents per person. Is it any wonder

that people reduced to such extremities as this can lay up

nothing? …

{312}

"One cause of India’s impoverishment is heavy taxation.

Taxation in England and Scotland is high, so high that

Englishmen and Scotchmen complain bitterly. But the people of

India are taxed more than twice as heavily as the people of

England and three times as heavily as those of Scotland.

According to the latest statistics at hand, those of 1905, the

annual average income per person in India is about $6.00,

and the annual tax per person about $2.00. …

"Notice the single item of salt-taxation. Salt is an absolute

necessity to the people, to the very poorest; they must have

it or die. But the tax upon it which for many years they have

been compelled to pay has been much greater than the cost

value of the salt. Under this taxation the quantity of salt

consumed has been reduced actually to one-half the quantity

declared by medical authorities to be absolutely necessary for

health. …

"Another cause of India’s impoverishment is the destruction of

her manufactures, as the result of British rule. … Great

Britain wanted India’s markets. She could not find entrance

for British manufactures so long as India was supplied with

manufactures of her own. So those of India must be sacrificed.

England had all power in her hands, and so she proceeded to

pass tariff and excise laws that ruined the manufactures of

India and secured the market for her own goods.

"A third cause of India’s impoverishment is the enormous and

wholly unnecessary cost of her government. …

"Another burden upon the people of India which they ought not

to be compelled to bear, and which does much to increase their

poverty, is the enormously heavy military expenses of the

government. …

"Perhaps the greatest of all the causes of the impoverishment

of the Indian people is the steady and enormous drain of

wealth from India to England, which has been going on ever

since the East India Company first set foot in the land, three

hundred years ago, and is still going on with steadily

increasing Volume. … Says Mr. R. C. Dutt, author of the

Economic History of India (and there is no higher

authority), ‘A sum reckoned at twenty millions of English

money, or a hundred millions of American money [some other

authorities put it much higher], which it should be borne in

mind is equal to half the net revenues of India, is remitted

annually from this country [India] to England, without a

direct equivalent.’"

J. T. Sunderland,

The New Nationalist Movement in India

(Atlantic Monthly, October, 1908).

INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

The Partition of Bengal.

Resentment and Disaffection of the Bengalese.

The Swadeshi Movement.

Reported improvement of conditions in the new province of

Eastern Bengal and Assam.

The partition of Bengal, in October, 1905, one of the latest

measures of Lord Curzon’s administration of the Government of

India, gave rise to much native agitation and disaffection,

and is still under criticism in England, but not likely to be

undone. In the view of the Anglo-Indian Government the

partition was a necessity, because of the magnitude of the

province, in territory and population, which made the task of

provincial administration too difficult. It was far the

largest of the administrative divisions of British India,

containing nearly a third of the Indian subjects of the

English King. Assam, formerly joined with it, had been

separated from it administratively in 1874, under a Chief

Commissioner. Fifteen of the eastern districts of Bengal,

adjacent to Assam, were now united with the latter to form a

new province, called Eastern Bengal and Assam, and this

disruption of the old province was resented very passionately

by a large part of the Bengalese. They refused to believe the

reasons given for the partition, but gave it an offensive

explanation, which one of the native journals in Calcutta put

briefly as follows: "The objects of the scheme are, briefly,

first, to destroy the collective power of the Bengali people;

secondly, to overthrow the political ascendency of Calcutta;

and, thirdly, to foster in East Bengal the growth of a

Mohammedan power which it is supposed will have the effect of

keeping in check the rapidly growing strength of the educated

Hindu community." In the official British view, on the other

hand, the whole stir of Bengalese feeling was artfully wrought

up for mischievous ends; but it is easier to believe that

something in the nature of a historic sentiment of nationality

was really hurt and angered by the partition. Yet Bengal

cannot be said to have had anything that resembled a distinct

national history for many centuries before it came under the

rule of the British East India Company, in 1765. Nor had its

name been precisely and continuously attached to any

well-defined territory.

Whatever the source of excited feeling may have been, however,

it was ardent and persistent, especially in the educated

class, and it gave a start to what received the name of the

Swadeshi or national movement of hostility to all things

English, directed mainly to the boycotting of English

merchandise, and to the organization of efforts for promoting

home production in all industrial fields. The Swadeshi

movement soon spread beyond Bengal; but its stimulations have

been centered there. The intensity of the feeling in Bengal

was such that on the 16th of October, 1905, when the partition

took effect, the Hindus of Calcutta put on mourning garments,

suspended business and work, and vowed that its anniversaries

should be memorial mourning days. Pupils in native schools

became so offensive in their anti-English demonstrations that

the Lieutenant-Governor of the new province, Sir Bampfylde

Fuller, in February, 1906, unwisely requested the Calcutta

University to disaffiliate two schools in the Pabna district,

taking away the pecuniary aid they received. The request was

disapproved by Lord Curzon’s successor in the Viceroyalty,

Lord Minto, and rather than withdraw it the

Lieutenant-Governor resigned.

In the winter of 1909 the London Times sent a special

correspondent into Eastern Bengal to study the results of the

partition, so far as developed in three years. His

observations and conclusions were communicated in a long,

interesting letter from Dacca, February 15th. He wrote:

"No one can visit the new province, and endeavour to inquire

impartially into its condition before the ‘partition,’ without

realizing that some administrative division of Bengal had

become imperative. Until five years ago, Eastern Bengal was

the ‘Cinderella’ of the provinces of India. Good

administration stopped short on the line of the Ganges. Beyond

that line officers were few, and the interest of the central

authorities in their work and in the welfare of the people in

their charge was comparatively limited. …

{313}

Land revenue administration was persistently neglected in the

temporary settled tracts. Calcutta and its immediate vicinity,

and the more accessible districts of Old Bengal, absorbed the

greater part of the time and attention of the Bengal

Government. Money was poured out upon Calcutta and its

environs, and Eastern Bengal was financially starved. Very

little was spent upon education, and the whole riverain region

was most inadequately policed. Crime was far more rife in the

southern districts of the province than in any other part of

India. The peasantry groaned beneath the exactions of the

representatives of absentee landlords, and they were left

unregarded and unprotected. The whole province suffered

because its rulers were immersed in the preoccupations of

Calcutta. The very railways were constructed, not to serve the

needs of these 30 millions of people, but to meet the

requirements of the city on the Hughli. …

"It is remarkable to note how, in the short space of three

years, the old deplorable conditions of Eastern Bengal have

already undergone a satisfactory process of modification. The

province is no longer content to be dragged at the tail of Old

Bengal. A new and independent provincial spirit is springing

up. Eastern Bengal is beginning to recognize all that a

separate existence means to it. Its Civil servants, from the

Lieutenant-Governor downwards, take a pride in the great work

of regeneration which has been entrusted to them. Their task

is enormous, and the workers are far too few. They are like

men who have been set to create a new colony out of a land of

chaos. They have before them almost as formidable an

undertaking as the making of modern Egypt, but it is an Egypt

of green rice-fields with half-a-dozen Niles. …

"The demand for higher education in Eastern Bengal is perhaps

greater than in any other part of India. The admirable

Government College at Dacca has now been provided with

splendid buildings, begun, however, before the 'partition.'

The whole province is being supplied with a set of colleges

adequate to its needs. The staffs of the colleges are being

augmented and their administration overhauled. The principal

private colleges are also being assisted with liberal grants

and transformed into institutions which will give a sound

education. The exceptionally large number of 'high' English

schools in Eastern Bengal had also been greatly neglected,

both those under the Government and those in private hands.

All are now being improved, and are receiving liberal

assistance. …

"Another important task undertaken by the new Government is

that of conducting an elaborate survey and framing a Record of

Rights in the zemindari tracts which constitute the bulk of

the province. The undertaking was devised before the

‘partition,’ but it has been expedited by the change. It is an

extraordinary thing that in all these permanently settled

areas there has been hitherto no record and no map. The

consequence was that the cultivators were constantly bullied

and harassed by the agents of the absentee zemindars, and were

never able to feel any reasonable security of tenure of the

land they tilled. Land disputes were incessant, and were

constantly accompanied by loss of life. In the Backergunge

district, the most turbulent area in India, there were

frequent riots, of which murders were an almost invariable

feature. Since the framing of the Record of Rights in

Backergunge this class of crime has already decreased by 50

per cent.

"I have yet to meet anybody, English or Indian, who can tell

me in what respect the ‘partition’ has injured a single living

soul; while one has only to visit this province, invigorated

with new life and inspired by new aspirations, to realize the

benefits the severance has conferred upon millions of

neglected people. To alter or to modify it now would be

suicidal folly; it would be worse, for it would be a criminal

blunder. It would not placate the wordy ‘patriots’ of

Calcutta, who have used the ‘partition’ as a rallying cry for

lack of a better grievance; and it would alienate the 18

millions of backward Mahomedans in the province who have

placed their alliance in British honour and British pledges.

The Nawab of Dacca, with whom I had a long conversation on the

subject, declared that any attempt to meddle with the

‘partition’—an attempt he still seemed to fear was

possible—would produce the most deplorable results among his

co-religionists. … Nor is there the slightest need for change

or modification. The ‘partition’ is already thrice justified

in the eyes of all men, save only a few malcontent members of

Parliament who know nothing of present conditions in Bengal.

Even in Calcutta the outcry, which was always less against the

fact of the ‘partition’ than against the motive which the

Bengalis erroneously believed to have prompted it, has long

ago died away. Yet, justifiable and necessary though the

‘partition’ was, it remains to be added that, apart from its

complex administrative problems, Eastern Bengal will never be

a very easy province to control. The high-caste Hindus, the

Brahmins, the Baidyas, and the Kayasths—the Brahmins and the

lesser Brahmins,—rule the roast, and it will be long years

before the teeming millions of Mahometan cultivators emerge

from their depressed condition. The few Mahomedan families who

can claim noble birth are decadent and disappearing. The

Hindus have absorbed their lands, the clever lawyers have

converted themselves into rich landowners. It is from the

ranks of these high-caste Hindus that are drawn the members of

the revolutionary societies to which I alluded in a

telegraphic despatch sent from this city yesterday. These

classes show a persistent and increasing spirit of hostility

to the British Raj which no amount of conciliatory measures

will overcome. It is impossible to move about the province and

to converse with the men who know it best without feeling that

the situation is full of dangerous possibilities. The men of

Eastern Bengal are more courageous, more determined, more

persistent than their compatriots in Old Bengal; and the

better classes of Hindus have qualities which are not easily

discernible in the Calcutta babu. They approach more

nearly to the spirit of the Mahrattas of the Deccan than any

other section of the people on this side of India. It is a

significant fact that most of the prisoners now under trial at

Alipur in connexion with the anarchist conspiracy came from

Eastern Bengal. But even as one writes one realizes how

difficult it is to generalize in this country of startling

paradox.

{314}

Yesterday, in Dacca, 200 Hindu pundits assembled to present a

Sanscrit address to the Lieutenant-Governor, Sir Lancelot

Hare. Many of them had come long distances. They were all old

men with great nobility of countenance, some with long beards,

others with the face of the Cæsars. And at the conclusion of

the ceremony each kindly and venerable scholar advanced, and

with great dignity presented the Lieutenant-Governor with a

rose. From the bombs of last week to the roses of yesterday,

what a gulf lies between the two!"

INDIA: A. D. 1907.

Hostility in Western Canada to Hindu Laborers.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: CANADA.

INDIA: A. D. 1907 (December).

Meeting and Resolution of the All-India Moslem League.

Mahomedan loyalty to the British Government.

A new factor in Indian politics.

"On December 30th last a Mahomedan Conference, in session at

Dacca, the capital of the newly-created Province of Eastern

Bengal, departing absolutely from its traditions, openly

discussed the question of the protection of Mahomedan

interests from a political standpoint, and finally carried

unanimously a motion for the formation of an ‘All-India Moslem

League’ to promote among the Mahomedans of India feelings of

loyalty to the British Government, and to remove any

misconceptions that may arise as to the intentions of

Government with regard to any of its measures; to protect and

to advance the political rights and interests of the

Mahomedans of India, and respectfully to represent their needs

and aspirations to Government, and to prevent the rise among

Mahomedans in India of any feelings of hostility towards other

communities, without prejudice to the other objects of the

League. A strong Provisional Committee was formed, with power

to add to its number, and the joint secretaries appointed were

the Nawabs Vicar-ul-mulk and Mohsin-ul-mulk, two of the most

important members of the Mahomedan community in India and men

of great intellectual capacity. The Committee was charged to

frame a constitution within a period of four months, and

further to convene a meeting of Indian Mahomedans at a

suitable time and place to lay the constitution before such

meeting for final approval and adoption. The Rubicon has been

crossed; the Mahomedans of India have forsaken the shades of

retirement for the political arena; henceforth a new factor in

Indian politics has to be reckoned with."

E. E. Lang,

The All-India Moslem League

(Contemporary Review, September, 1907).

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.

The Outbreak of Anarchism.

Summary Measures of Suppression.

The native disaffection in Bengal which became anarchistic in

its violence in 1907, and which perpetrated a number of

murders before it was suppressed, culminated on the 10th of

February, 1909, in the assassination of a prominent native

lawyer, Ashutosh Biswas, who had taken part in the prosecution

of some of the anarchists. Writing of that crime, from

Calcutta, a special correspondent of the London Times,

who had been pursuing an investigation of the terrorist

conspiracy from its beginning, gave an extended account of

what he had learned, part of which is given in the following:

"All that can be said with certainty is that the gospel of

violence, the creed which advocates the use of any form of

force against the British, is Mahratta in its origin; but so

far it is the Bengalis alone who have put it into practice. It

was conceived in Poona, which city has always continued to

inspire and direct it; it was transferred to Baroda, where it

flourished in secret among a limited circle; and it was

transplanted to Calcutta, where it grew apace, somewhere

between the years 1902 and 1904. Certain classes of Bengalis,

who are all adepts at intrigue, took up the new idea with

enthusiasm; but not all who knocked were admitted to the inner

circle. The real conspirators were still probably few in

number when the ‘partition’ of Bengal gave the politicians

their opportunity. The anarchists were furious at the

partition agitation. They were quite content that less

militant persons should prepare the ground for them, by

preaching to the people of the iniquities of the British Raj;

but they were reluctant to see the popular mind actively

diverted to such minor issues as swadeshi and the

boycott. The extermination of the British was their one and

only aim.

"However, as the Congress politicians had succeeded in

arousing intense excitement about the partition, the anarchist

gang sought to turn the situation to their own advantage. …

Recruits were, however, only gradually admitted into the inner

ring; and there were many people who associated with the

anarchists, and sometimes furnished them with funds, who never

took part in their operations. Propaganda formed a prominent

feature of the anarchists’ work. In this department the worst

types of seditious journals, which have now disappeared,

played a great part. Such newspapers as the Yugantar   started ‘messes’ and ‘hostels,’ to which subscribers,

particularly those residing up-country, were invited to come

free of charge. They stayed for a day or two, heard the new

gospel preached, and then made way for others. …

"The existence of this considerable organization was not

really suspected by the police until after the attempt to

wreck Sir Andrew Fraser’s train in December, 1907. Some of the

anarchists were under suspicion, and were being watched as

notoriously disaffected persons, but even the shooting of Mr.

B. C. Allen, District Magistrate of Dacca, in the same month,

did not reveal the conspiracy. The police were, however, on

the right track; and a couple of days after two unfortunate

ladies had been killed by a bomb at Muzaffarpur, on April 30,

1908, they acted. At a house in Calcutta, and in a garden on

the outskirts, large seizures of bombs, explosives, and

revolvers were made and about 30 alleged anarchists were

arrested. Other arrests followed. The famous Manicktollah

garden was the principal scene of anarchist activity. It is so

secluded that one wonders it was ever discovered. Far on the

confines of Calcutta, through a network of mean huts beneath

waving palms, a series of winding paths leads to a couple of

mouldering gate-pillars innocent of any gate. Within, under

shady trees, stands a small building in the last stage of

disrepair. It is mean and dirty and squalid, the true squalor

of anarchism. If it is only in such a spot that any movement

can be hatched for the overthrow of the British Raj, then the

British Raj is safe for a long time.

{315}

"The prisoners were taken to the Alipur Gaol, and their trial

was commenced at the Alipur Police Court. I visited the Court

one day—I think it was the seventieth day of the trial—and

marvelled afresh. They were ranged in rows, about 50 men, all

young, all huddled together and squatting on their haunches.

The only man among them with an intellectual face was Arabindo

Ghose, the alleged leader, who sat in a far corner. He has the

face of a dreamer, as indeed he is, and with his long hair and

short beard might very well pass for a certain type of

artistic Frenchman. Whether he be guilty or not is no affair

of mine, but his record excites pity. He went to England with

brilliant gifts and high hopes, and he had a distinguished

career at school and University. But men who profess to know

say that he had more than the ordinary share of the rough and

tumble of juvenile life amidst alien and often thoughtless

comrades, and that those years were made thoroughly unhappy

for him. When at last, after he had passed for the Civil

Service, he was rejected because he could not pass the

horsemanship test, one can perhaps understand that a man of

his temperament returned to India with black rage and despair

at his heart. But his associates seemed to be mere boys,

haggard, wild looking youths of a peculiarly low physical

type."

The trial of the prisoners described above, at Alipur,

resulted in the condemnation of two to death, six to

transportation for life, one to imprisonment for life, and

five to imprisonment for terms ranging from one to ten years.

The remainder, including the alleged leader, Arabindo Ghose,

were acquitted. With the sanction of Lord Morley, the

Secretary for India, summary measures were taken to silence

the seditious journalism and speech which took a terroristic

tone and instigated crime. Loud protests against these

measures were called out in England, and one hundred and

forty-six Liberal, Labor, and Irish Members of Parliament

addressed a note in May last to the Prime Minister, asking his

attention to "the fact that ever since the 8th December last

nine British subjects in India have been deported from their

homes and detained in prison without having been charged with

any offence or informed even of the grounds of suspicion

entertained against them by the Government of India. Some of

them are admitted to be men of high character. None are

alleged to have been previously convicted of any crime. Under

these circumstances," said the writers, "we may venture to

make an urgent appeal to you that they may be either brought

to trial or set at liberty."

In his reply Mr. Asquith said: "Such an appeal is perfectly

natural, and I am not surprised to find that it is widely and

influentially supported. Deportation without trial as a method

of dealing with political agitation must necessarily be

repugnant to Englishmen, and to no one has the necessity of

resorting to such a measure been more repugnant than to Lord

Morley. When, however, I am appealed to on behalf of the

persons so deported, I must ask you and those who are acting

with you to bear in mind that deportation has been resorted to

for the sole purpose of preserving the country from grave

internal commotion. It is a preventive not a punitive measure,

and the responsibility for fixing the period of detention

must, therefore, rest with those who are charged with the

arduous and anxious duty of maintaining order in India.

"The Secretary of State and the Government of India are, I

submit, the only possible judges of the circumstances which

may warrant the release or the further detention of the

persons deported, and the decision is one which, in my

view—and I hope that you and your co-signatories may find

yourselves in agreement with me—may be left with absolute

confidence in their hands.

"It is particularly necessary at a moment when a great

extension of popular representative elements in Indian

administration has just been sanctioned by Parliament that

none of the various forms of anarchical violence should be

tolerated, and that no lawful instrument for suppressing them

should be discarded."

One of the trials for seditious journalism which caused most

excitement throughout India did not arise from publications in

Bengal, but in Bombay. The accused was Bal Gangadhar Tilak, a

Brahmin, professor of law and mathematics, who conducted a

native paper called the Mahratta. The specific charge

against him was that in his newspaper he had urged the people

to demand the restoration of the old Shiwaji religious

festivals and, if it was refused, to throw bombs until it was

granted. The government contended that he had not incited the

people to violence in overt words, but by subtle insinuations

and unmistakable innuendo. At his trial in July, 1908, he

spoke in his own defence, with great ability, for five days.

He was convicted and sentenced to imprisonment for six years.

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.

Mortality Statistics and Birth Rate.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH.

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

The recent Movements of Discontent.

Their Character, Causes, and Meaning.

Hindu and Moslem feeling.

English attitude.

The Past of British Government and its Fruits.

Neglect of Education and Political Training.

Slight Organization of Local Self-Government.

The Governed not taken into the confidence of the Government.

Is Democracy forbidden to Asiatic peoples?

The political disaffection in India which has been expressing

itself violently within the last few years, not only in

seditious speech and print, but in the manner of the Russian

terrorists, with bombs and other instruments of anarchy and

assassination, was not started by the Bengal Partition and the

resentments which that measure gave rise to, but those gave a

fresh and strong impulse to feelings that had been in

fermentation for some time. Behind that immediate impulse was,

undoubtedly, a much stronger one, which came from the

startling revelation of the Russo-Japanese War, that one

Asiatic people, at least, could outfight one, at least, of the

proud and domineering Powers of Europe, and outdo them all in

a practical handling of the boasted "Science of the West."

Torpid energies and sleeping ambitions were pricked in India

by the amazing triumph of the Japanese, as they were elsewhere

throughout the East; and it is since 1905 that the demand of

the Hindus for a political life of their own has taken a tone

which commands the ear of all open-minded and generous

Englishmen, like John Morley, and draws from them the response

they are now trying to make.

{316}

So far as it is a demand for an Independent Indian Empire,

with the whole fabric of British rule swept away, it comes

manifestly from nothing that has weight or force in India

itself. Probably no Hindu who could make intelligent use of

political freedom ever dreams of the present possibility of a

nationalized India, in which the 200,000,000 of his own race

and creed and the 60,000,000 of Mohammedans (saying nothing of

the added millions of other lineages and other faiths) would

be peaceful fellow citizens, administering the institutions of

self-government in harmony together. The Moslems, at least,

are under no illusion as to what would happen if the

incongruous elements of the enormous population of India were

left politically to themselves, under the conditions that now

exist. In 1908, when that idea seemed to be growing in Hindu

thought, they organized an "All-India Moslem League,"

avowedly, as declared by the Nawab of Dacca, "to save

themselves from being submerged by an enormous and noisy

majority of the other race." "The safety of the Mohammedans,"

said the president of the conference, "lay in loyalty to the

government; they must be prepared to fight for the government

if necessary." Thus British rule in its present form has the

Moslem dread of Hindu ascendency to give it a substantial

support, even though the Hindus outnumber the Moslems by more

than three to one. In thinking power, the Hindu is perhaps the

higher type of man; but the blood of the Afghan and Mongol

conquerors of Hindustan must have transmitted more of

political as well as military energy to the Moslems of the

present day. The Hindu mind is too mystically metaphysical for

the politics of a world that is dominated by its least

metaphysical minds.

But the higher intelligence of the Hindus appears to agree

with that of the Moslems in understanding that India is in no

present condition for taking its political fortunes into its

own hands. The really intelligent classes have been making it

plain, however, that they do want a more effective

participation in the management of their own affairs than has

been allowed to them hitherto, and it is the claim of that

class which Lord Morley and his colleagues in the British

Government are acknowledging and aiming to satisfy. It seems

to have been generally and fairly represented in the great

conventions assembled annually for many years past, under the

name of the "Indian National Congress," an unofficial

Congress, possessing no authority, but exercising an influence

that has increased. Its character was described a few years

ago in one of the American reviews by a writer who said that

he had watched it from its birth:

"The Indian National Congress," he wrote, "is avowedly

national in its name and scope. The Provincial Congresses

which meet in every province for the discussion of provincial

matters, unite together in a National Congress, which is

annually held at a chosen centre, for the furtherance and

discussion of national interests. A Congress consists of from

five hundred to one thousand of the political leaders of all

parts of India, comprising representatives of noble families,

landowners, members of local Boards and municipalities,

honorary magistrates, fellows of universities, and

professional men, such as engineers, bankers, merchants,

shopkeepers, journalists, lawyers, doctors, priests and

college professors. The delegates are able to act in concert

and to declare in no uncertain accents the common public

opinion of the multitude of whom they are the mouthpiece. They

are as representative in regard to religion as to rank and

profession; Hindus, Parsis, Mohammedans and Christians have in

turn presided.

"The deliberations are marked by acumen and moderation. The

principal items of their propaganda constitute a practical

programme displaying insight and sagacity, and covering most

of the political and economic problems of the Indian Empire. I

take it upon myself to say, as a watchful eye-witness from its

birth, that the Indian National Congress has discharged its

duties with exemplary judgment and moderation."

Sir Henry Cotton,

The New Spirit in India

(North American Review, November, 1906).

The meeting of this Indian Congress in 1908 was held at Madras

on the 27th of December, not long after Lord Morley had

explained his plan for the enlargement of the Legislative

Councils in India and for the election of a certain number of

their members by popular vote. In the address of the President

of the Congress, Dr. Rash Bihari Ghose, the proposed reforms

were discussed at length, and welcomed with warmth, as going

near, apparently, to satisfying the claims of the majority of

those represented in the Congress. "We are now," said the

speaker, "on the threshold of a new era. An important chapter

has been opened in the history of the relations between Great

Britain and India—a chapter of constitutional reform which

promises to unite the two countries together in closer bonds

than ever. A fair share in the Government of our own country

has now been given to us. The problem of reconciling order

with progress, efficient administration with the satisfaction

of aspirations encouraged by our rulers themselves, which

timid people thought was insoluble, has at last been solved.

The people of India will now be associated with the Government

in the daily and hourly administration of their affairs. A

great step forward has thus been taken in the grant of

representative government for which the Congress had been

crying for years. … We do not know what the future destiny of

India may be. We can see only as through a glass darkly. But

of this I am assured, that on our genuine co-operation with

the British Government depend our future progress and the

development of a fuller social and political life. Of this

also I am assured, that the future of the country is now in a

large measure in our own hands."

At about the same time the All-India Moslem League held its

meeting at Amritsar, and gave an equally hearty welcome to the

principle of the proposed reforms, but appealed against the

mode of election contemplated, which might be to the

disadvantage of the Moslem minority. In the address of the

President, Mr. Ali Imam, he said: "It is impossible for

thoughtful men to approach the subject without regard to the

pathetic side of the present situation.

{317}

It is the liberalism of the great British nation that has

taught Indians, through the medium of English education, to

admire democratic institutions, to hold the rights of the

people sacred above all rights and to claim for their voice

first place in the government of the country. The mind of

close upon three generations of the educated classes in the

land has been fed on the ideas of John Stuart Mill, Milton,

Burke, Sheridan and Shelley, has been filled with the great

lessons obtainable from chapters of the constitutional history

of England and has been influenced by inexpressible

considerations arising out of the American War of

Independence, the relation of Great Britain with her Colonies,

and last, though not least, the grant of Autonomy to the Boers

after their subjugation at an enormous sacrifice of men and

money. The bitterest critic of the educated Indian will not

hold him to blame for his present state of mind. It is the

English who have carefully prepared the ground and sown the

seed that has germinated into what some of them are now

disposed to consider to be noxious weed. It will be a dwarfed

imagination however that will condemn the educational policy

of the large-hearted and liberal-minded Englishmen who laid

its foundation in this country. Those who inaugurated it aimed

at raising the people to the level where co-operation and good

understanding between the rulers and the ruled are possible.

Under the circumstances, the desire of the educated Indian to

take a prominent part in the administration of his country is

neither unnatural nor unexpected. …

"The best sense of the country recognizes the fact that the

progress of India rests on the maintenance of order and

internal peace, and that order and internal peace in view of

the conditions obtaining in our country at present and for a

very long time to come, immeasurably long time to come, spell

British occupation. British occupation not in the thin and

diluted form in which Canada, Australia and South Africa stand

in relation to England, but British occupation in the sense in

which our country has enjoyed internal peace during the last

50 years. Believe me that as long as we have not learnt to

overcome sectarian aggressiveness, to rise above prejudices

based on diversity of races, religions and languages, and to

alter the alarming conditions of violent intellectual

disparity among the peoples of India, so long British

occupation is the principal element in the progress of the

country. The need of India is to recognize that true

patriotism lies in taking measure of the conditions existing

in fact, and devoting one’s self to amelioration. … The creed

of the All-India Muslim League is cooperation with the Rulers,

coöperation with our non-Muslim countrymen and solidarity

amongst ourselves. This is our idea of United India."

These expressions from prominent leaders of the two principal

races of India are quite in accord with the judgment of

liberal-minded Englishmen, as to the present duty of their

government to the people of this great Asiatic Dependency.

They are quite in accord with the judgment that has dictated

the measure undertaken by the present British Government. They

recognize that the relation which England bears to India,

however unjustifiable in its origin it may be, is one that

cannot be suddenly changed without great danger and certain

harm. As Goldwin Smith has said:

"To attempt to strike the balance between the advantages and

disadvantages of British rule in India would be to enter into

a boundless controversy. Foreign rule in itself must always be

an evil. India was rescued by Great Britain from murderous and

devastating anarchy. Though at the time she was plundered by

official corruption of a good deal of the wealth which, being

poor though gorgeous, she could ill afford to lose, she has

since enjoyed general peace and order; both, we may be sure,

to a far greater extent than she otherwise would have done.

The deadly enmity between her races and religions has been

controlled and assuaged. …

"It does not appear that there is any considerable migration

from the provinces directly under British dominion to those

which are under native rule. The people, no doubt, are

generally fixed to their habitations by poverty and difficulty

of movement; still, if they greatly preferred the native rule,

a certain amount of migration to it there would probably be.

That the masses of India in general are miserably poor cannot

be denied. The question is, whether under the Mogul Emperors

they were better off. … The population has vastly increased,

and its increase may in some measure account for dearth. With

regard to fiscal and commercial questions, it may safely be

said that, at all events in late years, there has been no

disposition on England’s part to do anything but justice to

India.

"India’s complaints, speaking generally, seem to be of things

inseparable from foreign rule, the withdrawal of which would

be the only remedy. But suppose British rule withdrawn from

India, what would follow? Is there anything ready to take its

place? would not the result be anarchy, such as prevailed when

England came upon the scene, or a struggle for ascendency

between the Mahometan and the Hindoo, with another battle of

Paniput? Suppose the Mahometan, stronger in spirit though

weaker in numbers, to prevail, would his ascendency be more

beneficial and less galling to the Hindoo than is that of the

English Sahib?"

Goldwin Smith,

British Empire in India

(North American Review, September 7, 1906).

Of the ultimate possibilities of a nationalized unification of

the mighty masses of population in the vast peninsula, there

can, perhaps, be as much or more said hopefully as against the

hope. A writer who believes that there may be an independent

India has put an outline of the argument, pro and con, in

these few following words:

"India, we are almost tired of hearing, is as large as Europe,

putting aside Russia and Scandinavia, with as great a

population, as many diverse and heterogeneous nationalities,

differing from each other in language, in custom, in religion,

and in everything that makes for individuality; and we might

as well speak of the Indian nation as the European nation. …

To this contention Young India opposes the most emphatic

contradiction. India is a nation, a people, a country: its

interests and aspirations are one and unique. Railways,

telegraphs, post-office, the Press, education, knowledge of

English, have welded into one harmonious whole all the

manifold centrifugal forces of its vast area.

{318}

Young India will quote Switzerland as an example of a country

with several languages and two conflicting religions, and yet

undoubtedly constituting a nation. If the only tongue in which

the Madrassi and the Bengali can communicate is English, so

let it be. It is sufficient that a medium of communication

exists. And it does exist. The educated Indian speaks and

writes in English as easily as in his own mother-tongue. It is

in English that the most vehement tirades against British

rule, whether printed, spoken, or dealt with in private

correspondence, are hurled across the land. Politically

speaking, Lahore is a suburb of Calcutta. The fact cannot be

gainsaid and must be reckoned with. India, as a whole, as a

political unit, has found a voice. There is a national India,

as there is not a national Europe."

E. C. Cox,

Banger in India

(Nineteenth Century, December, 1908).

This view recognizes, as was recognized in the address of the

President of the All-India Moslem League, quoted above, that

English rule and English influence have done much towards

preparing both the country and the people for the

self-government to which the latter are now beginning to

aspire. It must be said, however, that most of this

preparation has been casually consequent on policies that had

no such deliberate intent. Until quite late years there is

little sign to be seen in British Indian policy of a thought

of developing opportunity and capability in the people to

become more than valuable customers and docile wards. While

India was in the hands of a commercial company it was managed,

naturally, like an imperial estate, with strictly economic

objects in view. Even then there was wisely economic

consideration given to the general welfare of the people; but

it was welfare as seen from the estate-owners' standpoint. The

proprietary government did many things for its subjects and

servants; bettered their conditions in many ways; added

greatly to the equipment of their lives; but it did very

little, if anything, toward putting them in the way of

bettering things for themselves. It contemplated nothing for

India but the perpetuity of its management as an imperial

estate, entailed in the possession of a proprietary race.

The taking of this imperial estate from company management

into national management has not seemed hitherto to alter the

business nature of its administration very much. Its many

millions of inhabitants have been better governed and better

cared for, without doubt; but the idea of benevolence to them

has never been much enlarged beyond the idea of an honestly

good overseeing care. Institutions have been provided or

encouraged for the educating of a class among them which could

be of useful assistance in the caretaking of the mass; but

common education for the mass, to qualify them better for the

care of themselves, received scant attention till 25 years

ago. In the very explanation that is often given of the

present discontent in India there is an impeachment of the

past treatment of the country by its able and powerful

masters. It is said that the educated Hindus find no

satisfying career for themselves outside of the service of the

government, and that an increasingly large class in excess of

the openings which that service can afford has been educated

in recent years; that, consequently, the swelling crowd of

disappointed place-seekers, whose intelligence and ambition

have been whetted in the higher schools and colleges of the

Indian Empire, are the disturbers of public content. After a

century and a half of supreme British influence and power in

India, there ought to have been more and better openings of

opportunity for educated young Hindus than through the doors

of public office. There would have been if the development of

country and people had been conducted with more reference to

their benefit, and with less close attention to the interests

of British trade.

Since 1882-1883 there has been more endeavor to establish and

assist native primary schools; but the percentage of

population that they reach is small. The statistics given in

an official "Statement exhibiting the Moral and Material

Progress and Condition of India during the year 1905-1906"

make the following showing:

Provinces.                   Number of        Number of

Institutions     Pupils

Bengal                          43,996        1,232,278

United Provinces                15,708          576,336

Punjab                           3,762          211,464

Burma                           20,996          385,214

Central Provinces                3,090          209,680

Eastern Bengal and Assam        21,790          722,371

Coorg                              116            4,666

North West Frontier Province     1,087           28,496

Madras Presidency               28,258          918,880

Bombay and Sind Presidency      13,865          736,209

Total                          152,668        5,025,594

Except in the Punjab and in Eastern Bengal and Assam these

figures include both public and private institutions of

education, of all grades, from primary schools to colleges.

All institutions in which the course of instruction conforms

to standards prescribed by the Department of Education or by

the University, and which either undergo inspection by the

Department or present pupils at public examinations, are

classed as "public," but may be under either public or private

management. While the schools and colleges seem numerous, it

will be seen that they average but 33 pupils each, and give

teaching to a slender fraction of the children of the

294,000,000 of people under British rule. In the report from

which we quote the proportion of pupils to the estimated

population of school-going age is given as 28.4 per cent. of

boys and 2.9 per cent. of girls in Bengal; 8.06 per cent. of

boys and 0.96 per cent. of girls in the United Provinces; 21.8

per cent. of boys and 1.8 of girls in the Central Provinces;

28.2 per cent, of boys and 2.9 per cent. of girls in Eastern

Bengal and Assam; 29 per cent. of boys and 5.4 per cent. of

girls in Madras; 31.8 per cent. of boys and 6 per cent of

girls in Bombay. The total expenditure on education, from all

sources, including fees, was £735,043 in Bengal (increased to

£830,415 in 1907-1908); £441,421 in the United Provinces

(increased to £491,723 in 1907-1908); £331,038 in the Punjab;

£218,445 in Burma; £145,389 in the Central Provinces; £318,788

in Eastern Bengal and Assam; £624,602 in the Madras Presidency

(increased to £712,740 in 1907-1908); £685,444 in the Presidency

of Bombay (increased to £756,168 in 1907-1908). Total in 1905-1906,

£3,500,170. Education in British India cannot be made wide or

deep on expenditure of this scale.

{319}

Education in the literary meaning, then, was tardily

undertaken and is very limited yet in its extent. Quite as

tardy, and quite as scant in the measure until John Morley got

the handling of it, has been the political training that

England,—greatest of political teachers as she has been for

the world at large,—has allowed her Indian subjects to

receive. It must not be understood that nothing of

self-government has been conceded hitherto to these people.

The exact measure of their participation in the management of

their own public affairs, and the period within which they

have exercised it, are described in the official "Statement

exhibiting the Moral and Material Progress and Condition of

India" from which the above exhibit of educational

institutions is taken. The following is quoted partly from the

"Statement" of 1905-1906 and partly from the later one of 1907-1908:

"Local self-government, municipal and rural, in its present

form, is essentially a product of British rule. Beginning in

the Presidency towns, the principle made little progress until

1870, when it was expressly recognised by Lord Mayo’s

Government that ‘local interest, supervision, and care are

necessary to success in the management of funds devoted to

education, sanitation, medical charity, and local public

works.’ The result was a gradual advance in local

self-government, leading up to the action taken by Lord

Ripon’s Government in 1883-1884, and to various provincial Acts

passed about that time, which form the basis of the provincial

systems at present in force. Municipal committees now exist in

most places having any pretension to importance, and have

charge of municipal business generally, including the care and

superintendence of streets, roads, fairs and markets, open

spaces, water supply, drainage, education, hospitals, and the

like. Local and district boards have charge of local roads,

sanitary works, education, hospitals, and dispensaries in

rural districts. A large proportion of their income is

provided by provincial rates. Bodies of port trustees have

charge of harbour works, port approaches, and pilotage. There

is also a smaller number of non-elective local bodies

discharging similar duties in towns other than constituted

municipalities, and in cantonments.

"The municipal bodies exist, raise funds, and exercise powers

under enactments which provide separately for the special

requirements of each province and of the three presidency

capitals, Bombay, Calcutta, and Madras. In the municipalities

as a whole about half of the members are elected by the

townsfolk under legal rules; in every town some, and in a few

minor towns all, of the members are appointed by the

Government. In almost every municipal body one or more

Government officials sit as members. The number of Indian and

non-official members, however, in every province, largely

exceeds the number of Europeans and officials. The municipal

bodies are subject to Government control in so far that no new

tax can be imposed, no loan can be raised, no work costing

more than a prescribed sum can be undertaken, and no serious

departure from the sanctioned budget for the year can be made,

without the previous sanction of the Government; and no rules

or bye-laws can be enforced without similar sanction and full

publication.

"There were 746 municipalities at the end of 1907-1908,

containing within their limits over 16 million people or 7 per

cent. of the total population. Generally speaking, the income

of municipalities is small. In 1907-1908 their aggregate income

amounted to £3,910,000, excluding loans, sales of securities,

and other extraordinary receipts. About 40 per cent. of the

total is provided by Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, and Rangoon. …

"The interest in municipal elections, and in municipal affairs

generally, is not usually keen, save in a few cities and large

towns; but, as education and knowledge advance, interest in

the management of local affairs gradually increases. In most

provinces municipal work is fairly well done, and municipal

responsibilities are, on the whole, faithfully discharged,

though occasional shortcomings and failures occur. The

tendency of local bodies, especially in the smaller towns, is

to be slow in imposing additional taxes, in adopting sanitary

reforms, and in incurring new expenditure. Many members of

municipal bodies are diligent in their attendance, whether at

meetings for business or on benches for the decision of petty

criminal cases."

The elected members of these municipal committees number less

than five thousand. This, therefore, is the extent of the

class in the whole of British India, which now receives an

elementary political training. Nothing more is needed for

proving that India cannot possibly be prepared for independent

self-government.

In a memorable speech made by Lord Macaulay in 1833 he

predicted a time when England’s Indian subjects might demand

English institutions, and exclaimed: "Whenever the day comes

it will be the proudest in English history." The day has come,

and it does not bring pride to England; because her wards in

India have not been made ready for what they ask. It will need

time to repair the long neglect; but there is no grander fact

in recent history than the beginning of the labor of repair.

It is to be a work of education, not for the people of India

alone, but for Englishmen as well. They are to learn, and have

begun to learn, the mistake of egotism and self-sufficiency in

their government of these people. Some months ago there was

published in The Times of India, at Bombay, a number of

articles on the causes of the existing discontent, some by

English writers, some by Hindus, some by Mohammedans, all

seriously and frankly studying the situation, and most

suggestive in their thought. The cause emphasized most by one

of the English writers is that which always has worked and

always will work when one self-complacent and self-confident

people undertakes to be an overruling providence for another

people, by making laws for it and managing its affairs. The

more consciousness there is on the ruling side of just

intention and superior knowledge, the less likely it is to

satisfy the ruled; because the satisfying of its own judgment

of what is good for the latter is assumed to be enough.

During the last half century, at least, the British Government

has endeavored, without a doubt, to do good to its Indian

subjects, and it has done them great good; but everything has

been done in its own way, from its own points of view and upon

its own judgment of things needful and good and right. And

this is why its Indian subjects not only feel wronged, but are

wronged.

{320}

As the writer in The Times of India reminds his

countrymen, "right is a relative term," and not, he says, "as

we Islanders would have it, an absolute one. A thing that is

right for us, with our past training and traditions, may not

only seem, but really be, a grave wrong to those whose

environment differs from our own." He cites instances of grave

mistakes in well-intended legislation that would have been

avoided, if the makers of the laws had counseled sufficiently

with natives of experience in the matters concerned. One

example is in a land alienation act, for the Punjab, which was

framed with purely philanthropic motives, being intended to

free the native peasantry—the ryots—from thraldom to money

lenders, but which, by making the recovery of debts difficult,

has trebled the rate of interest to the ryot, who borrows just

as much, and mortgages himself instead of mortgaging his land.

Alluding to this and to another act of excellent intention but

irritating effect, the writer says: "When these worthy aims of

government were debated in the Bombay and Punjab legislatures,

who was there, among the officials, in touch with Indian

feeling and sentiment? Who among the senators ever suggested

the possibility that the evil of mortgage and borrowing was

not intrinsically an evil in India, but that legislation—our

own past legislation—had made it so? Was there no officer of

government who could advise the authorities that every Hindoo,

almost, is at heart a money lender; that it is second nature

to him; that indebtedness in itself is neither reproach nor

handicap in his eyes; and that if you take from him his

freedom of barter you do take his life?"

"We have failed," says this writer, "to avail ourselves of the

material we ourselves have trained." That, undoubtedly, is the

cardinal mistake that the English in India have made. Until

now, they have not taken the best of India into their

confidence and their counsels.

Another of the writers referred to above gave another

characterization of the British rule as the natives more

generally feel it, in which a deeper working of more subtle

irritations can be seen. He wrote:

"Personal rule, the will of the king, God’s anointed and

therefore invested with quasi-divine sanction, is the only

rule to which the East has been used, which it can like and

respect. The people can understand, even while they suffer

under, the most extravagant individual caprices; and when the

tyranny becomes too intolerable, they always had in the last

resort an excellent chance of being able to overthrow it. But

they cannot and probably never will understand, still less

appreciate, the cold, implacable, inhuman impersonality of the

English government. They might as well be governed by a

dynamo, without human bowels or passions. It cannot be humanly

approached; it has no human side; its very impeccability is

exasperating; and the exactitude with which it metes out its

machine-made justice, according to inflexible rules and

formulae into which no human equation enters, chills and

repels the Eastern mind, and its strength is commensurate with

its remorselessness."

"They might as well be governed by a dynamo!" That, in this

connection, is a powerfully expressive phrase. The dynamo and

everything of a dynamic nature—every mechanical motor-working

of forces, whether material or political, are naturally

congenial to the man of the Western world—understandable by

him, serviceable to him—and they are not so to the man of the

East. Somewhere in the process of their evolution the one got

an aptitude for projecting work outwardly from the worker—

action at some remove from the actor—shuttle throwing, for

example, carried out from the weaver to the arms and fingers

of a machine, and government from the personally governing

will to an organic political system—while the other did not.

In this, more than in anything else, perhaps, the radical

difference of nature between the Occidental and the Oriental

peoples is summed up. The one is endowed with a self-enhancing

power to act through exterior agencies, of mechanism in his

physical labors, of representative institutions in his

government, of systems and organisms in all his doings, which

the other lacks.

This might have seemed a generation ago to set an

insurmountable barrier against the passing of democracy and

democratic institutions into Asia; but we have little right

to-day to imagine that anything can stop their march.

INDIA: A. D. 1908.

American Mission Schools.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: INDIA.

INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

Passage of the Indian Councils Bill by the British Parliament.

Popular Representation in the Legislative Councils introduced.

Lord Morley’s explanations of the Measure.

Appointment of a native member of the

Viceroy’s Executive Council.

The great project of reform in the Government of India which

Lord Morley, as Secretary for India in the British

Administration, brought before Parliament in December, 1908,

embodied fundamentally in what was known during the discussion

of it as the Indian Councils Bill, had its origin more than

two years before that time, not in the councils of the British

Ministry, but in those of the Government of India. The facts

of its inception and preliminary consideration were indicated

in a British Blue Book of 1908 (Cd. 4426), which contained

proposals on the subject from the Government of India, dated

October 1, 1908, and the reply of Lord Morley to them,

November 27. More recently the early history of the reform

project was told briefly by the Viceroy of India, the Earl of

Minto, in a speech in Council, on the 28th of March, 1909. He

said:

"The material from which the Councils Bill has been

manufactured was supplied from the Secretariat at Simla, and

emanated entirely from the bureaucracy of the Government of

India. It was in August, 1906, that I drew attention in

Council in a confidential minute to the change which was so

rapidly affecting the political atmosphere, bringing with it

questions we could not afford to ignore, which we must attempt

to answer, pointing out that it was all-important that the

initiative should emanate from us, that the Government of

India should not be put in the position of appearance of

having its hands forced by agitation in this country or by

pressure from home, and that we should be the first to

recognize the surrounding conditions and place before his

Majesty’s Government the opinion which personal experience and

close touch with the everyday life of India entitle us to

hold.

{321}

I consequently appointed the Arundel Committee. That minute

was the first seed of our reforms sown more than a year before

the first anarchist outrage sent a thrill of shocked surprise

throughout India—the attempt to wreck Sir Andrew Fraser’s

train in December, 1907. The policy of the Government of India

in respect to reforms has emanated from mature consideration

of political and social conditions, while the administrative

changes they advocated, far from being concessions wrung from

them, have been over and over again endangered by the

commission of outrages which could not but encourage doubts as

to the opportuneness of the introduction of political changes,

but which I steadfastly refused to allow to injure the

political welfare of the loyal masses in India."

The Indian Councils Bill was printed on the 20th of February,

1909, and its second reading in the House of Lords was moved

by Lord Morley in an explanatory speech on the 23d. A

prefatory memorandum accompanying the text of the Bill was as

follows:

"The object of this Bill is to amend and extend the Indian

Councils Acts, 1861 and 1892, in such a way as to provide:

"(i.)For an enlargement of the Legislative Council of the

Governor-General and of the existing Provincial Legislative

Councils;

"(ii.) For the election of a certain proportion of their

members by popular vote; and

"(iii.) For greater freedom to discuss matters of general

public interest and to ask questions at their meetings, and

more especially for the discussion of the annual financial

statements.

"The Executive Councils of the Governments of Madras and

Bombay are enlarged, and powers are taken to create Executive

Councils in the other Provinces of India, where they now do

not exist. Provision is also made for the appointment of

Vice-Presidents of the various Councils.

"The details of the necessary arrangements, which must vary

widely in the different Provinces, are left to be settled by

means of regulations to be framed by the Government of India

and approved by the Secretary of State."

In his speech on moving the second reading of the Bill, Lord

Morley said: "I invite the House to take to-day the first

definite and operative step in carrying out the policy which I

had the honour of stating to your lordships just before

Christmas, and which has occupied the active consideration

both of the Home Government and of the Government of India for

very nearly, if not even more than, three years. The statement

was awaited in India with an expectancy that with time became

almost impatience, and it was received in India—and that,

after all, is the point to which I looked with the most

anxiety—with intense interest and attention and various

degrees of approval, from warm enthusiasm to cool assent and

acquiescence. So far as I know … there has been no sign in any

quarter, save possibly in the irreconcilable camp, of

organized hostile opinion among either Indians or

Anglo-Indians. …

"There are, I take it, three classes of people that we have to

consider in dealing with a scheme of this kind. There are the

extremists, who nurse fantastic dreams that some day they will

drive us out of India. In this group there are academic

extremists and physical force extremists, and I have seen it

stated on a certain authority—it cannot be more than guessed—

that they do not number, whether academic or physical force

extremists, more than one-tenth, I think, or even 3 per cent.,

of what are called the educated class in India. The second

group nourish no hopes of this sort, but hope for autonomy or

self-government of the colonial species and pattern. And then

the third section of this classification ask for no more than

to be admitted to co-operation in our administration, and to

find a free and effective voice in expressing the interests

and needs of their land. I believe the effect of the reforms

has been, is being, and will be to draw the second class, who

hope for colonial autonomy, into the third class, who will be

content with being admitted to a fair and full co-operation."

As to the objections raised by the Mahomedans of India, to the

plans of the measure for their representation in the Councils,

Lord Morley announced the readiness of the Government to yield

to them. "We," he said, "suggested to the Government of India

a certain plan. We did not prescribe it, we did not order it,

but we suggested and recommended this plan for their

consideration—no more than that. It was the plan of a mixed or

composite electoral college, in which Mahomedans and Hindus

should pool their votes, so to say. The wording of the

recommendation in my dispatch was, as I soon discovered,

ambiguous—a grievous defect, of which I make bold to hope I am

not very often in public business guilty. But, to the best of

my belief, under any construction the plan of Hindus and

Mahomedans voting together in a mixed and composite electorate

would have secured to the Mahomedan electors, wherever they

were so minded, the chance of returning their own

representative in their due proportion. The political idea at

the bottom of that recommendation which has found so little

favour was that such composite action would bring the two

great communities more closely together, and this idea of

promoting harmony was held by men of very high Indian

authority and experience who were among my advisers at the

India Office. But the Mahomedans protested that the Hindus

would elect a pro-Hindu upon it, just as I suppose in a mixed

college of say 75 Catholics and 25 Protestants voting together

the Protestants might suspect that the Catholics voting for

the Protestant would choose what is called a Romanizing

Protestant and as little of a Protestant as possible. … At any

rate, the Government of India doubted whether our plan would

work, and we have abandoned it. I do not think it was a bad

plan, but it is no use, if you are making an earnest attempt

in good faith at a general pacification, out of parental

fondness for a clause interrupting that good process by

sitting too tight.

"The Mahomedans demand three things. I had the pleasure of

receiving a deputation from them and I know very well what is

in their minds. They demand the election of their own

representatives to these councils in all the stages, just as

in Cyprus, where, I think, the Mahomedans vote by themselves.

They have nine votes and the non-Mahomedans have three, or the

other way about.

{322}

So in Bohemia, where the Germans vote alone and have their own

register. Therefore we are not without a precedent and a

parallel for the idea of a separate register. Secondly, they

want a number of seats in excess of their numerical strength.

Those two demands we are quite ready and intend to meet in

full. There is a third demand that, if there is a Hindu on the

Viceroy’s Executive Council—a subject on which I will venture

to say a little to your lordships before I sit down—there

should be two Indian members on the Viceroy’s Council and that

one should be a Mahomedan. Well, as I told them and as I now

tell your lordships, I see no chance whatever of meeting their

views in that way to any extent at all."

Turning to a much criticised feature of the projected

remodelling of Indian Government—namely, the announced

intention of the Government to name an Indian member of the

Viceroy’s Executive Council—the Secretary reminded the House

that this was not touched by the pending bill, for the reason

that the appointment of that Council lies already within the

province of the Crown. In meeting the objections raised to

this part of the reform project, he amused the House greatly

by remarking: "Lord MacDonnell said the other day: ‘I believe

you cannot find any individual native gentleman who has

enjoyed the general confidence who would be able to give

advice and assistance to the Governor-General in Council.’ It

has been my lot to be twice Chief Secretary for Ireland, and I

do not believe I can truly say I ever met in Ireland a single

individual native gentleman who ‘enjoyed general confidence.’

And yet I received at Dublin Castle most excellent and

competent advice. Therefore I will accept that statement from

the noble lord. The question is whether there is no one of the

300 millions of the population of India who is competent to be

the officially-constituted adviser of the Governor-General in

Council in the administration of Indian affairs. You make an

Indian a Judge of the High Court, and Indians have even been

acting-Chief Justices. As to capacity, who can deny that they

have distinguished themselves as administrators of native

States, where far more demand is made on their resources,

intellectual and moral? It is said that the presence of an

Indian member would cause restraint in the language of

discussion. For a year and a half I have had two Indians at

the Council of India, and I have never found the slightest

restraint whatever."

Debate on the Bill in the House of Lords was resumed on the

4th of March, and it was amended by striking out a clause

which gave power to constitute provincial executive councils

in other provinces than Madras and Bombay, where they were

already existing. It then passed through Committee, and on the

11th of March it was read a third time and passed by the Upper

House.

A fortnight later, Lord Morley brought into exercise the

authority possessed by the Crown, to appoint on its own

judgment a native member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council.

His choice fell on a distinguished Hindu lawyer, Mr. Satyendra

Prasanna Sinha, of whom the London Times, on announcing

the appointment, said: "Mr. Sinha now fills the office of

Advocate-General of Bengal, to which he was not long ago

promoted, and he will succeed Sir Henry Richards as Legal

Member of Council. Of his fitness to discharge the

departmental duties of his new position we make no question.

Lord Morley has doubtless satisfied himself that the

qualifications of his nominee in this respect will not

discredit the experiment on which he has ventured. But,

however high those qualifications, and however well they may

stand the test of experience, gifts and attainments of another

order are needed for the post to which Lord Morley has named

him. A member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council is much more

than a departmental chief. … For him there are no State

secrets and no confidential documents. He has a right to know

and to debate the imperii arcana. The most delicate

mysteries of diplomacy, the most carefully guarded of military

precautions, are trusted to his faith and to his discretion.

Breadth of political knowledge and of judgment, insight into

men and things, a sure sense and grasp of realities, coolness,

courage, and rapid decision in emergencies, absolute

impartiality between native races, creeds, and classes, and an

instinctive devotion to England, to her traditions and to her

ideals, are amongst the qualities which have been deemed the

best recommendations for so immense a trust. Mr. Sinha may

possess them all, but they are rare amongst the men of any

race, and some of them are notoriously uncommon amongst

Orientals."

This expresses the English opinion that objects to the

admission of Indians to the Executive Councils of Indian

Government, even while assenting to their representation in

the Legislative Councils of the dependency. It is to be hoped

that Mr. Sinha will help to weaken that opinion. Reports from

India on the appointment were to the effect that it had given

great general satisfaction.

On the return of the Councils Bill to the Commons the clause

which the Lords had stricken out was restored, but in a

modified form. Authority to extend the creation of provincial

executive councils was given, but with the reservation to the

House of Lords as well as to the House of Commons of a veto

upon the establishment of such councils in any new provinces,

except Bengal. As thus amended the clause was accepted by the

Upper House and became law, May 25, 1909.

The following are the essential provisions of the Act:

"I.

(1) The additional members of the councils for the purpose of

making laws and regulations (hereinafter referred to as

Legislative Councils) of the Governor-General and of the

Governors of Fort Saint George and Bombay, and the members of

the Legislative Councils already constituted, or which may

hereafter be constituted, of the several Lieutenant-Governors

of Provinces, instead of being all nominated by the

Governor-General, Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor in manner

provided by the Indian Councils Acts, 1861 and 1892, shall

include members so nominated and also members elected in

accordance with regulations made under this Act, and

references in those Acts to the members so nominated and their

nomination shall be construed as including references to the

members so elected and their election.

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"(2) The number of additional members or members so nominated

and elected, the number of such members required to constitute

a quorum, the term of office of such members and the manner of

filling up casual vacancies occurring by reason of absence

from India, inability to attend to duty, death, acceptance of

office, or resignation duly accepted, or otherwise, shall, in

the case of each such council, be such as may be prescribed by

regulations made under this Act:

"Provided that the aggregate number of members so nominated

and elected shall not, in the case of any Legislative Council

mentioned in the first column of the First Schedule to this

Act, exceed the number specified in the second column of that

schedule.

" 2.

(1) The number of ordinary members of the councils of the

Governors of Fort Saint George and Bombay shall be such number

not exceeding four as the Secretary of State in Council may

from time to time direct, of whom two at least shall be

persons who at the time of their appointment have been in the

service of the Crown in India for at least twelve years.

"(2) If at any meeting of either of such councils there is an

equality of votes on any question, the Governor or other

person presiding shall have two votes or the casting vote.

"3.

(1) It shall be lawful for the Governor-General in Council,

with the approval of the Secretary of State in Council, by

proclamation, to create a council in the Bengal Division of

the Presidency of Fort William for the purpose of assisting

the Lieutenant-Governor in the executive government of the

province, and by such proclamation—

"(a) to make provision for determining what shall be

the number (not exceeding four) and qualifications of the

members of the council; and

"(b) to make provision for the appointment of

temporary or acting members of the council during the

absence of any member from illness or otherwise, and for

the procedure to be adopted in case of a difference of

opinion between a Lieutenant-Governor and his council, and

in the case of equality of votes, and in the case of a

Lieutenant-Governor being obliged to absent himself from

his council from indisposition or any other cause.

"(2) It shall be lawful for the Governor-General in Council,

with the like approval, by a like proclamation to create a

council in any other province under a Lieutenant-Governor for

the purpose of assisting the Lieutenant-Governor in the

executive government of the province: Provided that before any

such proclamation is made a draft thereof shall be laid before

each House of Parliament for not less than sixty days during

the session of Parliament, and, if before the expiration of

that time an address is presented to His Majesty by either

House of Parliament against the draft or any part thereof, no

further proceedings shall be taken thereon, without prejudice

to the making of any new draft.

"(3) Where any such proclamation has been made with respect to

any province the Lieutenant-Governor may, with the consent of

the Governor-General in Council, from time to time make rules

and orders for the more convenient transaction of business in

his council, and any order made or act done in accordance with

the rules and orders so made shall be deemed to be an act or

order of the Lieutenant-Governor in Council.

"(4) Every member of any such council shall be appointed by

the Governor-General, with the approval of His Majesty, and

shall, as such, be a member of the Legislative Council of the

Lieutenant-Governor, in addition to the members nominated by

the Lieutenant-Governor and elected under the provisions of

this Act.

"4. The Governor-General, and the Governors of Fort Saint

George and Bombay, and the Lieutenant-Governor of every

province respectively shall appoint a member of their

respective councils to be Vice-President thereof, and, for the

purpose of temporarily holding and executing the office of

Governor-General or Governor of Fort Saint George or Bombay

and of presiding at meetings of Council in the absence of the

Governor-General, Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor, the

Vice-President so appointed shall be deemed to be the senior

member of Council and the member highest in rank, and the

Indian Councils Act, 1861, and sections sixty-two and

sixty-three of the Government of India Act, 1833, shall have

effect accordingly.

"5.

(1) Notwithstanding anything in the Indian Councils Act, 1861,

the Governor-General in Council, the Governors in Council of

Fort Saint George and Bombay respectively, and the

Lieutenant-Governor or Lieutenant-Governor in Council of every

province, shall make rules authorising at any meeting of their

respective legislative councils the discussion of the annual

financial statement of the Governor-General in Council or of

their respective local governments, as the case may be, and of

any matter of general public interest, and the asking of

questions, under such conditions and restrictions as may be

prescribed in the rules applicable to the several councils.

"(2) Such rules as aforesaid may provide for the appointment

of a member of any such council to preside at any such

discussion in the place of the Governor-General, Governor, or

Lieutenant-Governor, as the case may be, and of any

Vice-President.

"(3) Rules under this section, where made by a Governor in

Council, or by a Lieutenant-Governor, or a Lieutenant-Governor

in Council, shall be subject to the sanction of the

Governor-General in Council, and where made by the

Governor-General in Council shall be subject to the sanction of

the Secretary of State in Council, and shall not be subject to

alteration or amendment by the Legislative Council of the

Governor-General, Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor.

"6. The Governor-General in Council shall, subject to the

approval of the Secretary of State in Council, make

regulations as to the conditions under which and manner in

which persons resident in India may be nominated or elected as

members of the Legislative Councils of the Governor-General,

Governors, and Lieutenant-Governors, and as to the

qualifications for being, and for being nominated or elected,

a member of any such council, and as to any other matter for

which regulations are authorised to be made under this Act,

and also as to the manner in which those regulations are to be

carried into effect. Regulations under this section shall not

be subject to alteration or amendment by the Legislative

Council of the Governor-General.

{324}

"7. All proclamations, regulations and rules made under this

Act, other than rules made by a Lieutenant-Governor for the

more convenient transaction of business in his council, shall

be laid before both Houses of Parliament as soon as may be

after they are made."

FIRST SCHEDULE.

MAXIMUM NUMBERS OF NOMINATED AND ELECTED

MEMBERS OF LEGISLATIVE COUNCILS.

Maximum

Legislative Council.                               Number.

Legislative Council of the Governor-General           60

Legislative Council of the Governor of Fort

Saint George                                          50

Legislative Council of the Governor of Bombay         50

Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor

of the Bengal division of the Presidency of

Fort William                                          50

Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor

of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh              50

Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor

of the Province of Eastern Bengal and Assam           50

Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor

of the Province of the Punjab                         30

Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor

of the Province of Burma                              30

Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor

of any Province which may hereafter be constituted    30

As will be seen, the Act only conveys in outline to the

Government of India the authority needed for introducing the

intended reforms, leaving all constructive details to be

filled out by the latter in regulations and rules. Six months

were occupied in that task by the Indian Government, and the

resulting prescriptions were published on November 15th, in a

document filling 450 pages of print. The following is a

summary of them, communicated to The Times by its

Calcutta correspondent:

"They comprise, first, a short notice bringing the new

Councils Act into force; secondly, the rules and regulations

for guiding the constitution of the enlarged Imperial and

Provincial Councils, with election rules; thirdly, rules for

the discussion of the annual financial statement and general

resolutions and for the asking of questions; and, fourthly, a

Government resolution explaining the reasons for the changes

made and their main details.

"The resolution shows that the Imperial Council will consist

of 68 members, while the number of members in each of the

Provincial Councils will be as follows:—Bengal, 51; Madras and

Bombay, each 48; the United Provinces, 49; Eastern Bengal and

Assam, 43; the Punjab, 27; and Burma, 18.

"The Viceroy’s Council has an official majority of three,

while all the Provincial Councils have non-official

majorities, ranging from 14 in Bengal to three in Burma. In

the Viceroy’s Council the Mahomedans will have in the first

Council six members elected by purely Mahomedan electorates,

and will also presumably get seats in Sind and the Punjab, as

the resolution says that a representative of the Bombay

landholders on the Imperial Council will be elected at the

first, third, and subsequent alternate elections by the Sind

landholders, the great majority of whom are Mahomedan, and at

the other elections by the Sirdars of Gujarat and the Deccan,

the majority of whom are Hindus.

"Again, the Punjab landholders consist equally of Mahomedans

and non-Mahomedans, and presumably a Mahomedan will be

alternately chosen. Accordingly, it has been decided that at

the second, fourth, and alternate elections, when these two

seats shall not be held by Mahomedans, there shall be two

special electorates consisting of Mahomedan landholders who

are entitled to vote for the member representing them in the

Imperial Council, and the landowners of the United Provinces

and of Eastern Bengal and Assam respectively. The Bombay

Mahomedan member of the Imperial Council will be elected by

the non-official Mahomedan members of the Provincial Council.

"The tea and jute industries get five members on the

Provincial Councils of the Bengals and Madras.

"All members are required to take the oath of allegiance to

the Crown before sitting on any of the Councils, and no person

is eligible for election if the Imperial or a Provincial

Government is of opinion that his election would be contrary

to public interest. This provision takes the place of the old

power to reject members selected by the electorate.

"The examination of the annual financial proposals is divided

into three parts. The first allows a chance for discussing any

alteration in taxation and any new loan or grant to a local

Government. Under the second any head of revenue or

expenditure will be explained by the member in charge of the

Department concerned and any resolution may be moved, and at

the third stage the Finance Minister presents his budget and

explains why any resolutions will not be accepted, a general

discussion following.

"The resolution concludes as follows:

"The new Provincial Councils will assemble early in January

and the Imperial Council in the course of that month. …

"‘The maximum strength of the Councils was 126; it is

now 370. There are now 135 elected members against 39, while

an elected member will sit as of right, needing no official

confirmation. The functions of the Councils are greatly

enlarged. Members can demand further information in reply to

formal answers and discussion will be allowed on all matters

of public interest. They will also in future be enabled to

take a real and active part in shaping financial proposals.

They will have liberal opportunity to criticize and to

initiate and suggest definite resolutions.'"

As operative at the center of discontent, in Bengal, an

unfortunate defect in the regulations was soon discovered,

which made trouble at once. It was reported to The

Times as follows:

"The regulations for the election of the new Councils have

produced a political situation here which will be scarcely

intelligible to those who are not acquainted with the

peculiarities of the Bengali character. The educated classes

in Calcutta were in despair when they discovered that the

rules virtually excluded their leaders, and the more extreme

men seized the opportunity of advocating a boycott of the

reforms. Sir Edward Baker, however, promptly recognized that

the regulations required modification. The rule which

restricted the candidates for the representation of district

boards and municipalities to present members of these bodies

was at once altered so as to include those who had at any time

served for three years on a local authority. The effect of

this concession was to render eligible many previously

excluded.

{325}

Further, when it was pointed out that Mr. Surendranath

Banerjee was shut out by the rule disqualifying dismissed

Government servants, Sir Edward Baker spontaneously intimated

to the Bengali leader that he was exempted from the operation

of this regulation. But, in spite of these conciliatory steps,

pressure is being put on Mr. Banerjee to refuse to stand,

apparently on the ground that, as many of the well-known

Moderates are still ineligible, it is incumbent on Mr.

Banerjee to refuse his services to his country rather than

weaken the force of a united protest."—These persuasions had

success. Mr. Banerjee refused to be a candidate.

The following report from Dacca, December 29, indicates the

result: "The Council elections for Eastern Bengal are not yet

complete. They show, however, a marked preponderance of

Mahomedan representation, due to the deliberate abstention of

the Hindu electorate. This abstention has been worked from

Calcutta in accordance with the manifesto issued by the

Bengali leaders. It is very noticeable among the Zemindar

voters, who are mainly Hindu. The idea is that the Government

will nominate Hindu representatives and will thus defeat the

object of the Reform Scheme."

INDIA: A. D. 1909 (July).

Assassination in London of Sir W. Curzon-Wyllie by

an Indian Anarchist.

The virulence of the hostility in India to British rule, as

developed in schools of anarchism and terrorism, was shown

startlingly to England on the 1st of July, 1909, when

Lieutenant-Colonel Sir William Curzon-Wyllie and Dr.

Cawas-Lalcaca, a Parsee, were shot dead by an Indian student,

at the close of a reception held in the Imperial Institute at

London. Sir Curzon-Wyllie, formerly of the Indian Staff Corps,

had been serving since 1901 as political aide-de-camp to the

Secretary of State for India, at London. The reception at

which he was assassinated was one of the evenings "At Home" of

the National Indian Association, held mainly for the purpose

of giving the many young Indians residing temporarily in

England an opportunity for social intercourse with friendly

English people. The assassin, a student named Dhinagri, came

as a guest. His brother, a doctor in Calcutta, hearing that he

had been coming under anarchist influences, had asked Sir

Curzon-Wyllie some time before to talk with him, and that

gentleman had done so, with no effect apparently, but to rouse

his resentment. The motive of the crime, however, appears to

have been wholly in the desire to make a display of

"patriotism" and to achieve distinction as a martyr to the

cause of liberty for India. The victim might easily have been

some other. Sir Curzon-Wyllie was leaving the place when he

paused to speak to Dhinagri, and received two deadly bullets

at close range, in the face. Dr. Lalcaca, who stood near,

rushed forward to intervene, and the pistol was turned on him.

Others seized the assassin before he could do more.

When tried and convicted, on the 23d of July, and asked if he

had anything to say, Dhinagri replied angrily: "I have told

you over and over again that I do not acknowledge the

authority of the Court. You can do whatever you like. I do not

mind at all. You can pass sentence of death on me. I do not

care, but remember that one day we shall be all powerful, and

then we can do what we like. That is all I want to say." On

being sentenced to death, the prisoner, making an Oriental

salute to the Judge, said,—"Thank you, my Lord. I don’t care.

I am proud to have the honour of laying down my life for the

cause of my country."

The family of Dhinagri, in India, employed counsel to attend

his trial, who announced to the court that they viewed his

crime with the greatest abhorrence.

----------INDIA: End--------

INDIAN (EAST) IMMIGRATION:

The resistance to it in South Africa, Australia, and elsewhere.

(See in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS.

INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS, The.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

INDIAN TERRITORY.

United with Oklahoma to form the State of Oklahoma.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES. A. D. 1906 (JUNE).

INDIANS, The American:

End of the Tribal Autonomy of the Five Civilized Tribes.

The last of the proceedings for ending the autonomy of the

Five Civilized Tribes making them citizens of the United

States, and dividing their tribal lands among them

individually, was finished in the summer of 1902, by the

Cherokee Council, which ratified agreements already accepted

by the other four tribes.

See, Volume VI.,

INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

According to Mr. William Dudley Foulke, who investigated the

circumstances, the Creek nation has suffered grievous frauds

in the final settlement of their land affairs, by the

operation of the Curtis Act, in the matter of the sale of town

sites. Mr. Foulke’s account of the case is given in an article

entitled "Despoiling a Nation," published in January 2, 1908.

INDUSTRIAL ARBITRATION.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR.

INDUSTRIAL COMBINATIONS (capitalistic).

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL.

INDUSTRIAL COMBINATIONS (of the employed).

See (in this Volume)

LABOR.

INDUSTRIAL COMMISSION (UNITED STATES), of 1898-1902:

On the Sherman Anti-Trust Act, of 1898, applied to Railroads.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.

INDUSTRIAL COMMISSION (UNITED STATES), of 1898-1902:

On Hours of Labor.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.

INDUSTRIAL TRAINING.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION.

INHERITANCE TAX:

Defeated Proposal in Germany.

See (in this Volume)

Germany: A. D. 1908-1909;

also, DEATH DUTIES.

INITIATIVE.

See (in this Volume)

REFERENDUM.

INJUNCTIONS, in Labor Disputes.

See (in this Volume)

LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.

INLAND WATERWAYS COMMISSION.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

INMEDIATISTAS.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL RIGHT, The.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

INSURANCE, AGAINST UNEMPLOYMENT.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: UNEMPLOYMENT; GERMANY.

{326}

INSURANCE, Industrial.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR PROTECTION.

INSURANCE, Life:

The Legislative Investigation of Companies doing business in

the State of New York, in 1905.

Startling Disclosures of Vicious Management in the greater

organizations, and of Perfunctory State Superintendence.

Report and Recommendations of the Committee.

Remedial Legislation.

A conflict in the Board of Directors of the Equitable Life

Assurance Society of New York, which came to public knowledge

in February, 1905, afforded the beginning of exciting

revelations, as to practices and conditions in the management

of the stupendous organizations of life insurance that are

centered in New York City.

The Equitable Society was founded in 1859 by Henry B. Hyde as

a stock company, with a capital of $100,000, in 1000 shares,

and neither its legal constitution nor its capital had been

changed; but its assets at the end of the year 1904, according

to its statement, had grown to the enormous total of

$412,438,380, and it held a surplus over liabilities of

$80,394,861. This prodigious fund had come under the control

of the holders of the small capital stock of the

company—$100,000; and practically it was controlled by one

stockholder, James Hazen Hyde, son of the deceased founder,

who had inherited a majority of the shares. By the Charter of

the Society, its stockholders were entitled to semi-annual

dividends at a rate not exceeding 3½ per cent., and its

business was to be conducted on the mutual plan: that is,

earnings and receipts above dividends, losses and expenses

were to be accumulated and policy holders were to be credited

with equitable shares of the net surplus, after sufficient

deduction to cover outstanding risks and other obligations.

Nevertheless, the opportunities for personal enrichment,

afforded by the controlling of the great floods of money

poured into its coffers had been found to be immense.

James Hazen Hyde, inheritor of the majority of stock, was Vice

President of the company. Under the terms of his father’s will

he had not yet come into personal possession of his

inheritance, but would do so in a short time. The President of

the company, James Alexander, appears to have become anxious

as to the use the young man would make of the power of that

possession when it came to him, and he entered on a movement

toward changing the organization of the Equitable Society, to

make it a mutual institution in reality, by securing to the

policy holders a voice in the election of directors, leaving

their board no longer a body to be chosen by a single man.

This movement became necessarily public, and the situation in

the company was exposed to public knowledge in a sudden and

startling way. Flood-gates of discussion were opened and

questions started which ran from the Equitable to other

mammoths of life insurance organization that had grown up.

Facts came to light which showed the magnitude of financial

power they had drawn into small circles of men and families,

and the extravagance of compensation appropriated to

themselves by some of these self-appointed and

self-perpetuated administrators of life insurance funds. Such

disclosures became the sensation, not merely of a day, but of

months.

At the outset of the undertaking of President Alexander to

reform the constitution of the Equitable, Vice-President Hyde

was able easily to defeat his movement and make good his own

mastery of the board of directors; but as the public became a

party to the controversy, more and more, it bore down Mr.

Hyde. In April the directors were constrained to appoint a

committee to investigate and report on "the present management

of the society." The committee, composed of H. C. Frick, E. H.

Harriman, Brayton Ives, Cornelius N. Bliss, and M. E. Ingalls,

made a report on the 2d of June which was a deadly indictment

of the society, on many counts,—for "excessive salaries,

excessive commissions, excessive expenses, superfluous

offices," and a "general looseness in the administration of

its affairs." Mr. Hyde and his board made a show of disputing

the findings of the committee and rejecting its

recommendations, but the atmospheric pressure from outside

proved irresistible, and they gave way to it. Mr. Hyde sold

his 502 shares of stock to Thomas F. Ryan for $2,500,000 cash,

Mr. Ryan making it a condition of the purchase that the

Honorable Paul Morton, formerly prominent in railway

administration and lately Secretary of the Navy in President

Roosevelt’s cabinet, should be chairman of the Equitable board

of directors and should have a free hand in reorganizing its

management. Mr. Ryan then, on the 15th of June, placed the

shares in a voting trust, composed of ex-President Grover

Cleveland, Justice Morgan J. O’Brien, and George Westinghouse.

The deed of transfer to these trustees empowered them to carry

out a plan of mutualization, to the end that the society’s

policy holders should elect a majority of the directors in its

board.

The Equitable Life Assurance Society was now in a fair way to

be placed on a footing that would justify its name; but the

events which accomplished this had created an imperative

demand for thorough proceedings of law, to reform and regulate

the whole system under which the profoundly serious

obligations and responsibilities of life insurance are

fulfilled. The first step to that end was taken by the

Legislature of the State of New York on the 20th of July,

1905, when it appointed a joint committee of the Senate and

Assembly and directed the committee "to investigate and

examine into the business and affairs of life insurance

companies doing business in the State of New York, with

reference to the investments of said companies, the relation

of the officers thereof to such investments, the relation of

such companies to subsidiary corporations, the government and

control of said companies, the contractual relations of said

companies to their policy holders, the cost of life insurance,

the expenses of said companies, and any other phase of the

life insurance business deemed by the committee to be proper,

for the purpose of drafting and reporting to the next session

of the Legislature such a revision of the laws regulating and

relating to life insurance in this State as said committee may

deem proper."

{327}

This most notable investigating committee was composed of

Senators William W. Armstrong, William J. Tully, D. J.

Riordan, and Assemblymen James T. Rogers, W. W. Wemple, Ezra

P. Prentice, John McKcown. It was organized on the 1st of

August, with Senator Armstrong as its chairman, and opened

public hearings on the 5th of September following, having

engaged for its counsel Messrs. Charles E. Hughes and James

McKeen. Mr. Hughes was little known to the public at large

when he accepted the duty of conducting this investigation. It

revealed him to the State and the Nation, and was the

fortunate introduction to public life of a man of rare

nobility in character and of remarkable powers.

Eighteen insurance companies doing business in New York were

subjected to investigation; but interest in the proceeding was

centered with intensity on the probing of the affairs of a few

of the greater institutions, such as the Equitable, the Mutual

Life, the New York Life, the Prudential, and the Metropolitan.

The disclosures were rich in sensation; a few only can be

noted here. As to salaries, for example: in the Equitable, the

late Henry B. Hyde and his successor, Mr. Alexander, as

presidents, had received $75,000 per annum in the early years

and $100,000 in the later years of their terms. James H. Hyde,

graduated from college in 1898 and made vice-president the

next year, on his father’s death, received in the first year

$25,000, in the next two years $30,000, in his fourth year

$75,000, and thereafter $100,000. Second vice-presidents were

paid as high as $50,000 per annum; third vice-presidents as

high as $40,000; fourth vice-presidents as high as $30,000.

Salaries of secretaries and comptrollers had run up to $25,000

and $30,000. Thirteen executive officers in the society whose

salaries aggregated $297,600 in 1900, were drawing $448,500 in

1905.

Executive officers in the Mutual Life surpassed even this

experience of bounty. The president’s salary had been $30,000

from 1877 to 1885, $50,000 from 1886 to 1892, then raised to

$75,000 in 1893, to $90,000 in 1895, to $100,000 in 1896, and

to $150,000 in 1901. Richard A. McCurdy had been president for

twenty years and vice-president for the preceding twenty. The

vice-president’s salary had grown from $20,000 in 1877 to

$50,000 in 1902; the treasurer’s had been $40,000 since 1896.

In the New York Life the salary of the president, John A.

McCall, had stopped its increment at $100,000, which it

reached in 1901. The second vice-president’s salary went to

$75,000 the same year. The total salaries of executive

officers were raised from $149,000 in 1893 to $322,000 in

1905.

Agency commissions were sometimes richer sources of income

than the fixed salaries of these generous companies. In the

Mutual Life Company, the president’s son, Robert H. McCurdy,

had an interest in the general agency of the company for New

York City from which he drew $530,788 between 1889 and 1904;

besides which, as superintendent of the foreign department of

the company, he was paid commissions on its foreign business

which yielded him $1,268,390 between 1886 and 1905; some part

of which commissions, however (to an amount not ascertained),

were shared by him with his partner in the New York City

agency. The total net profits of that metropolitan agency,—in

which the president’s son-in-law was likewise a partner,—were

found by the investigating committee to have been $2,389,123

in the twelve years 1893-1904.

These, however, were not the worst, in their moral

implications, of the disclosures that resulted from the search

light brought to bear on the administration of certain life

insurance companies by the Legislative Committee and Mr.

Hughes. A startling share of the prodigal expenditures of some

boards, from the excessive profits of their business, went

secretly, with no accounting, to undiscoverable purposes,

which were purposes, of course, that would not bear

questioning. The following, from the report of the

investigating Committee on the Mutual Life Company, is

indicative of the glimpses given of foul uses to which the

funds of that company were applied. "For a considerable

period," says the report, "it has been the practice for the

Committee on Expenditures to authorize the payment to its

chairman of $25,000 every few months, or from $75,000 to

$100,000 a year, upon the request of one of the executive

officers. The persons to whom the moneys were to be paid by

the company, or the services, if any, for which the payment

was to be made, were not known to the committee, and the only

voucher was the receipt of the chairman of the committee who

received and paid over the money in cash. There was no reason

for this practice save to conceal the purposes for which the

moneys were used, and it obviously facilitated improper

payments.

"There were also a large number of payments charged to legal

expenses which were made upon the recommendation of one Andrew

C. Fields, who for many years was the head of the ‘Supply

Department.’ He was in actual charge of and gave a large part

of his time to matters of legislation. For many years the

company maintained under his care a house at Albany, and

through him and his agents a close watch was kept upon the

proceedings of the Legislature. The rent of this house, the

supplies there consumed, and the wages of the cook and other

servants, were charged to ‘legal expenses.’ Fields left for

parts unknown soon after the Committee began its hearings and

it has not been able to procure his testimony. It appears,

however, that he acted also for the Equitable, and from their

records have been produced a series of memoranda of

instructions sent Fields by Thomas D. Jordan, its comptroller,

whose whereabouts the Committee has been unable to ascertain,

although it has made diligent effort to do so."

The Committee quotes extensively from these memoranda of "T.

D. J.," who instructs his Albany lobbyist what bills the

latter is to "kill," and what he is to support. There are

depths of corruption suggested by this story of the hospitable

Andrew Fields, the vigilant Thomas D. Jordan, their "legal

expenses" for hospitable house-keeping at Albany, and the

sudden vanishment of both when Mr. Hughes began to do his

questioning; but the depths are left unfathomed, because the

Committee found no sounding line.

"The testimony taken by the committee," says their report,

"makes it abundantly clear that the large insurance companies

systematically attempted to control legislation in this and

other States which could affect their interests, directly or

indirectly, and that in this effort Fields, who concerned

himself mainly with this State, played a most important role.

{328}

The three companies [Mutual, New York Life, and Equitable]

divided the country, outside of New York and a few other

States, so as to avoid a waste of effort, each looking after

legislation in its chosen district and bearing its appropriate

part of the total expense." The so-called "legal expenses" of

the Mutual in seven years, 1898-1904, exceeded two millions of

dollars. "In 1904 they amounted to $364,254.95, while those of

the New York Life and Equitable for the same year were

$172,698.42 and $204,019.25 respectively."

The New York Life employed one Andrew Hamilton to give

attention to matters of legislation throughout the country,

and the company was found to have paid him no less than

$1,167,697 for "legal expenses," between 1895 and 1905, no

vouchers being filed beyond Hamilton’s receipt. And these

"legal expenses were in addition to all the ordinary outlays

in connection with suits or legal proceedings or the work of

the legal department of the company."

In the accounts of the Equitable, "among the disbursements

charged to legal expenses appear annual retainers of $20,000

paid Chauncey M. Depew [United States Senator from New York]

and $5000 (for one year—1900—$7500) to David B. Hill. Mr.

Depew testifies … that his services consisted of advising the

late Mr. Hyde in regard to matters of investment, settlement

of controversies and troublesome questions of various sorts. …

During this time Mr. Depew was a director and member of the

Executive Committee. The testimony as to the services is very

general, and it does not appear," says the committee, "that

outside of those which the society was fairly entitled to

receive from him as a director, the services were such as to

warrant the payments made. … The Equitable contributed to the

Republican National Committee $50,000 in 1904; undoubtedly

contributions were made in prior national campaigns, but their

amount has not been stated. For many years the society has

made an annual contribution of $10,000 to the Republican State

Committee through Senator Platt." Senator Platt was a

collector, also, of similar contributions from the Mutual

Life, and that company gave $40,000 to the Republican National

Committee in 1904, as well as smaller sums in previous years.

Of the management in these great companies of the enormous

surplus of profit, which even their inordinate

self-appropriations left in their keeping, no clear account

could be given here. It is set forth in the Committee’s report

by examples of investments, in stocks, bonds, and real

property, so conducted, through subsidiary organizations,

etc., as to yield a personal profit to the skilful financiers

within the life insurance circle. The details which make the

matter plain cannot be abridged and require more space than

can be afforded in this place.

From the investigation of the life insurance companies the

Committee and its counsel passed to the State Department which

was instituted to scrutinize and supervise these

organizations, for the detection and prevention of such abuses

in their management as had now come to light. Their findings

in this direction were stated partly as follows:

"It would seem that the Superintendent [of Insurance] has had

ample power, and has been charged with the correlative duty,

to inquire into and to ascertain the transactions of insurance

companies, to the end that abuses may be exposed and correct

administration assured. The scheme by which the superintendent

may require detailed written statements duly verified, as to

any matter of corporate business and may supplement these

statements by an examination of the company’s books and of the

officers and agents under oath, would appear well calculated

to prevent the secret growth of improper practices. Not only

through the visitorial powers of the superintendent were a

wholesale publicity and the consequent enforcement of the law

to be assured, but the superintendent was also charged with

the duty of recommending to the Legislature annually such

amendments to the law as in his judgment were needed to

correct evils found to be without the purview of existing

statutes.

"But the supervision by the department has not proved a

sufficient protection against extravagance and

maladministration. Annual statements from the corporations

have been received, filed and published, but in many

particulars without sufficient detail to exhibit the real

efficiency of honesty of the management. Nor has there been

suitable effort upon the facts actually reported to detect and

expose evasions of departmental requirements and the resort to

artifice and double dealing in order to avoid a true

disclosure of the companies’ affairs. For the most part a

critical examination of the reports so made seems to have been

neglected, and the verification of the annual statements has

been left to examinations conducted at irregular intervals. No

rule seems to have been adopted with reference to the

frequency of examinations. Thus the Security Mutual Insurance

Company has been examined four times since its reincorporation

in 1898, at its request and apparently with no other object

than to enable it to use the department’s certificate in

support of its annual statement, while the Provident Savings

Life Assurance Society has been examined only once in the past

ten years (1897) and it would seem that this was the only

examination in its history. The Metropolitan Life Insurance

Company has also been examined only once during ten years,

that is, in 1900. The advisability of frequent examinations is

sufficiently illustrated by the case of the Washington Life

Insurance Company, where it appeared on the examination in

1904 that during the interval of four years since the prior

examination it had, in at least two annual statements,

deceived the department by glaringly false returns of its

existing liabilities, and that instead of having an alleged

surplus of considerable amount its capital was seriously

impaired. In connection with this company it may be noted that

a more careful scrutiny of the reports to the department of

lapsed and restored policies would have led at an earlier date

to the investigation which appears finally to have been

induced by outside criticism."

As to remedial legislation, the main recommendations of the

Committee were in substance these:

(1) Investments in stocks of banks and trust companies, in the

common stock of any corporation, in syndicate participations,

and in speculative bonds, to be forbidden.

(2) No political contributions or lobby expenditures to be

permitted.

(3) Full publicity regarding salaries and expenses.

(4) New business of the "big three" companies restricted to

$150,000,000 a year each, and the business of other companies

limited.

{329}

(5) Agents’ commissions to be based on the amount of the

policy and not on the amount of the premium.

(6) Only four kinds of standard policies to be permitted—term,

straight life, limited payment and endowment.

(7) Investment policies to be discouraged and deferred

dividends forbidden.

(8) All dividends on participating policies to be apportioned

annually.

(9) No company to be permitted to sell both participating and

non-participating policies.

(10) The present trustees of mutual companies to be removed.

New ones to be elected under a system whereby the

policy-holders really elect.

The Committee presented the elaborate report of its

investigation to the Legislature on the 22d of February, 1906,

and its recommendations were embodied for the most part in an

enactment, the drafting of which, to a large extent, was the

careful work of Mr. Hughes, the master mind of the whole

proceeding of investigation.

The statements made above are drawn entirely from the

Committee’s Report, as published in Volume 10 of the printed

testimony and report.

Assembly Document Number 41,

State of New York, 1906.

"INTELLECTUALS."

See (in this Volume)

SOCIALISM: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.

INTELLIGENZIA, The.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

INTEMPERANCE.

See (in this Volume )

ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

INTERFEROMETER, Professor Michelson’s.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.

INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENTS.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE.

INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST, AND ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL.

INTERNATIONAL BARBARISM.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS:

Resolution of the Third International Conference of

American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF AMERICAN REPUBLICS, Second and Third.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF ARTS AND SCIENCES.

See (in this Volume)

ST. LOUIS. A. D. 1904.

INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS ON ALCOHOLISM.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM: INTERNATIONAL.

INTERNATIONAL CONGRESSES, of Science.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION.

INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF WOMEN.

See (in this Volume)

WOMEN.

INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE, Central American.

See (in this Volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.

INTERNATIONAL FISHERIES COMMISSION, United States and Canada.

See (in this Volume)

FOOD FISHES.

INTERNATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC CONGRESS.

See (in this Volume)

GEOGRAPHIC CONGRESS.

INTERNATIONAL HARVESTER COMPANY:

Profit-sharing with Employees.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR REMUNERATION: PROFIT-SHARING.

INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE OF AGRICULTURE.

See (in this Volume)

AGRICULTURE.

INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES, Educational.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

INTERNATIONAL LAW:

Convention providing for a Commission of Jurists to draft a

Code for Regulation of Relations between American Nations.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS: THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE.

INTERNATIONAL MERCANTILE MARINE COMPANY, Formation of the.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL (INTERNATIONAL).

INTERNATIONAL PEACE CONGRESSES.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.

INTERNATIONAL RAILWAY CONGRESS.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905.

INTERNATIONAL RIGHT, The Institute of.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

INTERNATIONAL SCHOOL OF PEACE.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

INTERNATIONAL WOMAN SUFFRAGE ALLIANCE.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

INTERNATIONALISM, SUPERSEDING NATIONALISM.

See (in this Volume)

WORLD MOVEMENTS: FICHTE’S PROPHECY.

INTEROCEANIC CANAL.

See (in this Volume)

PANAMA CANAL.

INTERPARLIAMENTARY UNION, The.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909.

INTERSTATE COMMERCE ACT, and Commission.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES; also,

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES.

INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION.

On the passage, in 1906, of the Hepburn Act, amendatory of the

Interstate Commerce Law, the Commission was reconstructed by

fresh appointments, in making which the President retained

Messrs. Knapp, of New York, Prouty, of Vermont, Clements, of

Georgia, and Cockrell, of Missouri. His new appointees were

Franklin K. Lane, of California, Edgar Erastus Clark, of Iowa,

and James S. Harlan, of Illinois.

INTOXICANTS, PROBLEMS OF THE.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM, AND OPIUM PROBLEM.

INTRANSIGENTES.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

INVENTORY OF CHURCH PROPERTY, THE FRENCH.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

{330}

----------IRELAND: Start--------

IRELAND: A. D. 1870-1903.

The Working of the successive Land Laws.

The Act of 1903.

Text of its main provisions.

The French writer, L. Paul-Dubois, whose work, L’Irlande

Contemporaire, published in 1907, has appeared since in an

English translation, seems to have made a very careful and

intelligent study of the working of the successive land-laws

for Ireland, intended to be beneficial to the tenants, which

began with that of Gladstone in 1870.

See in Volumes III and VI

IRELAND.

Mr. Gladstone, himself, in the Act of 1881, endeavored to

remedy the defects of the Act of 1870; but M. Paul-Dubois

finds that, while the later Act "brought and continues to

bring immense good to the country," yet "the system

established by it is, as a matter of fact, no longer bearable

for any one,"—for the reason that "the first great

characteristic of the Gladstonian legislation is duality of

ownership." It is, as he explains, an unhealthy system,

unsound both economically and socially,—this dual ownership,

which turns the landlord and tenant into co-proprietors of the

soil. It paralyses agriculture by preventing the investment of

capital on either side, and by destroying all interest of

either landlord or tenant in the good farming of the land. The

landlord feels himself no longer called upon to do anything

for his property, and has no care left but that of collecting

his rents. The tenant, on the other hand, refrains from making

any improvement or advances that might cause his rent to be

raised at the next quindecennial revision; the land is thus

starved of both labor and capital. We may add, also, that the

new regime gives rise to an infinity of ruinous lawsuits

between the co-owners. … For a quarter of a century there has

been only one class of men whose affairs have prospered,

namely, the solicitors. Their number has increased by 30 per

cent." In his view of the results, M. Paul-Dubois is

sympathetic with both landlords and tenants. But in his

judgment the tenants were not fairly dealt with under the

Gladstonian laws by the Land Commission or by the courts. The

courts, especially, in interpreting the Act of 1881, which

left "fair rent" undefined, established rulings which

practically nullified the intentions of the law, until, as

this writer expresses it, "the Act of 1896 brought the Irish

judges to reason."

Eleven years before that time, however, a little experiment

was begun on the line of a true solution of the Irish land

question, namely, toward the buying of the soil of the island

from its landlords and making its cultivators the owners of

it. This was in the Ashbourne Land Purchase Act of 1885, which

provided a fund of £5,000,000 for advances to be made to

tenant purchasers, with provision for the repayment of the

loan in forty-nine annuities. In 1889 this fund was increased

to £10,000,000. By 1891 the fund had been exhausted, and

"25,367 tenants had been turned into owners of their farms.

Its success even alarmed some of the landlords, who began to

fear that the farmers would combine and force them to sell

their land. However this may be," says the French writer, "in

1891 the Conservative Government passed a new Act which, under

the pretence of regulating the progress of the operation,

complicated it to such an extent that the machine almost

stopped working. In 1896, by another Act, the existing evils

were slightly remedied, but only to an insufficient extent. …

Finally, in 1903, it was found that under the new system

established in 1891 and 1896, only 38,251 tenants had been

turned into proprietors; and at that same date the total

number of peasant owners created from first to last had

reached no higher figure than 73,917. As Land Purchase was

progressing more and more slowly, it was felt that some new

impulse must be given to the machine. This was the aim of the

great Land Act of 1903."

L. Paul-Dubois,

Contemporary Ireland, part 2, chapters 1-2

(Maunsel & Co., Dublin, 1908).

"The Irish Land Purchase Act of 1903 was in every respect

epoch-making. It was preceded by, and founded upon, the report

of a conference held between the representatives of landlord

and tenant in Dublin. The Landlords’ Convention, the official

representative of the landlord party, held aloof and refused

to join in the conference. Typical landlords, such as the Duke

of Abercorn, Lord Barrymore, and Colonel Saunderson, refused

to serve, ridiculing the project as absurd and quixotic. Lord

Dunraven led a saner section of landlords, with the result

that, after a session of five days, the conference agreed to a

report, upon which the government acted. The official

landlords, seeing the reasonableness of the findings and

recognizing their own folly, succumbed at once, and fell in

with the general tendency for settlement. Substantially, the

Act of 1903 accepted the principle of universal sale of the

landlord’s interest to the occupier. It ignored legal

compulsion. But it accepted what was finely called the

principle of compulsion by inducement. It placed the sum of

£100,000,000 ($500,000,000) at the disposal of landlord and

tenant for the purposes of the act. It went further,—for it

enacted that out of a fund called the Land Purchase Aid Fund

each landlord who sold should receive a bonus (Latin for gift)

of 12 per cent. on the purchase money. It appointed a new

tribunal to administer the Act. And to this tribunal were

given powers of re-settling congested districts by the

purchase of grass lands, the enlargement of uneconomic

holdings, and the restoration of certain evicted tenants where

possible."

Thomas W. Russell, M. P.,

The Workings of the Irish Land Law

(American Review of Reviews, November, 1905).

The following are among the important provisions of the Land

Act of 1903:

"1.

(4) Notwithstanding any provisions to the contrary contained

in the Purchase of Land (Ireland) Amendment Act, 1888, an

advance may be sanctioned under the provisions of the Land

Purchase Acts not exceeding the sum of seven thousand pounds

to one purchaser where, in the opinion of the Land Commission,

it is expedient to make any such advance for the purpose of

carrying out the sale of a holding to which the Land Law Acts

apply. …

{331}

"2.

(1) In the case of the sale of an estate advances under the

Land Purchase Acts may be made for the purchase of parcels

thereof by the following persons:

(a) A person being the tenant of a holding on the

estate;

(b) A person being the son of a tenant of a holding

on the estate;

(c) A person being the tenant or proprietor of a

holding not exceeding five pounds in rateable value,

situate in the neighbourhood of the estate; and

(d) A person who within twenty-five years before the

passing of this Act was the tenant of a holding to which

the Land Law Acts apply, and who is not at the date of the

purchase the tenant or proprietor of that holding. Provided

that in the case of the death of a person to whom an

advance under this paragraph might otherwise have been

made, the advance may be made, to a person nominated by the

Land Commission as the personal representative of the

deceased person.

"(2) Advances under this section shall not, together with the

amount (if any) of any previous advance under the Land

Purchase Acts then unrepaid by the purchaser, exceed one

thousand pounds:

"Provided that the limitation in this subsection may, subject

to the other limitations in the Land Purchase Acts, be

exceeded where the Land Commission consider that a larger

advance may be sanctioned to any purchaser without prejudice

to the wants and circumstances of other persons residing in

the neighbourhood.

"(3) The Land Purchase Acts shall, subject to the provisions

of this section, apply to the sale of a parcel of land in

pursuance of this section, in like manner as if the same was a

holding, and the purchaser was the tenant thereof at the time

of his making the purchase, and the expression "holding" in

those Acts shall include a parcel of land in respect of the

purchase of which an advance has been made in pursuance of

this section. …

"6.

(4) In the case of a congested estate as defined by this

section, if the Land Commission, with the consent of the

owner, certify to the Lord Lieutenant that the purchase and

resale of the estate are desirable in view of the wants and

circumstances of the tenants thereon, then the Land Commission

may purchase the estate for a price to be agreed upon, and in

such case the condition in this section as to resale without

prospect of loss may be relaxed to such extent as the Lord

Lieutenant may determine.

"(5) The expression "congested estate" means an estate not

less than half of the area of which consists of holdings not

exceeding five pounds in rateable value, or of mountain or bog

land, or not less than a quarter of the area of which is held

in rundale or intermixed plots. …

"8.

The Land Commission may purchase any untenanted land which

they consider necessary for the purchase of facilitating the

resale, or redistribution, of estates purchased, or proposed

to be purchased, by them, and the foregoing provisions of this

Act, with respect to advances for the purchase of parcels of

land comprised in estates, shall apply in the case of the sale

by the Commission of any parcel of such untenanted land.

"9.

(1) There shall not be at any time vested in the Land

Commission lands exceeding in the aggregate, according to the

estimate of the Commission, as approved by the Treasury, the

capital value of five million pounds in respect of which

undertakings to purchase have not been received by the

Commission. …

"12.

(1) The Land Commission may take such steps and execute, or

cause to be executed, such works as may appear expedient for

the benefit or improvement of estates, or untenanted land,

purchased or proposed to be purchased under this Act, or for

the use or enjoyment thereof or generally for the purposes of

this Act. …

"19.

Where an estate is purchased by the Land Commission and

tenants on the estate to the extent of three-fourths in number

and rateable value have agreed to purchase their holdings, the

Estates Commissioners may, if, having regard to the

circumstances of the case, they think it expedient, order that

the remaining tenants, or any of them, shall be deemed to have

accepted the offers made to them, and the Land Purchase Acts

shall apply accordingly, where the tenant could have obtained

an advance of the entire purchase money, and the Land

Commission have offered in the prescribed manner to make the

advance."

IRELAND: A. D. 1893-1907.

The Gaelic League.

"At the eve of the great famine, the mass of the people,

outside the large towns, still spoke Irish; to-day partly

owing to emigration, Irish is only spoken by 600,000 persons,

out of four and a half millions, and that concurrently with

English. Twenty thousand persons speak Irish only; these are

mainly of the West. … An glicisation had begun its work, when

the old language had been lost. Therefore, must not the Irish

renaissance begin with the readoption of that language? So

thought a small and elite group of Irish patriots, men of

talent and enthusiasm, imbued with the national gospel

preached by Thomas Davis forty years earlier—a gospel which

Ireland had to some extent forgotten amidst the sufferings of

the Great Famine, Fenianism and the Land Wars. Prominent in

this group was the descendant of an old Protestant family of

Roscommon, a Celtic scholar and folklorist, a poet of merit in

English, a poet in Irish also, so say the connoisseurs, Dr.

Douglas Hyde. He had the genius for propaganda, and when the

country was ripe for it, gave body to his ideas by founding

the Gaelic League, with the aid of his early friends, in 1893.

The Gaelic League—though to limit the Irish renaissance by

placing it under this title would be to limit its actual

scope—may be said to be a faithful representative of the

general ideas underlying the new Irish movement. It has

declared its objects to be, the preservation of Irish as the

national language, the study of ancient Irish literature, and

the cultivation of a modern literature in the Irish language.

But we must be careful not to judge it by its name. The Gaelic

League is not a society of scholars, and leaves to others all

that concerns literature and philology, pure and simple. It is

occupied with propaganda, the application of its doctrine of a

national renaissance on the basis of a national language. It

intends to confer anew upon the country a psychological

education, and, by means of the national language, by the

revival of national art and literature, and the reconstitution

of a national social system, to regenerate its soul from

within and teach Ireland how she may again be a nation. …

Though still growing, it has already in Ireland 964 branches,

local and popular centres of activity, whose work it is to

spread the national idea and the national language by every

means, and to make them active factors in the every-day life

of the family and social circle. Their primary duty is to

organise Irish language classes for the benefit of their

members.

{332}

These classes are practical above all in their scope, and are

conducted sometimes by paid teachers and sometimes by generous

volunteers whose work is almost always good. … Such a teacher

in the country manages, on his rounds, to hold a dozen classes

or so regularly every week. There are special classes for

workmen, for students, for ladies; special classes for

beginners, for veterans, Irish history classes, singing and

even dancing classes, where the old national airs are taught

and the national reel and jig. … In the summer, during holiday

time, the enthusiasts of Irish speech come together in the

western villages for the Sgoil Saoire (Summer school).

There their teachers are the old peasants, from whom they

learn not only the correct accent, the music of the language,

but the spirit and tradition of ancient Irish culture, of

which these peasants, who, from generation to generation, have

gathered up the songs and legends of former times, are the

most faithful guardians. In the summer also the Seilge   are organised, that is to say, excursions to places of

historical interest, with national sports and recreations. A

seilg in Galway in 1901 was attended by no less than

2,000 pilgrims. In the winter evenings each branch holds

reunions from time to time, lectures (seanchus),

followed by discussions on Irish subjects, concerts

(sgoruidheacht), with choirs, Irish dances and songs,

and ceilidhe, informal meetings on the lines of ancient

village gatherings, where serious conversation—in

Irish—alternates with music or a ‘recital,’ that is to say, a

story or a piece of news, told, according to popular custom,

by the author or a raconteur. Every year the Gaelic and

National Festival, that of St. Patrick, is celebrated

throughout Ireland, but notably in Dublin. … A start—the first

and greatest difficulty—has been made, and now the League is a

power in Ireland. It sells annually 20,000 Gaelic books and

pamphlets, in which are included editiones principes of

the poets of the eighteenth century, and new Irish

publications, tales, and novels. Its financial resources are

moderate. They represent, however, the spontaneous obol of the

poor; and a large part of the annual subscription to the

Language Fund, during St. Patrick’s week, is made up of pence

and of half-pence. From the start the League has had the good

sense officially to declare that it was both necessary and

desirable that it should stand apart from all political and

religious struggles; such has been its line of conduct, and

now within it are found representatives of every party, from

the strongest Orangemen to the fiercest separatists."

L. Paul-Dubois,

Contemporary Ireland,

part 3, chapter 2

(Maunsel & Co. Dublin, 1908).

Public meetings have been held in Ireland during the past year

(1909) to support the demand of the Gaelic League "that the

Irish language, both oral and written, and Irish history be

made essential subjects for matriculation in the new national

University, and that proper provision be made for the teaching

of Irish in all its colleges."

IRELAND: A. D. 1901 (March).

Census

"4,456,546 Persons (2,197,739 Males and 2,258,807 Females)

were returned in the Enumerators’ Summaries as constituting

the population of Ireland on the night of Sunday, the 31st of

last March—thus showing a decrease since 1891 of 248,204

persons, or 5.3 per cent.—the decrease in the number of males

was equal to 5.2 per cent., and in the number of females to

5.3 per cent.

"There was during the decade a decrease of 41,297 persons, or

3.5 per cent. in the Province of Leinster; 98,568, or 8.4 per

cent. in the Province of Munster; 38,463, or 2.4 per cent. in

the Province of Ulster; and 69,876, or 9.7 percent, in the

Province of Connaught."

In 1841 the population enumerated in Ireland as a whole had

been 8,196,597; in 1851 it had been 6,574,278; in 1861,

5,798,967; in 1871, 5,412,377; in 1881, 5,174,836; in 1891,

4,704,750. Excepting in 1861 the showing is a steady decrease,

and this latest census finds the island almost half

depopulated.

"According to the Summaries furnished by the Enumerators,

3,310,028 persons returned themselves as Roman Catholics, this

number being 237,279 or 6.7 per cent under the number so

returned in 1891; 579,385 were returned under the head of

‘Protestant Episcopalians,’ being a decrease of 20,718, or 3.5

percent., compared with the number tabulated under that head

in 1891; 443,494 were returned as Presbyterians, being a

decrease of 1,480 or 0.3 per cent. compared with 1891; the

number of Methodists returned on the present occasion amounts

to 61,255, being an increase of 5,745 or 10.4 per cent, on the

number returned on the Census Forms in 1891."

In Dublin City, as extended under the Dublin Corporation Act

of 1900, the population enumerated in 1901 was 289,108, being

a gain of 20,521 since 1891. With the Urban Districts of

Rathmines and Rathcar, Pembroke, Blackrock and Kingstown

added, the total population of Dublin and suburbs was

373,179,—an increase in the decade of 27,220.

The following table shows the population of the 14 towns in

which more than 10,000 inhabitants were found: compared with

the enumeration of 1891.

Towns.      1891.    1901.

Belfast       273,079  348,965

Cork           75,345   75,978

Limerick       37,155   38,085

Londonderry    33,200   39,873

Waterford      26,203   26,743

Galway         13,800   13,414

Drogheda       13,708   12,765

Newry          12,961   12,587

Dundalk        12,449   13,067

Lisburn        12,250   11,459

Wexford        11,545   11,154

Lurgan         11,429   11,777

Kilkenny       11,048   10,493

Sligo          10,862   10,862

Total         554,446  637,222

IRELAND: A. D. 1902 (February).

Lord Rosebery and Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman at issue on

the Home Rule question.

In a speech delivered at Liverpool in February Lord Rosebery

pronounced a most positive funeral oration on what he assumed

to be the death and burial of the Irish Home Rule question in

British politics. A few days later Sir Henry

Campbell-Bannerman, speaking at the annual meeting of the

General Committee of the National Liberal Federation, took

occasion to resurrect the supposedly buried issue and take it

under his protection, as one of the responsibilities of the

Liberal Party.

{333}

Home Rule, he said, was often spoken of as if it were "a

strange, fantastic, almost whimsical and mad-cap policy,

rashly adopted in a random way, to secure the Irish vote. It

is to be easily and lightly dropped at any moment when an

equal amount of support can be obtained from any other

quarter! Not a very noble view of the case! Not, in truth, a

very creditable or even a decent view of the case, but

intelligible enough if there were in the way no principles and

no facts." One such fact he found in the "fixed constitutional

demand of the Irish people"; and Sir Henry concluded that the

"old policy" remains "the sole remedy for the condition of

Ireland, which is the most serious weakness in the whole

British Empire and the most grave blot upon its fame."

By these two sharply opposed utterances the Liberals of the

United Kingdom were called to decide which leading they would

follow—that of Lord Rosebery or that of Sir Henry. Not being

in power, however, nor measurably within reach of it, decision

of the party did not need to be made in haste.

IRELAND: A. D. 1902-1908.

Conditions in the matter of Disorder and Crime.

In the course of a debate in the British Parliament on

conditions in Ireland, which took place on the 24th of

February, 1909, Lord Percy, charging the Liberal Government

with responsibility for an increase of disorder and crime

since it came into power, brought statistics in evidence as

follows: "Take the indictable offences against property and

firing into houses. In 1906 the total number of these offences

was 20; in 1907, 29; in 1908, 80. Outrages on the person by

the use of firearms, agrarian and non-agrarian, were:—In the

first 11 months of 1906, 20 agrarian and 36 non-agrarian; in

1907, 56 agrarian and 53 non-agrarian; in 1908, 128 agrarian

and 65 non-agrarian. In addition to these open outrages there

was the system of boycotting and intimidation. In

cattle-driving—a new offence unheard of before the days of the

Chief Secretary—there were 390 cases in 1907 and 681 in 1908.

The number of persons under police protection on January 31,

1907, was 196; in 1908, 270; and in 1909, 335. The cases of

boycotting had risen from 162 on November 30, 1905, to 874 on

January 31, 1908. An impression prevailed that the cases of

boycotting were ‘minor cases,’ and of no great importance; but

the Lord Chief Justice, at the Clare Spring Assizes on one

occasion, referring to these so-called minor cases, pointed

out that no one dealt with or spoke to the boycotted person,

and that he had to go 20 miles to Limerick for the necessaries

of life. People also had to go to mass and to weddings

protected by police; and he asserted that the Government could

not point to a civilized country in Europe in which the

Government would tolerate a large section of its population

living daily and hourly under the shadow of a terror like

this."

The Chief Secretary for Ireland, Mr. Birrell, retorted with

the following: "For the purpose of making a comparison between

the condition of Ireland to-day and as it was when the

Government was led by the right honourable gentleman the

leader of the Opposition, when they introduced and made

permanent their Crimes Act, we must consider what was the

state of things in 1886 as compared with what it is now. I

will give the House the figures. Murders in 1886, seven; in

1908, one; manslaughter in 1886, three; now, none; firing at

the person, 16; now, 15; firing into dwellings—and here is a

most formidable addition, I admit—43; now, 66; incendiary

fires and arson, 103; now, 54; killing, cutting, and maiming

cattle—a horrible and brutal crime—73; now, 22—far too many;

riots and affrays, nine; now, 13; threatening letters or

notices, 434; now, 233; intimidation, 92; now, 57; injury to

property, 150; now, 89; other offences, 136; now, 26; showing

in 1886 a total of 1,056, and now a total of 576. On January

1, 1886, there were 175 persons wholly boycotted, and 716

partially boycotted—a total of 891. In those days, I admit,

the police made no distinction between partial and minor

boycotting. In 1887 there were 145 persons wholly boycotted,

and 763 partially boycotted, making a total of 908. On January

1, 1909, there were 15 wholly boycotted, 10 partially

boycotted, and 172 cases of minor boycotting, making in all

197. Persons under constant police protection on December 31,

1887, numbered 252, and those under protection by patrol,

704—a total of 956. On December 31, 1908, there were 74

persons under constant protection, 270 under protection by

patrol, a total of 344 against the total of 956. I leave the

House to draw their own inference from those figures."

An official return to Parliament, from the Royal Irish

Constabulary Office, Dublin Castle, of the number of cases of

boycotting and of persons boycotted throughout Ireland on the

31st day of January, 1908, and on various days in several

preceding years, showed 5 cases of entire boycotting,

affecting 26 persons, and 9 cases of partial boycotting,

affecting 39 people, on the date mentioned in 1908; 4 cases of

entire boycotting, affecting 20, with seven cases of the

partial boycott, affecting 35, on the 31st of July, 1907. On

the 31st of July, 1903, there had been 4 cases of entire and

21 cases of partial boycotting affecting 25 and 131 persons

respectively; while the cases on the 31st of March, 1902, of

entire boycotting had numbered 5, the partial cases 46, and

they were directed in the first instance against 26 people,

and against 275 in the second.

IRELAND: A. D. 1905.

Defective working of the Land Purchase Act of 1903.

Inadequacy of its financial provisions.

Baffled in the Western Counties by cupidity of landlords.

The first two years of the working of the Irish Land Purchase

Act of 1903 sufficed to show that the splendid promise of that

measure could not be realized satisfactorily without

fundamental changes in its plan. By that time the agreements

effected between landlords and tenants for transfers of land

from the former to the latter called for purchase payments far

in excess of the sums which the Act had provided for supplying

at so early a stage of the operation. The process of transfer

was checked and the feelings that helped it on were chilled by

increasing delays in the completion of transactions when

begun.

But this was not the worst disappointment in the working of

the Act. Another more serious is charged to the cupidity of

landlords in the poorer counties of the west. In the article

by Mr. Thomas W. Russell from which a quotation is given above

he explains it as follows:

{334}

"It was quite impossible to apply the same rule to Connaught

and to other similar areas as to Ulster, Leinster, and

Munster. In the west the holdings are small and hopelessly

uneconomic in their character. Parliament felt, and rightly

so, that to make the occupier of a five-acre bog holding an

owner was to do him no good. Such a feat in statesmanship

merely freed the western landlord from a risky security and

transferred the risk to the state. It was, therefore, enacted

that the large grass holdings which abound in that region,—and

which are held by graziers on a tenure of eleven months, the

object of the term being to avoid the creation of a tenancy,

—should be bought and wherever possible should be distributed

among the small holders, thus rendering a decent living

possible. And in several cases this has been successfully done

by the congested districts board, with the very best results.

… The landlords as a whole professed at the land conference

and in Parliament their entire willingness to sell, provided

they received a price equivalent when securely invested to

their second-term net income. To enable this to be done the

bonus of £12,000,000 was sanctioned by Parliament. The whole

thing was a bargain—a clear case of contract. And what the

western landlords have been guilty of is a simple breach of

faith. They are quite ready to sell the bog holdings, the

barren mountain tracts out of which a decent living cannot be

had, demanding for this wretched land in many cases more than

is being asked in Antrim and Down for the best land in these

counties. But the grass ranches they refuse to part with. And

so the whole plan of the act,—the whole scheme for the

re-settling of the land, and raising the station of the small

holder,—has been brought to naught.

"In this connection another difficulty has arisen. When the

western sections of the act were being passed, Mr.

Wyndham,—who was in grim earnest about these poor

people,—provided for the sale of congested estates to the

estates commissioners or to the congested districts board.

Special inducements were given to sales under these sections.

The cost of sale was borne almost entirely by the state, and

the commissioners were authorized in such cases to spend money

upon the improvement of the holdings. The policy was

excellent. But the landlords have ruined it. They quickly

discovered that if they sold to the estates commissioners the

land would be inspected by an expert valuer, and its price

would depend upon its value. This was not their idea of how

things should be done. They preferred to sell to the tenant

direct, against whom they could use the screw of arrears of

rent, and from whom they could exact a higher price. Hardly a

case of sale to the estates commissioners has taken place

under these well-meant sections. And for the reasons stated. …

The fact is, compulsory powers of purchase in all such cases

ought to have been frankly given. But to mention the word

compulsion to the then chief secretary was to send him into a

fury. He would not hear of it."

T. W. Russell,

Workings of the Irish Land Purchase Act

(American Review of Reviews, November, 1905).

IRELAND: A. D. 1905.

Formation of the Sinn Fein Party.

"While the outside world was looking to the Irish

Parliamentary Party as the guardian of the national conscience

of Ireland, a Young Ireland Party, determined, virile,

thoughtful, idealistic and, strange though it may seem,

practical, was gradually forming, becoming a power, sweeping

away outworn ideas, preaching new and putting them into

practice, and working wonders in the revival of a genuine

national spirit throughout the country. … Naturally, and very

gradually, the various units gravitated toward one another;

and, less than two years ago, under the guidance of a Dublin

boy named Arthur Griffith, they elected a National Council,

and formed themselves into a party known as the ‘Sinn Fein

Party,’ which included probably three-fourths of the national

thinkers in Ireland. Since its inception, the Sinn Fein Party

has been rapidly gaining power, raising itself upon the ruins

of a fast crumbling Parliamentary agitation, and eventually

leaping into greater popular prestige when, recently, the

ludicrous Irish Councils Bill was submitted to the nation as

the fruits of a generation of Parliamentary agitation.

"'Sinn Fein' is Gaelic for 'Ourselves.' The doctrine of

the Sinn Fein Party is that the salvation of a nation is to be

wrought out by the people and upon the soil of that nation,

and it holds that ‘God helps those who help themselves.’ It

asks Ireland to cultivate, what for a long time it neglected,

self-reliance, and aims at regenerating the Irish nation, not

merely politically, but also linguistically, industrially,

educationally, morally and socially. Almost all preceding

national movements made the grave mistake of considering

politics coincident with patriotism; the Sinn Fein policy

provides for all-round upbuilding of the nation, and is

successfully working along many lines on which no political

movement touched before."

Seumas MacManus,

Sinn Fein

(North American Review, August, 1907).

IRELAND: A. D. 1905 (December).

Change of Government.

On the change of government which took place in the United

Kingdom in December, Mr. Balfour resigning the Premiership and

Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman forming a Liberal Ministry, the

Earl of Aberdeen was appointed Lord Lieutenant and Mr. James

Bryce Chief Secretary for Ireland.

IRELAND: A. D. 1907.

Effects of the Land Purchase Act as seen by

a revisiting Irishman.

Notwithstanding the defects in the working of the Land

Purchase Act, as described above, Mr. T. P. O’Connor, the

well-known Irish journalist in London, on returning from a

visit to Ireland in the spring of 1907 after a somewhat

protracted absence, wrote enthusiastically to the New York

Tribune of the happy wakening he had found in the country to a

new life. "You are seeing in Ireland," said a lady to him,

"not merely a revolution but a renaissance," and he found her

characterization to be true. He concludes, too, that there was

no exaggeration in her further remark, that "so much is going

on in Ireland now that you dare n’t leave it even for a

month." "Everybody," writes Mr. O’Connor, "seemed to be doing

something and something new for Ireland"; with Catholics and

Protestants working together, as they have never worked

before. And the main cause of this "renaissance" is traceable

to the working of the Land Purchase Act of 1903. Already, says

Mr. O’Connor, under the working of this splendid measure,

nearly half the soil of Ireland has changed hands, and "the

second half will be transferred at a much accelerated speed."

{335}

"For seven centuries there has been a continual, a bloody, a

desperate war in Ireland between two races, and the prize for

which they fought—was the land. … And now, at last, before our

own eyes, in this generation of men to which we belong, this

secular struggle is at an end; the battle has been fought and

has been won; the land belongs again to the ancient Celtic

race from which it was stolen centuries ago. … If you want to

realize further what all this means, do not forget that these

people who are now brought into full liberty are able to

appreciate it the more from the fact that the greater part of

them were born into slavery, and know all that slavery means.

I myself, though no septuagenarian, can remember the time when

the Irish farmers were driven to the polls to vote for their

landlords like so many cattle. I remember the poor, wretched,

cringing slaves which they had to be in those not very far off

days; how they bowed and cried, ‘Yer Honor,’ at every second

word; and how, in fact, they revealed by their outward bearing

the knowledge that when they stood in the presence of the

landlord they were confronted by the master of their life or

death.

"The despair of the impossible situation in the Ireland of 40

or 50 years ago was worse almost than the servitude. There was

no room left for hope in a system which permitted the landlord

to rob the tenant of every addition the latter made to the

wealth of the soil; and there could be no hope or prospect in

a system which kept the tenant liable to eviction from his

holding whenever the landlord wished to do so. And now realize

that on half the soil of Ireland the people never see a

landlord or a landlord’s representative; that every year

brings them nearer to the time when they will be the absolute

owners of their holdings; but they know that their children

will secure full possession and complete ownership if they do

not, and you can understand what a new strong tide of hope and

exultation there must be in the breasts of these people."

IRELAND: A. D. 1907.

The Evicted Tenants Act.

The healing of an Irish Sore of Twenty Years.

"The passing of the Evicted Tenants Act in the recent session,

defective though it may be in one respect, is an admission on

the part of all parties in Parliament that a long pending

Irish controversy must be closed, and that the demand

persistently and pertinaciously made by the great majority of

the Irish members and people for over twenty years for the

reinstatement of a large body of evicted tenants must be

conceded. …

"The wholesale evictions of tenants, whom it is now decided to

reinstate, were primarily due to the agricultural crisis of

1885, when the great fall of price of Irish farm produce

commenced. This averaged not less than 20 to 30 per cent. in

respect of cattle and dairy produce, the main sources of

income to Irish farmers. Tenants for the most part paid their

rents in that year, hoping for better times, but many who

lived from hand to mouth, with little or no margin, fell into

arrears. The position was far worse in the following year,

when it became clear that the fall of prices was a permanent

one. The Land Court recognised this by fixing judicial rents

at 18 to 20 per cent. less than those fixed between 1881 and

1885. An universal demand consequently arose on the part of

all other tenants for a reduction of rent in proportion to the

new range of prices. They claimed this not only in the case of

yearly tenancies, but of holdings where judicial rents had

been adjudicated before 1885, and of holdings under leases.

The majority of Irish land-owners in 1886 recognised the

justice of the claim, and allowed rebatements of rent,

averaging between 20 and 30 per cent. in respect of all

classes of holdings. The claim of the tenants was not for the

forbearance of the land-owners, but was founded on right, on

the traditional claim to a property in their holdings—a claim

to which the Land Act of 1881 had given Parliamentary and

legal sanction. That great agrarian Act had in fact

established Dual Ownerships of land in Ireland. It secured to

the occupiers a property in their holdings by enabling them to

appeal to a Land Court for the settlement of rent, and by

giving them fixity of tenure and the right of bequeathing or

assigning their interests. Beneficent and generous as the Act

was, it had serious defects. …

"As a result of these defects the Land Act of 1881, great as

it was in principle, did not afford a sufficient remedy in the

crisis caused by the great fall of prices in 1885-1886. A

minority of Irish landowners refused to follow the example of

the larger and better class of owners, and to make rebatements

of rent in 1886. They justified their refusal on the ground

that since the Act of 1881 the tenants had no longer a claim

for forbearance in respect of rent. They insisted, therefore,

on full payment, and began to evict on a large scale those in

default. …

"Numerous combinations of tenants were formed to refuse full

payment of rent and to resist evictions to the utmost. With

the object of assisting and strengthening resistance of the

tenants, a new form of combination was devised by Mr. T.

Harrington, M. P., known as the ‘Plan of Campaign.’ The

essential feature of it was the payment by the tenants of an

estate adopting it of 50 per cent. of the rent due into a

common fund, to be administered by a committee of tenants for

the purpose of resisting eviction, and supporting the evicted

families. The fund thus created was beyond the reach of the

landowners and of the individual members of the combination.

It afforded, therefore, great security for the maintenance of

the combination.

"The tenants, before adopting the plan, were advised to offer

arbitration of their rents to their landlords. If evictions

took place the tenants were to stand by one another, and not

to come to agreement with their landlords, except upon terms

that the evicted men were to be reinstated in their holdings.

Those taking farms from which tenants were evicted were to be

rigidly boycotted.

"The plan thus devised was commended to the tenants of

Ireland, where landowners refused reasonable abatements of

rents, by many of the Irish members, such as Mr. Dillon, Mr.

W. O’Brien, and others. … Mr. Parnell held aloof from it, not

so much from disapproval of its method, as from fear that it

might injure the Home Rule cause with English constituencies.

Many of the Catholic Bishops expressed their disapproval. It

was denounced by the Government as a fraudulent and dishonest

attempt to break contracts. They prosecuted Mr. Dillon and

other leaders for conspiracy under the ordinary law. The Irish

judges pronounced the scheme of combination to be a criminal

conspiracy on the ground that it subjected landlords to

unlawful pressure. …

{336}

"By the commencement of the session of 1887 the Royal

Commission appointed by the Government to report on

agricultural prices and the claim for a revision of judicial

rents, presided over by Lord Cowper, an ex-Lord Lieutenant,

reported in favour of all that had been contended for by Mr.

Parnell in his Bill of the previous year. They emphatically

affirmed that a great and permanent fall of prices had taken

place. They advised that judicial rents, fixed before the year

1885, should be revised and reduced, and that leaseholders

should be admitted to the privileges of judicial rents. The

Government, at the instance, as it is believed, of Mr.

Chamberlain and the Liberal Unionists, were compelled to

legislate in accordance with this report. …

"This measure, which so greatly extended the Act of 1881, was

accompanied by a new Coercion Act dispensing with trial by

jury in agrarian cases, and enabling resident magistrates—mere

nominees of the Government—to try and convict in such cases.

…

"The Act of 1887, by providing a legal alternative, put an end

to further combinations of tenants. The Plan of Campaign was

not adopted in any fresh cases. It had been put in force on

111 estates where the owners refused general abatements of

rent. In 94 of these it had the effect of inducing the owners

to come to terms with their tenants for reductions of rent of

a reasonable character and sufficient to avoid further

trouble. In seventeen estates only the owners were obdurate,

and declared war against their tenants. …

"After the passing of the Coercion Act wholesale evictions

were resumed on the Campaign estates, and were supported by

all the forces at the disposal of the Government. … In 1891, a

great step was taken by the late Government in the direction

of a more conciliatory attitude to the evicted tenants. In the

Land Purchase Act of that year a clause was inserted enabling

the Land Commissioners to admit the evicted tenants as

purchasers of holdings, where their former landlords agreed to

their reinstatement. The clause was to have effect for one

year only, and very few transactions took place under it. …

"Nothing more was done till 1903. Meanwhile this Irish sore

remained unhealed. The evicted men continued to live in

temporary dwellings near to their former homes, patiently

expecting reinstatement at some future time. Nor have they

been mistaken in this respect, though many of them had to wait

nine more years, and the remainder still longer.

"In 1903 it became advisable for the Tory Government to bid

for the support of the Irish Nationalists for Mr. Wyndham’s

measure aiming at an universal scheme of land purchase in

Ireland—a scheme offering very great inducements to landlords

to sell to their tenants. It was again provided in this Act

that the evicted tenants might be reinstated, not as tenants,

but as owners by purchase of their former holdings, Provision

was made for the advance of money from an Irish fund for

buying out the Planters, for rebuilding the houses of the

evicted men, for restocking their farms, and for buying

untenanted land on which to replace the evicted men, where it

was not possible to reinstate them in their former farms. … As

a result, however, all the remaining Campaign estates except

two were dealt with under this Act, and nearly all the men

evicted from them were reinstated on the most favourable

terms. …

"The Act of 1903, however generous and successful so far as it

went, failed to deal with the whole case. It is wanting in

backbone—in coercive power as against a residuum of

landowners. Two Campaign estates—the Clanricarde and the Lewis

estates—remained undealt with, and about 2000 tenants evicted

from other, not Campaign, estates were left out in the cold.

It was to supply coercive power for dealing with these

remaining cases that the recent Act was passed."

Eversley,

The Evicted Tenants (Ireland) Act

(Fortnightly Review, December, 1907).

IRELAND: A. D. 1907 (May).

Proposed Bill for the creation of a Representative Council.

Rejected by the National Party.

Abandoned by the Government.

A Bill proposing half-way progress toward Home Rule for

Ireland was introduced in the British Parliament by the Chief

Secretary for Ireland, Mr. Augustine Birrell, in May, 1907.

Its main feature was the creation of a Representative Council,

not to be legislative in function, but having large

administrative powers. This Council was to consist of 107

members, eighty-two elected by the Irish householders

(including peers and women), and twenty-five nominated by the

crown. Eight of the existing Irish departments, including

agriculture, public works, congested districts, and the

registrar’s office were placed under its control and a new

one, the education department, created. In addition to the

$10,000,000 of annual expenditure controlled by these

departments, the bill provided for an increase of $3,250,000

to be spent on public works and "general improvement." The

provisions of the Bill did not extend to the constabulary, the

courts, the prisons, or the Land Commission. The Lord

Lieutenant was to have general supervisory control.

Apparently the Liberal Ministry had been led to expect that

Mr. John Redmond and other leaders of the Irish National Party

would accept this measure, as an installment of the

self-government they claimed for Ireland. If so, then the

leaders who encouraged that expectation were overborne by

their followers, for the Bill was denounced and rejected, on

motion of Mr. Redmond, at a convention of the National Party,

in Dublin, on the 21st of May, and was therefore withdrawn.

In offering this plan of government the English Liberals had

turned back to what was the original Gladstone project of

Irish home rule, contemplated and discussed, without result,

by the Liberal cabinet in 1885. As Mr. Morley relates in his

Life of Gladstone, there were two main opinions in the cabinet

at that time: "One favored the erection of a system of

representative county government in Ireland. The other view

was, that besides the county boards, there should be in

addition a central board for all Ireland, essentially

municipal and not political; in the main executive and

administrative, but also with a power to make bye-laws, raise

funds, and pledge public credit in such modes as parliament

should provide.

{337}

The central board would take over education, primary, in part

intermediate, and perhaps even higher; poor law and sanitary

administration; and public works. The whole charge of justice,

police, and prisons would remain with the executive."

This defines, practically, a measure of home rule within the

same limits that Mr. Birrell proposed. It appears to have been

suggested to Mr. Gladstone by Mr. Chamberlain and to have been

accepted by the premier, with the understanding that it would

satisfy Mr. Parnell, for the time being, at least. It was not

acceptable, however, to a majority of the Cabinet, and, when

rejected, Gladstone remarked bitterly to one of his

colleagues: "Within six years, if it please God to spare their

lives, they will be repenting in sackcloth and ashes." The

wearing of the sackcloth was not postponed so long.

IRELAND: A. D. 1909.

Amended Land Purchase Act.

The defects which have been noted above in the very promising

Land Purchase Act of 1903 raised increasing difficulties in

the operation of it, until the pressing need of amendatory

legislation was acknowledged by all parties. Wide differences

of view, however, between different interests involved made

the attainment of such legislation no easy task. A Bill for

the purpose, brought forward in the autumn of 1908, by the

Chief Secretary for Ireland, Mr. Birrell, was pushed over into

the next session, and reintroduced in March, 1909. Mr. Birrell

then reviewed the circumstances which had rendered amendments

of the Act necessary, stating that "28 millions had now been

advanced for land purchase, and that there were pending

agreements involving the advance of 56 millions. The total

acreage of the land sold and agreed to be sold exceeded

7,000,000 acres. The country was now in the very middle of

this great agrarian revolution. Mr. Wyndham, the author of the

Act of 1903, thought that £100,000,000 would suffice to carry

this revolution through, but already £84,000,000 had been

accounted for and there was every reason for supposing that

Mr. Wyndham’s estimate should have been £183,000,000. With

regard to the loss on the flotation of land stock, he

expressed the opinion that for a decade, at any rate, it would

be unsafe to assume that a higher issue price would be

obtained than £85, and he calculated that if nothing were done

a charge of £855,000 annually would eventually have to be made

good by the ratepayers. It was impossible to expect them to

bear this enormous burden, and if the law were not amended the

scheme of land purchase must break down. His proposal in

regard to the bonus was that, instead of fixing it at 3 per

cent., it should be paid according to a scale under which the

lower the price given for the land the higher would be the

bonus. For this at least £3,000,000 would be required over and

above the original £12,000,000. By this Bill the Exchequer was

assuming, everything considered, a total capital liability of

about £30,000,000. Calling attention to the principal

provisions of the Bill, he reminded the House that landlords

were empowered to take payment partly in cash and partly in

stock at 92. He then mentioned the steps that were being taken

to accelerate the work of the Estates Commissioners and stated

that advances to the amount of £10,000,000 were never likely

to be exceeded in one year; they now had reached £8,000,000."

On a question arising as to one part, called a "bonus,"

provided for in the transaction of purchase, Mr. Wyndham, who

had been Chief Secretary in 1903, and author of the original

Act, said. "Some honourable members sitting for English

constituencies might think that the bonus was not necessary.

They might think that if the State lent its credit, landlord

and tenant could come to terms, and that the bonus was

something thrown in as a sop to the landlords. If the transfer

of land in Ireland were sporadic, he agreed that landlords

might sell without the assistance of a direct bonus from the

State. The question to be solved in Ireland, however, was that

of the general transfer of ownership of land throughout the

country, and that, broadly speaking, could not be effected

unless the present owners received an equivalent to the income

which they now enjoyed. In the past nearly all the cases of

the sporadic transfer of ownership of land had been got rid

of, and there were now left those cases which could not be

dealt with unless a bonus were given. It had been generally

recognized by all parties that a bonus should be given rather

than that the land difficulties in Ireland should continue,

and six years ago the decision arrived at was supported by the

unanimous opinion of all parties in the House. Now it was

proposed that the method of giving a substantial bonus at a

uniform rate should be set aside in such a way as to increase

the discrepancy between pending and future agreements. Already

by altering the rate of instalments in future agreements, and

by giving stock instead of cash, they had created a wide

difference between the two classes. On the top of that they

were now going to do away with the bonuses and apply a method

which he thought he would be able to show would prove most

injurious; and if it did prove injurious, it would touch the

cardinal point in the whole matter."

Mr. Wyndham opposed the new Bill on this point, apparently

without success. Strong opposition to a grant of the power of

compulsory purchase which the Bill embodied was raised, in the

House of Commons, as well as ultimately in the House of Lords.

Its contemplated changes in dealing with what are called

"congested estates" and "congested districts," being those in

which the holdings of tenants are too small to yield a decent

living, were also a subject of criticism and opposition.

The Bill received some amendment in the House of Commons,

before having its third reading and passage on the 18th of

September. In the House of Lords it met with harder treatment,

and was returned to the Commons with amendments which the

latter rejected in toto. Informal conferences brought

about an accommodation of the differences between the two

Houses and placed the Act on the statute book. The peers

yielded on the question of compulsory purchase, as well as

with regard to the tribunal which should have a deciding

authority in the matter, these being the two points most in

dispute.

IRELAND: A. D. 1909 (January).

Disclosures of Poverty by the Old Age Pensions Act.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS.

IRELAND: A. D. 1909 (October).

Organization of the two new Irish Universities.

See (in this Volume)

Education: Ireland.

{338}

IROQUOIS THEATER, Burning of the.

See (in this Volume)

CHICAGO: A. D. 1903.

IRRIGATION.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

ISLE OF PINES:

United States Supreme Court Decision concerning.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1907 (APRIL).

ISTHMIAN CANAL.

See (in this Volume)

PANAMA CANAL.

ISVOLSKY, Alexander: Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs.

His Aide Memoire on Macedonian Affairs.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

ISVOLSKY, Alexander:

Convention with Great Britain.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

ITAGAKI, Count.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).

----------ITALY: Start--------

ITALY: A. D. 1870-1905.

Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

ITALY: A. D. 1901.

The First Year of the Reign of King Victor Emmanuel III.

Greatly improved conditions.

Restored Liberty of Speech and Meeting.

Neutrality of Government in Labor Disputes.

Zanardelli and Giolitti in the Ministry.

In the early months of 1901, when Volume VI. of this work went

to press, Italy was in an uncertain and anxious state. It had

not recovered from the shock of the assassination of King

Humbert, and could not foresee what length the sobering

effects of that tragedy would have. It had hope that the new

reign just beginning would quiet the dreadful disorders that

had become rife in Parliament and in the country at large, but

fear to the contrary was more than equal, perhaps, to the

hope. Happily it was the hope that found justification within

the passing year, as will be learned from the following report

of conditions, published in the last month of 1901:

"Those who expected that King Victor Emmanuel III’s reign

would be coincident with a marked improvement in Italy, have

so far been amply justified. Few ventured to hope that his

Liberal Ministry under Signors Zanardelli and Giolitti would

weather a Parliamentary session. As it is, despite some

weakness and a few mistakes, it has come out triumphant.

Compared with eighteen months ago, Italian politics have

undergone what is little less than a revolution. The closing

months of the last reign saw the most dangerous constitutional

crisis that United Italy has known. A reactionary Government

was threatening Parliamentary liberty; the Liberals and

Socialists were making a desperate stand, which at all events

preserved the Constitution, and perhaps saved Italy from

revolution. Now the signs of danger have almost passed. The

Crown is fast getting back its popularity. Parliament is

asserting itself as it has not done for many years, and is

able to give its time to quiet, useful work. The Extreme Left,

stubbornly obstructionist last year, is giving an independent

but fairly cordial support to the Ministry. Outside Parliament

Italians have for once a government ‘which allows them to

breathe and move and speak.’ For the first time since Crispi

introduced coercion, seven years ago, there is liberty of

speech and public meeting. Still, occasionally, the

unteachable censorship suppresses an issue of some democratic

paper. But there is no prosecution for political speeches, no

arbitrary political imprisonment, no harrying of cooperative

or benefit societies from empty fear of political designs or

at the bidding of shopkeepers.

"But this is of small account beside the altered attitude of

the Government towards labour questions. Hitherto its

influence had been always more or less on the side of the

employers. Trade Unions were dissolved and sometimes their

members arrested; their organisers were imprisoned for

‘exciting to class-hatred,’ and under the military courts of

1898 it was an offence to plead, however moderately, in

defence of the claims of labour. When the agricultural

labourers of the lower Po valley struck for a living wage, the

Government sent soldiers to reap the crops. Suddenly and

radically all this has changed. At last the law is observed,

and Trade Unions are allowed the legal sanction which

nominally they have had for years. The Government has

announced its neutrality in labour disputes, so long as there

is no violence or interference with individual liberty. The

result has been an epidemic of strikes. The Italian working

man, long cowed by his powerlessness before the alliance of

employer and Government, is using his new freedom to raise his

miserable wage. Signor Giolitti estimated in the middle of

last June that since the beginning of the year there had been

511 strikes, affecting 600,000 workmen (a number almost

unparalleled even in England) and resulting in an increase of

wages by nearly £2,000,000, a huge sum in poverty-stricken

Italy. Probably by now the total of strikers has reached a

figure which has never been equalled within a year in any

European country. … Thanks to the vigorous advocacy of

arbitration by the Chambers of Labour, the urban strikes have

generally been short, and, so far as I know, except for some

not very serious trouble at Naples, there has been no case of

disorder in them."

Bolton King,

The New Reign in Italy

(Contemporary Review, December, 1901).

ITALY: A. D. 1902 (June).

Renewal of the Triple Alliance.

See (in this Volume)

TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

ITALY: A. D. 1902-1904.

Coercive Proceedings against Venezuela concerted with

Great Britain and Germany.

Settlement of claims secured.

Reference to The Hague.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

ITALY: A. D. 1903 (March).

General Strike in Rome.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.

ITALY: A. D. 1903 (October).

Change of Ministry.

Signor Giuseppe Zanardelli, President of the Council, or

Premier, since February, 1901, gave his resignation to the

King in October, 1903, on account of ill-health, and a new

Ministry was formed by Signor Giolitti, who had been Minister

of the interior in the administration of Zanardelli, and who

still retained that portfolio after assuming the presidency of

the Council.

ITALY: A. D. 1903-1905.

Initiation of the International Institute of Agriculture

by the King.

See (in this Volume)

AGRICULTURE.

ITALY: A. D. 1904.

Tokens of a Disposition to bring the Church and the

State into better Accord.

Several marked tokens of a conciliatory disposition on both

sides of the long break in relations between the Papacy and

the Government of the Kingdom of Italy appeared in the course

of the year 1904. The Government brought in a bill for

increasing the public salaries of curés. Its diplomatic agents

in South America were instructed to give attention to a Papal

nuncio who travelled thither on a mission from the Vatican as

though he represented the King. The King conveyed a piece of

ground to the Pope which enlarged his domain. A Cardinal took

part in a reception to the King at Bologna and sat at table

with them. These were such amenities between the royal and

pontifical courts as had not been seen for a generation, and

they seemed to bear much significance; but little came from

them in the end.

{339}

ITALY: A. D. 1904 (October-December).

Dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies.

The Government sustained in the Elections.

Increased Participation by the Catholics.

The Chamber of Deputies was dissolved by royal decree on the

17th of October, and elections appointed to be held on the 6th

and 13th of November. The canvass was more animated than

usual, Catholics taking part in it, and in the subsequent

voting, more numerously than hitherto. The Ministry of Premier

Giolitti, representing the Liberals and Moderates in politics,

between groups of the extreme Right and Left, secured a strong

majority. Those of the Left lost a number of seats, though the

Socialists claimed to have made large gains in the popular

vote.

ITALY: A. D. 1905.

Effect of the Russo-Japanese War on the Triple Alliance.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

ITALY: A. D. 1905.

Action with other Powers in forcing Financial Reforms

in Macedonia on Turkey.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

ITALY: A. D. 1905 (September).

Earthquake in Calabria.

See (in this Volume)

EARTHQUAKES.

ITALY: A. D. 1905-1906.

Illness and Retirement of Premier Giolitti.

The Fortis and Sonnino Ministries.

The Demoralized Railway Service.

Catholic Abstention from Politics relaxed.

Return of Giolitti to Power.

The Italian Premier, Signor Giolitti, was forced by illness to

withdraw from office early in the year, and Signor Fortis was

commissioned by the King to form a new Ministry. He did not

succeed, and Signor Tittoni was then required by the King to

take the lead in Government with the late colleagues of Signor

Giolitti. Tittoni soon resigned, however, and Fortis was again

called, late in March, to form a Cabinet, which he now found

himself able to do. In the following December, however, a

reconstruction of the Fortis Ministry occurred, the King

requiring the Premier to retain his place, while his

colleagues were partly changed.

Throughout the year the Government and the country were

greatly troubled by a general demoralization in the management

and service of the railways. Travel and freight transportation

were exasperatingly delayed; accidents were of constant

occurrence, and strikes, having no result but the public

affliction, were repeated again and again.

Early in the summer an encyclical on the attitude to be taken

by the faithful in political controversies was addressed to

the Italian bishops by the Pope. Not distinctly, but by

inference, it was taken to be a relaxation of the policy of

abstention from politics, and to prompt political action by

Catholics, but always under clerical guidance and advice.

The Fortis Ministry held its ground in the Government, against

much attack, until February, 1906, when it lost the support of

a majority in the Chamber, and gave place to a coalition

Cabinet formed by Signor Sonnino, which conducted the

administration till the following May, when, on a question of

the purchase of the Southern railways, it suffered defeat.

Whereupon Signor Giolitti returned to power, in the face of a

threat from the employees of the railways that they would

proclaim a general strike if he took up the reins again. The

strike did not occur, and a notable access of vigor and

activity of Government appeared.

ITALY: A. D. 1906.

At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco Question.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

ITALY: A. D. 1906 (April).

Violent eruption of Mount Vesuvius.

See (in this Volume)

VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS.

ITALY: A. D. 1906-1909.

The Giolitti Administration.

Its recent resignation.

The Giolitti Ministry was maintained in the direction of the

Government for nearly four years, by virtue of the energetic

and efficient administration it conducted. Its capabilities

were demonstrated somewhat notably before the close of 1906,

by the conversion of the Italian rentes (Government bonds)

from 4 to 3 per cent.,—a financial operation which had been

discussed and fumbled over, apparently, for a long time.

Premier Giolitti brought the question to a determination in

the Chamber after less than one day of debate; and the

conversion of 8,000,000,000fr. of national debt was so readily

accepted by the rente-holders that only 1,700,000fr. needed to

be paid off.

Relations between the Government and the Papacy were improved

by the breach of the latter with France, which led to the

substitution of Italy for France as the protector of Catholics

and Catholic interests in the Empire of the Turks. This was

not, however, agreeable to Austria, and began a coolness

between these two of the parties to the Triple Alliance which

all the disturbing occurrences in the Near East have tended

since to increase. The Alliance with Austria and Germany had

been renewed in 1902; but there have been several occasions

within the past three years on which Italian ill-feeling

toward the former has flamed out quite threateningly in Press

and Parliament, and sometimes in popular demonstrations.

A disturbing agitation of the question of religious

instruction in the schools occurred in 1908, bringing demands

from anti-clerical parties for its prohibition; but the

Government was upheld in refusing such action. A disturbing

excitement in Sicily was produced that year by the conviction,

after a much prolonged and sensational trial, of Signor Nasi,

ex Minister of Public Instruction, on charges of embezzlement

of public moneys. The convicted Minister was a Sicilian, and

his fellow-countrymen resented the prosecution of him as an

indignity to themselves. To pacify them, Signor Nasi, after a

short detention in his own house, had the remainder of his

sentence of imprisonment remitted.

The Giolitti Ministry came to its end somewhat unexpectedly on

the 2d of December, 1909. It had brought forward, not long

before, a Bill embodying proposals for the reform of taxation,

avowedly to transfer some larger proportion of its burden from

the poor to the rich, especially by death duties and income

taxes. When the election of a committee to deal with the Bill

occurred December 2, the opponents of the Government secured a

majority, whereupon Premier Giolitti and his Cabinet resigned.

A new Ministry was formed, under Baron Sonnino, the leader of

the Opposition. The parliamentary support it must depend on is

said to be made up of extremely contradictory elements.

{340}

ITALY: A. D. 1908.

Falling off in Emigration.

See (in this Volume)

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: ITALY.

ITALY: A. D. 1908 (December).

The Awful Destruction of Messina and Reggio by Earthquake.

See (in this Volume)

EARTHQUAKES: ITALY.

ITALY: A. D. 1908.

Election of a Jewish Mayor of Rome.

Whether specially significant or not, the election in Rome, in

1908, of Ernesto Nathan, a Jew and an ex-Grand Master of the

Order of Free Masons, to be Mayor of the City, was an event

which excited wide interest and remark. Mr. Nathan’s birth,

and his education partly, were in England, but he acquired

citizenship in Italy, and rose in reputation and influence at

Rome, until he had become the leading figure in the hard

fought municipal election of the winter of 1908, which

defeated the Church party and elected sixty Radical members

out of eighty composing the City Council. The Mayor is elected

by the Council, and it gave the office to Nathan.

ITALY: A. D. 1909.

Church Movement of Agricultural Labor Organization.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.

ITALY: A. D. 1909.

Tardy Construction of "Dreadnoughts."

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

ITALY: A. D. 1909 (March).

Parliamentary Elections.

Socialist, Republican, Radical, and Catholic Gains.

Conservative Losses.

Large, but Reduced Majority for the Government.

Extensive changes in the representation of the numerous

parties in Italian politics resulted from the Parliamentary

elections held in March, 1909. As finally reported, after

seventy four second ballots had been taken, the outcome was as

follows:

From seven Deputies the Catholics rose to 24. The Socialists

went up from 26 to 42, the extreme Radicals from 32 to 42, and

the Republicans from 19 to 24. The parties of the Extreme Left

had thus risen from 77 to 108. The Moderate Liberals, or

Constitutional Opposition, as they call themselves, declined

the most, numbering between 60 and 70. But the gains made by

the parties of the extreme Left had only recovered for them

the ground they had lost in the election of 1904.

"An interesting feature of the elections is that the Pope’s

supporters are said to have taken a more active part than they

have done since the beginning of united Italy. The Papal

inhibition against going to the polls was removed in

seventy-two constituencies, or one-seventh of the whole number

voting. The result has been no gain in Rome, where the

Anti-Clerical bloc repeated its victories of the preceding

year, and a fairly slight gain in the rural districts. In

general, it may be questioned whether the Papal non

expedit has really kept Catholics out of politics to a

very considerable extent. If we take the enrolled electors in

Germany, we find that they constitute 20 per cent. of the

entire population; in France the ratio is nearly 24 per cent.;

in Italy it is less than 8 per cent. At first sight that would

indicate that an enormous number of Italians boycott the

polls. We find, however, that the Italian franchise demands

not only the ability to read and write, but a certain degree

of additional elementary education. At the same time we find

that in 1901 nearly 44 per cent, of all males over twenty

years of age were illiterate. This at once nearly doubles the

electoral ratio. Add the fact that there are very considerable

property qualifications for the franchise, and we get for

Italy a ratio not far removed from Germany’s 20 percent. It

would follow that the number of Italians who refrain from

availing themselves of their electoral rights is not very

large."

New York Evening Post,

March 8, 1909.

ITALY: A. D. 1909 (May).

Proposed Payment of Members of Parliament.

A Press despatch from Rome, May 9, 1909, reported:

"Leave was asked yesterday to introduce in the Chamber of

Deputies two Bills for the payment of members of Parliament.

According to the first Bill, proposed by Signor Galli, all

Deputies and Senators would receive £240 a year; the second

Bill, proposed by Signor Chimienti, would make a payment of

24s. for every sitting attended. Signor Giolitti said that the

idea of the payment of members of Parliament was evidently

gaining ground, and that the Government would not oppose the

introduction of the Bills. On the other hand, he deprecated

the contention which had been advanced, that the non-payment

of Deputies was in any way responsible for a scanty

attendance, and earnestly recommended the Chamber to give the

question its very careful consideration before committing

itself either way."

ITALY: A. D. 1909 (November).

Naval strength.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

----------ITALY: End--------

ITO, Prince Hirobumi:

Visit to the United States.

Mission to St. Petersburg.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

ITO, Prince Hirobumi:

President of the Japanese Council.

His Party.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (June).

ITO, Prince Hirobumi:

Resident-General in Korea.

See (in this Volume)

KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.

ITO, Prince Hirobumi:

His assassination.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

J.

JAMAICA: A. D. 1906.

Harmony of relations between the White minority and the

Colored majority of inhabitants.

How explained.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: JAMAICA.

JAMAICA: A. D. 1907.

Destructive Earthquake.

See (in this Volume)

EARTHQUAKES: JAMAICA.

JAMES, Professor William:

Plan for ending War.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.

JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:

Premier of Cape Colony.

His Continuance of the Policy of Cecil Rhodes.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.

JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:

At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

{341}

JAMESON, Dr. L. S.:

In Movement for South African Union.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

JAMESTOWN TERCENTENIAL EXPOSITION.

The three hundredth anniversary of the first permanent English

settlement in America was celebrated on the site of the

settlement, at Jamestown, Virginia, by an Exposition which was

opened by President Roosevelt on the 26th of April, 1907. The

advantages of the place for naval display tempted Congress to

give that character, in the main, to so much of the

celebration as was organized under national auspices that

other features were quite eclipsed. As an illustration of

three centuries of progress from the beginnings of civilized

life in the United States it cannot be said to have had much

success. But the show, from many nations, of battle ships and

the paraphernalia of naval war was superb.

JANNARIS, Professor, Imprisonment of.

See (in this Volume)

CRETE: A. D. 1905-1906.

----------JAPAN: Start--------

JAPAN: A. D. 1901 (July).

Unveiling of a Monument to commemorate the Advent

of Commodore Perry.

A monument to commemorate the arrival of Commodore Perry in

Japan, in 1853, was unveiled with imposing ceremonies, at

Kurihama, on the 14th of July, 1901, that being the

forty-eighth anniversary of the event. Commodore Rodgers, with

three vessels of the Asiatic Squadron of the United States,

attended to represent the United States officially in the

ceremonies of the day. The monument was erected by the

Japanese "America Association of Japan."

JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

Persistent occupation of Manchuria by the Russians.

Japanese negotiations and demands, without satisfaction.

"In spite of repeated promises to evacuate the points seized

and held by Russian forces when, after the relief of the

Legations, these forces were withdrawn from Peking and Chili,

to be concentrated in Manchuria [see Manchuria, in Volume

VI.], and in disregard of the interests of the other allies,

the policy of keeping all that she had gained, and of gaining

more as far as possible, was steadily pursued by Russia. … It

was the probable effect of a continued occupation of Manchuria

by Russia upon their business interests which led Great

Britain and America to wish that the repeated Russian

assurances of good faith toward China and toward all foreign

nations should manifest themselves in works. The case could

not be wholly the same with Japan. Her interests of trade

were, indeed, if not at the time so large, more close and

vital than those of any other nation outside of China. But her

other interests were incomparable. So that when Russia failed

to carry out her engagements, even under a convention which

was so much in her favor [see, in this Volume, China. A. D.

1901-1902], there was a revival of suspicion and apprehension

on the part of the Japanese Government and the Japanese

people. Manchuria and Korea both pointed an index finger of

warning directed toward Russia.

"It was to further a peaceful adjustment of all the disturbed

conditions of the interests of Russia and Japan in the Far

East that Marquis Ito went, on his way home from his visit to

the United States, at the end of 1901, on an unofficial

mission to St. Petersburg. The failure of the overtures which

he bore discouraged those of the leading Japanese statesmen

who were hoping for some reconciliation which might take the

shape of allowing Russian ascendency in Manchuria and Japanese

ascendency in Korea. It also strengthened the conviction which

prevailed among the younger statesmen that the St. Petersburg

Government regarded Manchuria as not only its fortress in the

Far East, but also as its path to the peninsula lying within

sight of Japan’s shores. ‘The Japanese Government,’ says Mr.

D. W. Stevens, ‘at last felt that the vital interests of Japan

might be irrevocably jeopardized in Korea as well as in

Manchuria, if it continued to remain a mere passive spectator

of Russian encroachments; and in August, 1903, it resolved to

take a decisive step. In the most courteous form and through

the usual diplomatic channels Japan intimated at St.

Petersburg that her voice must be heard, and listened to, in

connection with Far Eastern questions in which her interests

were vitally concerned.’ The answer of Russia was the

appointment of Admiral Alexeieff as Viceroy over the Czar’s

possessions in the Far East, with executive and administrative

powers of a semi-autocratic character. … Negotiations having

in view the peaceful adjustment of the conflicting interests

of Russia and Japan in the Far East, which were begun by the

latter country in the summer of 1903, were further continued.

Mr. Kurino, the Japanese Minister at St. Petersburg, was

informed by Baron Komura, who was then Japanese Minister of

Foreign Affairs, that the recent conduct of Russia at Peking,

in Manchuria, and in Korea, was the cause of grave concern to

the Government at Tokyo. ‘The unconditional and permanent

occupation of Manchuria by Russia would,’ said Baron Komura,

‘create a state of things prejudicial to the security and

interests of Japan. The principle of equal opportunity would

thereby be annulled, and the territorial integrity of China be

impaired. There is, however, a still more serious

consideration for the Japanese Government; that is to say, if

Russia was established on the flank of Korea it would be a

constant menace to the separate existence of that empire, or

at least would make Russia the dominant power in Korea. But

Korea is an important outpost in Japan’s line of defence, and

Japan consequently considers its independence absolutely

essential to her own repose and safety. Moreover, the

political as well as the commercial and industrial interests

and influence which Japan possesses in Korea are paramount

over those of other Powers. These interests and this influence

Japan, having regard to her own security, cannot consent to

surrender to, or share with, another Power.’

{342}

"In view of these reasons, Mr. Kurino was instructed to

present the following note to Count Lamsdorff, the Russian

Minister of Foreign Affairs:

‘The Japanese Government desires to remove from the relations

of the two empires every cause of future misunderstanding, and

believes that the Russian Government shares the same desire.

The Japanese Government would therefore be glad to enter with

the Russian Imperial Government upon an examination of the

condition of affairs in the regions of the extreme East, where

their interests meet, with a view of defining their respective

especial interests in those regions. If this suggestion

fortunately meets with the approval, in principle, of the

Russian Government, the Japanese Government will be prepared

to present to the Russian Government their views as to the

nature and scope of the proposed understanding.’

"The consent of Count Lamsdorff and the Czar having been

obtained, on August 12th articles were prepared and submitted

by the Japanese Government which it wished to have serve as a

basis of understanding between the two countries. The

essential agreements to be secured by these articles were:

(1) A mutual engagement to respect the independence and

territorial integrity of the Chinese and Korean empires, and

to maintain the ‘ open door’ in these countries; and

(2) a reciprocal recognition of Japan’s preponderating

interests in Korea and of Russia’s special interests in

Manchuria.

These demands were not altered in any very important way by

Japan during all the subsequent negotiations. It was their

persistent rejection by Russia, together with her long delays

in replying while she was meantime making obvious preparations

of a warlike character, which precipitated the tremendous

conflict that followed some months later."

George T. Ladd,

In Korea with Marquis Ito, chapter 10

(copyright, 1908, C. Scribner’s Sons).

JAPAN: A. D. 1902.

Defensive Agreement between Great Britain and Japan.

An agreement of great importance, in the nature of a defensive

alliance, between Great Britain and Japan, was concluded at

London on the 30th of January, 1902. On the publication of the

Treaty, a few days later, it was accompanied by a

communication from the British Secretary for Foreign Affairs,

the Marquis of Lansdowne, to Sir C. MacDonald, the British

Minister at Tokyo, in which the actuating motives of the

Agreement were set forth, as follows:

"Sir: I have signed to-day, with the Japanese minister, an

agreement between Great Britain and Japan, of which a copy is

inclosed in this dispatch.

"This agreement may be regarded as the outcome of the events

which have taken place during the last two years in the Far

East, and of the part taken by Great Britain and Japan in

dealing with them. Throughout the troubles and complications

which arose in China consequent upon the Boxer outbreak and

attack upon the Pekin legations, the two powers have been in

close and uninterrupted communication, and have been actuated

by similar views. We have each of us desired that the

integrity and independence of the Chinese Empire should be

preserved, that there should be no disturbance of the

territorial status quo either in China or in the adjoining

regions, that all nations should, within those regions, as

well as within the limits of the Chinese Empire, be afforded

equal opportunities for the development of their commerce and

industry, and that peace should not only be restored, but

should, for the future, be maintained.

"From the frequent exchanges of views which have taken place

between the two Governments, and from the discovery that their

Far Eastern policy was identical, it has resulted that each

side has expressed the desire that their common policy should

find expression in an international contract of binding

validity. …

"His Majesty’s Government have been largely influenced in

their decision to enter into this important contract by the

conviction that it contains no provisions which can be

regarded as an indication of aggressive or self-seeking

tendencies in the regions to which it applies. It has been

concluded purely as a measure of precaution, to be invoked,

should occasion arise, in the defense of important British

interests. It in no way threatens the present position or the

legitimate interests of other powers. On the contrary, that

part of it which renders either of the high contracting

parties liable to be called upon by the other for assistance

can operate only when one of the allies has found himself

obliged to go to war in defense of interests which are common

to both, when the circumstances in which he has taken this

step are such as to establish that the quarrel has not been of

his own seeking, and when, being engaged in his own defense,

he finds himself threatened, not by a single power, but by a

hostile coalition."

JAPAN:

Agreement between Great Britain and

Japan, signed at London, January 30, 1902.

"The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, actuated solely

by a desire to maintain the status quo and general

peace in the extreme East, being moreover specially interested

in maintaining the independence and territorial integrity of

the Empire of China and the Empire of Corea, and in securing

equal opportunities in those countries for the commerce and

industry of all nations, hereby agree as follows:

"Article I.

The High Contracting Parties having mutually recognized the

independence of China and of Corea, declare themselves to be

entirely uninfluenced by any aggressive tendencies in either

country. Having in view, however, their special interests, of

which those of Great Britain relate principally to China,

while Japan, in addition to the interests which she possesses

in China, is interested in a peculiar degree politically, as

well as commercially and industrially, in Corea, the High

Contracting Parties recognize that it will be admissible for

either of them to take such measures as may be indispensable

in order to safeguard those interests if threatened either by

the aggressive action of any other Power, or by disturbances

arising in China or Corea, and necessitating the intervention

of either of the High Contracting Parties for the protection

of the lives and property of its subjects.

"Article II.

If either Great Britain or Japan, in the defence of their

respective interests as above described, should become

involved in war with another Power, the other High Contracting

Party will maintain a strict neutrality, and use its efforts

to prevent other Powers from joining in hostilities against

its ally.

"Article III.

If in the above event any other Power or Powers should join in

hostilities against that ally, the other high contracting

party will come to its assistance and will conduct the war in

common, and make peace in mutual agreement with it.

{343}

"Article IV.

The High Contracting Parties agree that neither of them will,

without consulting the other, enter into separate arrangements

with another Power to the prejudice of the interests above

described.

"Article V.

Whenever, in the opinion of either Great Britain or Japan, the

above-mentioned interests are in jeopardy, the two Governments

will communicate with one another fully and frankly.

"Article VI.

The present agreement shall come into effect immediately after

the date of its signature, and remain in force for five years

from that date. In case neither of the High Contracting

Parties should have notified twelve months before the

expiration of the said five years the intention of terminating

it, it shall remain binding until the expiration of one year

from the day on which either of the High Contracting Parties

shall have denounced it. But if, when the date fixed for its

expiration arrives, either ally is actually engaged in war,

the alliance shall, ipso facto, continue until peace is

concluded. In faith whereof the undersigned, duly authorized

by their respective Governments, have signed this agreement,

and have affixed thereto their seals."

In August, 1905, the above Treaty was replaced by a fresh

Agreement of similar tenor.

See, below,

JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

JAPAN: A. D. 1902 (August).

Success of Prince Ito’s Party in the Parliamentary Election.

"Thus far parties, so called, have been magnetized around men.

They have not crystallized along the axes of principles.

Marquis Ito, ultra-conservative in politics but radical and

reformer in things social, is at one pole. Count Okuma,

radical in politics, sternly conservative of social life and

the traditionary ethics, is at the other.

"The August elections of 1902 show apparently at least that

the day of party government has dawned, for now and for the

first time Marquis Ito leads in the Lower House a host of the

friends of the Constitution (Rikken Seiyu Kai) that has

an overwhelming majority of seats and in time of a ‘division’

nearly if not wholly a plurality of votes. The returns are

just in and the table stands about thus:

Seiyu Kai (Constitution Friends)  193

Progressists                      106

Independents                       56

Imperialists and others            21

"It was a smart stroke of policy for Ito, two years ago, to

unite in one organization [see in Volume VI. of this work,

Japan: A. D. 1900 (August-October)] the Radicals under Hoshi

Toru and his own following of ‘clansmen, capacities and young

statesmen.’ It was the union of the strong and the subtle,

taking the name not of a party but of an ‘Association,’ with a

purpose of upholding the constitution (in the Prussian sense),

in order to control both the educational and the economic

policy of the country, to complete the radical transformation

of the Japanese into a modern man, and ‘to screen Japan’s

Western evolution against all possibility of reaction.’"

W. E. Griffis,

in The Independent.

JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (June).

The Marquis Ito accepts Presidency of the Council

to strengthen the Government.

To strengthen the Ministry of Count Katsura in the Diet, the

Marquis Ito, powerful head of the Rikken Seiyu-kai

(Association of the Friends of the Constitution, foreseeing

trouble to come from the proceedings of Russia in Manchuria,

consented in June to accept the post of President of the

Council, and was joined in the Council by Marquis Yamagata and

Count Matsukata. The Government was thus greatly reinforced

for dealing with the difficulties that now approached very

fast. A section of the Seiyu-kai seceded from it, however, and

formed the Doshishukai (Assembly of Fellow-thinkers), under

Count Itagaki.

See (in Volume VI.)

JAPAN: A. D. 1900, AUGUST-OCTOBER.

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-July).

War with Russia.

Sudden opening of Hostilities.

Occupation of Korea.

Battles at the Yalu.

The Armies in Manchuria.

Movement of General Nogi on Manchuria.

Simultaneously with the rupture of diplomatic relations with

Russia, on the 6th of February, 1904, the Japanese Government

dispatched from Sasebo a fleet of 7 battle-ships, 18 cruisers,

and flotillas of torpedo boats and destroyers, under

Vice-Admiral Togo, with transports conveying troops, to open

operations of war. The transports were convoyed to Chemulpho,

the port of Seoul, Korea, by 4 cruisers and a number of

torpedo boats, under Rear-Admiral Uryu; while Admiral Togo

proceeded with the remainder of his fleet to Port Arthur. The

troops sent to Chemulpho were landed on the 8th, and Admiral

Uryu, the next day, attacked a Russian cruiser and gunboat in

Chemulpho harbor with such effect that they were destroyed by

their commanders. On the night of the 8th Togo’s torpedo boats

were sent against the Russian fleet at Port Arthur and

crippled it to a serious extent. A second body of 14,000

troops was landed at Chemulpho on the 15th.

The Japanese had now a strong footing in Korea, with Seoul

securely in hand, and the First Japanese Army, under General

Kuroki, was ready to begin its northward advance. Phyangyang

was occupied on the 20th, after which further troops could be

landed at Chinampho, saving a long march. By the end of March

there were about 45,000 men in the force moving toward the

Yalu. The first encounter with the Russians was near Chengju,

where 600 of the latter’s cavalry were driven back. On the 4th

of April the Japanese advance guard reached the Yalu, which

forms the boundary between Korea and Manchuria, and occupied

Wiju, near its mouth, the opposing cavalry having been

withdrawn to the opposite bank of the river on the preceding

day. The main body arrived at Wiju April 20. The Russians, on

the other side of the Yalu, were then concentrating a force of

about 25,000 men, with Liaoyang and Fenghuangcheng for its

first and secondary bases.

For ten ensuing days both armies were busy in preparations and

manoeuvres, the one for attempting to force a crossing of the

Yalu, the other to resist it. How their preparations compared

in effectiveness is described by an experienced correspondent,

David Fraser, who accompanied the Japanese and wrote the story

of the campaign, publishing it subsequently in a book entitled

"A Modern Campaign." The difference that Mr. Fraser saw

between the painstaking, the thoughtfulness and the carefully

acquired knowledge which went into the Japanese preparation

for their attack,—the concealment of their forces, the masking

of their batteries, the obscuring of all that they did,—and

the contrasting carelessness of the Russians in the same

particulars, was the difference that gave success to the one

and brought defeat on the other.

{344}

Before the Japanese moved they knew everything they needed to

know,—the fordable places on the streams they had to cross,

the points of advantage on every mile of the ground to be

traversed, the positions of the enemy,—and the Russians did

not. And the Japanese were able to repeat much of the same

feinting and maneuvering by means of which they had forced the

passage of the Yalu at the same place, against the Chinese, in

1894.

On the 25th of April the Japanese were ready to bring their

preparations into use, and on that and the next two days they

drove the Russian outposts from the islands they needed to

occupy, and began building bridges at night. In the end, ten

bridges were built, some of them invisible to the enemy. Many

signs of Japanese movement down the river were then exhibited

to the Russians. A Japanese battery became busy at a point

some distance below Wiju; gunboats and other vessels were

collected in that direction; troops were in motion in the same

direction; but quiet reigned at and around Wiju, the batteries

behind which had not yet betokened their existence. That quiet

in this part of the Japanese line was broken suddenly at

midday on the 29th, when a pontoon train, with accompanying

troops, was hurried to the river, the pontoons launched,

manned and paddled to the opposite bank. A Russian outpost

which fired on these invaders drew the first revelation of a

hitherto hidden and silent Japanese battery, and fled from its

shells. Possession of the further shore was thus secured for

sufficient time to enable the construction of the pontoon

bridge, which the strong current in the river made a difficult

task. It was ready, however, for the crossing of the river

that night by the infantry of the entire 12th division of the

Japanese Army.

The thrilling episode of the battle of the next two days was

the opening of fire from the hitherto hidden and unsuspected

batteries of Japanese heavy guns. Mr. Fraser tells us that the

Russians had believed it impossible to bring heavy artillery

over the Korean roads, and were in consternation when the

howitzers belched forth their shells in a fairly overpowering

way. "The trees," he says, "screened the flashing of the

Japanese guns from the Russian eyes. There was no smoke to

indicate their whereabouts. The indirect fire of the howitzers

was as deadly as if it had been aimed point-blank. The

Russians, on the other hand, fired at random into the belt of

trees; they had been able to locate only two of the Japanese

guns. Their fire had little or no effect upon the

well-protected Japanese gunners. In ten minutes the Russian

shooting grew wild. … After twenty-five minutes both batteries

were silenced."

It is the testimony of all witnesses of the fighting on both

days of the battle, especially on the 1st of May, that the

Russians showed desperate courage; but every advantage, of

position, of equipment, of numbers, and, above all, of

generalship, was in favor of the Japanese. They drove the

enemy from all his entrenchments, and entered Manchuria, to

pursue there an equally successful campaign, for the same

reasons, of superior ability and more thorough preparation.

The reported loss of the Japanese in the conflicts on the Yalu

was 5 officers and 218 men killed, 33 officers and 780 men

wounded. They captured 22 field guns, 8 machine guns, a

quantity of rifles and ammunition, and took 628 prisoners,

including 18 officers. General Zasulich, the Russian

commander, reported 70 officers and 2324 men killed, wounded

and taken prisoners. Another Russian report of losses gave 28

officers and 564 men killed, 38 officers and 1081 men wounded,

and 6 officers and 679 men missing.

The Russians retreated on Fenghuangcheng, but made no stand

there, and the Japanese, who followed, occupied the place on

the 6th of May. The advance of the latter was halted at that

point until late in June, waiting for operations in other

parts of the field.

Meantime, between the 4th and the 22d of May, the Second

Japanese Army, General Oku commanding, had been landed near

Pitsewo, on the western coast of the Liao-tung peninsula, and

this began a general advance on the 25th. It fought a severe

battle on the following day, at Nanshan, or Kinchou, from

which the Russians fell back. The victory of the Japanese cost

them heavily, their reported loss being 739 killed and 5455

wounded; while General Stössel, the Russian commander,

reported a loss of 30 officers and 800 men killed and wounded.

On June 6th this Second Army was divided into two, one of

which, passing to the command of General Nogi, became the

Third Japanese Army, and was marched presently toward Port

Arthur, to open the famous siege of that stronghold. General

Oku, retaining about 50,000 men in the Second Army, and

starting northward on the 15th, was opposed by Russian forces

under General Stackelberg. The first important conflict was on

June 15 at or near Telissu station, which gave the battle its

name. Again the Russians were forced back, with a loss of 103

officers and about 2600 men, killed and wounded, besides a

missing list of 764. The Japanese loss was 50 officers and

1113 men killed and wounded. Hard fighting occurred again

between the 6th and 9th of July, on the approach of the

Japanese to Kaiping and the Kaiping River, beyond which their

opponents were driven. "The occupation of Kaiping and the

country immediately to the north placed General Oku’s army on

the edge of the Liao Valley, opened the way to the Yingkon and

Newchwang, and facilitated his further advance to the north by

allowing supplies to be received from the sea, thus shortening

his line of communications."

A Fourth Japanese Army, under General Nodzu, had now been

landed at Takushan, on the eastern coast of the Liao-tung

peninsula, and was reconnoitering toward Oku’s forces, as well

as toward the First Japanese Army, which had remained in the

vicinity of Fenghuangcheng until the 24th of June, waiting for

these cooperative masses of troops to be got into place. It

was now being moved in three columns, one of which was soon in

touch with the Fourth Army (Nodzu’s), and the two began

working to the west and northwest. The Russians gave up

Fenshuiling, and by the 9th of July, when Oku, with the Second

Army, occupied Kaiping, the three Japanese armies in the

northern part of the Liao-tung peninsula—the First, Second,

and Fourth—"were united on a front from Kaiping east to

Fenshuiling, thence northeast through Motienling, with

covering detachments of Kobi troops eastward at Saimachi,

Hsienchang and Huaijen.

{345}

The Russians were concentrated in the Liao Valley at

Tashihchiao, Haicheng, Anping and Liaoyang." On the 6th of

July Field Marshal Oyama had left Tokyo to take active command

of this united army, and the great operations of the

Manchurian campaign were about to begin.

Epitome of the Russo-Japanese War,

United States War Department,

Second [Military Information] Division,

General Staff, Number 11.

At this time General Nogi, with the Third Japanese Army, was

fighting his way slowly toward Port Arthur, against obstinate

resistance, not arriving at the front of the land defences

proper until the 14th of August.

The Russians had evacuated Dalny (formerly called Talienwan),

with its fine harbor, on Talienwan Bay, thirty miles distant

from Port Arthur, and the Japanese had occupied it on the 30th

of May. This was an acquisition of great importance to them.

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-August).

The War with Russia: Siege of Port Arthur.

The Naval Surprise.

Unreadiness of the Defence.

Naval operations of the six months.

Fate of the Russian fleets in the East.

Mr. E. K. Nojine, "accredited Russian War Correspondent," who

went through the whole experience at Port Arthur, from first

to last of the war, and who wrote what he entitles "The Truth

about Port Arthur," opens his severely critical narrative with

the following statement:

"When, one hour before midnight on February 8, 1904, our

warships began to belch fire from their many steel mouths, and

the seaward batteries suddenly thundered forth their angry

death-dealing tidings, no one dreamed that the noise was War,

for no one had taken the constant rumors of the rupture of

diplomatic relations and of approaching hostilities at all

seriously. … Although the sky in the East had for weeks been

blood-red with the menace of immediate war, yet when it came

the surprise was absolute, its horror intensified by our

complete unreadiness."

What this writer tells of the unreadiness, and of the slowness

with which the serious need of more readiness was comprehended

by the controlling authority at Port Arthur, during the weeks

that passed before the stronghold was fully invested, goes

almost beyond belief. He writes bitterly and contemptuously of

General Stössel, who held command of the district, and

admiringly of General Smirnoff, Commandant of the fortress,

whom Stössel could overrule. He seems to have been sustained

in his judgment by the court-martial which subsequently

condemned Stössel to death.

The sound of midnight battle on its sea-front (February 8-9)

which announced a beginning of war to the surprised garrison

of Port Arthur came from the attack of Admiral Togo’s torpedo

boats on the Russian fleet in the harbor. Three of the Russian

ships were crippled, but not seriously. The next day Togo made

a general attack with his whole fleet of fifteen vessels,

including five battle-ships, and did some damage to four more

of his enemies’ vessels; but a fortnight is said to have

repaired them all. The general result of the two operations

was "to insure the at least temporary immobility of the Port

Arthur fleet," so that "the transport of the army from Japan

to Korea might go on without fear of molestation." A squadron

was then detached to look after four cruisers at Vladivostock,

and that harbor was cannonaded for the same purpose on the 6th

of March. Meantime, on the 9th of February, a Russian cruiser

and a gunboat, attempting to leave Chemulpho harbor, were

driven back, and were then destroyed by their Russian

commander.

The main Japanese fleet hovered constantly near Port Arthur,

not only maintaining a strict blockade, but making frequent

close approaches, to sink vessels and plant mines in the

entrance channels of the harbor; to harass the Russian fleet

with torpedo attacks, or to come boldly within range of its

shore defenses and give battle to them, as well as to bombard

the fortress and town. There were heavy bombardments on the

10th and the 22d of May. The Russian fleet, commanded by

Vice-Admiral Makaroff, made retaliatory sorties, in returning

from one of which, on the 13th of April, the admiral’s

flag-ship, the Petropalovsk, struck and exploded a line of

floating mines. The huge battle-ship was so shattered by the

explosion that she sank in two minutes, carrying down the

admiral, the famous painter, Verestchagin, who was his guest,

and 550 other officers and men. Of all on board only 85 were

saved.

In the course of the next month the Japanese suffered several

of the same disasters, two of their battle-ships, the Hatsuse

and the Yashima, and two other vessels of less importance,

being blown up by the explosion of mines. Of the crew of the

Hatsuse nearly 500 perished, while all on board the Yashima

were said to have been saved. By collision in a fog one of the

Japanese cruisers was sunk, with all but 90 of her crew. And

the three most calamitous of these happenings, to the two

battle-ships and the cruiser, occurred on the same day—the

15th of May. Admiral Togo’s fleet was weakened very seriously

by these losses. Somewhat later the same fate befell a number

of Russian ships, but the loss in them was less.

Though watched by a Japanese squadron under Vice-Admiral

Kamimura, the Russian war-ships at Vladivostock were able to

slip out for occasional cruises, in which they captured or

destroyed Japanese transports and merchant ships. In more than

one instance—notably that of the Kinshu-Maru—the soldiery on

captured transports refused to surrender and committed

"hara-kiri" in a body, or were engulfed by the sea. "It is

quite true that the work done by the Vladivostock squadron was

not great in amount, but they must have caused some

inconvenience to the military forces of Japan engaged in the

campaign."

On the 23d of June Rear-Admiral Vithöft, who had succeeded the

late Admiral Makaroff in the naval command at Port Arthur,

sailed out of the harbor with six battle ships, five cruisers

and ten torpedo boats, apparently intending to offer battle to

the Japanese. The Russians had repaired their damaged vessels

and now seemed to have a fleet that was equal to Togo’s in

strength, since he opposed only four battle-ships to their

six. Nevertheless when the Japanese approached them they

withdrew, returning to Port Arthur, pursued by torpedo-boats,

and nearly losing the battle ship Sevastopol, which struck a

mine and was disabled for six weeks.

{346}

Little occurred during that period on the naval side of the

Port Arthur campaign. Then, on the 10th of August, it was

reopened startlingly, to be ended with practical completeness

within the next few days. On that morning the Port Arthur

fleet and the Vladivostock squadron put to sea from their

respective harbors, evidently attempting a junction. The Port

Arthur fleet was the first to encounter its enemy, which it

did the same day, when no more than 25 or 30 miles out from

the port. Admiral Vithöft now had with him only five battle

ships, having left one, probably disabled, behind. With these

were the four cruisers, two gunboats and a number of torpedo

craft. Admiral Togo brought against this force four

battle-ships and four armored cruisers in the battle that

ensued. It "took the form of a long-range engagement between

the fleets, steering nearly the same course towards the east.

… At a time which is variously reported, but probably about

6.15 p. m., a 12-inch shell … burst near the conning tower of

the Cesarevitch [the flagship], killing Admiral Vithöft and

wounding the captain of the ship. At the same time the

Cesarevitch’s steering gear was damaged, the helm jammed, and

she made a sudden sheer to port. This threw the Russian line

into confusion. … The Russian formation was now broken up, and

the ships fell into a confused group at which the Japanese

directed a hot fire at the comparatively short range of 3500

yards. At times the Russian ships were hidden by the smoke of

exploding shells, and about 7 p. m. their fire slackened

perceptibly. One report states that a second-class battle-ship

and two coast-defence vessels had joined the Japanese, besides

another ship of a class not certainly known. The whole twelve

Japanese ships concentrated their fire on the six Russian

battle-ships and four unarmored cruisers till 8 p. m. Prince

Ukhtomsk, who had succeeded to the Russian command on Admiral

Vithöft’s death, then signalled to the fleet to follow him,

and turned toward Port Arthur. All could not follow, and some

made for shelter in other ports, harassed by torpedo attacks,

but not otherwise pursued.

The result of the Russian sally from Vladivostock was much the

same. The three armored cruisers from that port were not

intercepted by the Japanese until the morning of the 14th,

three days after the defeat of the Port Arthur fleet which

they had hoped to join. They were then attacked by four

armored and two unarmored cruisers. They fought obstinately

and suffered frightful losses in officers and men,—415 wounded

and 251 killed. One of the ships, reduced to helplessness, was

sunk by its own surviving crew, most of whom were picked up by

the Japanese. The other two escaped to Vladivostock in a

wrecked state.

These engagements "really ended the naval campaign of 1904. Of

the ships [from Port Arthur] that got through the Japanese

fleet, one battle ship, the Cesarevitch, and three destroyers

were disarmed and interned at Kiachow (Tsingtau); one cruiser,

the Askold, and one destroyer had the same fate at Shanghai,

and another cruiser, the Novik, was destroyed … at Korsakovsk.

A third cruiser, the Diana, was disarmed and interned at the

neutral French port of Saigon. One destroyer had been seized

at Chefoo by the Japanese for disregard of Chinese neutrality,

and one was wrecked on the coast of Shantung. The rest of the

fleet which got back to Port Arthur remained there only to be

destroyed in nearly every case by their own crews, to save

them from the fate of being surrendered to their enemy on the

fall of the fortress. … The grand total of the Russian loss

[of officers and men] in the six battle-ships and four

cruisers amounted to 81 killed and 420 wounded. … The total

Japanese loss, as reported at the time, was 61 killed and 124

wounded." Later statements brought the total loss up to 225.

Admiral Sir Cyprian Bridge,

The Naval Annual, 1905, chapter 7.

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (July-September).

The War with Russia: Campaign in Manchuria.

Japanese advances; Russian retreats.

The great battle and Japanese victory at Liao-Yang.

On the 4th of July the Russians, who had given up Motienling

to the Japanese five days before, made an attempt to recover

it, but failed. They repeated the attempt on the 17th, and

again without success. On the 10th a force from the Fourth

Japanese Army (Nodzu’s), advancing from Fenshuiling toward

Tomucheng, met with a repulse. The right column of Kuroki’s

army (the First) fought a considerable engagement with the

Russians at Hsihoyen on the 19th. Oku’s army (the Second),

advancing from Kaiping, fought them at Tashinchiao on the

24th. Nodzu was engaged with them again on the 31st at

Tomucheng, and Kuroki’s right column at Yushulingtzu on the

same day; while the left column, simultaneously, expelled them

from Yangtzuling. On the 2d of August the Russians retired

from Haicheng and the Japanese occupied it the following day.

The Russians had been steadily forced back to the vicinity of

Liao-Yang, where they had prepared themselves for a determined

stand.

"The front of the Russian forces at and in the vicinity of

Liao-Yang extended from Anshantien through Lantzushan and the

mountain range east of Anping to the Taitzu River. The

Japanese front extended from Haicheng through Tomucheng and

Yantzuling to Yushulingtzu."

Epitome of the Russo-Japanese War,

United States War Department,

Second [Military Information] Division.

General Staff, Number 11.

Both sides were now making ready for the first of the two most

terrific battles of the war; but the month of August was near

its close before the Japanese began their assault on the

formidable works behind which the Russians awaited their

attack. In the "Epitome" cited above the effective Russian

force taking part in this struggle is estimated at about

140,000, commanded by General Kuropatkin.

Lord Brooke, Reuter’s special correspondent in Manchuria, in

his book entitled "An Eye-witness in Manchuria," describes the

battle of Liao-Yang as "the biggest artillery battle of which

history has record." The Russians occupied a line of rocky

hills south and east of Liao-Yang. Oku opposed their right and

center; Nodzu the center and left; Kuroki was farther east,

intending to force the passage of the Tai-tze-ho and reach the

rear of their main body. Artillery on both sides opened the

battle at dawn, August 30, and a terrible duel was fought for

five hours.

{347}

Then, at half-past eleven, General Oku delivered the first

infantry assault, which cost a fearful loss of life, and

failed. Late in the afternoon a resolute turning movement on

the Russian right was attempted by the Japanese and pressed

until darkness came, with success only to the extent of

driving the enemy from one village. Then a night attack on the

Russian center was made, and that, too, was repelled.

The morning of the 31st brought a renewal of the artillery

duel, followed by assault after assault from Oku’s indomitable

troops on the Russian right flank, with the result of driving

it back to the cover of the railway embankment. Meantime

General Kuroki, whose army was on the extreme right of the

Japanese line, had forced the passage of the Tai-tze-ho River,

at a ford 26 miles east of Liao-Yang. This compelled

Kuropatkin to withdraw some of his troops from the outer

fortifications south and east of Liao-Yang and send them

against Kuroki. The crisis of the struggle was now in the

battles fought on the next two days with Kuroki, in vain

attempts to cut him off from the river ford and crush his not

large army. At the same time the Japanese were making a direct

attack on Liao-Yang and endeavoring to cut Kuropatkin’s

communications with Mukden. Neither Russians nor Japanese had

success in these attempts, but the former were brought to a

situation which compelled retreat. On the fourth of September

they evacuated Liao-Yang and withdrew from the surrounding

works. "As soon as the evacuation began," wrote Lord Brooke,

"the Japanese guns opened fire on the Russians, who had for

line of retreat only the railway bridge and the two pontoons

across the Tai-tze-ho. Nevertheless the retirement was carried

on with great coolness, and the loss sustained in crossing the

river was comparatively small in view of the difficult

position from which the Russians had to extricate themselves.

All the artillery was got away. But if the evacuation of

Liao-Yang was cleverly effected, the army of Kuropatkin was

still in great danger, and the Commander-in-chief seemed

really afraid that a large part of his force would be cut off.

It was a reasonable apprehension, for General Kuroki’s army

began the day with renewed vigor. … In a melancholy frame of

mind the whole army marched northward, with Kuroki continually

pressing its flank and the fear that Oku would ere long be on

his heels."

Pursuit by the Japanese was given up on the morning of

September 6th.

In the "Epitome" of the war, prepared and published by the

American Army Staff, the total Russian loss in the Liao-Yang

battles is given as reported to have been 54 officers and 1810

men killed; 252 officers and 10,811 men wounded; 5 officers

and 1211 men missing. The Japanese reported a total loss of

17,539 officers and men, without details.

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (October).

War with Russia: Quiet Aspect of Life during the War.

Spartan Discipline of Japanese Feeling and Conduct.

"For all industrial civilization the contest is one of vast

moment;—for Japan it is probably the supreme crisis in her

national life. As to what her fleets and her armies have been

doing, the world is fully informed; but as to what her people

are doing at home, little has been written.

"To inexperienced observation they would appear to be doing

nothing unusual; and this strange calm is worthy of record. At

the beginning of hostilities an Imperial mandate was issued,

bidding all non-combatants to pursue their avocations as

usual, and to trouble themselves as little as possible about

exterior events;—and this command has been obeyed to the

letter. It would be natural to suppose that all the

sacrifices, tragedies, and uncertainties of the contest had

thrown their gloom over the life of the capital in especial;

but there is really nothing whatever to indicate a condition

of anxiety or depression. On the contrary, one is astonished

by the joyous tone of public confidence, and the admirably

restrained pride of the nation in its victories. Western tides

have strewn the coast with Japanese corpses; regiments have

been blown out of existence in the storming of positions

defended by wire-entanglements; battle-ships have been lost;

yet at no moment has there been the least public excitement.

The people are following their daily occupations just as they

did before the war; the cheery aspect of things is just the

same; the theatres and flower displays are not less well

patronized. The life of Tokyo has been, to outward seeming,

hardly more affected by the events of the war than the life of

nature beyond it, where the flowers are blooming and the

butterflies hovering as in other summers. Except after the

news of some great victory,—celebrated with fireworks and

lantern processions,—there are no signs of public emotion; and

but for the frequent distribution of newspaper-extras, by

runners ringing bells, you could almost persuade yourself that

the whole story of the war is an evil dream.

"Yet there has been, of necessity, a vast amount of

suffering—viewless and voiceless suffering—repressed by that

sense of social and patriotic duty which is Japanese religion.

… The great quiet and the smiling tearlessness testify to the

more than Spartan discipline of the race. Anciently the people

were trained, not only to conceal their emotions, but to speak

in a cheerful voice and to show a pleasant face under any

stress of moral suffering; and they are obedient to that

teaching to-day. It would still be thought a shame to betray

personal sorrow for the loss of those who die for Emperor and

fatherland."

Lafcadio Hearn,

A Letter from Japan

(Atlantic Monthly, November, 1904).

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (May-January).

War with Russia: Operations against Port Arthur.

Preliminary battles.

Investment and Siege.

The Defences.

Desperate assaults in August.

Story of Lieutenant Sakurai.

The assault on 203 Metre Hill and its capture.

Surrender of the Fortress.

Trial and condemnation of General Stössel.

As stated heretofore, the Japanese began landing their Second

Army, under General Oku, at Petsiwo, for operations against

Port Arthur, on the 4th of May. Very quickly thereafter the

railway was cut and Port Arthur was blockaded by land as well

as by sea. On the 8th the last train from the north was

brought in. By the 25th Oku was ready to advance, and on the

following day he attacked the Russians at Kinchou (the battle

bearing sometimes the name of Nan-shan), and expelled them

from that position, the loss of which, according to the

correspondent Nojine, sealed the fate of Port Arthur.

{348}

He accuses General Stössel of having boastfully assumed that

the Japanese could never take Kinchou, denouncing as traitors

all who questioned the sufficiency of its fortification and

urged the strengthening of the works. The expulsion from

Kinchou necessitated the abandonment of the important port of

Dalny, which was done with great haste on the night of the

26th. "In Dalny," says Nojine, "there were numerous buildings,

docks, and the most splendid breakwaters running out into

the sea for a distance of one and a half miles. … Owing to

want of time nothing except a few of the railway bridges was

blown up. … Besides the numerous town, harbor and railway

buildings, there was an immense amount of private house

property, as well as large warehouses, stocked with food and

stores of all sorts, both public and private. The enemy got

possession of them all undamaged, just as they were. After the

capture of Arthur the Japanese confessed that by not

destroying Dalny we had assisted them enormously in their

difficult task of disembarking their siege-train, and that the

railway had enabled them easily to get it into position in the

investing lines. …

"The enemy having now taken complete possession of Dalny, at

once used it as their base. There, quietly and comfortably,

without any interference from us, they carried out the landing

of troops for the investment. Ten transports would arrive

daily, bringing everything necessary for the concentrating

army. The railway from Dalny and all the rolling stock was in

perfect order; … our fleet did not hinder them in any way;

they had command of both land and sea."

On the 6th of June Oku’s army was divided, that general

leading part of it (still called the Second Army) northward,

leaving the remainder, as a Third Japanese Army, under General

Nogi, to conduct the investment and siege of Port Arthur.

At about this time, according to Nojine, Stössel was persuaded

by Smirnoff to permit the latter to fortify some of the outer

hills of the peninsula, which had been neglected hitherto;

these were Kuen-san Hill, the Green Hills, Angle Hill, Wolf’s

Hill, Ta-ku-shan and Sia-gu-shan hills. "The latter," says

Nojine, "were of immense importance, as they were quite

inaccessible, and protected the whole of the western front of

the Fortress, but only so long as Wolf’s Hills were in our

possession." On the 26th and 27th of June the Japanese

attacked and captured Kuen-san and Green Hills. The latter

were recovered by the Russians on the 4th of July, but they

failed to retake Kuen-san. The loss of the latter was very

serious; for the Japanese from its summit could look into the

works on the Green Hills and, by telephone, direct the fire of

their batteries on them.

Until the 26th of July not much occurred, as the assailants

were busy strengthening the positions they had acquired. Then

they began a determined attack on Green Hill, and continued it

through two days. On the morning of the 28th the Russians gave

up the position and drew back towards Port Arthur, to what is

called the Wolf’s Hills line. They were driven from this on

the 30th, and the close investment of Port Arthur began then.

E. K. Nojine,

The Truth about Port Arthur,

chapters 11-22.

As described in the "Epitome of the Russo-Japanese War"

prepared for the United States of America General Staff, the

immediate "defences of Port Arthur, divided into eastern and

western sectors by the valley through which the railway enters

the town, consisted of permanent masonry forts whose gorges

were connected by the old Chinese Wall, temporary works

constructed just prior to and during the siege, and connecting

and advance trenches. The west sector followed an irregular

crest, with an elevation of about 500 feet, around the new

town, and terminated on Laotiehshan, the highest point in the

vicinity, with an elevation of about 1000 feet. The east

sector encircled the old town at a distance of from two to two

and a half miles, running along an irregular crest, about 350

feet in elevation, within which was an elevation (Wangtai or

Signal Hill) of about 800 feet. The permanent forts were

polygonal in trace and had ditches with caponieres and

galleries. The gap between the two sectors was covered by the

fort on Paiyushan (Quail Hill).

"Of the works most intimately connected with the siege the

Sungshushan, Ehrlungshan, North and East Tungchikuanshan,

Itzushan, and Antzushan forts were strong permanent

fortifications. The two Panglungshan forts, East and West,

were semi-permanent redoubt-shaped fortifications; 203 Meter

Hill and Aksakayama were semi-permanent works with two lines

of advance trenches. Kuropatkin Fort was a strong field-work

with deep ditch; the Shuishihyung lunettes were also provided

with ditches, but not so deep. P. H., Kobu and Hachimakiyama

were more in the nature of semi-permanent trenches with

bomb-proofs."

Epitome of the Russo-Japanese War,

United States War Department,

Second [Military Information] Division,

General Staff, Number 11, pages. 28-29.

"In this fortress, for the first time, were utilised all those

terrible agencies of war which the rapid advance of science in

the past quarter of a century has rendered available. Among

these we may mention rapid-fire guns, machine-guns, smokeless

powder, artillery of high velocity and great range, high

explosive shells, the magazine rifle, the telescopic sight,

giving marvellous accuracy of fire, the range-finder, giving

instantaneously the exact distance of the enemy, the

search-light, the telegraph and the telephone, starlight

bombs, barbed-wire entanglements, and a dozen other

inventions, all of which were deemed sufficient, when applied

to such stupendous fortifications as those of Port Arthur, to

render them absolutely impregnable.

"The Russians believed them to be so—certainly the indomitable

Stössel did. And well he might, for there was no record in

history of any race of fighters, at least in modern times,

that could face such death-dealing weapons and not melt away

so swiftly before their fury as to be swept away in defeat.

But a new type of fighter has arisen, as the sequel was to

tell."

Richard Barry,

How Port Arthur Fell

(Fortnightly Review, March, 1905).

"The first bombardment from the land side began suddenly on

August 7. … The bombardment continued all day, though doing

little material damage. Next morning, from 2 to 5 A. M., we

heard heavy musketry fire from the direction of Ta-ku-shan:

the enemy leaving the town and the main defences in peace,

were turning their attention to it.

{349}

This hill corresponded in the east to 203 Metre Hill in the

west, and was equally important and equally unfortified. It

and Sia-gu-shan, the natural forts of Arthur on the eastern

front, had a bad time. In the first place they had not been

made the most of, for in the original plan of defence of Port

Arthur they had been thought to be important points and so had

been neither fortified nor armed as their position with regard

to the Fortress warranted, and Smirnoff had only recently

succeeded in arming them to a small extent. In the second

place they became, after the abandonment of Wolf’s Hills, open

to flanking fire, and therefore untenable. The companies of

the 13th East Siberian Rifle Regiment sent there went

literally to their death, but, together with the gunners, they

held on as long as possible."

Both of the hills were taken by the Japanese that night. The

Russians immediately concentrated a heavy artillery fire on

the new occupants, and the next day they attempted to retake

Ta-ku shan by assault, but failed. On the 11th they repeated

the attempt, with no better success. On the 16th General Nogi

sent in a flag of truce, bearing the proposal of "a discussion

of negotiations for the surrender of the Fortress," saying:

"The Russians have given signal proofs of their gallantry, but

Arthur will be taken all the same." The invitation was

declined. On the 20th the Japanese gained Angle Hill and

Pan-lun-shan redoubt; but the Russians recaptured the latter

on the following night.

The Japanese now hoped to be able to take the Fortress by a

general assault, and made the attempt with extraordinary

determination on the 21st, 22d, and 23d. "On the night of the

23d," writes Nojine, "the Japanese made the most desperate of

all their attacks so far. They made three separate and most

determined assaults on Zaredoubt Battery, on the line between

it and Big Eagle’s Nest, and on Ruchevsky Battery. Though

temporarily successful at one or two points, they were finally

driven back out of all with shocking slaughter." It is of this

assault that Lieutenant Tadayoshi Sakurai tells the terrible

story in one of the chapters of his book, entitled "Human

Bullets: A Soldier’s Story of Port Arthur," from which the

following is quoted:

"I gathered my men around me and said: ‘I now bid you all

farewell. Fight with all your might. This battle will decide

whether Port Arthur is to fall or not. This water you drink,

please drink as if at your death moment.’

"I filled a cup with water that was fetched by one or two

soldiers at the risk of their lives, and we all drank farewell

from the same cup. Soon we received orders to advance to a

point half-way up the side of Panlung. … This fortress of

Panlung had been captured with the flesh and blood of the

Ninth Division of the Seventh and Eighth Regiments of the

Second Reserve, and was now an important base from which a

general assault on the northern forts of East Kikuan and

Wantai was to be made. This critical spot was finally taken

after a terrible struggle and a valiant action by the men of

General Oshima’s command. The sad story was eloquently told by

the horrible sights of the ravine. While running through the

opening in the wire-entanglement beyond, I noticed many

engineers and infantry men dead, piled one upon another caught

in the wire, or taking hold with both arms of a post, or

grasping the iron shears.

"When we reached the middle of the side of Panlung, I saw the

regimental flag that I used to carry, flying above our heads

in the dark. My heart leaped at the sight of the dear flag. …

As soon as we were gathered together the Colonel rose and gave

us a final word of exhortation, saying: ‘This battle is our

great chance of saving our country. To-night we must strike at

the vitals of Port Arthur. Our brave assaulting column must be

not simply a forlorn-hope ("resolved-to-die"), but a

"sure-death" detachment. I as your father am more grateful

than I can express for your gallant fighting. Do your best,

all of you.’

"Yes, we were all ready for death when leaving Japan. Men

going to battle of course cannot expect to come back alive.

But in this particular battle to be ready for death was not

enough; what was required of us was a determination not to

fail to die. Indeed we were ‘sure death’ men, and this new

appellation gave us a great stimulus. Also a telegram that had

come from the Minister of War in Tokyo was read by the

aide-de-camp, which said, ‘I pray for your success.’ This

increased the exaltation of our spirits.

"Let me now recount the sublimity and horror of this general

assault. I was a mere lieutenant and everything passed through

my mind as in a dream, so my story must be something like

picking out things from the dark. I can’t give you any

systematic account, but must limit myself to fragmentary

recollections. If this story sounds like a vain-glorious

account of my own achievements, it is not because I am

conscious of my merit when I have so little to boast of, but

because the things concerning me and near me are what I can

tell you with authority. If this partial account prove a clue

from which the whole story of this terrible assault may be

inferred, my work will not have been in vain.

"The men of the ‘sure-death’ detachment rose to their part.

Fearlessly they stepped forth to the place of death. They went

over Panlung-shan and made their way through the piled-up

bodies of the dead, groups of five or six soldiers reaching

the barricaded slope one after another. I said to the colonel,

‘Good-by, then!’ With this farewell I started, and my first

step was on the head of a corpse. Our objective points were

the Northern Fortress and Wang-tai Hill.

"There was a fight with bombs at the enemy’s

skirmish-trenches. The bombs sent from our side exploded

finely, and the place became at once a conflagration, boards

were flung about, sand bags burst, heads flew around, legs

were torn off. The flames mingled with the smoke, lighted up

our faces weirdly, with a red glare, and all at once the

battle-line became confused. Then the enemy, thinking it

hopeless, left the place and began to flee. ‘Forward! forward!

now is the time to go forward! Forward! Pursue! Capture it

with one bound!’ and, proud of our victory, we went forward

courageously. Captain Kawakami, raising his sword, cried,

‘Forward!’ and then I, standing close by him, cried,

‘Sakurai’s company, forward!’ Thus shouting I left the

captain’s side, and, in order to see the road we were to

follow, went behind the rampart. What is that black object

which obstructs our view? It is the ramparts of the Northern

Fortress. Looking back, I did not see a soldier. Alack, had

the line been cut? In trepidation, keeping my body to the left

for safety, I called the Twelfth Company.

{350}

"‘Lieutenant Sakurai!’ A voice called out repeatedly in

answer. Returning to the direction of the sound, I found

Corporal Ito weeping loudly. ‘What are you crying for? What

has happened?’ The corporal, weeping bitterly, gripped my arm

tightly. ‘Lieutenant Sakurai, you have become an important

person.’ ‘ What is there to weep about?’ I say, ‘what is the

matter?’ He whispered in my ear, ‘Our captain is dead.’

Hearing this, I too wept. Was it not only a moment ago that he

had given the order ‘Forward’? Was it not even now that I had

separated from him? And yet our captain was one of the dead.

In a moment our tender, pitying Captain Kawakami and I had

become beings of two separate worlds. Was it a dream or a

reality, I wondered?

"Corporal Ito pointed out the captain’s body, which had fallen

inside the rampart only a few rods away. I hastened hither and

raised him in my arms. ‘Captain!’ I could not say a word more.

But as matters could not remain thus, I took the secret map

which the captain had, and, rising up boldly, called out,

‘From henceforward I command the Twelfth Company.’ And I

ordered that someone of the wounded should carry back the

captain’s corpse. A wounded soldier was just about to raise it

up when he was struck on a vital spot and died leaning on the

captain. One after another of the soldiers who took his place

was struck and fell.

"I called Sub-Lieutenant Ninomiya and asked him if the

sections were together. He answered in the affirmative. I

ordered Corporal Ito not to let the line be cut, and told him

that I would be in the center of the skirmishers. In the

darkness of the night we could not distinguish the features of

the country, nor in which direction we were to march. Standing

up abruptly against the dark sky were the Northern Fortress

and Wang-tai Hill. In front of us lay a natural stronghold,

and we were in a caldron-shaped hollow. But still we marched

on side by side.

‘The Twelfth Company forward!’ I turned to the right and went

forward as in a dream. I remember nothing clearly of the time.

‘Keep the line together!’ This was my one command. Presently I

ceased to hear the voice of Corporal Ito, who had been at my

right hand. The bayonets gleaming in the darkness became

fewer. The black masses of soldiers who had pushed their way

on now became a handful. All at once, as if struck by a club,

I fell down sprawling on the ground. I was wounded, struck in

my right hand. The splendid magnesium light of the enemy

flashed out, showing the piled-up bodies of the dead, and I

raised my wounded hand and looked at it. It was broken at the

wrist; the hand hung down and was bleeding profusely. I took

out the already loosened bundle of bandages, tied up my wound

with the triangular piece, and then wrapping a handkerchief

over it, I slung it from my neck with the sunrise flag, which

I had sworn to plant on the enemy’s fortress.

"Looking up, I saw that only a valley lay between me and

Wang-tai Hill, which almost touched the sky. I wished to drink

and sought at my waist, but the canteen was gone; its leather

strap alone was entangled in my feet. The voices of the

soldiers were lessening one by one. In contrast, the glare of

the rockets of the hated enemy and the frightful noise of the

cannonading increased. I slowly rubbed my legs, and, seeing

that they were unhurt, I again rose. Throwing aside the sheath

of my sword, I carried the bare blade in my left hand as a

staff, went down the slope as in a dream, and climbed Wang-tai

Hill.

"The long and enormously heavy guns were towering before me,

and how few of my men were left alive now! I shouted and told

the survivors to follow me, but few answered my call. When I

thought that the other detachments must also have been reduced

to a similar condition, my heart began to fail me. No

reinforcement was to be hoped for, so I ordered a soldier to

climb the rampart and plant the sun flag overhead, but alas!

he was shot and killed, without even a sound or cry.

"All of a sudden a stupendous sound as from another world rose

around about me. ‘Counter-assault!’ A detachment of the enemy

appeared on the rampart, looking like a dark wooden barricade.

They surrounded us in the twinkling of an eye and raised a cry

of triumph. Our disadvantageous position would not allow us to

offer any resistance, and our party was too small to fight

them. We had to fall back down the steep hill. Looking back, I

saw the Russians shooting at us as they pursued. When we

reached the earthworks before mentioned, we made a stand and

faced the enemy. Great confusion and infernal butchery

followed. Bayonets clashed against bayonets; the enemy brought

out machine-guns and poured shot upon us pell-mell; the men on

both sides fell like grass. But I cannot give you a detailed

account of the scene, because I was then in a dazed condition.

I only remember that I was brandishing my sword in fury. I

also felt myself occasionally cutting down the enemy. I

remember a confused fight of white blade against white blade,

the rain and hail of shell, a desperate fight here and a

confused scuffle there. At last I grew so hoarse that I could

not shout any more. Suddenly my sword broke with a clash, my

left arm was pierced. I fell, and before I could rise a shell

came and shattered my right leg. I gathered all my strength

and tried to stand up, but I felt as if I were crumbling and

fell to the ground perfectly powerless. A soldier who saw me

fall cried, ‘Lieutenant Sakurai, let us die together.’"

Tadayoshi Sakurai,

Human Bullets, chapter 26

(Houghton Mifflin Co., Boston).

https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/47548

The soldier who offered to die with him stayed with the

Lieutenant till morning, binding his wounds, and finally

creeping away to find and bring help if he could. He, too, had

been wounded, and Sakurai found him later in a hospital. At

the end of many hours of constantly imminent death, the

helpless and suffering Lieutenant was saved by two soldiers

who bore him, stealthily and with infinite difficulty out of

the range of the Russian rifles and to a field hospital, where

he found himself among intimate friends.

{351}

Of the scene on the morning following the terrific assaults of

August 23d, the correspondent Nojine writes:

"The rising sun showed up sheaves of corpses on the ground

that was still ours. Death had indeed triumphed, and had

claimed 22,000 lives. From this time forward the enemy

remained content with the slower advance of regular siege

operations. … The enemy had got close up to our positions, and

the salient angle of the north-east was almost in their hands.

I say ‘almost,’ because the ruins of these works remained the

greater part of the time untenanted, neutralized by the

gun-fire of both sides." A month passed before another serious

assault was undertaken by the Japanese. Then, on the 21st of

September, they attacked what was called "203 Metre Hill."

"Column after column rushed forward on to 203 Metre Hill,

covering all its fore hills and slopes with heaps of dead; but

at 8.45 a. m. they were repulsed. This assault was

distinguished by particular obstinacy. … Having got

three-quarters of [the hill] they meant to get possession of

the rest at all costs: they slowly crawled upwards, fell dead,

rolled back, and others dashed forward; they lay concealed and

waited for reinforcements; nothing would drive them back. All

their thoughts, all their endeavors were to get possession of

this hill. Our men began rolling down great boulders from the

top. These bounded down, flattened out the dead and sought out

the living, who, in trying to dodge, exposed themselves and

were shot by our men on the lookout. … During the night of the

21st about 900 corpses were collected under 203 Metre Hill."

Nevertheless the assault was repeated on the following day.

"From the moment this assault was beaten back, the trenches in

front of 203 Metre Hill were gradually evacuated and the enemy

went to earth only on Angle Hill. All their sapping was

confined to the north-east. On the western front of the

Fortress there now remained in our possession only 203 Metre,

Flat and Divisional Hills. … October 1 was an epoch in the

history of the defence of Port Arthur, for it was on this day

that the first of the 11-inch shells fell into the Fortress,

and so changed the aspect of affairs. … Nowhere could we find

real safety from them. … The concrete of the forts, the armor

on the battle ships, were penetrated clean through." Mining

and counter-mining, by the besiegers and the besieged, were

now in progress, and the explosion of such mines was begun

near the end of October. On the 30th of that month the

Japanese made another general assault, after a "cruel

bombardment" of four days. "The October attacks were short,

but most determined and bloody. As regards their success, it

was but slight. The enemy had gained some dozens of yards—no

more. … The Japanese had fired over 150,000 shells." The

"November assault season" began on the 20th. Its climax was on

the 26th, "when time after time, the enemy threw themselves

with extraordinary gallantry and persistence on forts

Ehr-lung-shan, Chi-kuan-shan and B Battery. Thousands were

mown down, but the living surged onwards. But it could not go

on forever, and at 3.30 the infantry attacks slackened and

ceased. … All next day and night an incessant stream of

wounded poured into Arthur, our losses being more than 1500

men. … The slopes below and beyond Tumulus Hill were thickly

spread with dead Japanese. A thick, unbroken mass of corpses

covered the cold earth like a coverlet. On the day of the

assault the following order had been issued by Major-General

Nakamura, who commanded the Japanese force told off for that

forlorn hope: … ‘Our objective is to sever the Fortress on two

parts. Not a man must hope to return alive. If I fall, Colonel

Watanabe will take over the command; if he also falls, Colonel

Okuno will take his place. Every officer, whatever his rank,

must consider himself his senior’s successor. The attack will

be delivered mainly with the bayonet. No matter how fierce the

Russian fire, our men will not reply by a single shot until we

have established ourselves. Officers will shoot any men who

fall out or retire without orders.’ … This is the kind of foe

we had to fight. …

"We now come to the culmination of the tragedy, and perhaps

the bloodiest scene of carnage of the whole war—the fight for

and capture of 203 Metre Hill." The attack began November 27

and was continuous for eight days, excepting that an hour’s

truce was obtained by the Japanese, December 2, for the burial

of their dead. The next day "the fight on the hill was, if

possible, more exasperated. In the Fortress the feeling of

alarm was intensified, and all unemployed men had been got

under arms, … and the other points denuded, in order to feed

the maw of 203 Metre Hill. Even the hospitals gave their

contribution. December 4—bright and frosty—ushered in a fresh

hell. It was now hardly a fight between men that was taking

place on this accursed spot; it was a struggle of human flesh

against iron and steel, against blazing petroleum, lyddite,

pyroxiline and mélinite, and the stench of rotting corpses. It

was the last day but one of the long-drawn agony." At noon on

the 5th the Japanese gained the top of the hill, and held it

against an attempt that evening to drive them off. "203 Metre

Hill was lost, and with it more than 5000 Russians."

The end was now near. On the 15th four generals, and other

officers, including General Kondratenko, the most valued

assistant of General Smirnoff, were holding a consultation in

one of the casemates, and were killed by a 11-inch shell,

which penetrated even that shelter. On the 18th Chi-kuan-shan

Fort was captured; on the 28th Ehr-lung-shan was lost; on the

31st the Japanese took fortification Number 3, and on New

Year’s Day they won the Eagle’s Nest. That day General Stössel

sent a flag of truce to open negotiations for surrender. The

capitulation was signed the next day. "Of 18,000 sick and

wounded reported on the day the garrison marched out, 6000

only were wounded; the balance were cases of scurvy."

E. K. Nojine,

The Truth about Port Arthur

(Dutton & Co., New York).

https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/59972

General Stössel was subsequently ordered for trial before a

military commission, on a number of charges, including

disobedience of orders from the General Commanding in

Manchuria, false reports to headquarters, improper

interference with the commandant of the Fortress, and personal

absence from most of the engagements that had taken place in

and around Port Arthur. He was condemned to death, but the

Tzar commuted the sentence to imprisonment for ten years. He

began serving the sentence in March 1908, and was pardoned and

released on the 19th of May, 1909.

{352}

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (September-March).

War with Russia: The Campaign in Manchuria.

From the Battle of Liao-Yang to the end of

the Battle of Mukden.

Early in October, a month after the escape of the Russian army

from its defeat at Liao-Yang, General Kuropatkin attacked the

Japanese at the Sha-ho river and fought a desperate battle

with no substantial success. Extensive movements were then

interrupted by the approach of winter, and the campaign was

practically suspended for the next four months. "The three

Japanese armies had maintained the same relative positions in

which they had fought their way from Hai-Cheng northward.

Kuroki’s was the right, Oku’s the left, and Nodzu’s the

center. By the middle of February, Marshal Oyama had been

reënforced by Nogi’s one hundred thousand veterans of Port

Arthur, hereafter to be known as the fourth Japanese army,

operating to the west of Oku. A somewhat mysterious fifth

army, under command of General Kawamura, had been operating

somewhere between Kuroki and Vladivostok, and, while its

movements had not been known definitely, it had been expected

to threaten General Kuropatkin’s left. Both Russians and

Japanese were within a few miles of Mukden, the sacred city of

the Manchus. This city of half a million people lies in a

plain,—really the valley of the Hun River,—with the Hun and

the Liao rivers twenty to thirty miles west and southwest.

Eastward are the Mao-Tien Mountains, extending along the line

of the Port Arthur & Harbin Railway. The Russian and Japanese

lines formed a huge bow or crescent, the Japanese to the

southward, extending over a hundred miles of plains and hill

from Chang-Tan eastward across the railway to Lone Tree

(Putiloff) Hill, almost all the strong positions being held by

the Russians." In this position of the two stupendous armies

the long series of engagements known collectively as the

Battle of Mukden was opened by the Japanese on the 20th of

February, 1905. The center of the Russian army rested on the

Sha-ho; its right wing, commanded by General Kaulbars, was

distant from its left wing, commanded by General Linevitch,

more than one hundred and twenty miles. The Japanese attack

was begun by Kuroki, commanding their right. Crossing the

Sha-ho, he "swung around the Russian left, driving it from the

mountains in the vicinity of Tie Pass to Fushun, an important

fortified post (and the Russian coal depot) on the Hun River;

Nogi’s force had attacked General Kuropatkin from the west.

Nogi had marched through the neutral zone south of the Liao

River, to Sin-Min-Tun, a violation of neutrality against which

the Russians and Chinese had protested. This neutral zone,

however, had already been used by the Russians as a base to

forward coal and supplies to their army, so the Japanese

Government claimed that the neutrality had become null and

void. On March 3, Nogi rolled up the Russians in flight, and

his advance was not checked until his right wing had come into

touch with Oku’s left, only about eight miles south of Mukden.

While the armies of Oku and Nodzu continued to pound the

Russian center, with tremendous losses to themselves and to

the enemy, Nogi’s left, after a forced march of forty miles,

fell upon the Russian center. Through this Oku and Nodzu drove

a wedge, and, although Generals Linevitch and Kaulbars had

made a desperate defense and General Rennenkampf’s Cossacks

had performed prodigies of valor, the Russians had found

themselves (by the end of the first week in March) attacked in

so many places on the north of their flanks that it had become

a question with Kuropatkin, not only of retreat, but of saving

large bodies of troops from being surrounded and annihilated.

"Early on the morning of March 10, the Japanese occupied

Mukden, and the Russian retreat had become a rout. The next

day the important fortified town of Fushun was seized by the

Japanese, and thereafter the Russians, disorganized and

suffering from hunger and the weather, poured northward to Tie

Pass, forty miles from Mukden,—outmarched, outgeneraled, and

outfought."

American Review of Reviews,

April and May, 1905.

"The sufferings caused by the retreat cannot be exaggerated.

It must be remembered that the weather remained intensely cold

and that the arrangements for collecting the wounded were all

disorganised. … Defeat, it may be added, was wholly unexpected

by the Manchurian Army, and that view was shared by the

foreign attaches and the war correspondents. Whatever their

opinions might be as to the possibility of General Kuropatkin

marching on Liao-Yang, they felt confident that the Japanese

would be unable to turn the Russians out of the positions so

long and so carefully prepared. The Japanese accomplished this

seemingly impossible task. …

"Following on the disaster of Mukden, General Kuropatkin was

relieved of his command, exchanging places with General

Linevitch. The new Commander-in-Chief fixed his headquarters

at Guntzuling, where the shattered army was re-formed."

Lord Brooke,

An Eye Witness in Manchuria,

chapter 37.

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (October-May).

War with Russia: The expedition of the Baltic Fleet

to relieve Port Arthur.

The Dogger Bank incident.

The Seven Months Voyage.

Battle of Tsushima.

Destruction of the Fleet.

After the sea-fights of August 10-14, between Port Arthur and

Vladivostok (see above, A. D. 1904, February-August) Russia

had no naval force of any importance in the Pacific, and

hastened preparations for sending out a fleet from the Baltic

Sea.

See above,

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-August).

Under the command of Admiral Rozhdestvensky, this intended

reinforcement of the defence of Port Arthur was despatched

from Reval and Libau, sailing from the latter port on October

15. At the outset of its voyage, while traversing the North

Sea, the Russian fleet experienced a misadventure which

occasioned much excitement for a time and threatened to raise

a serious question between the Russian and British

governments. Briefly stated, the main facts of the case,

according to evidence accepted subsequently by an

International Commission of Inquiry, were these:

Before sailing from Reval, and, further, while anchored at the

Skagen, making ready to pass to the North Sea, Admiral

Rozhdestvensky had been warned by agents of his government

that suspicious vessels were on the coast of Norway, and that

he must beware of hostile undertakings, which were likely to

have the form of torpedo attacks. Accordingly he sailed from

the Skagen, October 20, twenty-four hours earlier than he had

planned, sending off the fleet in six divisions, that which he

accompanied being the last, and starting at 10 p. m.

{353}

In one of the preceding divisions a transport, by reason of

defects in her engine, fell behind the cruisers which escorted

her, and at 8 p. m. on October 21 was some fifty miles astern

of the remainder of the fleet. She then met several Swedish

vessels which she imagined to be torpedo craft, and fired on

them, sending a wireless message to the Admiral that she was

attacked by torpedo boats on all sides. This message led the

Admiral to signal to his captains that they might expect

attacks and must keep a doubly vigilant watch. At an early

hour in the following morning his own immediate squadron

arrived at the Dogger Bank, where, as usual, many fishing

craft, mostly English, were "shooting their trawls," and doing

so in a regulated way, under the direction of a fishing master

or captain, who signalled with rockets to his fleet. One of

the preceding divisions of the Russian armada had passed these

without alarm, recognizing what they were; but Admiral

Rozhdestvensky and the officers of his flagship were so

expectant of enemies that the sight of a green rocket shot

into the air, and a distant glimpse of some kind of a ship

which seemed to be headed straight for them, at a great rate

of speed, convinced them instantly that they were in the midst

of swarming foes, and they opened fire.

According to testimony, their fire was kept up for about half

an hour, as they passed through the fishing fleet, one of the

vessels in which was sunk, her skipper and one other man

killed, while all but one of the remaining crew received

wounds. Two others of the fishing craft were struck, and the

hospital ship of the National Mission which attended the fleet

received some damage. Ultimately it was learned that the

Russians, in their wild firing, did harm to one another, so

seriously that the chaplain of one of their ships received a

wound from which he died.

Wild excitement was created in England by the news of this

strange performance. Hurried naval preparations were made for

vigorous action, if found necessary, and formal demands for

apology, inquiry and compensation were presented at St.

Petersburg. Nothing, however, was done rashly, and the two

governments concerned agreed sensibly and quickly to an

investigation of the affair by an International Commission,

which gave hearings in Paris soon afterwards. The Commission

found precedents in recent naval experience—even in the

manoeuvres of the British navy—of a similar mistaking of

fishing boats and other vessels for torpedo craft, and was

able to deal gently and pacifically with the facts brought

before it. It decided that the fishing fleet had committed no

hostile act, and that no torpedo boat was either among them or

near them, and that, consequently, the Russian Admiral was not

justified in opening fire. As for his not stopping to

ascertain the damage he had done, the conclusion was that

enough uncertainty on the subject of danger had been raised in

his mind to warrant that neglect; but a majority of the

commissioners expressed regret that he had not given notice of

what had happened when he passed through the Straits. Then, as

The Naval Annual remarked, in reviewing the incident,

"diplomacy steps in and seeks to soothe military and national

susceptibilities by declaring that Admiral Rozhdestvensky’s

‘valeur militaire’ is unimpaired, and his ‘sentiments

d’humanité’ unimpeachable."

Naval Annual, 1905,

chapter vi.

Between the English and Russian governments the affair was

settled amicably by an indemnity of £65,000 from the latter to

the fishermen who suffered.

The first halt in Rozhdestvensky’s voyage was off Tangier,

where he divided his fleet, sending one division, under

Admiral Folkersahm, by the Suez Canal route, and leading the

other in person down the Atlantic and round the Cape. They met

off Madagascar on the 3d of January, and got news there of the

fall of Port Arthur and, later, of the defeat of the Russian

army at Mukden. The stay of the reunited fleet at Nossi Bé

island, off the west coast of Madagascar, near its northern

extremity, was prolonged, awaiting orders, till the 17th of

March. Nothing was known of its next movements until it was

seen off Singapore, April 8. Thence it proceeded to Kam-ranh

Bay, in French Indo-China, where it stayed for some weeks,

waiting to be joined by another squadron from the Baltic,

which came under the command of Admiral Nebogatoff. This use

of the waters of a neutral Power was bitterly complained of in

Japan and sharply criticised elsewhere. The whole fleet

resumed its northward voyage on the 14th of May, and on the

27th, in the Korean Straits, off the island of Tsushima, it

was intercepted by Admiral Togo’s fleet. An account of the

circumstances of the interception, and of the wonderfully

decisive battle which ensued, derived by Mr. George Kennan

from both Russian and Japanese participants in the engagement,

was published in The Outlook of July 29, 1905. Mr.

Kennan, who had been with the Japanese forces during the siege

of Port Arthur, and had described it for The Outlook,

obtained permission to visit some of the wounded and captured

officers of Rozhdestvensky’s fleet in hospital at one of the

naval stations in Japan. As he spoke their language they

talked with him freely, and information from both victors and

vanquished is thus combined in the account from which we quote

a few passages, as follows:

"When the Baltic fleet left the coast of Annam, on its way to

Vladivostok, Admiral Rojesvensky [so Mr. Kennan writes the

name] had no accurate information with regard to the

whereabouts of the Japanese squadrons. They might all be

concentrated in the Tsushima Strait, between Japan and Korea,

or they might be watching, in three separate detachments, the

three channels that give access to the Sea of Japan, viz,

Tsushima, Tsuguru, and La Perouse. Thinking that Togo would

not dare to leave wholly unguarded the two northern passages,

which are nearest to Vladivostok, Rojesvensky assumed that the

Japanese fleet had been divided into three sections, and that,

on any route which he might select, he would probably have to

deal with only one of them. …

"Admiral Togo, however, did not divide his fleet.

Anticipating, with acute prescience, the reasoning and the

decision of the Russian commander, he concentrated his whole

force in the Tsushima Strait, and concealed it so perfectly in

unfrequented harbors at the southern end of Korea that nobody

ever saw it or discovered its location. … It seems to have had

its main base near Masampho, Korea. The arrangements made for

discovering the approach and reporting the movements of the

Russian fleet were as comprehensive and perfect as possible.

{354}

All along the southwestern coast of Japan signal stations had

been established on prominent islands and on the tops of high

mountains, and every one of these ‘watch-towers,’ as they were

called, was connected by telephone, either with Sasebo or with

Maizuru. Fast scouting ships, equipped with wireless telegraph

instruments, patrolled the entrance to the strait, and on the

charts carried by them, as well as by all other vessels of the

Japanese fleet, the whole stretch of water between Japan and

Korea had been divided into small numbered squares, so that

the exact location of the enemy at any moment might be

designated by a number. There was no possibility of

Rojesvensky’s getting through the strait unobserved unless he

should be favored by dense fog.

"At five o’clock on the morning of Saturday, May 27, the

scouting ship Shinano-maru reported by wireless telegraphy

from the vicinity of Quelpart Island, ‘Enemy's fleet sighted

in square 203. He seems to be steering for the East Channel’

(the passage between Tsushima Island and the Japanese

mainland, which is called on English charts Krusenstern

Strait). The Japanese fleet, which was all ready for sea, left

its Korean base at once. Admiral Togo himself, with four

battle-ships and eight armoured cruisers, took a northerly

course in order to get ahead of the enemy and stop his

progress at or near Oki Island (Okinoshima), while Admirals

Kamimura, Uriu, Dewa, and Kataoka sailed in a southeasterly

direction for the purpose of enveloping his rear. The officers

last named came into touch with the Russian fleet between Iki

Island and Tsushima soon after ten o’clock; but as the

Japanese plan of action did not contemplate an attack at that

point, they merely kept the enemy in sight and reported to

Admiral Togo by wireless telegraphy the number and disposition

of his ships. Rojesvensky had in all thirty-eight vessels, and

they entered the strait in two parallel columns.

"The Russians, of course, saw on their left flank and in their

rear the squadrons of Admirals Kamimura, Kataoka, Uriu, and

Dewa, but, as these ships showed no disposition to attack,

they (the Russians) were confirmed in their belief that only a

part of the Japanese fleet was there, and that they should get

through the strait without a serious fight. They remained

under this delusion until half past one o’clock in the

afternoon, when, to their great surprise, Admiral Togo, with

four battle-ships and eight armored cruisers, appeared

directly ahead. … At 1.55 p. m., when the flag-ships of the

two fleets were a little more than four miles apart, Togo

hoisted the following signal: ‘The fate of the Empire depends

upon this battle. Let every man do his best.’ At two o’clock

the Japanese squadrons on the flank and rear of the Russians

closed in a little, and eight minutes later the fight began,

Admiral Togo opening fire at a distance of about four miles.

It became evident at once to the officers of the Orel that in

the matter of marksmanship they were wholly outclassed. The

fire of the Japanese was a little wild at first, but in a few

minutes they got the range with surprising accuracy, and

struck the leading battle-ships of the two Russian columns

with almost every shot. Ten minutes after the fight began, a

twelve-inch shell entered the forward turret of the Kniaz

Suvaroff, burst there with terrific violence, exploded three

or four rounds of ammunition that had just been brought up

from the magazine, wrecked both guns, and blew the top of the

turret completely off. In less than an hour the Russian

flag-ship had lost one mast and both funnels, and had taken

fire fore and aft; the Oslabya and the Alexander III. were

also in flames; the Orel, the Sissoi Veliki, and the Borodino

had been severely if not fatally injured; the Russian columns

had been broken up and thrown into disorder; and the issue of

the battle had been fully determined. In other words, the

Baltic fleet had been overwhelmed and defeated, by gun-fire

alone, in less than forty-five minutes. Most of the

second-class Russian vessels were still in fighting condition,

but the battle-ship section had lost more than half of its

original efficiency, and there was no longer any doubt as to

the outcome of the engagement. … Admiral Togo says, in his

detailed official report, that ‘at 2.45 p. m. the result of

the battle had been decided.’ And in this judgment the

officers of the Orel virtually coincide. They frankly admit

that they were overwhelmed from the very first by the accuracy

and destructiveness of Admiral Togo’s long-range gun-fire."

Though the result of the battle was made certain within its

first hour, the destruction of Russian ships went on to the

end of the day and through most of the night, with pursuit of

those in flight continued until the 26th. Twenty-two of the

Russian vessels of all classes were sunk, 6 were captured, 6

were afterwards interned in neutral ports, and two only made

their way to Valdivostok. The Japanese lost 3 torpedo boats;

116 of their officers and men were killed, and 538 received

wounds. The prisoners they captured numbered about 6000.

Admiral Rozhdestvensky, accused of cowardice in the battle,

was tried by court-martial and acquitted by a verdict rendered

in July, 1906.

JAPAN: A. D. 1904: A. D. 1904-1905.

War with Russia: Japan’s greatest achievement.

Sanitation of the Army.

"Without minimizing for a moment the splendor of Japanese

victories on land and sea, at Mukden, Port Arthur, Liao-Yang,

or with Togo off Tsushima, in the Korean Straits (and two of

these battles are among the bloodiest in history), I yet

unhesitatingly assert that Japan’s greatest conquests have

been in the humanities of war, in the stopping of the needless

sacrifice of life by preventable diseases. This dreadful and

unnecessary waste of life, especially in conflicts between

so-called civilized and Anglo-Saxon races, is one of the most

ghastly propositions of the age. The Japanese have gone a long

way toward eliminating it. …

"Longmore’s tables, which are accepted as the most reliable

statistics of war, and which are based on the records of

battles for the past two hundred years, show that there has

rarely been a conflict of any great duration in which at least

four men have not perished from disease for every one from

bullets. In the Russo-Turkish War, 80,000 men died from

disease and 20,000 from wounds. In the Crimean campaign, it is

asserted on eminent French authority that in six months the

allied forces lost 50,000 soldiers from disease and only 2,000

from casualties.

{355}

In the French campaign in Madagascar, in 1894, of the 14,000

men sent to the front 29 were killed in action and 7,000 from

disease, most of which was preventable. In our Spanish

American War, in 1898, in a campaign the actual hostilities of

which lasted six weeks, the deaths from casualties, as given

me by the surgeon-general of the United States army, last

week, were 293, while those from disease amounted to 3,681, or

nearly 14 to 1.

"Compare these frightful figures with the record of killed,

wounded, and sick in the Japanese army from February, 1904, to

May, 1905, as furnished me by Minister of War General

Terauchi, in Tokio, in August last. There were killed on the

field 43,892, or 7.32 per cent. of the entire army in the

field; there were wounded 145,527, or 24.27 percent.; there

died of wounds 9,054, or 1.51 percent.; there died from

sickness and disease, including contagious cases, 11,992, or

about 2 per cent. of the army. In other words, the total

number of deaths from casualties and wounds amounted to

52,946, or nearly 9 per cent, of the army, while the total

deaths from sickness amounted to 11,992, or 2 per cent. of the

army. This record is unparalleled and unapproached in the

history of warfare. How did the Japanese accomplish it? In

three preeminently fundamental ways. First, thorough

preparation and organization for war, such as was never before

made in history; second, through the simple, non-irritating,

easily digested ration furnished the troops; and third,

because of the brilliant part played by the members of the

medical profession in the application of practical sanitation

and the stamping out of preventable disease in the army,

thereby saving its great hosts for the legitimate purpose of

war, the defeating of the enemy in the field. …

"She organized her medical department on broad, generous

lines, and gave its representatives the rank and power their

great responsibilities merited, recognizing that they had to

deal with a foe which history has shown has killed 80 percent.

of the total mortality in other wars. She even had the

temerity (strange as it may seem to an American or an English

army official) to grade her medical men as high as the

officers of the line, who combat the enemy who kills only 20

per cent., and to accord them equal authority, except, of

course, in the emergency of battle, when all authority

devolves, as it should, on the officers of the line. In her

home land she organized the most splendid system of hospitals

that has ever been devised for the treatment of sick and

wounded, and with her army at the front she put into execution

the most elaborate and effective system of sanitation that has

ever been practised in war. Upon the declaration of war, she

was prepared to house, scientifically treat, and tenderly care

for 25,000 wounded in Japan alone, and as the war progressed

the hospital capacity was rapidly increased, so that one and

one-half years after its commencement, or on the sixth day of

July, 1905, the twelve military home hospitals possessed a

normal capacity of 58,261."

Major Louis L. Seaman, M. D.,

Lessons for America in the Japanese Medical Service

(American Review of Reviews November, 1905).

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905. War with Russia:

Casualties of the entire war on the Japanese side.

The following is an official Japanese statement of the

casualties of the entire war on the Japanese side:

"Killed in battle.         47,387

Died of wounds             11,500

Wounded, but recovered    161,925

Total killed and wounded           220,812

Died of sickness           27,158

Sick, but recovered       209,065

Total sick                         236,223

Total of killed,

wounded, and sick                  457,035

Total of fatal casualties           86,045

"These figures relate to the field only, not including cases

among the troops in Japan or Formosa, and they may be slightly

altered when all the reports of hospitals are compiled. Of

those who succumbed to disease nearly three-fourths died in

the field and one-fourth after reaching home.

"To find the total number of killed in battle and patients

treated the following additions must be made:

Total of killed, wounded,

and sick in the field       457,035

Patients treated at home     97,850

Russian prisoner patients    77,803

Grand total                 632,688

"The above figures do not include slight cases remaining with

the Japanese regiments. In April, 1906, when these figures

were published, the Japanese missing had been reduced to

3,000.

"Comparative statement of the result of treatment, by wars:

Sick and wounded        Wounded treated

treated in Hospital.    in Hospital.

Recovered     Died.     Recovered    Died.

completely.             completely.

Per cent.    Per cent.  Per cent.  Per cent.

Chinese-Japanese war   50.94      14.24      63.23       7.49

Russo-Japanese war     54.81       7.65      71.58       8.83

"The difference between each of the totals and 100 represents

men incapacitated for active service.

"Comparative statement of cases and deaths from sickness and

wounds, by wars:

Wounded.   Sick.  Died of  Died of

Wounds.  Disease.

Chinese-Japanese     1       6.93      1     12.09

North China          1       4.37      1      1.97

Russo-Japanese       1       1.07      1      0.46

"Comparative statement of percentage of sickness in total

number of troops in field, by war:

Percentage of      Percentage of deaths

sickness for all   from sickness for

troops engaged.    all troops engaged.

Chinese-Japanese    59.20                 9.29

North China war     34.88                 4.33

Russo-Japanese      36.04                 2.99

"The average monthly percentage of sickness during the

twenty-one months of the Russo-Japanese war was 8.69, while

the average monthly percentage for 1902, which is said to have

had an exceptionally good medical record, was 10.21."

Charles Lynch,

Report (United States War Department,

Reports of Military Observers …

during the Russo-Japanese War, part 4).

{356}

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905.

General Consequences in Europe of the Russo-Japanese War.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905.

Conventions with Korea, establishing a Protectorate over

that Empire, with Control of its Finances and its

Foreign Relations.

See (in this Volume)

KOREA: A. D. 1904-1905.

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905.

The Red Cross Society.

See (in this Volume)

RED CROSS SOCIETY.

JAPAN: A. D. 1905.

Report on treatment of the Opium Problem in Formosa.

See (in this Volume)

OPIUM PROBLEM.

JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (June-October).

Ending of the war with Russia.

Mediation offered by the President of the United States

and accepted.

Negotiation and Conclusion of the Peace Treaty of Portsmouth.

In the third article of the Convention for the Pacific

Settlement of International Disputes agreed to and signed at

the First International Peace Conference, at The Hague, in

1898, it was recommended, "in case of serious disagreement or

conflict," "that one or more Powers, strangers to the dispute,

should on their own initiative, and as far as circumstances

may allow, offer their good offices or mediation to the States

at variance." To this recommendation was added the declaration

that "Powers, strangers to the dispute, have the right to

offer good offices or mediation, even during the course of

hostilities"; and "that the exercise of this right can never

be regarded by one or the other of the parties in conflict as

an unfriendly act."

The first important action on this recommendation was taken by

the President of the United States, Mr. Roosevelt, on the 8th

of June, 1905, when he directed a communication from the then

acting Secretary of State, Mr. Loomis, to be dispatched by

telegraph to the Ambassadors of the United States at Tokyo and

St. Petersburg, identically the same to each, and to be

presented by the latter to the Governments of Russia and

Japan. The communication was in the following words:

"The President feels that the time has come when, in the

interest of all mankind, he must endeavor to see if it is not

possible to bring to an end the terrible and lamentable

conflict now being waged. With both Russia and Japan the

United States has inherited ties of friendship and good will.

It hopes for the prosperity and welfare of each, and it feels

that the progress of the world is set back by the war between

these two great nations. The President accordingly urges the

Russian and Japanese Governments, not only for their own

sakes, but in the interest of the whole civilized world, to

open direct negotiations for peace with one another. The

President suggests that these peace negotiations be conducted

directly and exclusively between the belligerents—in other

words, that there may be a meeting of Russian and Japanese

plenipotentiaries or delegates without any intermediary, in

order to see if it is not possible for these representatives

of the two powers to agree to terms of peace. The President

earnestly asks that the Russian Government do now agree to

such meeting, and is asking the Japanese Government likewise

to agree. While the President does not feel that any

intermediary should be called in in respect to the peace

negotiations themselves, he is entirely willing to do what he

properly can if the two powers concerned feel that his

services will be of aid in arranging the preliminaries as to

the time and place of meeting; but if even these preliminaries

can be arranged directly between the two powers, or in any

other way, the President will be glad, as his sole purpose is

to bring about a meeting which the whole civilized world will

pray may result in peace."

The despatch to Tokyo was delayed in transmission and did not

reach Minister Griscom until the evening of the 9th, but was

delivered to the officials of the foreign office the same

night, and the following reply from Baron Komura was handed to

Mr. Griscom at 1 o’clock on the morning of the 10th:

"The Imperial Government have given to the suggestion of the

President of the United States, embodied in the note handed to

the minister for foreign affairs by the American minister on

the 9th instant, the very serious consideration to which,

because of its source and its import, it is justly entitled.

Desiring in the interest of the world as well as in the

interest of Japan the reestablishment of peace with Russia, on

terms and conditions that will fully guarantee its stability,

the Imperial Government will, in response to the suggestion of

the President, appoint plenipotentiaries of Japan to meet

plenipotentiaries of Russia at such time and place as may be

found to be mutually agreeable and convenient, for the purpose

of negotiating and concluding terms of peace directly and

exclusively between the two belligerent powers."

At St. Petersburg, the reply from Count Lamsdorff, Minister

for Foreign Affairs, was given to Ambassador Meyer on the 12th

as follows:

"I have not failed to place before my august master the

telegraphic communication which your excellency has been

pleased to transmit to me under instructions of your

government. His Majesty, much moved by the sentiments

expressed by the President, is glad to find in it a new proof

of the traditional friendship which unites Russia to the

United States of America, as well as an evidence of the high

value which Mr. Roosevelt attaches, even as His Imperial

Majesty does, to that universal peace so essential to the

welfare and progress of all humanity. With regard to the

eventual meeting of Russian and Japanese plenipotentiaries,

‘in order to see if it is not possible for the two powers to

agree to terms of peace,’ the Imperial Government has no

objection in principle to this endeavor if the Japanese

Government expresses a like desire."

This Russian response seemed somewhat equivocal to the

Japanese Government, and Foreign Minister Komura asked for an

assurance as to the powers to be conferred on the peace

plenipotentiaries from St. Petersburg. How the assurance was

obtained has not been made known to the public; but Japan

received it soon through President Roosevelt, and Baron Komura

requested Mr. Griscom to "assure the President that the

attitude taken by the Japanese Government regarding the nature

of the powers to be conferred on the peace plenipotentiaries

was not in any degree inspired by a desire to raise

difficulties or delay negotiations.

{357}

Experience has taught the necessity of caution, and the

Japanese Government thought that by securing at the outset a

common understanding upon this subject they would preclude

possibility of any difficulty arising in the initial stage of

negotiations and would smooth the way for the real work of the

negotiators; but having entire confidence in the wisdom of the

President, the Japanese Government accepts his interpretation

of the intention of Russia and will without further question

appoint plenipotentiaries with full powers to negotiate and

conclude terms of peace."

In consultations as to the place of meeting, Russia suggested

Paris and Japan proposed Chefu, but objections were raised to

both, as well as to The Hague and Geneva, recommended by

President Roosevelt. Japan wanted it nowhere in Europe and

Russia would have it nowhere in the East; so Washington became

the chosen point. But, when one of the first ten days of

August became the appointed time of assembly for the

negotiation, the probable heat of Washington was forbidding,

and Portsmouth, New Hampshire, where the Government of the

United States possesses an island domain of its own, for

navy-yard uses, was finally fixed on for the most important

peace-parley that has taken place in the world within a

century, at the least.

The plenipotentiaries commissioned by Japan were Baron Komura

Iutaro and Mr. Takahira Kogoro, then Japanese Minister at

Washington. Mr. Nelidoff, Russian Ambassador at Paris, was

named in the first instance for chief plenipotentiary by the

Tzar, but illness prevented his serving. Mr. Nicholas

Mouravieff, Ambassador at Rome, was then appointed, but became

equally disabled in health, and M. Sergius Witte took his

place, with Baron Roman Rosen, Russian Ambassador at

Washington, associated in the mission. On Saturday, the 5th of

August, on board the Government yacht Mayflower, at

Oyster Bay, the summer residence of President Roosevelt, the

four plenipotentiaries, attended by members of their

respective suites, were received by the President, introduced

to each other, and entertained at a lunch. Thence they were

conveyed, by separate vessels, first to Newport, where Sunday

was spent, and afterwards to Portsmouth. Their conference was

opened on Wednesday, the 9th, and the resulting Treaty of

Peace was signed by the negotiators, September 5th.

At the outset of their communications with each other the

differences of mind seemed insurmountable. How they were

brought to agreement has been told by two writers who had

better opportunities, perhaps, for knowing the inner

circumstances of the negotiation than any other persons

outside of the plenipotentiaries themselves. One of these was

Dr. Frederick de Martens, the eminent Russian Professor of

International Law, who came as a special consulting delegate

with M. Witte. In an article on "The Portsmouth Peace

Conference," published in The North American Review of

November, 1905, he wrote:

"During three long weeks the pourparlers between the

representatives of the two Powers seemed to show the absolute

impossibility of attaining the desired object, that is, peace.

There were especially two obstacles in the way—the Japanese

demands that Russia should cede Saghalin and that Russia

should pay Japan a war indemnity. These two conditions Russia

categorically rejected, and the failure of the Conference

seemed inevitable. Then it was that the President of the

United States, again basing his action on the principles of

the Hague Convention, considered himself once more justified

in intervening between the two disputing nations. At first,

Mr. Roosevelt proposed that a Commission composed of neutrals,

whose decision however, would not be binding on the contending

parties, should fix the amount of the sum that Russia should

pay to Japan. But this proposal was immediately abandoned

because of its evidently impracticable nature. The second

intervention of the President was more effective and happy.

Japan was now to be asked to withdraw her demand for an

indemnity, and the Tsar, who desired sincerely to see the

unfortunate war ended, was to consent to the cession of the

southern portion of the island of Saghalin. It was at the

sitting of August 29th that an accord, based on these mutual

concessions, was brought about; and, during the six days that

followed, the stipulations of the definitive treaty of peace

were drawn up by a commission named for that purpose. At last,

on September 5th, the treaty was concluded, and a battery of

artillery, in front of the building where the sittings had

been held, fired a salute of nineteen guns in honor of the

great event."

F. de Martens,

The Portsmouth Peace Conference

(North American Review, November, 1905).

To the same effect Dr. E. J. Dillon, the well known publicist,

who had been an intermediary in some of the preliminary

unofficial diplomacy, wrote in The Contemporary Review   of October as follows:

"The Peace of Portsmouth is the outcome of rare moral courage

meeting, assailing and worsting a combination of forces, the

classification and labelling of which had best be left to the

future historian and biographer who can appreciate, without

bias and blame, without apprehension. The first man to display

that unwonted moral courage was Theodore Roosevelt, whose

influence for good on the living and working of nations is a

beneficent force to which the world is beginning to look as to

some permanent institution. It is not too much to say that if

Japan and Russia are at peace today, if countless human beings

doomed seemingly until a few weeks ago to a terrible death on

the battlefield are now about to return to their homes and

families and set about building up instead of pulling down,

the credit for this welcome change in international relations

is due in the first place to the President of the United

States. …

"There was hardly a man in Russia acquainted with the elements

of the problem who considered Mr. Roosevelt’s invitation to a

peace conference as other than a voice crying in the

wilderness. He had felt his way some months before and

convinced himself that it then led nowhither. Soon afterwards

I was myself authorised to put forth a feeler and inquire

whether a war indemnity formed part of Japan’s irreducible

minimum. And the result of that inquiry was that hostilities

were allowed to take their course.

{358}

"After the Battle of Mukden Mr. Roosevelt again returned to

the attack, moving slowly and very cautiously, but creating

his opportunity as well as utilising it, advising as well as

questioning, exhorting almost as much as he argued. With

Japan, whose statesmen he knew well, and with the mainsprings

of whose action he was perfectly familiar, he experienced no

difficulty. What Nippon said, she really meant; what she

promised—but not one iota more—she religiously fulfilled; and

both her declarations and her promises apparently flowed from

a desire to do what every man in the forum of his own

conscience would term the right thing. Probably never before

in human history has the world’s cultivated sense of what is

fair and just been taken by any nation, Christian or

non-Christian, as its own standard of ethics, its own rule of

action regardless of immediate consequences. …

"And Japan’s capacity and readiness to sacrifice the less to

the greater, the material to the moral, was, so to say, the

fulcrum on which Mr. Roosevelt rested his lever. All the force

of his endeavours was concentrated here, all his fund of

optimism was derived from this source.

"But it takes two to make peace as well as to make war. And

the President’s great and greatest difficulty was to persuade

Russia, not indeed to imitate Japan’s example, but to consult

what to outsiders appeared to be her own national interest and

to make peace on acceptable terms."

E. J. Dillon,

The Story of the Peace Negotiations

(Contemporary Review, October, 1905).

The Treaty of Peace thus happily agreed upon at Portsmouth was

duly ratified by the Emperors of Russia and Japan, at St.

Petersburg and at Tokyo simultaneously, on the 14th of

October, 1905. The following is the text of the Treaty in

full:

JAPAN:

The treaty of peace signed at Portsmouth.

By the helping grace of God, we, Nicholas II, Emperor and

Autocrat of all the Russias, etc., hereby declare that, in

consequence of a mutual agreement between us and His Majesty,

the Emperor of Japan, our plenipotentiaries concluded and

signed at Portsmouth, August 23, 1905, a treaty of peace

which, word for word, reads as follows:

His Majesty, the Emperor of all the Russias, on the one hand,

and His Majesty, the Emperor of Japan, on the other baud,

being animated by the desire to restore the benefits of peace

for their countries and their peoples, have decided to

conclude a treaty of peace and have appointed for this purpose

their plenipotentiaries, to wit:

His Majesty the Emperor of Russia—

His Excellency, Mr. Sergius Witte, his secretary of state and

president of the committee of ministers of the Empire of

Russia, and

His Excellency, Baron Roman Rosen, master of the Imperial

Court of Russia and his ambassador extraordinary and

plenipotentiary to the United States of America:

And his Majesty, the Emperor of Japan—

His Excellency, Baron Komura Iutaro, Iusammi, knight of the

Imperial Order of the Rising Sun, his minister of foreign

affairs, and His Excellency, Mr. Takahira Kogoro, Iusammi,

knight of the Imperial Order of the Sacred Treasure, his envoy

extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United

States of America;

Who, after having exchanged their full powers, found in good

and due form, concluded the following articles:

Article I.

There shall be in the future peace and friendship between

Their Majesties the Emperor of all the Russias and the Emperor

of Japan, as well as between their respective nations and

subjects.

Article II.

The Imperial Government of Russia, recognizing that Japan has

predominant political, military, and economic interests in

Korea, agrees not to interfere or place obstacles in the way

of any measure of direction, protection, and supervision which

the Imperial Government of Japan may deem necessary to adopt

in Korea.

It is agreed that Russian subjects in Korea shall be treated

in exactly the same manner as the citizens of other foreign

countries; that is, that they shall be placed on the same

footing as the citizens of the most-favored nation.

It is likewise agreed that, in order to avoid any cause of

misunderstanding, the two high contracting parties shall

refrain from adopting, on the Russo-Korean frontier, any

military measures which might menace the security of the

Russian or Korean territory.

Article III.

Russia and Japan mutually engage:

1. To completely and simultaneously evacuate Manchuria, with

the exception of the territory over which the lease of the

peninsula of Liao tung extends, in accordance with the

provisions of additional Article I annexed to this treaty, and

2. To entirely and completely restore to the exclusive

administration of China all parts of Manchuria now occupied by

Russian and Japanese troops, or which are under their control,

with the exception of the above-mentioned territory.

The Imperial Government of Russia declares that it has no

territorial advantages or preferential or exclusive

concessions in Manchuria of such a nature as to impair the

sovereignty of China or which are incompatible with the

principle of equal opportunity.

Article IV.

Russia and Japan mutually pledge themselves not to place any

obstacle in the way of general measures which apply equally to

all nations and which China might adopt for the development of

commerce and industry in Manchuria.

Article V.

The Imperial Government of Russia cedes to the Imperial

Government of Japan, with the consent of the Government of

China, the lease of Port Arthur, of Talien, and of the

adjacent territories and territorial waters, as well as the

rights, privileges, and concessions connected with this lease

or forming part thereof, and it likewise cedes to the Imperial

Government of Japan all the public works and property within

the territory over which the above-mentioned lease extends.

The high contracting parties mutually engage to obtain from

the Government of China the consent mentioned in the foregoing

clause.

The Imperial Government of Japan gives on its part the

assurance that the property rights of Russian subjects within

the above-mentioned territory shall be absolutely respected.

{359}

Article VI.

The Imperial Government of Russia obligates itself to yield to

the Imperial Government of Japan, without compensation and

with the consent of the Chinese Government, the Chan-chun

(Kwan-Chen-Tsi) and Port Arthur Railroad and all its branches,

with all the rights, privileges, and property thereunto

belonging within this region, as well as all the coal mines in

said region belonging to this railroad or being operated for

its benefit.

The two high contracting parties mutually pledge themselves to

obtain from the Chinese Government the consent mentioned in

the foregoing clause.

Article VII.

Russia and Japan agree to operate their respective railroads

in Manchuria for commercial and industrial purposes

exclusively, but by no means for strategic purposes. It is

agreed that this restriction does not apply to the railroads

within the territory covered by the lease of the Liao tung

peninsula.

Article VIII.

The Imperial Governments of Russia and Japan, with a view to

favoring and facilitating relations and traffic, shall

conclude, as soon as possible, a separate convention to govern

their operations of repair on the railroads in Manchuria.

Article IX.

The Imperial Government of Russia cedes to the Imperial

Government of Japan, in perpetuity and full sovereignty, the

southern part of the island of Saghalin, and all the islands

adjacent thereto, as well as all the public works and property

there situated. The fiftieth parallel of north latitude is

adopted as the limit of the ceded territory. The exact

boundary line of this territory shall be determined in

accordance with the provisions of additional Article II

annexed to this treaty.

Japan and Russia mutually agree not to construct within their

respective possessions on the island of Saghalin, and the

islands adjacent thereto, any fortification or similar

military work. They likewise mutually agree not to adopt any

military measures which might hinder the free navigation of

the Straits of La Perouse and Tartary.

Article X.

The right is reserved to Russian subjects inhabiting the

territory ceded to Japan to sell their real property and

return to their country; however, if they prefer to remain in

the ceded territory, they shall be guarded and protected in

the full enjoyment of their property rights and the exercise

of their industries, provided they submit to the laws and

jurisdiction of Japan. Japan shall have perfect liberty to

withdraw the right of residence in this territory from all

inhabitants laboring under political or administrative

incapacity, or to deport them from this territory. It pledges

itself, however, to fully respect the property rights of these

inhabitants.

Article XI.

Russia obligates itself to reach an understanding with Japan

in order to grant to Japanese subjects fishing rights along

the coast of the Russian possessions in the Seas of Japan,

Okhotsk, and Bering. It is agreed that the above-mentioned

obligation shall not impair the rights already belonging to

Russian or foreign subjects in these regions.

Article XII.

The treaty of commerce and navigation between Russia and Japan

having been annulled by the war, the Imperial Governments of

Russia and Japan agree to adopt as a basis for their

commercial relations, until the conclusion of a new treaty of

commerce and navigation on the basis of the treaty in force

before the present war, the system of reciprocity on the

principle of the most favored nation, including import and

export tariffs, custom-house formalities, transit and tonnage

dues, and the admission and treatment of the agents, subjects,

and vessels of one country in the territory of the other.

Article XIII.

As soon as possible, after the present treaty takes effect,

all prisoners of war shall be mutually returned. The Imperial

Governments of Russia and Japan shall each appoint a special

commissioner to take charge of the prisoners. All prisoners in

the custody of one of the governments shall be delivered to

the commissioner of the other government or to his duly

authorized representative, who shall receive them in such

number and in such suitable ports of the surrendering nation

as the latter shall notify in advance to the commissioner of

the receiving nation.

The Governments of Russia and Japan shall present to each

other, as soon as possible after the delivery of the prisoners

has been completed, a verified account of the direct

expenditures made by them respectively for the care and

maintenance of the prisoners from the date of capture or

surrender until the date of their death or return. Russia

agrees to refund to Japan, as soon as possible after the

exchange of these accounts, as above stipulated, the

difference between the actual amount thus spent by Japan and

the actual amount likewise expended by Russia.

Article XIV.

The present treaty shall be ratified by Their Majesties the

Emperor of all the Russias and the Emperor of Japan. This

ratification shall, within the shortest possible time and at

all events not later than fifty days from the date of the

signature of the treaty, be notified to the Imperial

Governments of Russia and Japan, respectively, through the

ambassador of the United States of America at St. Petersburg

and the minister of France at Tokyo, and from and after the

date of the last of these notifications this treaty shall

enter into full force in all its parts. The formal exchange of

the ratifications shall take place at Washington as soon as

possible.

Article XV.

The present treaty shall be signed in duplicate, in the French

and English languages. The two texts are absolutely alike;

however, in case of difference of interpretation the French

text shall prevail.

In witness whereof the respective plenipotentiaries have

signed the present treaty of peace and affixed thereto their

seals.

Done at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, the twenty-third day of

August (fifth of September) of the year one thousand nine

hundred and five, corresponding to the fifth day of the ninth

month of the thirty-eighth year of Meiji.

IUTARO KOMURA. [L. S.]

K. TAKAHIRA.   [L. S.]

SERGIUS WITTE. [L. S.]

ROSEN.         [L. S.]

In conformity with the provisions of Articles II and IX of the

treaty of peace between Russia and Japan under this date, the

undersigned plenipotentiaries have concluded the following

additional articles:

{360}

I. To Article III:

The Imperial Governments of Russia and Japan mutually agree to

begin the withdrawal of their military forces from the

territory of Manchuria simultaneously and immediately after

the entrance into force of the treaty of peace; and within a

period of eighteen months from this date the armies of the two

powers shall be entirely withdrawn from Manchuria, with the

exception of the leased territory of the peninsula of

Liao-tung.

The forces of the two powers occupying advanced positions

shall be withdrawn first.

The high contracting parties reserve the right to maintain

guards for the protection of their respective railroad lines

in Manchuria.

The number of these guards shall not exceed 15 men per

kilometer, and within the limit of this maximum number the

commanders of the Russian and Japanese armies shall, by mutual

agreement, fix the number of guards who are to be employed,

this number being as low as possible and in accordance with

actual requirements. The commanders of the Russian and

Japanese forces in Manchuria shall reach an understanding

regarding all the details connected with the evacuation, in

conformity with the principles herein above set forth, and

shall, by mutual agreement, adopt the measures necessary to

carry out the evacuation as soon as possible and at all events

within a period not exceeding eighteen months.

II. To Article IX:

As soon as possible after the present treaty takes effect, a

boundary commission composed of an equal number of members

appointed respectively by the two high contracting parties

shall mark on the spot and in a permanent manner the exact

line between the Russian and Japanese possessions on the

island of Saghalin. The commission shall be obliged, as far as

topographical conditions permit, to follow the 50th parallel

of north latitude for the line of demarcation, and in case any

deviations from this line are found necessary at certain

points compensation shall be made therefor by making

corresponding deviations at other points. It shall also be the

duty of said commission to prepare a list and description of

the adjacent islands which are comprised within the cession,

and finally the commission shall prepare and sign maps showing

the boundaries of the ceded territory. The labors of the

commission shall be submitted to the approval of the high

contracting parties.

The additional articles mentioned hereinabove shall be

considered as being ratified by the ratification of the treaty

of peace, to which they are annexed.

Portsmouth, August 23 (September 5), 1905, corresponding to

the 5th day, 9th month and 28th year of Meiji.

IUTARO KOMURA.

K. TAKAHIRA.

SERGIUS WITTE.

ROSEN.

The ratification by the Tsar was in the following terms:

Therefore, after mature consideration of this treaty and the

two additional articles, we approved, confirmed, and ratified

them, and do hereby approve, confirm, and ratify them in their

full purport, pledging our imperial word for ourselves, our

successors, and our heirs, that everything set forth in the

above-mentioned acts shall be inviolably observed. In witness

whereof we, having signed this, our imperial ratification,

with our own hand, have ordered affixed thereto our imperial

seal.

Given at Peterhoff, the first day of October, in the year of

our Lord one thousand nine hundred and five and of our reign

the eleventh.

On the original is written in His Imperial Majesty’s own hand:

L. S. "NICHOLAS."

countersigned

COUNT LAMSDORFF,

Secretary of State, Minister of Foreign Affairs.

JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (August).

New Defensive Agreement between Great Britain and Japan.

On the 12th of August, 1905, three days after the

plenipotentiaries of Japan and Russia had held their first

meeting at Portsmouth and opened the negotiations which

resulted in a Treaty of Peace, a new Agreement of defensive

alliance between Japan and Great Britain, replacing that of

three years before, was signed at London, but not made public

until the 6th of September, the day following the conclusion

of the Russo-Japanese Treaty of Peace.

See, above,

JAPAN: A. D. 1902.

It was then communicated to the Governments of Russia and

France, through the medium of the British Ambassadors at St.

Petersburg and Paris, with an accompanying explanatory

despatch from Lord Lansdowne, as follows:

"Sir, I inclose, for your Excellency's information, a copy of

a new Agreement concluded between His Majesty’s Government and

that of Japan in substitution for that of the 30th January,

1902. You will take an early opportunity of communicating the

new Agreement to the Russian Government. It was signed on the

12th August, and you will explain that it would have been

immediately made public but for the fact that negotiations had

at that time already commenced between Russia and Japan, and

that the publication of such a document whilst those

negotiations were still in progress would obviously have been

improper and inopportune.

"The Russian Government will, I trust, recognize that the new

Agreement is an international instrument to which no exception

can be taken by any of the Powers interested in the affairs of

the Far East. You should call special attention to the objects

mentioned in the preamble as those by which the policy of the

Contracting Parties is inspired. His Majesty’s Government

believe that they may count upon the good-will and support of

all the Powers in endeavouring to maintain peace in Eastern

Asia, and in seeking to uphold the integrity and independence

of the Chinese Empire and the principle of equal opportunities

for the commerce and industry of all nations in that country.

"On the other hand, the special interests of the Contracting

Parties are of a kind upon which they are fully entitled to

insist, and the announcement that those interests must be

safeguarded is one which can create no surprise, and need give

rise to no misgivings.

"I call your especial attention to the wording of Article II,

which lays down distinctly that it is only in the case of an

unprovoked attack made on one of the Contracting Parties by

another Power or Powers, and when that Party is defending its

territorial rights and special interests from aggressive

action, that the other Party is bound to come to its

assistance.

{361}

"Article III,

dealing with the question of Corea, is deserving of especial

attention. It recognizes in the clearest terms the paramount

position which Japan at this moment occupies and must

henceforth occupy in Corea, and her right to take any measures

which she may find necessary for the protection of her

political, military, and economic interests in that country.

It is, however, expressly provided that such measures must not

be contrary to the principle of equal opportunities for the

commerce and industry of other nations. The new Treaty no

doubt differs at this point conspicuously from that of 1902.

It has, however, become evident that Corea, owing to its close

proximity to the Japanese Empire and its inability to stand

alone, must fall under the control and tutelage of Japan.

"His Majesty’s Government observe with satisfaction that this

point was readily conceded by Russia in the Treaty of Peace

recently concluded with Japan, and they have every reason to

believe that similar views are held by other Powers with

regard to the relations which should subsist between Japan and

Corea.

"His Majesty’s Government venture to anticipate that the

alliance thus concluded, designed as it is with objects which

are purely peaceful and for the protection of rights and

interests the validity of which cannot be contested, will be

regarded with approval by the Government to which you are

accredited. They are justified in believing that its

conclusion may not have been without effect in facilitating

the settlement by which the war has been so happily brought to

an end, and they earnestly trust that it may, for many years

to come, be instrumental in securing the peace of the world in

those regions which come within its scope.

JAPAN:

Agreement between the United Kingdom and Japan.

"PREAMBLE.

The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, being desirous of

replacing the agreement concluded between them on the 30th of

January, 1902, by fresh stipulations, have agreed upon the

following articles, which have for their object—

(a) The consolidation and maintenance of the general peace in

the regions of Eastern Asia and of India.

(b) The preservation of the common interests of all powers in

China, by insuring the independence and integrity of the

Chinese Empire and the principle of equal opportunities for

the commerce and industry of all nations in China.

(c) The maintenance of the territorial rights of the high

contracting parties in the regions of eastern Asia and of

India, and the defense of their special interests in the said

regions.

"ARTICLE I.

It is agreed that whenever in the opinion of either Great

Britain or Japan any of the rights and interests referred to

in the preamble of this agreement are in jeopardy, the two

governments will communicate with one another fully and

frankly and will consider in common the measures which should

be taken to safeguard those menaced rights or interests.

"ARTICLE II.

If by reason of unprovoked attack or aggressive action,

wherever arising, on the part of any other power or powers

either contracting party should be involved in war in defense

of its territorial rights or special interests mentioned in

the preamble of this agreement, the other contracting party

will at once come to the assistance of its ally and will

conduct the war in common and make peace in mutual agreement

with it.

"ARTICLE III.

Japan possessing paramount political, military, and economic

interests in Korea, Great Britain recognizes the right of

Japan to take such measures of guidance, control, and

protection in Korea as she may deem proper and necessary to

safeguard and advance those interests, provided always that

such measures are not contrary to the principle of equal

opportunities for the commerce and industry of all nations.

"ARTICLE IV.

Great Britain having a special interest in all that concerns

the security of the Indian frontier, Japan recognizes her

right to take such measures in the proximity of that frontier

as she may find necessary for safeguarding her Indian

possessions.

"ARTICLE V.

The high contracting parties agree that neither of them will

without consulting the other enter into separate arrangements

with another power to the prejudice of the objects described

in the preamble of this agreement.

"ARTICLE VI.

As regards the present war between Japan and Russia, Great

Britain will continue to maintain strict neutrality unless

some other power or powers should join in hostilities against

Japan, in which case Great Britain will come to the assistance

of Japan and will conduct the war in common and make peace in

mutual agreement with Japan.

"ARTICLE VII.

The conditions under which armed assistance shall be afforded

by either power to the other in the circumstances mentioned in

the present agreement, and the means by which such assistance

is to be made available, will be arranged by the naval and

military authorities of the contracting parties, who will from

time to time consult one another fully and freely upon all

questions of mutual interest.

"ARTICLE VIII.

The present agreement shall, subject to the provisions of

Article VI., come into effect immediately after the date of

its signature and remain in force for ten years from that

date. In case neither of the high contracting parties should

have notified twelve months before the expiration of the said

ten years the intention of terminating it, it shall remain

binding until the expiration of one year from the day on which

either of the high contracting parties shall have denounced

it. But if when the date fixed for its expiration arrives

either ally is actually engaged in war the alliance shall

ipso facto continue until peace is concluded."

JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (December).

Treaty with China relative to Manchuria.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER).

JAPAN: A. D. 1905-1909.

Korea under Japanese Control.

The rule of Prince Ito.

Insurrection and its suppression.

Constructive and Reformative Work.

See (in this Volume)

KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.

JAPAN: A. D. 1905-1909.

Disputes with China.

The Fa-ku-menn Railway and

the Antung-Mukden Railway Questions.

Settlement of the latter by Japanese Ultimatum.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909.

JAPAN: A. D. 1906.

Chinese Students in the Country.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1906.

{362}

JAPAN: A. D. 1906.

Resentment at Segregation of Oriental Children in

San Francisco Schools.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

JAPAN: A. D. 1907.

Riotous attacks on Japanese laborers in British Columbia

and the State of Washington.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: CANADA.

JAPAN: A. D. 1907 (June).

Treaty with France concerning affairs in the East.

A treaty between the governments of Japan and France was

signed on the 10th of June, 1907, according to which France

recognizes the rights of Japan in Korea and her special

interests in Manchuria, and Japan, on her side, promises not

to interfere with French possessions in Siam and Indo-China.

JAPAN: A. D. 1908 (May).

Slender victory of the Saionji Ministry in

the Parliamentary Elections.

Parliamentary elections in May, 1908, gave the Ministry a bare

probability of support by combinations of the party of Prince

Ito—the Rikken Seiyu-kai—with some of the other partly

sympathetic groups. The maintenance of the prudent policy of

Government since the close of the great war, against the Jingo

element, was left somewhat precarious.

JAPAN: A. D. 1908 (November).

Exchange of Notes with the United States, embodying an

important Declaration of Common Policy in the East.

On the 30th of November, 1908, distinct form was given to a

common understanding between Japan and the United States, as

to their agreement in purposes and policy touching affairs in

the East. The form was not that of a treaty, but of a simple

Declaration, identical in notes exchanged at Washington

between Secretary Root and Ambassador Takahira. The following

is the text of the Declaration:

"I.

It is the wish of the two Governments to encourage the free

and peaceful development of their commerce on the Pacific

Ocean.

"II.

The policy of both Governments, uninfluenced by any aggressive

tendencies, is directed to the maintenance of the existing

status quo in the region above mentioned, and to the

defense of the principle of equal opportunity for commerce and

industry in China.

"III.

They are accordingly firmly resolved reciprocally to respect

the territorial possessions belonging to each other in said

region.

"IV.

They are also determined to preserve the common interests of

all Powers in China by supporting, by all pacific means at

their disposal, the independence and integrity of China and

the principle of equal opportunity for commerce and industry

of all nations in that Empire.

"V.

Should any event occur threatening the status quo as

above described, or the principle of equal opportunity as

above defined, it remains for the two Governments to

communicate with each other, in order to arrive at an

understanding as to what measures they may consider it useful

to take.

JAPAN: A. D. 1908-1909.

Suppression of Race-track Gambling.

See (in this Volume)

GAMBLING.

JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

Material Development of the Country.

"The mileage of Japanese railways, now over 5,000 miles, has

been quadrupled within 20 years—without counting the Korean

and South Manchurian railways, which are owned by Japanese

companies. The development of posts, telegraphs, and

telephones has proceeded on an even greater scale, and the

revenues of the department, which only amounted in 1899 to

£1,740,000, exceeded £3,850,000 in 1909, whilst the amount

invested in postal savings banks rose during the same decade

from under £2,200,000 to £10,698,409. The Japanese merchant

flag, represented by a steam tonnage of nearly one and a

quarter million tons, is known in every sea, and the Nippon

Yusen Kaisha, on one of whose excellent steamers I crossed the

Pacific a few weeks ago, has alone a well-equipped fleet of

265,000 tons in the aggregate, running not only to the United

States and to Europe, but to South America and Australia,

besides local services in Japanese, Chinese, and Korean

waters. …

"Powerful firms like the Mitsui, the Mitsubishi, Messrs.

Okura, Messrs. Takata, &c., take a leading part in every

branch of a national import and export trade which has risen

within 30 years from under £6,000,000 to nearly £100,000,000

in 1907. Great industrial cities have grown up like Osaka, the

centre of the cotton-spinning industry, whose population, less

than 400,000 a quarter of a century ago, now exceeds

1,200,000. The aggregate capital of Japanese industrial

companies, which in 1882 was estimated at £10,000,000, rose

within the same period to more than £126,000,000, and in the

cotton industry alone the number of spindles increased from

65,000 to over one and a half million. According to statistics

collected by Mr. Takahashi and Mr. Igarashi, the national

wealth of Japan was assessed at the beginning of 1905 at close

upon £2,500,000,000, to which must now be added, over and

above any normal increment, the economic value of the position

she has acquired in Southern Manchuria and Korea."

Correspondent of The Times, London.

JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

Parties in Domestic Politics.

The present parties in the lower house of the Japanese

Parliament were thus described by the Tokio correspondent of

the London Times, in January, 1909:

"The Lower House consists of 379 members. These are divided

into five sections—namely,

the Seiyu-kai (192 members),

the Progressists (67),

the Boshin Club (42),

the Yushin-kai (44) and

the Daido Club (34).

If any man were required to indicate clearly the lines of

division between these sections, he would be much perplexed to

do so. On the broad bases of Liberalism and Conservatism the

first four occupy the same Liberal platform, while the last

stands as the sole exponent of Conservative views. Yet the

four Liberal sections are not more hostile to each other than

the fifth is to all. They are held asunder by traditions and

by prejudices.

"The Seiyu-kai has fought its way to an overwhelmingly strong

position in the face of perennial opposition from the

Progressists. Once only did the two join hands, but their

union lasted no more than a few weeks, and they separated with

a strong access of mutual rancour. Yet both had entered the

arena originally as champions of the same cause,

constitutional government, and nothing held them apart save

personal rivalries. In the course of their 28 years of

strenuous evolution, they gradually sloughed off their

extremists, and these constitute the present

Yushin-kai, a coterie of brilliant Radical free-lances,

whose hand may be said to be against every one.

{363}

The Daido Club are frank Conservatives. They are the

only unequivocal supporters of the Cabinet now in office. …

There remain the Boshin Club. They are an association

of business men—the first political association of that

complexion in Japan. The early Diets were all conspicuously

deficient in representatives of the commercial and

manufacturing classes; mainly because politics had become a

more or less discredited pursuit before ever a general

election was held, and partly because the urban population did

not return a due proportion of members. The latter defect

having been remedied by the new election law of 1901, there

was thereafter found in the Lower House a group of men calling

themselves ‘Independents,’ but always seen in the Government

lobby. In fact their sense of business interests prompted them

to lend their support to the principle of stable Cabinets

above everything."

JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

Present Status of Christianity.

See (in this Volume)

MISSIONS, CHRISTIAN.

JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (July-September).

The State of the War Debt and its Payment.

The following is a Press despatch from Tokyo to London, July

17, 1909:

"At the close of 1906, when Japan came to make out the

accounts of her war with Russia, she found that she had

incurred a total expenditure of about 1,700 million yen

(£170,000,000). By that amount her national debt was

increased. She then determined to lay aside every year a sum

of at least 110 million yen (£11,000,000) for the service of

the debt. That did not mean, of course, that redemptions

aggregating 110 millions were to be made annually. These 110

millions were for the service of the debt; in other words,

they were for the purpose of paying interest as well as

principal. The portion applicable to redemption would be from

30 to 37 millions yearly, and the loan would thus be

completely paid off in about 30 years. That was the programme

when the Marquis Katsura came into office. But very soon he

announced the Treasury’s intention of increasing the

redemption fund to 50 millions. That is to say, he added some

16 millions to the money available for paying off the debt;

and evidently, if the increase were permanent, the whole

indebtedness would be wiped off in about 20 years instead of

30, as originally planned. Still better things, however, are

said to be contemplated. The sum actually devoted to the

sinking fund during the last fiscal year was 50,800,000 yen,

and since the interest on that amount will go to augment the

redemption fund during the current year, the amount paid off

from that source will be 53,340,000 yen. To this it is

proposed to add another 10 millions obtained from the national

growth of the State’s income, for the experience of the last

year encourages the belief that such growth may be confidently

expected, the actual development of the ordinary revenue

having reached a sum of over 30 millions. It is further

expected that from 1912 onwards the yield from the Customs

duties will advance from 38 to 53 millions, unless Japan

manages her negotiations for tariff revision clumsily."

Speaking to the Bankers’ Club at Tokyo in September, 1909,

Premier Katsura expressed the belief that the financial

condition of the country was encouraging, and while

maintaining that the present system of finances was excellent,

he expressed the hope to improve it steadily until perfection

is reached. The premier said that the government’s policy

would begin this year, and the development of resources and

the avoidance of unproductive expenditure would be

consistently followed. He announced the following measures as

forming part of the financial programme for the ensuing year:—

1. Reduction and modification of the war taxes in order to

relieve the pressure on the people.

2. Increase of the sinking fund. By the allocation of a

considerable amount out of the surplus of previous years the

sum of 53,000,000 yen (£5,300,000) previously fixed for this

service will be greatly exceeded.

3. The raising of the salaries of all Government officials by

30 per cent. This reform had been delayed by the outbreak of

the Russo-Japanese war.

JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (August).

The Burning of Osaka.

See (in this Volume)

OSAKA.

JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (September).

Visit of a Commercial Commission to the United States.

A large party of prominent Japanese business men, headed by

Baron Shibusawa, and coming as a Commercial Commission to seek

more intimate commercial relations between Japan and the

United States, landed at Seattle on the 1st of September,

1909, and toured the country for a number of weeks. The party

received much attention and were entertained most hospitably

everywhere, nowhere with more warmth than on the Pacific

Coast, where ill-feeling toward Japan had been manifested in

some circles a few years before. In a statement to the Press

at Seattle Baron Shibusawa said: "It is interesting to note

that while different European nations are talking about the

increase of armament, and when especially great rulers are

exchanging visits accompanied by warships, the Japanese people

are perfectly satisfied in sending us plain business men on a

peaceful mission to this great commercial country. I have been

told that Japan is spoken of as a warlike nation, but this is

altogether absurd. We are all deeply interested in the

development of the Japanese-American commercial relations,

which, of all reasons, prompts us to pay a visit to your

country. Let us therefore work for the extension of commercial

relations to our mutual interests. We must go hand in hand

with you to develop the vast field in the East."

JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (October).

Assassination of Prince Ito.

Prince Hirobumi Ito, the man of most light and leading, as he

appears to have been, in the transformation of Japan within

the past half century, was foully assassinated on the 26th of

October, 1909, at Kharbin, or Harbin, Manchuria. He had gone

to Kharbin to meet M. Kokovsoff, Russian Minister of Finance,

for a conference on the Manchurian questions that had arisen

between Russia and Japan. As he stepped from the railway train

which brought him to the city, and was approaching the

Minister, who came to welcome him, he was fired upon from the

surrounding crowd. Three revolver shots struck the Prince, two

of which inflicted wounds that caused his death within twenty

minutes. Three of his attendants were wounded, not fatally, by

other shots. All were found to have been fired by one

bystander, who proved to be a Korean. The assassin made no

attempt to escape, but exclaimed when seized: "I came to

Kharbin for the sole purpose of assassinating Prince Ito, to

avenge my country." He had two companions who boasted of being

parties to the crime. He was subsequently identified as Indian

Angan, formerly editor of a newspaper at Seoul.

{364}

Since retiring from his responsible post in Korea, as

Resident-General, Prince Ito had resumed the presidency of the

Privy Council, in the Japanese Government, which Prince

Aritomo Yamagata had filled during his absence. Prince

Yamagata was now reappointed to that office. He and Prince Ito

had been intimate friends, and yet political opponents,

differing in opinions and heading rival parties, but always

acting together on the vital questions of national policy.

JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (December).

Naval Armament, Present and Prospective.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL: JAPAN.

----------JAPAN: End--------

JAPANESE IMMIGRATION:

The Resistance to it in America, Australia, and South Africa.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS.

JEANES, Miss Anna T.:

Great Gift to Schools for Southern Negroes.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES. A. D. 1907.

JEROME, William Travers:

Reelection as District Attorney of the County of New York.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905.

JEWS, THE: In Roumania.

Oppressions.

Remonstrance of the United States.

See (in this Volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: ROUMANIA.

JEWS, THE:

Persecution and Massacre in Russia.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904, and 1903 (APRIL).

JIMENEZ, President: His overthrow.

See (in this Volume)

SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.

JOAN OF ARC, Beatification of.

See (in this Volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).

JOINT STATEHOOD ACT.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

JOLO, Sultan of.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.

JONES, John Paul:

Recovery and removal of his remains from Paris.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).

JOUBERT-PIENAAR, General F.:

On Slavery in Portuguese Africa.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA: PORTUGUESE: A. D. 1905-1908.

JUAREZ, BENITO:

Celebration of his centenary.

See (in this Volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1906.

JUDSON, Harry Pratt:

President of the University of Chicago.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: A. D. 1901-1909.

JUNIOR REPUBLIC, The.

See (in this Volume)

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

JUSTH, M. de.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.

JUVENILE COURTS.

See (in this Volume)

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

JUVENILE REFORM.

See (in this Volume)

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

K.

KAFFIR, The Problem of the.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: IN SOUTH AFRICA.

KAIPING.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

KAJAR TRIBE, The:

The Tribe of the Persian Imperial Dynasty.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

KAMIMURA, Admiral.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

KANO:

British capture.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (NIGERIA).

KANSAS: A. D. 1904.

Legislation and action against the Standard Oil Company.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

KARAGEORGEVICH.

See (in this Volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

KATANGA, Railway Lines to.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: CENTRAL AFRICA.

KATSURA, Count:

His Ministry strengthened by Marquis Ito.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).

KAULBARS, General.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

KAWAMURA, General.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

KELANTAN:

Cession of Suzerainty to Great Britain.

See (in this Volume)

SIAM: A. D. 1909.

KELLY, Charles F.:

Confessions as a "Boodler."

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

KENNEDY, John Stewart, the Bequests of.

See (in this Volume)

GIFTS AND BEQUESTS.

KENTUCKY: A. D. 1905-1909.

The Tobacco Farmers’ Union and its Night Riders.

"Kentucky has been having an experience unique, costly,

tragic, and probably to some extent valuable, with the farmers

engaged in the chief agricultural industry of the state—

growing tobacco. Some 80,000 of them, representing probably

400,000 of the population of the state, have been engaged in a

union demonstration for the purpose of securing higher pay.

The result has been in some sections anarchy, in all great

distress. …

"A trust having arisen in New York which was able to control

the output, and therefore to make prices to suit itself, the

farmers have answered this trust by forming under the equity

society a union of their own, and going on a strike for higher

prices. … The union to which I refer is the Burley Tobacco

Society, in Kentucky. It is organized to oppose the exactions

of the American Tobacco Company of New Jersey. Tobacco is

grown in several distinct districts in Kentucky, and there, as

elsewhere, each district has, by reason of soil or climate, a

virtual monopoly of its own type. Down in the southwestern

corner, in the so-called Black Patch, embracing several

counties of Tennessee, a dark and heavy leaf is grown and

fire-cured for the foreign trade. This is bought by

government, or so-styled ‘regie’ buyers. North of this is a

heavy leaf stemmed for the British trade. North and east of

this is the region in which a dark air-cured leaf is grown for

domestic uses. East of this, embracing all Blue Grass and

extending to Maysville, is the Burley district, in which is

grown the famous red and white Burley tobacco. …

{365}

"Pooling tobacco in Kentucky started down in the Black Patch,

or received its greatest impetus there. The regie buyers

combined, or were formed into a combination by their

superiors, and the Patch was districted, each man being given

an exclusive territory, and no farmer being allowed to sell to

any one but his own buyer. In this way a set price as low as

four cents was made, and the farmer had no option but to take

it; no option, at least, that was open to the farmer not rich

enough to ship his crop to Bremen and seek European

competition. In this situation a group of canny planters

formed a tight little corporation of $200 capital, for the

avowed purpose of holding, handling, buying, and selling

tobacco. They induced about a thousand of their

neighbors—there are forty thousand dark-tobacco growers in the

Patch—to pledge their crops with them, and they planned to

hold this much off the market and compel the regie buyers to

pay a higher price for it. This proving popular, they soon had

five thousand pledges. Then they—or interests closely allied

with them—organized a band of Ku-Klux, called Night Riders,

who, first by so-called ‘peace armies,’ and then by raiding at

night all who resisted, frightened or forced—during the next

three years—all the forty thousand to sign.

"The tight little corporation thus had a monopoly of the dark

tobacco. It forced the regie buyers to pay a price raised by

slow degrees to 11 cents round, exacted large commissions and

profits,—as much as 1500 per cent a year on the capital,—and

now controls the Black Patch absolutely. All its pledges

expire in January, 1909, and the situation will then become

anarchistic. The success of this Black Patch plan was entirely

due to the employment of Night Riders, who correspond to the

professional ‘sluggers’ of a labor union, or the hired

assassins of a Black-Hand league."

J. L. Mathews,

The Farmers’ Union and the Tobacco Pool

(Atlantic Monthly, October, 1908).

KHARBIN, OR HARBIN, RUSSIAN CONTROL AT.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).

KHARBIN: A. D. 1909.

Assassination of Prince Ito.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

KHARKOFF, DISTURBANCES IN.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

KHARTUM, THE NEW.

See (in this Volume)

SUDAN, THE: A. D. 1907.

KHARTUM, THE NEW:

Gordon Memorial College.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: EGYPT.

KIAMIL PASHA: GRAND VIZIER.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

KIEFF, DISTURBANCES IN.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

KINCHOU, BATTLE OF.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-July), and

1904-1905 (May-January).

KINGSTON, Jamaica: A. D. 1907.

Destruction of Kingston.

See (in this Volume)

EARTHQUAKES: JAMAICA.

KINSHU-MARU, THE INCIDENT OF THE.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

KIPLING, RUDYARD.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

KIRDORF, HERR:

Head of the Coal and Steel Syndicates in Germany.

His attitude towards the Workingmen.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1907.

KISHINEFF, JEWISH MASSACRE AT.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1903 (APRIL).

KITCHENER OF KHARTUM, GENERAL LORD:

In South Africa.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

KITCHENER OF KHARTUM, GENERAL LORD:

In India.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

KLERKSDORP CONFERENCE.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

KNIAZ POTEMKIN, MUTINY ON THE.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

KNIGHTS OF LABOR.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

KNOX, PHILANDER C.:

Attorney-General.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

KNOX, PHILANDER C.:

Secretary of State.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

KOCH, Robert.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

KOCHER, E. T.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

KOMURA, BARON IUTARO,

Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

KOMURA, BARON IUTARO,

Japanese Plenipotentiary for negotiating

Treaty of Peace with Russia.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

KONDRATENKO, General.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

KOREA: A. D. 1901-1904.

Japanese distrust of Russian designs.

Negotiations and demands.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

KOREA: A. D. 1902.

Agreement respecting Korea between Great Britain and Japan.

See (in this Volume)

Japan: A. D. 1902.

KOREA: A. D. 1904 (February).

Occupation by the Japanese.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

KOREA: A. D. 1904-1905.

Conventions with Japan, creating Protectorate Relations

with that Empire and submitting Financial and

Diplomatic Affairs to Japanese control.

On the 25th of February, 1904, the text of a protocol,

concluded on the 23d, between the Governments of Japan and

Korea, was communicated to the Government of the United States

(and, of course to others), by the Government of Japan, with

an accompanying explanation, as follows:

"In the prosecution of the present war the use of some of the

ports and some portions of the territory of Korea is found

inevitable, and therefore, with a view to facilitate military

operations and to show that such use of ports and territory is

made with the full knowledge and consent of Korea, and not in

disregard or violation of her independence or territorial

integrity, and also in order to prevent future complications,

the Japanese Government concluded with the Korean Government

on the 23d instant the following protocol. …

"ARTICLE I.

For the purpose of maintaining permanent and solid friendship

between Japan and Korea and firmly establishing peace in the

Far East, the Imperial Government of Korea shall place full

confidence in the Imperial Government of Japan and adopt the

advice of the latter with regard to improvements in

administration.

"ARTICLE II.

The Imperial Government of Japan shall, in a spirit of firm

friendship, insure the safety and repose of the Imperial House

of Korea.

{366}

"ARTICLE III.

The Imperial Government of Japan definitively guarantee the

independence and territorial integrity of the Korean Empire.

"ARTICLE IV.

In case the welfare of the Imperial House of Korea or the

territorial integrity of Korea is endangered by the aggression

of a third power or internal disturbances, the Imperial

Government of Japan shall immediately take such necessary

measures as circumstances require, and in such case the

Imperial Government of Korea shall give full facilities to

promote the action of the Imperial Japanese Government. The

Imperial Government of Japan may, for the attainment of the

above-mentioned object, occupy, when circumstances require it,

such places as may be necessary from strategic points of view.

"ARTICLE V.

The Government of the two countries shall not in future,

without mutual consent, conclude with a third power such an

arrangement as may be contrary to the principles of the

present protocol.

"ARTICLE VI.

Details in connection with the present protocol shall be

arranged as the circumstances may require between the

representative of Japan and the minister of state for foreign

affairs of Korea."

On the 30th of August, 1904, an additional Agreement between

the Governments of Japan and Korea, signed in part on the 19th

and in part on the 22d of that month, was communicated by the

Japanese Ambassador to the United States to the State

Department at Washington, with a note saying: "In

communicating this agreement to the Government of the United

States I am instructed to say that it is nothing more than the

natural consequence or development of the protocol concluded

between the Japanese and Korean Governments on the 23rd of

last February, which I had the honor to communicate at that

time for the information of the Government of the United

States. I am further directed to say that the agreement does

not in anywise interfere with the full operation or validity

of Korea’s existing treaties; and that Article II thereof is

not intended to place any impediment in the way of legitimate

enterprise in Korea, but merely to check, as far as possible,

the future conclusion of unwise and improvident engagements,

which in the past have been fruitful sources of trouble and

complication."

The Agreement thus announced was in the following terms:

"ARTICLE I.

The Korean Government shall engage a Japanese subject

recommended by the Japanese Government as financial adviser to

the Korean Government, and all matters concerning finance

shall be dealt with after his counsel shall have been taken.

"ARTICLE II.

The Korean Government shall engage a foreigner recommended by

the Japanese Government as diplomatic adviser to the foreign

office, and all important matters concerning foreign relations

shall be dealt with after his counsel shall have been taken.

"ARTICLE III.

The Korean Government shall consult the Japanese Government

before concluding treaties and conventions with foreign

powers, and also in dealing with other important diplomatic

affairs, such as grants of concessions to or contracts with

foreigners."

Writing of this Agreement a few days later to the State

Department at Washington, the American Minister to Japan, Mr.

Lloyd Griscom, remarked:

"It is interesting to note that Mr. Megata, selected to be

financial adviser to the Korean Government, was educated in

America and is a graduate of Harvard University, and Mr.

Stevens, who has been chosen as adviser to the foreign office,

is an American gentleman about whom it would be superfluous to

inform you."

Under a third Agreement, signed April 1, 1905, Japan took over

the control and operation of the post, telegraph, and

telephone services of Korea, in order to "rearrange the system

of communications in that country, and, by amalgamating it

with that of Japan, to unite the two systems into one."

Finally, on the 17th of November, 1905, a fourth Agreement was

signed, which definitely surrendered to Japan the "control and

direction of the external relations and affairs of Korea," in

the following stipulations:

"ARTICLE I.

The Government of Japan, through the department of foreign

affairs in Tokyo, will hereafter have control and direction of

the external relations and affairs of Korea and the diplomatic

and consular representatives of Japan will have the charge of

the subjects and interests of Korea in foreign countries.

"ARTICLE II.

The Government of Japan undertake to see to the execution of

the treaties actually existing between Korea and other powers,

and the Government of Korea engage not to conclude hereafter

any act or engagement having an international character,

except through the medium of the Government of Japan.

"ARTICLE III.

The Government of Japan shall be represented at the court of

His Majesty the Emperor of Korea by a resident general, who

shall reside at Seoul primarily for the purpose of taking

charge of and directing the matters relating to diplomatic

affairs. He shall have the right of private and personal

audience of His Majesty the Emperor of Korea. The Japanese

Government shall have the right to station residents at the

several open ports and such other places in Korea as they may

deem necessary.

"Such residents shall, under the direction of the resident

general, exercise the powers and functions hitherto

appertaining to Japanese consuls in Korea, and shall perform

such duties as may be necessary in order to carry into full

effect the provisions of this agreement.

"ARTICLE IV.

The stipulations of all treaties and agreements existing

between Japan and Korea not inconsistent with the provisions

of this agreement shall continue in force.

"ARTICLE V.

The Government of Japan undertake to maintain the welfare and

dignity of the Imperial House of Korea."

With the communication of this Agreement to foreign Powers

there went a declaration by the Japanese Government, in part

as follows:

"The relations of propinquity have made it necessary for Japan

to take and exercise, for reasons closely connected with her

own safety and repose, a paramount interest and influence in

the political and military affairs of Korea. The measures

hitherto taken have been purely advisory, but the experience

of recent years has demonstrated the insufficiency of measures

of guidance alone.

{367}

The unwise and improvident action of Korea, more especially in

the domain of her international concerns, has in the past been

the most fruitful source of complications. To permit the

present unsatisfactory condition of things to continue

unrestrained and unregulated would be to invite fresh

difficulties, and Japan believes that she owes it to herself

and to her desire for the general pacification of the extreme

East to take the steps necessary to put an end once for all to

this dangerous situation."

KOREA: A. D. 1904-1905.

Status of the Korean Empire under Japanese Control.

The Japanese View.

"After her quick entry into Seoul at the outbreak of the war,

Japan found herself precisely in the position which she had

long desired to establish. The plan of joint non-intervention

in Korean affairs as agreed upon between Japan and Russia in

1896 and 1898 [see, in Volume VI. of this work, Korea], which

had again and again resulted in competitive intervention, had

proved disastrous to the interest of Japan and of general

reform; but now Russia had abruptly withdrawn from Seoul, and

Japan found herself free to move alone. Thereupon she hastened

to impose upon the Korean Foreign Minister a treaty of

alliance [as above], on February 23, 1904, which laid the

foundation for all Japan’s subsequent conduct in the

peninsula. …

"An analysis and interpretation of the forces which the war

has set loose and which are bringing their inevitable

consequences would be highly instructive. Let us, however,

content ourselves here by pointing to the Korean clauses in

the three important documents concluded within the last two

years, in which the rapid development of the Korean problem is

easily traceable,—namely, the Korean-Japanese treaty of

alliance of February 23, 1904, the Russo-Japanese treaty of

peace signed on September 5, 1905 [see, in this Volume, JAPAN;

A. D. 1905 (June-October)], and the Anglo Japanese agreement

of alliance concluded on August 12 [see JAPAN: A. D. 1905

(August)], and published with Lord Lansdowne’s dispatch to the

British Ambassador at St. Petersburg on September 26, 1905. It

will be remembered that the first instrument at once placed

Korea under Japan’s military protection and administrative

guidance, and bound Japan to uphold Korea’s independence and

territorial integrity, including the safety of her Imperial

house. One will readily observe that two distinct points are

here involved. These two points the further progress of

events, some of which have already been described, seems to

have put so far apart, that in the treaty of Portsmouth

Japan’s preponderance over Korea was recognized by Russia,

while little was said of the independence of the peninsular

empire. It was even said that M. Witte insisted during the

discussion of the clause that Baron Komura should declare in

his proposed terms that Japan intended to make of Korea a

province of the Japanese Empire. This the Baron is reported to

have emphatically declined, presumably because he would not

consider the protection by Japan and the territorial integrity

of Korea incompatible with each other. The difference between

the theoretical and practical situation is, however, reflected

unmistakably in the Anglo-Japanese agreement, the third

article of which reads: ‘Japan possessing paramount political,

military, and economic interests in Korea, Great Britain

recognizes Japan’s right to take such measures for the

guidance, control and protection of Korea as she may deem

proper and necessary to safeguard and advance those interests,

providing the measures so taken are not contrary to the

principle of equal opportunities for the commerce and industry

of all nations.’ In other words, Japan is left free to control

Korea and then prevail upon the latter to open her door

equally wide to all nations, including Japan herself. After

specially dwelling on the substance of this article, Lord

Lansdowne says in his dispatch: ‘The treaty at this point

differs conspicuously from that of 1902. It has, however,

become evident that Korea, owing to its close proximity to the

Japanese Empire, and to its inability to stand alone, must

fall under the control and tutelage of Japan. His Majesty’s

Government observes with satisfaction that this point has been

readily conceded by Russia in the treaty of peace, and there

is every reason to believe that similar views are held by the

other Powers with regard to the relations which should subsist

between Japan and Korea.’ Thus are Korea’s alleged incapacity

of self-government and Japan’s need of control over the

peninsular affairs openly recognized by a third Power, and it

is taken for granted that no other Power will deny these

points. Such a declaration could not be made, it is admitted,

in 1902, when the first treaty of alliance was concluded, nor

perhaps even at the time when the Korean-Japanese protocol was

signed in February, 1904. Yet the doctrine of Korea’s

independence is still not theoretically contradictory with

this situation now recognized by the Russian and British

governments, nor has it become less effective than in the last

year, for, while the control by Japan has since been

tightened, Korea remains a separate empire with all the

sovereign rights of an independent State. Japan, speaking

technically, exercises a supervisory control and discharges

administrative functions entrusted to her care. The future

trend of affairs—whether the Korean independence will vanish

into a mere fiction as the Japanese control advances, or

whether under the latter the peninsular people will be trained

to an effective self-government—must largely be determined by

the mutual interaction of the complex factors, both Korean and

Japanese, public and private, conscious and unconscious, which

are steadily working out the destiny of the peninsula."

K. Asakawa,

Korea and Manchuria under the New Treaty

(Atlantic Monthly, November, 1905).

KOREA: A. D. 1905 (August).

New Agreement concerning Korea between Great Britain and Japan.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.

Japanese Control of Korean Affairs.

Under Prince Ito.

Attempted appeal of Korea to the Hague Conference of 1907.

Enforced abdication of the Emperor.

Elevation of his Son to the Throne.

Extensive and fierce Revolt rigorously fought down.

Retirement of Prince Ito.

Recent Measures.

As to the use made by the Japanese of the entireness of their

domination in Korea, as conceded to them in the treaties

referred to above, by the Government of Korea, primarily, and

by Great Britain and Russia, secondarily, in their recognition

and endorsement of the status thus established, there has been

much controversy since.

{368}

The Koreans themselves have been loud complainants of harsh

and oppressive exercises of Japanese power in their country,

and have found many sympathizers among the western peoples to

denounce their alleged wrongs. On the other hand, many foreign

visitors to Korea, after careful observation of conditions in

the country, have borne strong testimony in favor of the

Japanese conduct of Korean affairs. Professor George T. Ladd,

for example, of Yale University, is one of these witnesses

whose judgment has great weight. Having gone to Japan to give

a course of lectures there, Professor Ladd was asked by Prince

Ito, the Japanese Resident-General in Korea, to visit the

latter country as an observer, and lend counsel to the Prince

relative specially to some matters that touched American

missions. His subsequent book, entitled "In Korea with Prince

Ito," represents, beyond question, a careful and candid study

of conditions which he had the best of opportunities for

becoming rightly acquainted with. It does not approve or

justify everything that the Japanese dictators of Korean

administration were doing, but it represents the general

motive and intent of their undertakings to have been for the

improvement of the people and country whose affairs they had

taken into their hands. The same may be said of what has been

written of Korea since the Russo-Japanese war by Mr. George

Kennan, the experienced traveller in the East and student of

its peoples and their life.

The truth appears to be that the Japanese are using their

power in Korea as justly, as honestly, as rightly as the

English are using similar power in Egypt, as the Americans are

using it in the Philippine Islands, or as any people has ever

used the power to dictate government to another people. The

question of right and wrong in all such cases goes back of the

mode of using the overlordship, and is a question of the right

to hold it for any mode of use. That there was compulsion in

the procurement of the convention by which the Emperor of

Korea and his decadent Government surrendered themselves to

the dictatorial protection of Japan goes without saying. That

there is not a strong nation in the world to-day that would

not, in the same circumstances, have exercised the same

compulsion and wrung the same surrender, is just as

indisputable; but the political morality of the world is still

too undeveloped for that fact to be exonerating. It only

"sights" the political ethics of Japan along the level of our

Christendom, and finds her to be, at least, not below it.

Soon after the Convention of November 17, 1905 had been

signed, Marquis Ito, the Japanese Resident-General in Korea,

invited the newspaper editors in Seoul to a luncheon, at which

he addressed them, as reported at the time, partly in these

words:

"If the state of affairs in Korea be examined, it is found

that the relations between sovereign and subject, government

and governed, are of a very distant nature, and are by no

means so close as those in Japan. Hence it becomes inevitable

to adopt toward the Government measures of a more or less

compulsory nature. The people, however, are eminently peaceful

and quiet, and toward them, therefore, the policy pursued must

be one of gentle persuasion. Those are points which have to be

kept in view not merely by our officials, but also by all

Japanese subjects residing in Korea. Such Japanese subjects

must carefully refrain from all acts of violence to which

their country’s victories may prompt them, and must be guided

by a spirit of kindness in their dealings with the Koreans.

Already the United States representative in Seoul has received

instructions from his Government for the removal of the legation,

and it may be assumed that the other powers will similarly

recognize Japan’s convention. It will then be for Japan not to

forget the duties that heaven has delegated to her, but to

lead Korea gently and helpfully along the path of progress,

for assuredly anything like arbitrary or coercive conduct will

earn for Korea the sympathy of the nations, and will defeat

the true and abiding policy of Japan."

Discontent, complaint, resistance in Korea were inevitable,

whatever treatment the country in so helpless and humbled a

situation might receive. By a dexterous movement in 1907 it

compelled the world to take notice of its plight. The Emperor,

or his immediate entourage, succeeded by some means in fairly

smuggling out of the country a delegation commissioned to

claim a hearing before the Peace Conference at The Hague.

Their claim was effectually extinguished by the agreement of

1904, which turned over to Japan the whole management of the

foreign affairs of Korea; but the Korean situation was

discussed widely for a time. Nothing of benefit to the native

Korean Government, however, came from the event. The iron hand

of Japanese control was laid in heavier pressure on the feeble

court, at once. The nominal Korean Ministry was made to demand

and compel the abdication of the Emperor, on the ground that

he had endangered the national welfare by violation of the

treaty of August, 1904. His young son was crowned in his

stead, and Korea was required to submit to a new Agreement,

signed on the 24th of July, 1907, by which the

Resident-General "acquired initiative as well as consultatory

competence to enact and enforce laws and ordinances, to

appoint and remove Korean officials, and to place capable

Japanese subjects in the ranks of Korean officialdom." Special

provision was made for the separation of the Judiciary and the

Executive, so as to put an end, wrote an English

correspondent, "to the grievous corruption practised under a

system which invested provincial governors and district

magistrates with judicial functions, reducing the

administration of justice to a mere matter of favour or

interest." Under this new agreement the Resident-General

acquired authority sufficient to overcome obstruction, for it

pledged the Government of Korea to act under his guidance in

matters of administrative reform; not to enact any laws or

take any important measures without his previous assent; and

not to appoint or dismiss high officials without his

concurrence.

The attempt to carry an appeal to the Hague Conference was not

fortunate for Korea in the result. As a coup it was skilfully

executed, but can hardly be regarded as shrewd in the

planning. It was attributed, in both plan and execution, to an

American, Mr. Homer B. Hurlbert, who went to Korea as an

educator some years before, under an appointment by the

Government of the United States, on an official request from

Korea; who had acquired much influence there and was

strenuously a partisan of the Koreans, as against the

Japanese.

{369}

Publishing a small periodical, the Korean Review, Mr.

Hurlburt became an effective champion of their cause, publicly

as well as privately in the native counsels of the overlorded

empire. In the latter capacity he was pitted against another

American, Mr. Durham White Stevens, whose appointment by

Japanese selection, in 1904, to be adviser to the Korean

Foreign Office, is mentioned above. Originally in the service

of his own country, Mr. Stevens had then become official

adviser to the Japanese Legation at Washington, and passed

from that to the service in Korea. His fidelity to Japanese

interests centered on him the animosity of the rebellious

element in Korea, and he fell a victim to their hate.

The forcing of the old Emperor from the throne and the

exaction of a more direct and complete submission of Korea to

Japanese rule had provoked an extensive revolt. This was made

more serious by an acknowledged mistake committed by Prince

Ito, in disbanding the Korean army. A correspondent of the New

York Evening Post, who wrote from Tokyo on the 14th of

December, 1908, gave this account of the effect, and of the

dreadful suffering of the country from the conflict that

followed, in 1907-1908:

"The discharged soldiers, stung by the disgrace of dismissal

and the dishonor of forced submission to hated intruders,

quickly spread all over the country, stirring up their

compatriots to a fearless and often a fatal zeal against the

alien administration. The Japanese authorities forthwith set

about a vigorous suppression of the malcontents, even to the

extent of a merciless annihilation of life and a wholesale

destruction of property. … The rebel forces only waxed more

formidable, until by the approach of spring the insurgent

bands were so widely distributed and menacing that no Japanese

could safely venture beyond the confines of well-guarded towns

and cities.

"Accordingly the imperial authorities were driven to replace

their new policy of remaining on the defensive by the former

one of extermination, and no quarter. Last summer, therefore,

a well-organized campaign for completely wiping out the

insurrectionary forces was resolved upon and put into

execution. … A proclamation had previously been issued to the

effect that all Koreans affording food or shelter to the

insurgents, or in any way rendering assistance liable to

involve a charge of complicity, would be summarily dealt with;

while those who surrendered to the proper authorities would be

pardoned. The message placed the people between the devil and

the deep sea. If the natives refused assistance to the

insurgents, obedience would be required of them at the point

of the bayonet by their insulted fellow-patriots; while if

they were suspected of thus acquiescing, they perished at the

hands of the Japanese soldiery. Under the circumstances the

Koreans naturally chose rather to die serving their own people

than to suffer the same fate by resisting them."

A tragical incident of this fierce struggle was the

assassination of Mr. Durham White Stevens, while visiting the

United States. He had been marked for death by the Korean

insurgents, and was slain by their emissaries, in March, 1908,

soon after his landing in California.

The correspondent above quoted regarded the insurrection as

having spent its force at the time of his writing, December,

1908. Against the enormous destruction of life and property

which the suppression of it had cost, he proceeded to set a

brief summary of the simultaneous constructive and reformative

work which the Japanese had been carrying on. This was

described more broadly, however, a little later, by a writer

in the London Times, from whom we quote;

"The coasts have been lighted and buoyed; posts, telegraphs,

and, telephones have been provided; roads and railways have

been built; public buildings have been erected; various

industrial enterprises have been started, as printing,

brick-making, forestry, and coal-mining; model farms have been

laid out; the cultivation of cotton has been commenced and

promises to become a great industry; an industrial training

school has been built and equipped; an exposition has been

held in Seoul; sanitary works have been inaugurated; fine

hospitals and medical schools have been opened; an excellent

educational system modelled on that of Japan has been

organized; waterworks have been constructed in several towns;

and, last though not least, complete freedom of conscience has

replaced the old anti-Christian bigotry."

In June, 1909, the veteran statesman, Prince Ito, was relieved

of the trying office of Resident-General in Korea, and

succeeded by Viscount Sone, who had previously served with him

as Vice Resident-General. A Tokyo correspondent wrote of the

change:

"It was first planned to appoint Viscount Terauchi, minister

of war in the Japanese Cabinet, to the residency in Korea, but

Prince Ito objected, pointing out to the ministers that the

selection of Viscount Terauchi, a lieutenant-general, would be

considered as a triumph for the military regime and an

abandonment and disavowal of Prince Ito’s policy for the

peaceful development of Korea. As usual, Prince Ito’s advice

was accepted by his fellow statesmen, and Viscount Sone, who

received his training in Korea under the administration of

Prince Ito, was named to the post.

"A high officer said to-day that when the Korea residency was

created it was incumbent upon Japan to send her most able

statesman, Prince Ito, to fill the important post. He

formulated his policy of administration without interference,

and while some of the leading men of Japan were inclined to

doubt the wisdom of that policy they are now virtually

converted to his ideas, and it is generally believed that the

feeling of confidence and friendship for Japan can be created

among the Koreans and make the country doubly valuable."

Further changes in the administration of Korean affairs

attended this official change. They were reported to the

London Times by its Tokyo correspondent, July 18, as

follows:

"Japan has just taken some important steps in Korea, the

occasion chosen being the simultaneous presence of the

outgoing and the incoming Residents-General in Seoul. She has

made arrangements for the establishment of a central bank

under official auspices, and she has negotiated for the

abolition of the two Departments of War and Justice. … The

capital will be one million sterling in £10 shares, 30,000 of

which shares will be allotted to the Korean Government, the

remainder being offered for subscription in Korea and Japan.

… An important feature is that all the bank’s officers will

be nominated by the Japanese Government, though they may

include Korean subjects.

{370}

"This being a purely financial measure which falls naturally

into its place in the sequence of Japan’s protectorate

programme has not attracted any special attention. Not so,

however, the abolition of the Korean Department of Justice,

and its replacement by a bureau in the Residency-General. The

immediate effect of that change is to convert the Korean

Courts of law into branches of the Japanese tribunals of

justice. Korean laws will, of course, be administered—and

their revision and codification cannot be accomplished in a

moment—but all the occupants of the bench will be selected

and appointed by Japan, and if competent Koreans cannot be

found, or until they are educated, Japanese alone will be

nominated. Japan is to bear the charges of this arrangement—

namely, £50,000 annually. The innovation is not so radical as

it appears at first sight. Already the assistant Judges in the

principal Courts were Japanese subjects, so that what is now

done is to extend the system rather than to alter it. …

"These things may be regarded as a definite step towards the

reality of Japan’s control in Korea. There have been three

distinct stages in her attitude towards her neighbour: first,

the advisory stage; then the stage of subordinate

administration; and finally the stage of well-nigh effective

direction. The first stage was antecedent to the Convention of

November, 1906. During that period Japan limited herself to

tendering counsels which Korea adopted or rejected at will.

The second stage was marked by assumption of entire authority

in the realm of foreign affairs; entire authority in the

domain of communications; practically entire authority in

military and police affairs, and vicarious authority in the

Departments of State by means of Vice-Ministers, in the field

of justice by the agency of assistant judges, and in

provincial administration by means of secretaries who ranked

as assistant-governors. The third stage has just been

inaugurated; military control has been made complete; judicial

control has been made complete, and financial control has been

made well-nigh complete. Very little remains to be done."

----------KOREA: End--------

KOSSUTH, Ferencz:

Leader of the Independence Party in Hungary.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903; 1904;

1905-1906; 1908-1909.

KRATZ, Charles:

Municipal "Boodler" of St. Louis.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

KRONSTADT:

Revolutionary Disturbances.

The treachery that defeated the Rising of 1906.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER), and

1906 (AUGUST).

KUANG-HSU: Emperor of China.

His death.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

KUENSAN HILL, CAPTURE OF.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

KULTURKAMPF, The.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: PRUSSIA; A. D. 1904.

KURINO: JAPANESE MINISTER AT ST. PETERSBURG.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

KUROKI, General.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.

KUROPATKIN, General:

In the Russo-Japanese War.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.

KUYPER, REVEREND DR. ABRAHAM.

See (in this Volume)

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.

L.

LABOR EXCHANGES ACT, British.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: ENGLAND.

----------LABOR ORGANIZATION: Start--------

Trade Unions

Labor Parties

Strikes

Lockouts

Mediations

Arbitrations

Industrial Agreements

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Australia: A. D. 1886-1906.

The Rise of the Labor Party.

Its rigorous organization.

Some account of the part played in Australian politics by the

Labor Party is given elsewhere.

See, in this Volume,

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904, and after.

The circumstances of the rise and growth of the party are

related briefly and the rigorousness of its organization is

described in the following:

"To trace the origin of the movement we must go back to the

fall of prices which began about 1886, to the succeeding lean

years 1886-1892, and the miseries of the consequent period of

unsuccessful strikes. The strikers and their working-class

sympathizers were taunted with appealing to brute force, and

recommended to depend rather upon constitutional political

methods for the redress of grievances. The workingmen took the

advice and bettered it. The trades unions devoted a portion of

their funds and much of their energy to political propaganda.

First in New South Wales, later in all the colonies and in

many widely separated districts, labor leagues were organized

which sketched out a policy and laid down a pledge which all

candidates supported by the leagues must sign. These formed

the nucleus of a new and independent political party which

gave their votes to either Liberal or Conservative

indifferently, regardless of which was in office, in return

for legislative concessions from either. The new party

springing thus almost simultaneously to life all over the

continent was at first regarded as a pathetic joke. They were

few in numbers, uneducated, inexperienced in affairs of state,

and had opposed to them all the wealth and the legal

astuteness in every chamber where they held seats. But they

were determined, united, and, with rare exceptions,

self-sacrificing. They were mutually bound not to take office

except with the consent of their fellow-laborites, so that

they were labeled from the first as ‘Not for sale.’ And from

their point of view the plan has succeeded.

{371}

"Friend and foe alike pay tribute to the magnificent

organization and discipline of the movement, and to the

personal disinterestedness of the leaders. A great economy of

effort is assured by having a platform and organization

practically identical for the Federal, State and municipal

elections, and for general propaganda work, and consequently

being able to utilize the same bodies—the local political

labor leagues—and the same workers for what seems to them

social righteousness, whether in national, State, or municipal

concerns. The Labor party was born of trades-unionism, and its

whole administration has been based on trades union methods.

The political labor leagues were at first composed of

trades-unionists, and are still closely in touch with trades

unions. These are the bodies who vote for the selection of

candidates for all elections and for delegates to the annual

and triennial State and Federal conferences of the party. The

Labor party in Parliament may be the controlling force, but no

other party in Australia has to carry out the behests of its

constituents as does this.

"We now come to the pledge and the caucus. The pledge, which

was first drafted by the New South Wales Labor Conference in

1895, reads as follows: ‘I hereby pledge myself not to oppose

the candidate selected by the recognized political Labour

organisation, and, if elected, to do my utmost to carry out

the principles—embodied in the Federal Labour Platform, and on

all questions affecting the Platform to vote as a majority of

the Parliamentary Party may decide at a duly constituted

caucus meeting.’

"As the pledge binds all members to carry out the general

principles of a platform decided for him by the united labor

vote of Australia, so each man has his vote in the legislature

decided for him beforehand on all details of that policy by

the caucus vote of his party in the legislature, before or

during the course of debate. The advocates of the system say

that this is the only way in which any consistent policy can

be carried out to a successful end. Opponents assert that in

it we have the germs of machine politics, and that labor may

by and by pay dearly for its present victory. The large amount

of direct representation in Australia, and the increasing

probabilities of the initiative and referendum being more

largely used, may check this tendency."

Alice Henry,

The Australian Labor Movement

(The Outlook, November 3, 1906).

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1905-1909.

Failures of the Compulsory Arbitration Law.

In this Volume, under the heading—AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906,—

an instance of failure in the operation of the compulsory

Arbitration Law to arrest a strike of coal miners in New South

Wales is recorded. The failure was repeated in the same field

in the fall of 1909, when 12,000 miners of the Newcastle and

Maitland collieries of New South Wales stopped work. "The

men," it was reported, "demand an open conference to deal with

the principal grievances, with resort, in the event of

failure, to the Federal Arbitration Court or a special

commission. The owners, on the other hand, insist on a

conference with closed doors and the settlement of undecided

questions under the State Industrial Act. They further want

work to be resumed simultaneously with the opening of the

conference. The men, however, refuse to hew coal until their

grievances have been settled, but offer to carry on during the

conference all work necessary to keep the mines in working

order."

The correspondent who reported this went on to say:

"The public seems to be without a remedy against the strikers,

since it is impossible to imprison the whole mass, and the

imprisonment of the leaders would mean a general strike. In

addition the only available labour for colliery purposes is

controlled by the trade unions."

Evidently, however, the law was vindicated in the end, since a

report from Sydney on the 29th of December, made known that 13

officials of the miners’ union had been fined £100 each, with

two months hard labor in default.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Austria: A. D. 1902.

During a strike of about 6500 men in various employments at

Trieste, in February, 1902, there were conflicts with the

military in which about 40 were killed and wounded. The demand

was for an eight hours day, and it was conceded in the end,

after an arbitration which decided in their favor. In the

following August serious labor disturbances occurred in

Galicia, where the peasants claimed better wages, and troops

had to be sent to the region to restore order.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Belgium: A. D. 1902.

General Strike of Workmen as Protest against

the Plural Suffrage.

See (in this Volume)

BELGIUM: A. D. 1902.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1903.

Compensation for Injuries to Workmen.

After months of debate an Act prescribing compensation for

accidents injurious to workmen was passed, attempts to attach

to it the principle of compulsory insurance having failed.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Canada: A. D. 1907-1908.

The Act known as "The Industrial Disputes

Investigation Act."

Its main provisions.

Its object, not Compulsory Arbitration, but the

Compulsory Attempting of Arbitration.

General success of the Act.

Failure to prevent Canadian Pacific Railway Strike.

In the judgment of many who give thought and study to labor

questions, the most promising experiment yet made in

legislation for dealing with disputes between employers and

workmen is the Canadian Act of March, 1907, entitled "An Act

to aid in the Prevention and Settlement of Strikes and

Lockouts in Mines and Industries connected with Public

Utilities." The essence of the Act is in its 56th to 61st

sections, which read as follows:

"56.

It shall be unlawful for any employer to declare or cause a

lockout, or for any employee to go on strike, on account of

any dispute prior to or during a reference of such dispute to

a Board of Conciliation and Investigation under the provisions

of this Act, or prior to or during a reference under the

provisions concerning railway disputes in the Conciliation and

Labour Act: Provided that nothing in this Act shall prohibit

the suspension or discontinuance of any industry or of the

working of any persons therein for any cause not constituting

a lockout or strike: Provided also that, except where the

parties have entered into an agreement under section 62 of

this Act, nothing in this Act shall be held to restrain any

employer from declaring a lockout, or any employee from going

on strike in respect of any dispute which has been duly

referred to a Board and which has been dealt with under

section 24 or 25 of this Act, or in respect of any dispute

which has been the subject of a reference under the provisions

concerning railway disputes in the Conciliation and Labour

Act.

{372}

"57.

Employers and employees shall give at least thirty days’

notice of an intended change affecting conditions of

employment with respect to wages or hours; and in every case

where a dispute has been referred to a Board, until the

dispute has been finally dealt with by the Board, neither of

the parties nor the employees affected shall alter the

conditions of employment with respect to wages or hours, or on

account of the dispute do or be concerned in doing, directly

or indirectly, anything in the nature of a lockout or strike,

or a suspension or discontinuance of employment or work, but

the relationship of employer and employee shall continue

uninterrupted by the dispute, or anything arising out of the

dispute; but if, in the opinion of the Board, either party

uses this or any other provision of this Act for the purpose

of unjustly maintaining a given condition of affairs through

delay, and the Board so reports to the Minister, such party

shall be guilty of an offence, and liable to the same

penalties as are imposed for a violation of the next preceding

section.

"58.

Any employer declaring or causing a lockout contrary to the

provisions of this Act, shall be liable to a fine of not less

than one hundred dollars, nor more than one thousand dollars,

for each day or part of a day that such lockout exists.

"59.

Any employee who goes on strike contrary to the provisions of

this Act shall be liable to a fine of not less than ten

dollars, nor more than fifty dollars, for each day or part of

a day that such employee is on strike.

"60.

Any person who incites, encourages or aids in any manner any

employer to declare or continue a lockout, or any employee to

go or continue on strike contrary to the provisions of this

Act, shall be guilty of an offence and liable to a fine of not

less than fifty dollars nor more than one thousand dollars.

"61.

The procedure for enforcing penalties imposed or authorized to

be imposed by this Act shall be that prescribed by Part XV. of

the Criminal Code relating to summary convictions."

A sufficient understanding of the practical operation of the

Act may be derived from the following prescriptive sections:

"5.

Wherever any dispute exists between an employer and any of his

employees, and the parties thereto are unable to adjust it,

either of the parties to the dispute may make application to

the Minister for the appointment of a Board of Conciliation and

Investigation, to which Board the dispute maybe referred under

the provisions of this Act: Provided, however, that, in the

case of a dispute between a railway company and its employees,

such dispute may be referred, for the purpose of conciliation

and investigation, under the provisions concerning railway

disputes in the Conciliation and Labour Act.

"6.

Whenever, under this Act, an application is made in due form

for the appointment of a Board of Conciliation and

Investigation, and such application does not relate to a

dispute which is the subject of a reference under the

provisions concerning railway disputes in the Conciliation and

Labour Act, the Minister, whose decision for such purpose

shall be final, shall, within fifteen days from the date at

which the application is received, establish such Board under

his hand and seal of office, if satisfied that the provisions

of this Act apply.

"7.

Every Board shall consist of three members who shall be

appointed by the Minister. Of the three members of the Board

one shall be appointed on the recommendation of the employer

and one on the recommendation of the employees (the parties to

the dispute), and the third on the recommendation of the

members so chosen."

"11.

No person shall act as a member of the Board who has any

direct pecuniary interest in the issue of a dispute referred

to such Board."

"23.

In every case where a dispute is duly referred to a Board it

shall be the duty of the Board to endeavour to bring about a

settlement of the dispute, and to this end the Board shall, in

such manner as it thinks fit, expeditiously and carefully

inquire into the dispute and all matters affecting the merits

thereof and the right settlement thereof. In the course of

such inquiry the Board may make all such suggestions and do

all such things as it deems right and proper for inducing the

parties to come to a fair and amicable settlement of the

dispute, and may adjourn the proceedings for any period the

Board thinks reasonable to allow the parties to agree upon

terms of settlement.

"24.

If a settlement of the dispute is arrived at by the parties

during the course of its reference to the Board, a memorandum

of the settlement shall be drawn up by the Board and signed by

the parties, and shall, if the parties so agree, be binding as

if made a recommendation by the Board under section 62 of this

Act, and a copy thereof with a report upon the proceedings

shall be forwarded to the Minister.

"25.

If a settlement of the dispute is not arrived at during the

course of its reference to the Board, the Board shall make a

full report, thereon to the Minister, which report shall set

forth the various proceedings and steps taken by the Board for

the purpose of fully and carefully ascertaining all the facts

and circumstances, and shall also set forth such facts and

circumstances, and its findings therefrom, including the cause

of the dispute and the Board’s recommendation for the

settlement of the dispute according to the merits and

substantial justice of the case.

"26.

The Board’s recommendation shall deal with each item of the

dispute and shall state in plain terms, and avoiding as far as

possible all technicalities, what in the Board’s opinion ought

or ought not to be done by the respective parties concerned.

Wherever it appears to the Board expedient so to do, its

recommendation shall also state the period during which the

proposed settlement should continue in force, and the date

from which it should commence."

"28.

Upon receipt of the Board’s report the Minister shall

forthwith cause the report to be filed in the office of the

Registrar and a copy thereof to be sent free of charge to the

parties to the dispute and to the representative of any

newspaper published in Canada who applies therefor, and the

Minister may distribute copies of the report, and of any

minority report, in such manner as to him seems most desirable

as a means of securing compliance with the Board’s

recommendation."

{373}

The fundamental object of the law, as will be seen, is not to

compel arbitration, but to compel an attempt at arbitration,

before any strike or lockout is permitted, and to give

authentic and full publicity to all the circumstances which

can justify or condemn a strike or lockout, if one occurs. So

far in the experience of Canada with this wise enactment it

has generally been successful in bringing about a peaceful

settlement of labor disputes. It failed in the case of a

disagreement between the Canadian Pacific Railway Company and

its mechanical employés, which arose in April, 1908, when the

Company served notice of a reduction of wages to one class of

boiler-makers, and of an increase in the proportion of

apprentices to be employed in its shops, together with some

changes of rules concerning machine tools, etc. The men

applied for the appointment of a Conciliation Board, in

accordance with the law, but were not satisfied with the

conclusions reported by a majority of the Board, and struck,

as the law then permitted them to do. The strike was weakened

by the unfavorable public opinion which the investigation

produced.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: England: A. D. 1892-1901.

A Statistical Study of Ten Years of Trade Disputes.

The following is the concluding summary of an elaborate

statistical study of Strikes and Lockouts in England during

the ten years from 1892 to 1901, made by an eminent

statistician, Mr. J. H. Schooling:

"To sum up the chief practical points that seem to have come

out of this examination of trade disputes during 1892-1901,

these are:

"(a)

An improvement during 1897-1901 as compared with 1892-1896.

"(b)

An altogether undue predominance of the Mining and Quarrying

Trades in trade disputes, not only actually, but also

relatively to the industrial population of each group of

trades compared. This is a most unsatisfactory feature, for

the reason that so many other trades depend upon

non-interruption of coal mining for their successful working.

Therefore, efforts to prevent disputes should be specially

directed to the Mining and Quarrying Trades.

"(c)

Nearly two-thirds of all trade disputes are caused by disputes

about wages, and nearly one-half of all trade disputes are

caused by a demand by workpeople for ‘an increase of wages.’

Only 6 per cent. of all disputes are caused by resistance

‘against decrease of wages.’ …

"(d)

Trade Unionism is not so productive of strikes as it is

commonly supposed to be.

"(e)

Conciliation Boards, etc., do not cause the settlement of many

disputes after the dispute has commenced. Their work is in the

direction of preventing strikes and lock-outs. That this work

is effective and that it should be zealously promoted is

evidenced by the fact that in 1901, 75 per cent. of all

changes in wages and in hours of labour were arranged by

sliding scales, wages boards, or by other peaceful methods,

while only 2 per cent. of these changes followed upon strikes

or lock-outs.

"(f)

The respective chances of success by workpeople or by

employers when a trade dispute is entered upon are, in round

numbers:

150 chances for the employers; and

100 chances for the workpeople.

"In addition to this relatively small chance of success by

workpeople when they strike, the cost to them and to their

trade organisations is relatively greater than the cost to

employers."

J. H. Schooling,

Strikes and Lock-outs, 1892-1901

(Fortnightly Review, May, 1904).

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1900-1906.

The Taff Vale Decision.

Trades Unions made liable for Damages.

Resulting amendment of the English Law.

In the summer of 1900 a strike of employés of the Taff Vale

Railway Company occurred, which lasted only a fortnight or

thereabouts, but had large and important consequences. During

the strike the Company applied for an injunction to restrain

two officers of the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants

from interfering as such with the affairs of the road. The

Society opposed the application, on the ground that it was not

a corporation or an individual and could not be sued. Justice

Farwell, before whom the case came, held that a trade union

was a corporate body, responsible for illegal acts committed

by its officers. This decision was a serious menace to the

unions generally, and they cooperated extensively with the

Amalgamated Society in carrying an appeal to the higher

courts. The case was argued in the Court of Appeals in

November, 1900, and the justices of that court reversed the

decision of Justice Farwell. The plaintiff in the suit, the

Railway Company, then carried it to the tribunal of last

resort, the House of Lords, and there, in July, 1902, the

judgment of the Court of Appeals was set aside and that of

Justice Farwell was sustained, making it the law of Great

Britain, that a trade union is a legal entity, capable of

suing and being sued. On this decision the Taff Vale Railway

Company brought suit against the Amalgamated Society for

damages, and obtained a verdict on the 20th of December which

awarded the Company £28,000.

A strenuous endeavor to overcome the effect of the decision

rendered by the House of Lords, through amendatory

legislation, was begun by the Labor Party, with strong

sympathy among the Liberals, and it had success. An Act (which

became law on the 21st of December, 1906) "to provide for the

regulation of Trades Unions and Trade Disputes," added the

following "as a new paragraph after the first paragraph of

section three of the Conspiracy and Protection of Property

Act, 1875":

"An act done in pursuance of an agreement or combination by

two or more persons shall, if done in contemplation or

furtherance of a trade dispute, not be actionable unless the

act, if done without any such agreement or combination, would

be actionable."

Further provisions of the new Act were as follows:

"2.

It shall be lawful for one or more persons, acting on their

own behalf or on behalf of a trade union or of an individual

employer or firm in contemplation or furtherance of a trade

dispute, to attend at or near a house or place where a person

resides or works or carries on business or happens to be, if

they so attend merely for the purpose of peacefully obtaining

or communicating information, or of peacefully persuading any

person to work or abstain from working. …

{374}

"3.

An act done by a person in contemplation or furtherance of a

trade dispute shall not be actionable on the ground only that

it induces some other person to break a contract of employment

or that it is an interference with the trade, business, or

employment of some other person, or with the right of some

other person to dispose of his capital or his labour as he

wills.

"4.

(1) An action against a trade union, whether of workmen or

masters, or against any members or officials thereof on behalf

of themselves and all other members of the trade union in

respect of any tortious act alleged to have been committed by

or on behalf of the trade union, shall not be entertained by

any court.

(2) Nothing in this section shall affect the liability of the

trustees of a trade union to be sued in the events provided

for by the Trades Union Act, 1871, section nine, except in

respect of any tortious act committed by or on behalf of the

union in contemplation or in furtherance of a trade dispute.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1903.

Political effect of the Taff Vale Decision of the

House of Lords, stimulating the growth of the Labor Party.

The Taff Vale Decision rendered by the House of Lords gave an

immediate great impetus to the growth and the independence of

the Labor Party, pledged by a resolution adopted at a "Labor

Representation Conference" held in February, 1903, to insist

that Labor candidates and Labor Members of Parliament when

elected should "strictly abstain from identifying themselves

with the interests of any section of the Liberal or

Conservative parties," holding themselves free to act solely

for the purpose of "securing the social and economic

requirements of the industrial classes." The same conference

took action for the creation of a fund for the payment of

Labor Members of Parliament and for assisting in the payment

of election expenses. The effects of the movement were soon

felt in Parliamentary elections.

See (in this Volume),

SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1906 (March).

Report of Royal Commission on Labor Disputes.

A Royal Commission on Labor Disputes, appointed in England in

1903, submitted its report in March, 1906. The trades unions

had declined to take part in its investigations, though their

interests were represented on the Commission by one of the

ablest and staunchest champions of the rights of labor, Sidney

Webb. Coal mine owners were represented by one member; the

remaining three members were Lord Dunedin, President of the

Court of Session, Sir Godfrey Lushington, formerly of the Home

Office, and an eminent lawyer of Liberal politics, Arthur

Cohen. The most important recommendation of the Commission was

that "an agreement or combination by two or more persons to do

or procure to be done any act in contemplation or furtherance

of a trade dispute shall not be the ground of a civil action,

unless the agreement or combination is indictable as a

conspiracy, notwithstanding the terms of the ‘Conspiracy and

Protection of Property Act of 1875.’" The Act of 1875 had so

modified the old conspiracy law that no combination to do what

would not be punishable by imprisonment if done by a single

person could be made the subject of a criminal proceeding. The

Commission now advised an extension of the same rule to civil

actions. But, by unanimous agreement the Commission approved

the decision rendered by the House of Lords in the Taff Vale

case (see above), which took away from trades unions in Great

Britain the immunity from being sued which they had formerly

enjoyed. As to the right of "picketing," in the prosecution of

a labor strike, the Commission would have it limited only to

prevent coercion by menace or intimidation in the performance.

It recommended punishment for a workman who "acts in such a

manner as to cause a reasonable apprehension in the mind of

any person that violence will be used to him or to his wife or

family, or damage be done to his property."

In the judgment of the Commission the incorporation of trades

unions is much to be desired. These are the main conclusions

to which it was led by its long study of the subject of

industrial disputes.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1907-1909.

Excellent Settlement of a threatened Railway Strike.

Adopted System of Conciliation and Arbitration Boards.

A general railway strike in Great Britain was threatened very

seriously in the autumn of 1907, when the Amalgamated Society

of Railway Servants, ably led by its Secretary, Mr. Richard

Bell, who is a Member of Parliament, presented demands to the

companies which the latter would not yield to. Mr. David

Lloyd-George, the then President of the Board of Trade—which

is a department of the National Government—undertook to

negotiate a peaceable settlement of the dispute, and

accomplished it with remarkable success. The outcome of his

skilful diplomacy was the acceptance, November 6, 1907, by

both companies and men of a comprehensive scheme for

conciliation and arbitration, which provided for the formation

of boards for each railway, consisting of representatives of

the company and of the men, to consider thereafter any

question relating to rates of wages and hours of duty. The

scheme further provided that questions which these boards were

unable to settle were to be referred to a single arbitrator.

The London and North-Western was the first railway company to

complete its arrangements in connection with the scheme, and

demands from most of the grades concerned in the working of

traffic, numbering about 39,000 men, were considered by the

newly-formed conciliation boards. The principal grades

concerned were: Engine drivers, firemen and cleaners;

signalmen; brakesmen and shunters; passenger guards and

platform porters; carriage cleaners, wagon examiners and

greasers; permanent way men; goods staff; cartage staff.

As agreement in the London and North-Western case was found

impossible, reference was made to arbitration, and Sir Edward

Fry was chosen to be arbitrator. He gave hearings on the

questions in controversy in December, 1908, and his award was

announced in the February following. He decided that the

railway company had made good its contention that it could not

pay an "all round advance" in wages of two shillings per week,

which had been the demand for all grades in the service.

{375}

He allowed, in fact, few increases in wages; but awarded, on

the contrary, some reductions in wage which the company

claimed. On other points, concerning the pay for overtime,

etc., his award was to the satisfaction of the railway

employés. On the whole, it seems to have ended the dispute

with considerable satisfaction all round. On this first

decision under the new arrangement for settling disputes, Mr.

Bell expressed himself as "very pleased to find that a great

many of the concessions asked for have been embodied by the

arbitrator in his award. We have got," said he, "rate and a

quarter for overtime for all classes uniformly. We have got

rate and a quarter for Sunday duty for signal men, as well as

other grades who have hitherto not been paid extra rates. We

have got payment for Sunday labour for the passenger staff

—men who were formerly not paid for Sunday duty; we have

established the principle that men doing the work of a higher

grade for more than one day shall be paid at the rate of the

higher grade. That is the principle we have been fighting for

for several years, and it will mean many shillings per week to

thousands of men. A very important item of the award is the

decision that no alteration shall be made in the shape of

increased hours or reduced wages in regard to men whose claims

were submitted to the arbitrator, but whose conditions have

not been altered by the award. We have always, hitherto, had

to complain about companies ‘cutting,’ but the London and

North-Western cannot do it here."

Mr. Bell mentioned that several other similar claims against

other companies were going to arbitration, but while he

thought that Sir Edward Fry’s decisions might have some

influence upon future conferences, he pointed out that other

arbitrators will possibly refuse to accept any lead, but

decide matters entirely upon their own views after dealing

with the particular cases.

A general report to the Board of Trade, on the working of the

Railway Conciliation Boards, under the agreement of November

6, 1907, was published in March, 1909, as a Blue Book, from

which the following is taken:

"The agreement was signed initially on behalf of 11 of the

principal railway companies, but adhesion to its terms was

afterwards signified, subject in the case of the Scottish

companies to modifications of certain clauses upon matters of

detail, by 35 other companies, making a total of 46 railway

companies that have adopted the arrangements proposed by the

Department for avoiding the serious results that would attend

a cessation of labour on railways. The assenting companies

include nearly all those having as many as 200 employés   in their service, and in fact the only companies that have not

adopted the scheme are small companies for which the formation

of conciliation boards was not thought to be required, and a

few of the larger companies to whose lines the provisions of

the agreement were for special reasons unsuitable. …

"For the 46 railways dealt with under the scheme, the number

of boards to be formed, apart from the central conciliation

boards, was 169, and the total number of representatives to be

elected on such boards was 877. On 44 of the railways there

was provision for a central board in addition to the sectional

boards, thus making a total of 213 conciliation boards to be

formed altogether under the scheme. … Eight hundred and fifty

representatives of employés were to be elected in these

416 elections, and for these places the total number of

candidates nominated was 1,608.

"The total number of employés eligible to vote upon the

various railways coming within the scheme is estimated at a

little over 270,000. After allowing for cases where the

representatives were returned unopposed, it is found that

where voting papers have actually been issued, over 77 per

cent. of the employés eligible have availed themselves

of the franchise."

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1908.

"A Notable Labor Treaty."

The Shipbuilding Agreement between Employers and

Trade Unions to avert Strikes and Lockouts.

In the early part of 1908 the woodworkers in the shipbuilding

yards of the north of England went on strike against a

reduction in wages, which was equivalent to one that the

ironworkers in all the British shipyards and the woodworkers

in the Scotch yards had accepted. The Federation of

Shipbuilding Employers then notified a national lockout unless

the strikers resumed work pending the adjustment of the

dispute by conference. For some time past there had been

negotiations on foot between the federated employers and

certain of the other shipbuilding labor unions, aiming at the

conclusion of a permanent working agreement for the prevention

of strikes. The woodworkers were now brought into this

negotiation, and after a long threshing out of disputes, in a

joint committee of representatives from twenty-six trade

unions and from the employers’ federation a "Memorandum of

Agreement" was produced which all signed on the 16th of

December, 1908, and which the London Times, making it

public on the 11th of January, characterised rightly as "A

Notable Labor Treaty." The provisions of this industrial

agreement seem to be of so much historical importance that we

give the important sections entire:

"I.—GENERAL FLUCTUATIONS IN WAGES.

"(1) Changes in wages due to the general conditions of the

shipbuilding industry shall be termed general fluctuations.

Such general fluctuations in wages shall apply to all the

trades comprised in this agreement and in every federated firm

at the same time and to the same extent. Differences in rates

of wages in any trade in different districts can be dealt with

as heretofore under clause II., section 3.

"(2) In the case of all such general fluctuations the

following provisions and procedure shall apply, viz.:

(a) No step toward an alteration in wages can be

taken until after the lapse of six calendar months from the

date of the previous general fluctuation.

(b) Before an application for an alteration can be

made, there shall be a preliminary conference between the

federation and the unions, in order to discuss the position

generally. Such conference shall be held within 14 days of

the request for the same,

(c) No application for an alteration shall be

competent until the foregoing preliminary conference has

been held, and no alteration shall take effect within six

weeks of the date of the applications.

(d) The application fora proposed alteration shall

be made as follows: The federation to the unions parties to

this agreement; or the said unions to the federations,

(e) Within 14 days after the receipt of an

application the parties shall meet in conference.

(f) The conference may be adjourned by mutual

agreement, such adjourned conference to be held within 14

days thereafter.

(g) Any general fluctuation in trademen’s rates

shall be of the following fixed amount, viz.:—Piecework

rates, 5%; and Time rates 1 /- per week [sic], or ¼d. per

hour where payment is made by the hour.

{376}

"II.

QUESTIONS OTHER THAN GENERAL FLUCTUATIONS IN WAGES.

"(1) When any question is raised by or on behalf of either an

employer or employers, or of a workman or workmen, the

following procedure shall be observed, viz.:—

(a) A workman or deputation of workmen shall be

received by their employers in the yard or at the place

where a question has arisen, by appointment, for the mutual

discussion of any question in the settlement of which both

parties are directly concerned; and failing arrangement, a

further endeavour may, if desired, be then made to

negotiate a settlement by a meeting between the employer,

with or without an official of the local association, on

the one hand, and the official delegate, or other official

of the workmen concerned, with or without the workman or

workmen directly concerned, as deemed necessary.

( b ) Failing settlement the question shall be

referred to a joint committee consisting of three employers

and three representatives of the union or of each of the

unions directly concerned, none of whom shall be connected

with the yard or dock where the dispute has arisen,

(c) Failing settlement under subsection (b),

the question shall be brought before the employers’ local

association and the responsible local representatives of

the union or unions directly concerned in local conference.

(d) Failing settlement at local conference, it shall

be competent for either party to refer the question to a

central conference to be held between the executive board

of the federation and representatives of the union or

unions directly concerned, such representatives to have

executive power.

"(2) If the question is in its nature a general one affecting

more than yard or dock, it shall be competent to raise it

direct in local conference, or if it is general and affecting

the federated firms or workmen in more than one district, it

shall be competent to raise it direct in central conference

without in either case going through the prior procedure above

provided for.

"(3) The questions hereby covered shall extend to all

questions relating to wages, including district alterations in

wages and other matters in the shipbuilding and ship repairing

trade, which may give rise to disputes.

"III.—GRAND CONFERENCE.

"In the event of failure to settle any question in central

conference under clause II., section 1, subsection (d),

either party desirous to have such question further considered

shall prior to any stoppage of work refer same for final

settlement to a grand conference to be held between the

federation and all the unions parties to this agreement. A

conference may by mutual agreement be adjourned. On any

occasion when a settlement has not been reached, the

conference must be adjourned to a date not earlier than 14

days nor later than one month from the date of such

conference. …

"VI.—GENERAL PROVISIONS.

"At all meetings and conferences the representatives of both

sides shall have full powers to settle, but it shall be in

their discretion whether or not they conclude a settlement.

"In the event of any stoppage of work occurring in any

federated yard or federated district either in contravention

of the foregoing or after the procedure laid down has been

exhausted, entire freedom of action is hereby reserved to the

federation, and any federated association, and to the unions

concerned, notwithstanding the provisions of this agreement.

The suspension of the agreement shall be limited to such

particular stoppage, and the agreement in all other respects

shall continue in force.

"Pending settlement of any question other than questions of

wages, hours, and piece prices (the last-named of which is

provided for above), two or three employers not connected with

the yard where the question has arisen shall give a temporary

decision, but such decision shall be without prejudice to

either party, and shall not be adduced in evidence in the

ultimate settlement of the question.

"The expression ‘employer’ throughout this agreement shall

include an employer’s accredited representative.

"Until the whole procedure of this agreement applying to the

question at issue has been carried through there shall be no

stoppage or interruption of work either of a partial or of a

general character.

"VII.—DURATION OF AGREEMENT.

"This agreement shall continue in force for three years, and

shall thereafter be subject to six months’ notice in writing

on either side, said notice not to be competent until the

three years have elapsed."

Signed by the President of the Shipbuilding Employers

Federation and by seven representatives of the Trades Unions.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1909.

Educational Demands of the Trade Unions.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: ENGLAND.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1909.

Trade Unions forbidden to pay Members of Parliament.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (JULY-DECEMBER).

LABOR ORGANIZATION: France: A. D. 1884-1909.

Organized Labor in the French Republic.

The Syndicats and Syndicalism.

A Trade Union version of Socialism.

The Confédération Générale du Travail,

and the idea of a general strike.

Its revolutionary implication.

The strike of government employés in the French telegraph and

postal service, begun in March, 1909, and which was recognized

instantly as a most alarmingly revolutionary movement, roused

inquiry everywhere concerning the form and character that

labor organization in France has taken on. The London

Times gave elaborate satisfaction to this inquiry by a

series of five articles, published in April, by a writer whose

evident knowledge of the subject was complete. The statements

here following are condensed from that source:

{377}

The organization of labor in France differs in important

respects from that in Great Britain and the United States.

"The French term for trade unions is syndicats, or, more

correctly, syndicats professionnels; but the two terms

are not equivalent or synonymous. For, whereas the word 'trade

union’ is applied only to combinations of persons employed,

the syndicats include also combinations of employers and of

both together." The employers’ associations are called

syndicats patronaux. "A trade union is a combination of

persons engaged in the same trade without any reference to

locality; they may be and generally are widely distributed in

many places; the bond is the trade, not the locality; hence

the use of the singular number. There is another kind of

combination formed by several trades in the same locality and

called a trades council; the bond is the locality, not the

trade. Both forms of organization exist in France; the trade

union is called syndicat ouvrier, and the trades

council bourse du travail. … Both play a part in the

movement, and, though in the aggregate they are composed of

the same individuals, their policy and interests are not

always or necessarily identical. Both are further combined

into federations.

"The effective development of trade unionism in France only

dates from 1884, when the law authorizing the formation of

syndicats professionels was passed." Unions had existed

before, but under difficulties, without sanction of law. "The

peculiarity of the struggle for the right of combination in

France was that the necessity remained under numerous changes

and diverse forms of government … and that the democratic

State was not less but rather more oppressive than the others.

… It was the National Assembly, travailing with the

Revolution, which, in the sacred name of liberty and the

rights of man, forbade the citizens to form trade

organizations by the law of 1791; and for nearly 100 years

this ban remained through all the subsequent changes,

sometimes fortified, sometimes relaxed, but never removed."

The law of 1791 was relaxed under Napoleon III., but the

severity of it was renewed by the Government of the Third

Republic, down to 1884. In that year, according to official

returns, there existed but 68 regularly constituted unions in

France. By 1890 the number had increased to 1006, with a

membership of 139,692. In 1908 the reported number of unions

was 5524, and their membership 957,102. "The aggregate is as

yet comparatively small, and, numerically, trade unionism is

still relatively weak in France; but the example of Germany

shows how rapidly this movement may increase in strength.

According to the occupational census of 1901 the number of

persons in France who might be enrolled in trade unions was

approximately 9,000,000; and the numbers would not be

substantially higher now, so that the official returns show

roughly about 10 per cent. organized. … With regard to

organization by industries the largest number of trade

unionists belonged in 1907 to the following groups:

Transport,                 260,869;

metal industries,          103,835;

textiles,                   78,854;

building trades,            66,678;

miners,                     64,194;

agriculture and forestry,   51,407;

food and drink,             48,353.

But trade union strength depends, for economic purposes, more

upon the proportion of workers organized in a given trade than

upon the actual number. From this point of view the strongest

groups are, with the percentage of workers organized, as

follows:

Miners,               35 per cent;

chemical industries,  31.2;

transport,            23.4;

paper and printing,   20.9;

leather,              20.0;

metal workers,        18.7.

These figures have an important bearing on the situation,

because of the division, which will be discussed in a

subsequent article, of the unions into revolutionary and

moderate groups. As for geographical distribution, Paris is

the great centre, and the north of France is much stronger

than the south."

"The term bourse du travail means literally 'labour

exchange,' and that was the original function of these

organizations; it still is one of them, but is overshadowed by

the all-devouring political aims which in France seem to seize

hold of all things, one after another, and swallow them up.

The bourses were started in 1886, two years after trade

unionism received its charter. … But instead of being used for

their original purpose, strictly as labour exchanges, they

soon became a form of labour organization corresponding as

nearly as possible to our trade councils, though supported by

municipal or departmental subventions. … According to M.

Mermeix, to whose brilliant work on ‘Le Syndicalisme contre le

Socialisme’ I am indebted for much information, the syndicats

were promptly seized upon by the Guesdist or Social Democratic

party as soon as they began to develop freely after 1884, and

the other Socialist bodies, who were then in violent

antagonism, responded by cultivating the bourses du

travail. The inevitable result was a strong political turn

given to both sets of organizations; but it was not the turn

intended by the Socialists. For presently the syndicats   and the bourses, which really represent ‘Labour’ turned

against the politicians called Socialists, who do not

represent ‘Labour,’ and made common cause against them."

"The most obvious feature of the movement in recent years has

been a great increase of industrial restlessness. We need not

put it all down to the trade unions, but they have had a good

deal to do with it, and have undoubtedly been devoting their

energies in an increasing measure to strikes." This "began in

1899 and has continued, with fluctuations, ever since. It

reached its high-water mark in 1906, and then somewhat

subsided, but recent events show that the same spirit is still

active. And besides increasing in number, extent, and

duration, the strikes have frequently been marked by acts of

violence and attended in several cases by loss of life. All

this, in spite of a system of conciliation and arbitration and

strong organization on the part of employers. What is the

cause? There has been nothing in the economic situation to

account for industrial disorder continued over a series of

years. …

"Syndicalisme is the distinctive mark of the present

labour movement in France. … Perhaps the essential character

of Syndicalisme is best expressed by saying that it is

a purely trade union version of Socialism, definitely and even

violently opposed to Collectivism and more nearly allied to

anarchism, yet distinct from it. … The object of Syndicalisme

is revolution, sudden and complete, in which the State, with

all the apparatus of government, is to disappear, and the

possession and control of material means—which alone count—is

to pass from the hands of its present owners, whether private

or public, into those of organized labour. This original idea

is Socialistic or Collectivist in so far as it is directed

against capitalism; it is anarchistic in so far as it

contemplates the disappearance of the State; but, above all,

it is trade unionist, for the syndicat is posited as

the unit or cell of the future social organism. …

{378}

To complete this brief outline of the idea of

Syndicalisme it is only necessary to add that the means

whereby the revolution is to be accomplished is the general

strike, and that, pending that consummation, ordinary strikes

are systematically encouraged as good practice, in which, as

by skirmishes or manoeuvres, the labour forces are trained and

prepared for the great encounter."

The idea of a general strike was put forward in 1888 by an

anarchist Parisian carpenter named Tortelier, and the militant

forces of organized labor rallied to it. It brought together

the two sets into which labor organization had split—the

Guesdist party, controlling the Syndicats, and their

opponents in possession of the bourses du travail. It

"caused the rout and withdrawal of the Social Democrats, and

so led to the birth of Syndicalisme. The turning point

was reached in 1894 at a joint congress held at Nantes, when

after a set debate the general strike was adopted by 65 votes

against 37, with nine abstinents. In the following year the

Confédération Genérale du Travail was formed as a new and

united federation of trade unions, purged of politics, or, at

least, of Parliamentary politics; and thenceforward the two

sets of organizations—trade unions and trades councils—drew

the labour car together; but at first and for some years they

by no means pulled together." In 1902 they were harmonized,

"mainly by the efforts of M. Niel," who has been called the

real creator of the Confédération Générale, to the head

of which, as general secretary, "which means president," he

was elected in February, 1909. "The word ‘president’ is

eschewed, as savoring of the bourgeois state." M. Niel

is a compositor. "He is of the best type of trade unionist; a

calm, capable, level-headed man, devoted to trade unionism,

but no crazy theorist or violent fanatic."

"The numerical strength of the Confederation or its want of

strength is a point on which its enemies are never tired of

insisting. In October last the official figures presented to

the congress at Marseilles were: First section, 2,586

syndicats, with an aggregate membership of 294,398;

second section, 154 bourses du travail, representing

2,014 syndicats. The figures must not be added

together, because the two sections represent the same or

almost the same forces, differently organized. The returns of

the first section show the effective membership, and we may

call it 300,000. Now the official statistics of the

Ministère du Travail give the total membership of

syndicate ouvriers at the beginning of 1908 as 957,102.

The Confederation, therefore, embraces less than one-third of

the organized labour in France. But that calculation is open

to some criticisms; the Government returns are said to be too

high, those of the Confederation too low. There is probably

some truth in both statements."

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1902.

Extensive Strike of Coal Miners.

Strikes at Marseilles.

On the 8th of October, 1902, the National Committee of French

Miners, meeting at Paris, voted to declare a general strike,

and issued a manifesto to their comrades in Europe, America,

and Australia, appealing for aid and stating their cause, in

these words; "We are pushed to the last extremity in fighting

to obtain a slight improvement in our miserable condition—more

equitable remuneration, with the regulation of our work for

the present, and legislation sheltering us against the strict

needs of old age. We are sure you understand your duty. We

leave to you the initiative in such measures as are most

convenient to you in aiding us in this struggle." The strike

had actually begun in part before this order was given and it

was estimated that some 42,000 men had left work in the

northern coal fields. The whole number of French miners was

calculated by the Temps to be 162,000 men, of whom,

however, only 60,000 belonged to the federation. The mine

owners refused to discuss the matter, declaring that the

strike began before any warning had been given them and

without any sufficient motives, and also that the chief points

in dispute were already before parliamentary committees.

Troops were sent to the mining districts, and some conflicts

occurred. The Government attempted arbitration, and late in

October an agreement was reached which brought the strike to

an end.

At the same time troublesome strikes of dock-laborers,

stokers, and sailors were going on at Marseilles, for some

weeks.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1906.

Serious Strikes and Labor Disturbances.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1909 (March-May).

Serious Strike of Government Employés in the Telegraph

and Postal Service.

Overcome by the firmness of the Government.

Disciplinary proceedings.

Court decision against Trade Unions among

Employés of the State.

The organizations involved in the strike of government

employés in the telegraph and postal service of France, which

began on the 13th of March, 1909, are outside of the Labor

Syndicats embraced in the Confédération Genérale du

Travail described above; but in part they have been

brought into close connection with that combination and have

striven for identification with it. As explained by the Paris

correspondent of the London Times, "the associations of

French Civil servants include two quite separate groups—one

in favour of Parliamentary action, the other sympathizing with

the General Confederation of Labour and desiring to be allowed

to combine freely and, when it suits them, to strike. The

former group is represented by a Comité d’Études so-called,

and includes a large number of primary school teachers and

Lycée professors, the association of the Law Courts

clerks, sub-employés at the Post Office,

employés of the Roads and Inland Communications

Department of the Ministry of Public Works, and so forth.

These various associations, forming the first group, are

convinced that their lot can be quite adequately improved if

Parliament will only vote a satisfactory Bill on the

status of functionaries. The second group has no

confidence whatever in such a measure. It does not count on

Parliament for a panacea. Under the title of ‘Central

Committee for the defence of the syndical rights of

wage-earners of the State, the departments, and the communes,’

it has always worked in unison with the revolutionary unions

of the General Confederation of Labour, and it was this group

which wrote two years ago to M. Clemenceau an open letter

stating their demands, among which the most important of all

was the right to strike.

{379}

In consequence of that manifestation, which was regarded as

illegal, a certain number of functionaries were dismissed,

notably, as readers of The Times will recall, a school

teacher by the name of Nègre, an official of the Ministry of

the Interior, M. Janvion, a postman named Simonnet, and an

electrician, M. Pataud."

These dismissed officials, M. Pataud especially, were the

leaders of the strike that was undertaken on the 13th of

March, when twelve hundred men employed in the central offices

of the Paris Telegraph Department stopped work at about 2

o’clock in the afternoon, "in order to express ‘sympathy’ with

three hundred men of the postal service who had invaded the

offices on the 12th, and had made a demonstration against M.

Simyan, the Under-Secretary of State for Posts and

Telegraphs." "The precise grievances of the strikers," said

The Times, "are probably known to their superiors; but,

so far as we have seen, they have not been placed before the

outside world in any form which renders it possible even

clearly to understand them."

On the other hand, a special correspondent of the New York

Evening Post wrote from Paris on the 25th of March:

"The strike of these government employees may have been a side

development of the general movement which threatens to

transform the Parliamentary French republic into a

république syndicale; but, in itself, it was something

far different. And, for another reason, it is a direct

object-lesson for the United States, where the trade unions

are not yet revolutionary. The entire strike has been a

spontaneous uprising of civil service in possession against

the invasion of a spoils system. The strike would not have

been possible if these civil service appointees—‘government

functionaries’—had not formed themselves into strongly

organized unions, just as private service employees have long

been doing; and in this they have been encouraged by

successive republican governments, unforeseeing perhaps such

strikes as the inevitable consequence. The spoils system in

the present case means the intervention of political influence

in civil service appointments and promotions." The strikers,

said this writer, want essentially two things, "First, that

politicians—and particularly Postmaster-General Simyan, who

was taken over from M. Combes into the present

government—should cease interfering with civil service

appointments and promotions and no longer use their power in

behalf of the favorite of some deputy with ‘influence.’"

The situation produced in Paris by the strike was thus

described by this correspondent of The Post: "We of

Paris were for eight days in the same condition as Frenchmen

were before Richelieu invented a State postal service for the

use of private persons. For example, my last letters were

sent—one to Havre by a special messenger who was carrying by

hand cable messages for several correspondents to be forwarded

from that port; one to London by another special messenger,

who posted it with many others in a channel boat; and a third

to Cherbourg by the kindness of the American Chamber of

Commerce of Paris, which organized a service of its own for

its members. … If there had been a sudden outbreak between

Servia and Austria last week, the French government would have

known little about it, and, in case of need, army mobilization

would have been impossible."

A system of public service in which such situations as this

are made possible could not exist long without destruction of

government and of all social order. No argument was needed to

demonstrate that it must not be paltered with; but the

Government of France was forced momentarily to yield so much

show of deference or respect to its rebellious servants, whose

demands were made with arrogance of spirit and insolence of

tone, that the arrogance and insolence appeared to have

triumphed in the encounter with national sovereignty and law.

The tenor of an interview given on the 22d by the Premier, M.

Clemenceau, and the Minister of Public Works, Posts, and

Telegraphs, M. Barthou, to a committee from the striking

employés of the State, was thus stated in a Press despatch at

the time:

"The two conditions which had been submitted to the Ministers

were, first, immunity from disciplinary penalties for all the

strikers; secondly, the resignation of M. Simyan, the

obnoxious Under-Secretary of State. The Ministers had agreed

to the first of these conditions for all strikers who should

have returned to work by Tuesday morning. The second condition

was refused by the Ministers on the ground that M. Simyan is

responsible to the Chamber of Deputies, but not to the postal

employés. M. Barthou had, however, made it plain that, in

accordance with the terms of his speech in the Chamber last

Friday, the Government contemplated appointing in place of M.

Simyan an official with the qualification of technical

knowledge. ‘When, on Friday,’ he said, ‘I discussed before the

Chamber the transformation of the Under-Secretaryship of Posts

and Telegraphs into a technical directorship, I was not

employing an empty phrase. I consider that the reform is of

practical interest and that it ought to be effected at an

early date.’ This was as near a promise to fulfil the

strikers’ demands as constitutional considerations would

permit." This brought about a return to duty of postal clerks

and operators of the telegraph and the telephone; but they

returned as victorious revolutionists, and the news from Paris

in the following weeks was filled with accounts of their

manifestations of contempt and defiance for the Government,

and the extensive insubordination among them that prevailed.

But the Government, on its side, supported strongly by a great

majority of votes in the Chamber of Deputies, and by resolute

expressions of public opinion from every part of France, was

now taking measures to prepare itself for defeating any future

attempt to paralyze the service of the posts and wires. The

engineer troops and other technical branches of the service

were warned to be ready for emergencies, carrier pigeons were

collected, and preliminary arrangements made for an elaborate

service of motor-cars. Chambers of commerce throughout the

country were called on to be prepared to coöperate with the

Government in organizing an auxiliary mail service. By such

measures it was soon rendered safe to begin applying

discipline to the insubordination that had become rife. Seven

flagrant offenders were tried by a Council of Discipline and

dismissed, on the 8th of May, and this precipitated an attempt

to renew the strike, and to make it introductory to the

long-threatened revolutionary strike of all labor in France.

{380}

A few anxious days followed, while the menace kept a serious

show, and then it vanished, like an emptied cloud. The firm

attitude of the Government and the hostility of national

opinion had daunted the revolutionary syndicats which

inclined to join fortunes with the revolutionists of the

public service, and the latter were left to confront official

authority alone. Their second strike came to nothing. A

despatch from Paris on the 16th of May stated that 548 postmen

who were prominent in the rebellion of the strike had been

expelled from the service, and that others were receiving less

severe punishments from the Disciplinary Court.

Ultimately, sixteen officials of the Post Office were

prosecuted by the Government for illegally forming a trade

union. They were brought to trial in July, with the result

announced on the 29th as follows: "The 16 officials who were

prosecuted by the Government have been condemned to a purely

nominal fine of 12s. 6d., and their union has been declared to

be contrary to the law. The Court argued that in the present

state of the law there was no doubt whatever that the

Waldeck-Rousseau Bill of 1884, permitting the organization of

trade unions, solely had application to the interests of

private individuals, and that the Chamber of Deputies had not

meant to extend the provisions of that law to Civil servants.

The considerations of this important legal judgment

furthermore declare it to be utterly preposterous that State

employés should arrogate to themselves the right to

strike, since they are the employés of the nation, and

enjoy moreover such special privileges as servants of the

State that no comparison can be drawn between them and the

working classes, whose right to strike is not contested."

The judgment of the Paris Correctional Court, in the case of

the sixteen officials who were prosecuted for illegally

forming a trade union was followed, on the 7th of August, by a

kindred decision from the Conseil d'État, to which two

dismissed postmen had appealed. Their application to be

restored to the service was denied. The decree of the Conseil

expressly declared that a strike of civil servants is an

"illegal act," and added that a State official "has accepted

all the obligations arising from the necessities of the public

service and has renounced all privileges incompatible with the

essential continuity of the national life," that civil

servants who declare a strike place themselves collectively

outside the pale of the laws and regulations which guarantee

the exercise for them of the rights which they normally

possess as servants of the State.

Having thus vindicated its authority over the servants of the

State, the Government exercised a wise clemency at once. Two

days after the decision of the Conseil d’État, the new

Minister of Public Works authorized the publication of the

following note: "In consequence of the decision of the Conseil

d’État, M. Millerand has decided, while approving the

suspensions pronounced by their respective chiefs, that 30

officials of both sexes, five subaltern officials, and ten

Post Office workmen who have been dismissed should resume work

the day after tomorrow." Further reinstatements were announced

in the course of the following month.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Germany: A. D. 1905.

Strikes.

Upwards of 100,000 miners in the coal fields of the Ruhr

district began a strike in January which did not end until the

middle of February, and which caused most of the iron works

and machine shops of Rhenish Prussia and Westphalia to be

closed. Low wages (of 4 marks or a little less than a dollar

per day) and inhuman and dishonest treatment were the chief

complaints in the miners. A bill to reform conditions in the

mines was passed soon afterwards. The cost of the strike to

all concerned was estimated to have been more than

$30,000,000. A very serious strike of about 40,000 men in

electrical industries occurred at Berlin in September and

October, resulting in a concession of six per cent. increase

of wages to the men. Statistics published in the next year

showed a startling increase of labor conflicts in 1904 and

1905. From 1899 to 1903 the yearly average of strikes had been

1242. In 1904 the number rose to 1870, and in 1905 to 2057.

Lockouts had averaged 42 in each of the previous five years,

but increased to 120 in 1904. Apparently the labor conditions

were no more peaceable in 1906.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Germany: A. D. 1905-1906.

The Operation of Industrial Courts.

Desire for Voluntary Boards of Conciliation.

"In the event of actual dispute the official machinery of the

Industrial Courts is always at call, should the disputants be

willing to use it. The law requires the formation of these

Courts in all towns with over 20,000 inhabitants, but they may

be formed elsewhere at the option of the Government of the

State or on the joint requisition of a given number of

employers and workpeople, and they consist of equal numbers of

both. That the 406 Courts now in existence do not mediate

oftener would appear to be less the fault of the workpeople

than of the employers. During 1905 they acted as boards of

conciliation on 350 occasions: on 165 in response to

invitations from both sides, on 175 on the invitation of the

workpeople alone, and on ten only on the sole invitation of

the employers. Only in 128 cases was it possible to bring the

disputing parties together. …

"At the annual meeting of the German Society for Social

Reform, held in Berlin in December, 1906, resolutions were

adopted ‘affirming the meeting’s conviction that industrial

peace would best be promoted by the development of collective

arrangements between employers and work-people in the form of

(1) wages agreements,

(2) voluntary boards of conciliation and arbitration, and

(3) workmen’s committees for individual works’;

and it was urged that, ‘after the example of Great Britain,

conciliation boards suited to the various industries should be

generally formed, these to cooperate with higher tribunals and

to call in on occasion the help of prominent public men as

advisers and arbitrators.’"

William H. Dawson,

The Evolution of Modern Germany,

page 136

(Unwin, London; Scribners, New York., 1909).

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Germany: A. D. 1905-1909.

The Spirit of the Struggle between Capitalists and Workmen.

Attitude of the Latter.

"The struggle between labour and capital in Germany is a

little less refined than in some other countries. …

Rhineland—Westphalia is its chosen battle ground. Here all the

conditions of economic warfare exist in a rare degree. It is a

striking fact that a large part of the natural resources,

industry, and wealth-production of that unresting workshop of

Germany is under the control of a dozen men of commanding

business genius—men of strong and masterful character, born

rulers of the sternest mould, without sentiment, not

insusceptible to justice, yet never going beyond it,

inflexible in decision, of inexhaustible will-power, and

impervious to all modern notions of political liberalism.

{381}

These men, who have so conspicuously helped to create modern

industrial Prussia, and who are a greater real power in the

land than Ministers and legislators put together, typify in

modern industry the feudalism which is slowly dying upon the

great estates of the East. Their attitude towards the unions

in which their workmen are organised to the number of hundreds

of thousands is frequently expressed in the maxim, ‘We intend

to be masters in our own house,’ and nothing is wanting in the

vigour with which this maxim is applied. On the occasion of

the Mannheim conference of the Association for Social Policy

in September, 1905, Herr Kirdorf, probably the best known

industrialist of Westphalia, and the head of the Coal and

Steel Syndicates, was invited to give an employer’s reply to

an indictment of the syndicates made by Professor Gustav

Schmoller. In the course of his statement occurred the

following observations on the question of labour

organisation:—

"‘It is regrettable that our workpeople are able to change

their positions at any time. An undertaking can only prosper

if it has a stationary band of workers. I do not ask that

legislation should come to our help, but we must reserve to

ourselves the right to take measures to check this frequent

change of employment. The proposal has been made that all

workpeople should be compelled to join organisations and that

employers should be required to negotiate with these

organisations. For myself I would remark that I refuse to

negotiate with any organisation whatever.’ …

"Public opinion naturally finds itself often in conflict with

the Westphalian industrialists’ attitude, which more than

anything else was responsible for the solid gain won by the

men in the great colliery strike of 1905. It was the same Herr

Kirdorf who declared during that strike, 'The movement can

only end by the men recognising that they can get nothing by a

strike and returning to the mines. We will negotiate with

every man singly, but we will not concede workmen’s

committees.’ It was this inflexible attitude, persisted in too

long, which turned first the public and then the Government

against the colliery owners. By refusing to meet the colliers’

‘Committee of Seven’ they created the impression that the men

were wishful for peace but were unable to gain an ear for

their overtures. In the end not only were workmen’s committees

granted by force of law, but the hours of labour were

curtailed, fines were abolished, and other concessions were

made which cost the colliery owners dearly, until the extra

burden could be transferred to the public."

William H. Dawson,

Evolution of Modern Germany,

pages 122-125

(Unwin, London; Scribners, New York, 1909).

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Germany: A. D. 1909.

Extent of Trade Unionism.

The twentieth International Congress of Miners was held in

Berlin, and at its opening, on the 31st of May, 1909, Herr

Ritter, president of the Federation of Berlin Trade Unions, in

welcoming the Congress, said that there were now 223,000 trade

unionists in Berlin, as compared with 40,000 when the congress

held its last meeting there 15 years ago. Another German

speaker said that during the last 15 years the number of trade

unionists in the whole Empire had increased from 300,000 to

1,800,000.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Italy: A. D. 1901.

Changed Attitude of the Government toward Labor Unions.

See (in this Volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1901.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Italy: A. D. 1909.

A Church Movement of Agricultural Labor Organization.

"An agitation among agricultural labourers in North Umbria

seems to have taken a new and very unusual form, since, from

all accounts, it is directly promoted and supported by the

clergy. The parish priests in the neighbourhood of Perugia are

said not only to have put themselves at the head of the

movement, but to have actually initiated it with a manifesto

denouncing the grievances of the labourers, and calling upon

them to organize themselves in order to extort more favourable

conditions from the landowners who employ them. The Church

seems to have satisfied itself that the mutual relations of

capital and labour were unfair to the labourer, and to have

determined to be beforehand with the Socialist agitator,

creating an organization which will call itself

democristiana, or Christian democrat, in anticipation

of what might have been a more revolutionary Socialist league.

The manifesto was issued last May, and contained much the same

demands as have been successfully made by labour in other

parts of Italy. … So far the landowners have proved absolutely

recalcitrant. A league of resistance has been formed on their

side, and an attempt was made at reprisals by boycotting

parish priests, stopping any payment of tithes to the Church,

dismissing any private chaplains who belonged to the secular

clergy, and employing the regular clergy instead of the

parochial in any cases where their services were required.

"The parish clergy were not to be intimidated by financial

loss, and the proprietors then appealed to the Archbishop of

Perugia to put his veto on their agitation. The Archbishop,

Monsignor Mattei-Gentile, could only inform them that he had

already given his sanction to the movement. The proprietors,

by the friendly mediation of a Cardinal, then appealed to the

Pope. After some consideration, Pius X. sent a certain Signor

Giovanni Passamonti, a lawyer who has had a good deal of

experience in Umbrian affairs, to make an inquiry, and attempt

some kind of compromise. Neither side, however, would listen

to suggestions of conciliation. … So the matter now stands.

The position is certainly an interesting one, as it is the

first time that the Church has actually taken the lead in a

labour movement."

Rome Correspondent, London Times,

July 21, 1909.

{382}

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Netherlands: A. D. 1903.

Laws against Railway Strikes.

Failure of Labor Strike to prevent their Passage.

Early in 1903 it was made known that the Government of the

Netherlands intended to bring forward in the States-General a

bill prohibiting strikes among railway employees, on the

ground that they were engaged in a public service which must

not suffer interruption. At once the railway men gave notice

that they would, if this measure were undertaken, appeal to

all workmen in the country for a general strike. The

Government then prepared itself for a struggle by summoning a

certain quota of the infantry and engineers of the Reserves to

arms, and, on the 25th of February, its proposed legislation

was introduced. It amended the penal code, in order to punish

strikes by persons in the public service as misdemeanors and

to attach penalties of more severity to all attacks on the

freedom of labor. It provided, further, for the organization

of a military railway brigade, to insure service on the lines

in case of a strike; and finally, it created a commission to

investigate the condition of the railway service and of its

employees. Pending the discussion of these measures the

threatened strike was undertaken, and was seen very soon to

have failed. Without any serious conflict with the authorities

it was given up, and, on the 11th of April, the bills became

Law.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: New Zealand: A. D. 1896-1908.

The Compulsory Arbitration Law.

Its working.

At the meeting of the National Civic Federation of the United

States, in December, 1908, Mr. Hugh H. Lusk, of New Zealand,

spoke of the compulsory arbitration law of that country.

See, in Volume VI. of this work.

NEW ZEALAND.

"In form," he said, "the law is not compulsory upon all men,

but only upon those who become amenable to it by registering

their associations under the law. Since associations, both of

workers and of employers, are generally registered, it is and

has been for twelve years now past absolutely compulsory

arbitration. About six years ago the law was extended to the

Commonwealth of Australia, where it is now in force. In New

Zealand compulsory arbitration has hitherto been a great

success, It has had the effect of preventing all strikes and

all lockouts for twelve years in that country until the other

day. The history of its extension to Australia has been the

greatest tribute that could be made to its success in New

Zealand. It has not been in all respects as great a success in

Australia as in New Zealand. New Zealand has a million white

inhabitants, Australia nearly five million; therefore, by the

extension of the law from New Zealand to Australia you have

got, as it were, a stepping stone from which you can easily

see how far it would be likely to be a success in a country as

much greater and as much more populous than Australia as is

this country.

"The law of New Zealand, and now of Australia, compels all

associated workers who are registered under the act to submit

to the law if they have causes of difference with their

employers. In the first place, they have to go to a member of

the Board of Conciliation, one of which exists in any

considerable district, and the Conciliation Board failing in

its object they can remove the cause into the Court of

Arbitration, which passes final judgment.

"For twelve years the law operated without serious breakdown

in New Zealand. It has been carried on for five years without

a serious breakdown in Australia. Now, what is wrong with the

Act and its operations? At first the workers were perfectly

satisfied with the court because, as a general rule, it was

with them. Later on, the court as a rule has been against

them. They have been inclined to the belief that the

constitution of the court is unfavorable, the court being

constituted of two representatives of labor and two

representatives of capital, together with one Judge of the

Supreme Court, sitting as president or chairman. They have

come to the conclusion that it is the fifth man who really

gives the decision. The difficulty in such a case as this is

that if the representative man who gives his decision has not

the confidence of both parties the court fails in its object.

It is believed that the decisions are, in general, those of a

man belonging to the capitalist class—since laborers do not

often find their way to the Supreme Court bench in any

country. This seems to be the bottom of the difficulty both in

New Zealand and in Australia. I do not think you could enact a

law either as a Federal law or as a State law, to-day, such as

the law in New Zealand and enforce it. The people are not

ready for it. The Canadian plan seems to me to be a step,

although perhaps rather a timid step in the right direction."

The exceptional strike to which Mr. Lusk referred, as

occurring "the other day," was in February, 1907. The strike

was of men in the freezing works of the frozen meat trade.

They stopped work as individuals, not as a union, each

claiming his right to take a rest from work; but the law was

applied to them, nevertheless, and they were fined £5 each.

Mr. Gompers, who spoke after Mr. Lusk, declared himself

emphatically against the New Zealand system, saying: "I would

not have employers do as they please; I would not want workmen

to do as they please; but I believe that by the organization

of industry and by the organization of labor we are gathering

forces conscious of their power, which, intelligently and

wisely wielded, bring forth a spirit of conciliation that no

court of arbitration ever yet was able to impose. There is in

the United States more genuine conciliation between organized

employers and organized workmen than exists in any other part

of the world."

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Russia: A. D. 1904-1905.

Revolutionary Strikes.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Scotland: A. D. 1904-1909.

Five Years of Peace in Coal Mining.

A threatened conflict averted.

In 1904 the coalmasters of Scotland made an agreement with

their men for regulating wages according to a fixed scale, to

be neither below 37½ per cent., nor over 100 per cent. above

what is called the basis of 1888, which was 4s. per day. In

effect the range was from 5s. 6d. to 8s. per day, and within

these limits the Coal Conciliation Board was empowered to

adjust questions of wages as they arose. Under this agreement

the Conciliation Board operated satisfactorily till the summer

of 1909, and under the constitution of the board there was

power to refer any question on which the representatives of

the masters and men could not agree to a neutral chairman,

whose decision was to be absolute.

{383}

During the first three years of the agreement trade was

prosperous and wages rose nearly to the maximum under which

the Conciliation Board could adjudicate. Then came the period

of general depression, and wages went down, along with prices

of coal, until, finally, the coalmasters applied for a further

reduction to the minimum of the agreement, 5s. 6d. per day.

The men's representatives on the Board refused to entertain

the proposal. The disagreement became acute in a few weeks,

and the Miners’ Federation of Great Britain threatened a

general strike in support of the contention of its Scottish

members. On a ballot taken in July, 518,361 of the coal miners

of the United Kingdom voted for a general stoppage of work, in

support of the demands of the Scottish miners against 62,980

who opposed the undertaking. But the efforts of the

Government, exerted through the Board of Trade, were

successful in averting the threatened catastrophe. Conferences

between delegates from the coal miners and the coal owners,

held at the offices of the Board of Trade and under

chairmanship of the President of the Board, Winston Churchill,

resulted in an agreement signed on the 30th of July, which is

to be in force until August 1st, 1912, and indefinitely

thereafter unless six months notice of a wish to terminate it

is served by one party to it on the other. The agreement

provides for the continuation of the former Conciliation Board

"with the provision that there shall be obligatory a neutral

chairman (whose decision in cases of difference shall be final

and binding) to be selected by such method as shall be

mutually agreed upon by the parties, and, failing agreement,

by the Speaker of the House of Commons."

On the point of wages, the opinion of the miners’ delegates

was reported to be that the agreement was "fair to all

parties, for it secured the owners against having to pay an

increased wage unless all the circumstances of the trade,

considered over a reasonable period, were taken into account

by a perfectly impartial arbitrator. The concession of the

principle of the 50 per cent. increase on the 1888 basis as a

minimum wage would, as far as could be foreseen,

obviate trouble in the future, and the safeguards which had

been introduced into the grant of the concession were, in the

opinion of all the delegates who were willing to express their

views, eminently fair to all the interests concerned."

LABOR ORGANIZATION: South Africa: A. D. 1903-1904.

The question of Asiatic Labor for the mines in the Transvaal.

Admission of Chinese Coolies.

The political side of the Opposition to White Labor.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Spain: A. D. 1902.

Great Strike at Barcelona.

Barcelona, the scene of frequent and much disturbance, both

political and industrial, produced, in the middle of February,

a general strike of 80,000 workmen, between whom and the

troops of General Weyler, the Minister of War, a week of

battle in the streets occurred, with martial law in force.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Spain: A. D. 1909.

Insurrection and Strike at Barcelona.

See (in this Volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: Sweden: A. D. 1909.

The Lockout and the attempted General Strike of all

Labor in the Kingdom.

The labor conflicts of 1909 were marked most impressively by

two attempts, in two countries, to combine all unionized

labor, of all trades and employments, in the oft-threatened

"general strike," whereby an absolute paralysis of society

might be brought about. The first of these attempts was

planned in France, for the enforcement of the demands of the

postal and telegraphic employees of the Government, who

claimed the right to engage in conflict with the State by an

organized "strike." This came happily to naught; and, the

second, undertaken in Sweden, had the same result.

A dispute in the paper, woolen, and cotton industries of

Sweden led, first, to a lockout of about 13,000 workmen in

those factories, the employers acting in a compact

association, which seems to have embraced all important fields

of production. On the 26th of July the lockout was extended to

certain other allied trades, affecting about 40,000 employees

in all; and it was then announced that on the 2d of August, if

the men did not come to terms, the closing of works would be

carried into the iron trades, and further still. This

challenged the Allied Trade Unions to summon a "general

strike" of all their membership, and the call went out for an

universal dropping of work on August 4th. Exception, however,

was made in the call, of employees in the water-works,

lighting and sanitation departments of the public service, and

of those on whom hospitals, funerals and living animals were

dependent for care. Railway, postal, telegraph and telephone

employees were not included in the Labor Federation, and did

not strike. Between lockout and strike, however, the

suspension of industry was so extensive as to reduce

Stockholm, especially, to a very grave situation; but the

emergency was faced with remarkable energy and courage by both

Government and people.

Neither employers nor employees would listen to any mediation

between them by King or Ministers, and the measures of

Government were directed solely to the repression of disorder

and the checking of all that savored of revolutionary aims.

How the public of Stockholm saved itself from paralysis is

told by a correspondent who wrote from that city on the 28th

of August, when the strike was in its fourth week. "How is

it," he asked, "that the trams are running, cabs are plying

for hire in the streets, the steam ferries are working as

usual, streets and houses are lighted, and there seems no lack

of provisions or transport? The explanation is that these and

many other of the most important social services are being

performed by a brigade of volunteers, who have come forward in

the public interest and who devote their time and energies

gratuitously to supplying the most pressing needs of society

at large. …

"On July 31 plans were first formed for meeting the situation

by the organization of a band of voluntary helpers, and on

August 2 a meeting was held at which definite action was

determined upon. A ‘Public Security Brigade’ (Frivilliga

skyddskaren) was to be enrolled, and the following services,

amongst others, were to be undertaken: The protection of

banks, insurance officers, and similar institutions liable to

attack or plunder by the strikers; the working of trams and

steamboats, and of gas, water, and electric lighting

machinery; the driving of motor and other cabs; the conveyance

of the sick to the hospitals, and the rendering to the

hospital staff of any necessary help; the unloading and

transport of the necessities of life, such as food, coal,

wood, &c. The object of the organization was not to help

individual sufferers or to safeguard individual interests, but

in every way possible to maintain such services as should be

considered necessary for the security and welfare of the

community.

{384}

"The appeal for volunteers met with a generous and

enthusiastic response, and within a week of the first meeting

on August 2 the whole organization was in full working order.

All classes supplied their quota. Counts and barons,

military and naval officers, professional and business men,

engineers, clerks, students from the Universities and

technical schools, alike volunteered their services. The

importance of such a movement can hardly be overestimated. The

fact that the executive body has no connexion with the

Government or municipality and yet is working in constant

touch and in perfect harmony with both speaks Volumes for the

spirit in which the work has been undertaken and the

efficiency with which it is being carried out. It is an

object-lesson in the capacity of the upper and middle classes

to meet such an emergency. And lastly, if, as is thought

probable by some, the institution should become a permanent

one, Sweden will have one of the best guarantees for

industrial peace in the future."

When this was written, the struggle, so far as it involved an

attempted general strike, was near its end. On the 3d of

September the Labor Federation announced its willingness that

those organizations which were not connected with the original

dispute, but which had joined the strike to help make it

general, should return to work, if the Government would renew

its proffer of mediation in the primary dispute. This the

Government did willingly; but at the end of September it was

announced that the negotiations undertaken had broken down and

that 60,000 men were still without work.

The most serious feature of the conflict was the apparent

readiness with which many labor organizations broke agreements

and contracts, in order to take part in it, even when not

called on to do so by the general Federation. According to the

claim of the Employers’ Federation, moreover, it was

faithlessness to such contracts which had most to do with

bringing of the Lockout on. On the other hand, the workmen

maintain that it is the aim of the employers to break down

their unions, and that self-preservation justifies them in

breaking contracts when that course is necessary to defeat

such attempts. Where the very truth lies is questionable, here

as in most such conflicts.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States:

The Organization of Labor.

"Most of the national trade unions are affiliated to one great

federal organization, known as the American Federation of

Labor. The railway brotherhoods, so called, keep their

separate organizations, without affiliating to any other body.

There are some independent unions; while the Knights of Labor

are a body entirely distinct from all other organizations, and

have a different organic law. It is difficult to ascertain the

membership of unions. In Great Britain the law requiring

registration enables the Government to state with fair

accuracy the strength of unions in that country. According to

the latest reports available, the English trade unions had a

membership of 1,802,518, while in the United States,—with

double England’s population,—the estimated membership of labor

organizations on July 1 last was 1,400,000. It is estimated at

the present time that there are nearly 18,000,000 persons

(men, women, and children) in the United States working as

wage-earners. The percentage embraced in the labor unions is

not large, therefore, being not more than 8 per cent. of the

whole body. It must be remembered, however, that in many

trades the members are organized up to a large proportion,

—sometimes 90 per cent.—of the total number engaged. The

American Federation of Labor probably represents 850,000

members, and the Knights of Labor perhaps 200,000. The Order

of Railway Conductors of America,—whose head, Mr. E. E. Clark,

has been appointed on the Coal Commission,—has nearly 25,000

members; the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, over

34,000; the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, nearly 38,000;

the Brotherhood of Railway Trainmen, about 44,000; and there

are at least four other influential railroad organizations."

Carroll D. Wright,

Labor Organization in the United States

(Contemporary Review, October. 1902).

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States:

The Trade Union as a factor in the Assimilation of the

Foreign-born Population, and in its Political Education.

"Whatever our judgment as to the legality or expediency of the

industrial policy of our American unions, no student of

contemporary conditions can deny that they are a mighty factor

in effecting the assimilation of our foreign-born population.

Schooling is primarily of importance, of course, but many of

our immigrants come here as adults. Education can affect only

the second generation. The churches, particularly the Catholic

hierarchy, may do much. Protestants seem to have little

influence in the industrial centres. On the other hand, the

newspapers, at least such as the masses see and read, and the

ballot under present conditions in American cities, have no

uplifting or educative power at all. The great source of

intellectual inspiration to a large percentage of our inchoate

Americans, in the industrial classes, remains in the

trade-union. It is a vast power for good or evil, according as

its affairs are administered. It cannot fail to teach the

English language. That in itself is much. Its benefit system,

as among the cigarmakers and printers, may inculcate thrift.

Its journals, the best of them, give a general knowledge of

trade conditions, impossible to the isolated workman. Its

democratic constitutions and its assemblies and conventions

partake of the primitive character of the Anglo-Saxon

folkmoot, so much lauded by Freeman, the historian, as a

factor in English political education and constitutional

development. Not the next gubernatorial or presidential

candidate; not the expansion of the currency, nor the reform

of the general staff of the army; not free-trade or

protection, or anti-imperialism, is the real living thing of

interest to the trade-union workman. His thoughts, interests,

and hopes are centred in the politics of his organization. It

is the forum and arena of his social and industrial world."

W. Z. Ripley,

Race Factors in Labor Unions

(Atlantic Monthly, March, 1904).

{385}

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1899-1907.

The Western Federation of Miners.

Its adoption of a Socialist Platform.

Its fierce Conflict with Mine Owners.

Alleged Criminal Instigations by its Leaders.

Orchard’s Confessions.

Trial and Acquittal of Secretary Haywood.

The Western Federation of Miners was organized in Butte,

Montana, in 1893. The domain of the organization was and is

mainly the metal mining fields west of the Mississippi River;

while that of the organization called the United Mine Workers

was and is the coal fields east of the Mississippi. The

strongly marked difference in character between these two

comprehensive unions of mining labor is indicated in an

article by William Hard, contributed to The Outlook of

May 19, 1906. "The United, Mine Workers," wrote Mr. Hard,

"accepts the present industrial system and regards the

employer as its partner. The Western Federation of Miners

denounces the present industrial system and regards the very

existence of the employer as an evil. The United Mine Workers

is interested mainly in the division of the proceeds of the

present industrial system between itself and its partner, the

employer. It wants to increase its own share of the proceeds

and it wants to reduce its partner’s share. The Western

Federation of Miners, on the other hand, is interested mainly

in the elimination of the employer. It wants more wages, of

course, but if it should succeed in establishing a scale of

even a hundred dollars a day it would still be bound by its

principles to spurn the relaxing comforts of prosperity and to

nerve itself to a continuation of the struggle.

"Edward Boyce, as President of the Federation, addressed its

annual Convention in 1902 as follows: ‘There are only two

classes of people in the world. One is composed of the men and

women who produce all. The other is composed of men and women

who produce nothing, but live in luxury upon the wealth

produced by others.’" The Convention, at the same session,

adopted the following declaration: "We, the tenth annual

Convention of the Western Federation of Miners, do declare for

a policy of independent political action, and do advise and

recommend the adoption of the platform of the Socialist Party

of America."

Says Mr. Hard, in comment on this Socialist pronouncement by

the Western Federation: "There is usually one of two reasons

for the presence of a large number of Socialists in any trade

union. One is the influence of Europeans; the other is a

particularly spectacular triumph of the machine over the man,

and a particularly cruel displacement of human beings by

superhuman tools. … The Western Federation of Miners,

however, has not been devoured by the machine, and it does not

contain more than a small percentage of Europeans. Whatever of

lawlessness there has been in the history of the Western

Federation has been American lawlessness. Whatever of

radicalism there has been in that history has been radicalism

cherished and propagated by Americans. That favorite National

scapegoat, ‘the foreigner,’ cannot be loaded with the sins of

the Western Federation. … The Western mines are full of

longlimbed, franked-eyed men who have adventured themselves

far and wide upon the face of the earth. There are Eastern

miners who were blacklisted after leading unsuccessful

strikes. There are cowboys who tired of the trail. There are

farmers who preferred prospecting to plowing. There are city

men who burst the bars of their cages to breathe the open air

of the West. These adventurous characters, going out into a

new country and plunging into the virgin, everlasting hills,

where it would seem that at last all men would stand on the

same footing, have suddenly discovered that amid these

primitive surroundings the modern industrial system is not

only found, but is found at its worst. No one would try to

find a parallel anywhere else on earth for the reckless

unscrupulous and maddening insolence of the corporations of

the Rocky Mountain States. And practical anarchism among

corporations is always a strong promoter of theoretical

Socialism among trade unions. …

"The internal policy of the Western Federation of Miners is

consistent with its published principles. The most important

part of this policy is an aversion to the signing of contracts

with employers. A contract is regarded as a manacle. It binds

one union when another union might need its help. … In

consequence of not demanding a contract, the Federation

naturally does not demand a closed shop. As it does not ask

the employer to bind himself by a contract to anything, it

does not ask him to bind himself to the exclusive employment

of union men. In three other respects besides its failure to

demand a closed shop the Western Federation of Miners follows

a policy which has often been admired by enemies of trade

unions. The Western Federation has no apprentice system. It

does not restrict output. And it discountenances

jurisdictional quarrels between rival trade organizations. …

"So much for the philosophy of the Western Federation of

Miners. Now for the lawlessness with which it has been

charged. There can be no doubt that members of the Western

Federation of Miners have frequently coerced non-union men. …

A programme of intimidation has at times, in certain mining

camps, become the equivalent of a closed shop contract. The

employer was not asked to exclude non-union men. The union

excluded them spontaneously, without bothering the employer

about it. … In addition to the coercion of individual

non-unionists, there have been a few occasions on which armed

bodies of union men have stormed mining property and captured

it."

On the other side of the case this writer recounts the acts of

violence and the barbarous "deportations" which the miners of

the Western Federation have suffered at the hands of the

Mine-Owners’ Association and the Citizens’ Alliance in

coöperation with them; and he emphasises this fact:—"that the

members of the Citizens’ Alliance and the members of the

Western Federation of Miners are brothers under their skins.

They come in the main from exactly the same breed. Two men go

out prospecting. They come from the same town in Ohio. Their

claims are half a mile apart. One man strikes gold. The other

doesn’t. One man becomes a millionaire and a member of the

Mine-Owners’ Association. The other becomes a workingman and a

member of the Western Federation. … They were all of them

American adventurers before they became employers and

employees. Practically identical in breed, the mine-owners and

the miners are practically identical in temperament. They

transact their affairs on both sides with an untrammeled

recklessness which is appalling, but which, if the distinction

be admitted, savors of anarchy rather than of illegality.

{386}

The situation is like that in the rough early mediaeval States

before the central authority had established its power by

means of police. … That these frontiersmen, as workingmen and

as members of the Western Federation, have used their guns in

trade union controversies is indubitable. That the Western

Federation, however, is an organized criminal clique, and that

it accentuates and stimulates the gun-playing proclivities of

its members, is, so far, unsupported by evidence."

William Hard,

The Western Federation of Miners

(The Outlook, May 19, 1906).

The question on which Mr. Hard threw doubt, as to whether the

leaders of the Western Federation of Miners, or any of its

responsible members, had been implicated in the dreadful

crimes of murder and destruction of property which attended

the conflict between the Federation and the mine-owners of the

Far West, came to trial in connection with the horrible murder

of ex-Governor Frank Steunenberg, of Idaho. The victim had

been Governor of that State in 1899, when, during a strike in

the Cœur d’Alene district, a mill at Wardner was blown up by a

mob. Governor Steunenberg obtained the aid of Federal troops

and vigorously crushed the disorder. Six years afterwards, on

the 30th of December, 1905, at the gate of his residence in

Caldwell, he was blown to pieces by a bomb, so placed that it

was exploded by the opening of the gate. A man named Harry

Orchard was arrested on suspicion and held until, finally, he

not only confessed the crime in question, but owned, or

claimed to have participated in, or had knowledge of, an

appalling number of other murders, deadly explosions, and

other barbarities, all of which he alleged to have been

committed at the instigation and under the direction of

officials in the Western Federation. Its President, Charles H.

Moyer, its Secretary, W. D. Haywood, and George A. Pettibone

of its executive were especially implicated by Orchard’s

confession in the murder of Governor Steunenberg. These

accused men were in Colorado at the time, and there, on a

requisition from the Governor of Idaho, they were arrested on

the 15th of February, 1906, and taken hurriedly to Boise,

having no opportunity to resist what was claimed to be the

illegal extradition. Subsequently, however, when the question

was carried from the Supreme Court of Idaho up to the Supreme

Court of the United States, the legality of the proceeding was

affirmed by all of the tribunals which reviewed it.

Intense feeling in labor circles was enlisted in behalf of the

accused chiefs of the Western Federation of Miners. Very

generally their innocence of the imputed crimes was believed,

and they were looked on as victims of an implacable

conspiracy, in which capitalists and politicians were leagued,

to hunt them to their death. More than a year intervened

between their arrest and the trial of Haywood, who was the

first to be arraigned. This greatly exciting trial was opened,

at Boise City, the capital of Idaho, in May, 1907, and was

concluded on the 28th of July, resulting in the acquittal of

the accused. Orchard’s testimony does not seem to have been

seriously shaken, otherwise than by the incredible horrors of

his story; but corroborative evidence was lacking, and nobody

could trust a witness whose moral irresponsibility was so

plain a fact. The announcement of the verdict of acquittal was

gladly received. It was followed at once by the release of

President Moyer on bail.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1900-1909.

Labor Unions and Oriental Immigration.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1900-1909.

Study and treatment of Industrial Problems by the

National Civic Federation.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1901.

Teamsters’ Strike in San Francisco.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1901.

The unfortunate Strike of the Amalgamated Association

of Iron, Steel, and Tin Plate Workers.

Its conflict with the United States Steel Corporation.

Breaches of Contract involved.

Failure.

A strike which involved breaches of contract between employés

and employers, and which resulted most unfortunately to those

engaged in it, was ordered in July, 1901, by the heads of the

National Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel, and Tin Plate

Workers of the United States. As in the case of the Anthracite

Coal Strike of 1902, which is told of below, the circumstances

of this strike received a very thorough study and a very clear

exposition to the public, in an article from the pen of Dr.

Talcott Williams, published in the American Review of

Reviews for September, 1901, and what is stated here is

drawn from that article:

The industries concerned in what occurred had been carried on

for a considerable period under conditions too complicated to

be described in this limited place. It must suffice to say

that there were union mills and non-union mills, and also a

third class, of "open" mills, in which union and non-union men

worked together. A truce had sprung up during a period of

prosperity in which, says Dr. Williams, "there had come to be

a quasi, only a quasi, general understanding that certain

mills were to be considered as union, certain as non-union,

and certain as ‘open.’" While "the trade was still divided

among hundreds of mill-owners," the Amalgamated Association of

workers in them "equalized conditions for all of them. It

lifted wage disputes out of the narrow mill atmosphere. It

forced all concerned to look at the trade as a whole. It gave

continuity and uniformity to contracts for wages. It

established standards of wages"—for union and non-union, both.

But when, in June, 1901, "the Amalgamated came to its annual

collective bargaining," it had to deal, not with numerous

independent mill-owners, but with the great consolidation of

them that had just occurred, in the formation of the mammoth

United States Steel Corporation.

"Two courses," says Dr. Williams, "were open to the president

and officers and Advisory Council of the Amalgamated. They

might, after the usual conference, for which its constitution

provides, through a special committee, have signed its ‘scale’

for the union mills in which its membership worked and wait

for the social and political pressure of public opinion, as in

1900, to force this new representative of capital—the

‘Trust’—in its various forms to accept a collective bargain

for part of its mills, trusting to events, the steady

gravitation of skilled labor to its ranks, and the greater

economic efficiency of the union—for unless it is that it

cannot survive—to win a slow battle. Much depended for

organized labor all over the country in formally committing

the United States Steel Corporation, the greatest employer of

labor on the planet, to the recognition of a union scale as

the best regulator of wages, union and non-union.

{387}

It looked as if this waiting plan were adopted when the scale

was signed for one year to come, carrying a new

non-interruption clause, with the American Tin Plate Company.

… On the last day on which the scale could be signed—June 29—

and it generally is not signed before, the demand was made

that the scale should be signed for all [of certain] non-union

mills. The advance in wages asked was conceded. Mr. Persifor

F. Smith, for the company, offered to sign for twenty-one

mills accepted in the past as union. President Shaffer refused

to sign for any, unless all were accepted as union. Mr. Smith

refused to sign for mills non-union in the past, and claimed

that two, Salzburg and Old Meadow, hitherto union, had

abandoned the organization, a position later conceded. The

issue raised was whether the change from individual to

collective bargaining could be required under penalty of a

strike, not only in the mills in question, but in all the

mills of the company. The men involved had a right to require

a collective bargain for as many as they chose to include. The

company had its right, equally, to decide where it would have

individual and where collective bargaining. …

"The Amalgamated was … strong, until it struck. Its demand for

wages and hours were all accepted. It had been allowed to

organize lodges in various non-union mills, after the

corporation had bought them, where before it was excluded.

When it attempted, on its own demand and instance, to change

the status of these mills and act for their labor, it proved

right in its claim that the men wished to be union in four out

of five of the steel hoop mills and wrong in five out of the

seven mills claimed in the Sheet Steel Company. Each

contestant claimed more than it could control. A compromise

was in order. A compromise was offered. Twelve mills in all

were in dispute. The corporation offered four. The Amalgamated

demanded all or none. … A strike was ordered July 15, and

the American Tin Plate Company men broke their year’s contract

of a fortnight before."

The strike was "circumscribed at first by members of the

Amalgamated in the Federal Steel Company plants at Chicago,

Joliet, and Milwaukee refusing to break their contracts and

strike. Here, the membership of the Amalgamated was less than

a tenth of the whole number involved. It is not over this

proportion in the general body of men on the pay-roll of the

United States Steel Corporation. The proportion in union mills

varies. In none does it include all. In some, those without

its membership are a small fraction, in others, more than

half. By the men of the National Steel Company and the

National Tube Company, annual contracts were broken,

sacrificing the annual collective bargain."

"Nothing can be accomplished for labor, even that tenth share

of it organized in the Amalgamated, until this share has

learned that contracts must be kept and the line drawn between

wages and business control. The successful efforts of the

Amalgamated to induce its members to break their contracts,

first in the tin works and later at various works in the

Federal Steel Company, has deepened the conviction among

business men and the public that men in the union cannot be

trusted to keep promises; and until this trust is possible,

nothing is possible."

The strike failed in its objects completely, and came to an

end on the 14th of September, having lasted sixty-one days.

Under the agreement which then terminated it, the union mills

which the Amalgamated Association had been able to keep closed

were recognized as being within its sphere, but no provision

could be made for the displaced union men of mills which had

been wholly or partly reopened during the progress of the

strike, and large bodies of the strikers were left to seek

employment where they could.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1902.

Remarkable Conference on the Peaceful Settlement of Labor

Disputes, under the auspices of the National Civic Federation.

Appointment of a Committee of Conciliation.

In January, 1902, a remarkable conference, to discuss the

relations between labor and capital and to seek means for the

peaceable settlement of industrial disputes, was held in New

York, under the auspices of the National Civic Federation.

Notable men of all professions, of high circles in business,

of high leadership in trade unions, and of high official

positions, came together, with the Honorable Oscar S. Straus

presiding, and held frank and free talk on a subject which

concerned them all in the greatest possible degree. The main

practical result of the Conference was the appointment of a

powerful standing Committee, to act for the Civic

Confederation as an agency of conciliation and intermediation

between the parties in industrial disputes. The Committee,

which has exercised its good offices many times since, not

always with success, but always with an influence that must be

of growing effect, was appointed as follows:

On Behalf of the Public.

Grover Cleveland;

Cornelius N. Bliss;

Charles Francis Adams;

Archbishop John Ireland;

Bishop Henry C. Potter;

Charles W. Eliot, president of Harvard University;

Franklin MacVeagh, Chicago;

James H. Eckels;

John J. McCook;

John G. Milburn, Buffalo;

Charles J. Bonaparte, Baltimore;

Oscar S. Straus;

Ralph M. Easley.

Representatives of Organized Labor.—

Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor;

John Mitchell, president of the United Mine Workers;

F. P. Sargent, grand master of the Brotherhood of

Locomotive Firemen;

T. J. Shaffer, president of the Amalgamated Association

of Iron, Steel, and Tin Workers;

James Duncan, secretary of the Granite Cutters’ Association;

Daniel J. Keefe, president of the International Association

of ’Longshoremen;

Martin Fox, president of the National Iron Molders’ Union;

James E. Lynch, president of the International

Typographical Union;

Edward E. Clarke, grand conductor, Brotherhood of

Railway Conductors;

Henry White, secretary of the Garment Workers of America;

Walter Mac Arthur, editor of the

Coast Seamen's Journal, San Francisco;

James O’Connell, president of the International

Association of Machinists.

Representative Employers.

Senator Marcus A. Hanna, Cleveland;

Charles M. Schwab, president of the

United States Steel Corporation;

S. R. Callaway, American Locomotive Works;

Charles Moore, president of the National Tool Company;

J. D. Rockefeller, Jr.;

H. H. Vreeland, Metropolitan Street Railway Company;

Lewis Nixon, Crescent Shipyard, Elizabethport, New Jersey;

James A. Chambers, president of the American Glass Company,

Pittsburg, Pennsylvania;

William H. Pfahler, president of the National Association

of Stove Manufacturers, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania;

E. P. Ripley, president of the Atchison,

Topeka & Santa Fe Railway;

Marcus M. Marks, president of the National Association

of Clothing Manufacturers;

J. Kruttschnitt, president of the Southern

Pacific Railway Company.

{388}

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1902-1903.

The Great Strike of Anthracite Coal Miners.

Distress and Alarm in the Country.

Intermediation of President Roosevelt.

Arrogant Attitude of Mine-owning Interests.

Final submission to Arbitration Commission appointed by

the President.

Award of the Commission.

A prolonged general strike of miners in the anthracite coal

fields of Pennsylvania, beginning in May, 1902, was one of the

most serious in its public effects and the most alarming that

has ever occurred in the United States. It may be said to have

had its origin in a previous strike that came about in the

fall of 1900, resulting from which the miners had obtained an

advance in wages of ten per cent. That increase was guaranteed

until the 1st of April, 1901. In the interval Mr. John Mitchell,

the able and much respected President of the United Mine

Workers of America, strove to secure from the railway magnates

who are the masters of the anthracite coal property and trade

some recognized right on the part of the miners as a body to

discuss and arrange the terms and conditions of their work.

The rebuffs that he met with were near to causing another

strike in the spring; but some powerful influences were

brought to bear, it was said, by New York financiers, which

patched up a truce for the ensuing year. The ten per cent

increase of wages was continued for that further period, and

the miners, in some way, rightly or wrongly, acquired an idea

that the next year was to bring about an arrangement of free

and fair representative conferences between their union and

the union of mine-owners and operatives, like that which had

been established in the bituminous coal regions. In this

expectation they were wholly disappointed when the year came

to its end, as it did on the 1st of April, 1902.

The National Civic Federation, in which every great social

interest, of capital, labor, politics, education, religion,

philanthropy, is splendidly represented, intervened in the

disputes which followed, and brought about some meetings on

the subject; but the capitalist side of the controversy was

entrenched in its determination to give no recognition to any

union of miners, and to refuse an arbitration of the dispute,

while the miners were provoked to the making of larger demands

than they might have insisted upon, probably, if they had been

differently met. By a small majority of the delegates to a

convention held in May the miners voted to strike—against the

judgment of President Mitchell it is said—and work in the

mines was stopped about the middle of the month.

On both sides of the conflict there were real difficulties in

the way of approach to a common ground of negotiation. These

were fairly set forth by Dr. Talcott Williams, of the

Philadelphia Press, in The Review of Reviews for July,

1902. On the side of the anthracite railroad managers and mine

operators he pointed to the fact that they were "under a

grinding competition with bituminous coal. To accept a union

of United Mine Workers of America, in which the bituminous

workers were two to one, was, they believed, to render it

certain that on most issues the management of the union would

keep bituminous mines busy rather than anthracite." Further to

the fact that "anthracite mining varies greatly from mine to

mine, and a uniform ‘scale,’ as in bituminous mines, is

difficult." But, said he, "it cannot be impracticable, for

veins as narrow, tortuous and varying are mined under a

‘scale' in England." As for difficulties of concession on the

part of the mine-workers, this just analyzer of the conflict

described their division into three classes having different

and unequal footings in the industry. These were the miners

who break out or detach the coal in the mines; the laborers

whom the miners employ to load and remove what the latter

detach; and, finally, the men employed as mine bosses and to

operate engines and pumps. The miners are paid for the

quantity taken out; the laborers (who aspire to become miners)

receive wages for a ten hours day; the bosses and engineers

are employed by the year and have continuous work, because the

pumps cannot be stopped, whether mining goes on or not. These

three interests must be consolidated in a union of the

mine-workers if it is to have any effective strength; and this

raises knotty problems among them. The attitude of the

railroad managers and operators had prevented such a

consolidation, with bad results, in Dr. Williams’s opinion. As

he summed up the situation, it was this: "Had the miners’

union in the past eighteen months exerted the rigid discipline

of big well-managed unions, prevented small strikes, and

worked for a cheap output, it might have divided capital. But

it had not been ‘recognized.’ Therefore, its control was often

loose. Local unions irritated local operators. In the Reading

mines, the proportion of coal mined per miner fell one-eighth.

It is part of a bad system of over-manned mines under which

miners try to distribute work. Output was reduced and wages

increased. The result was that the miners were without the

responsible control of a big union, and the railroad managers

and operators irritated by small strikes and ready for a

fight."

In his conclusions this well-informed critic of the situation

justified the public feeling of the time which held the

capitalists of the controversy more accountable than the

laborers for the loss and suffering inflicted on the country.

He closed his article with these words:

"Under competition, the anthracite plant is one-half larger in

mines and one-half greater in labor than the utmost demand of

the public. Two-thirds of the mines and two-thirds of the men,

run more regularly and systematically, could in spite of the

lack of demand in summer, produce the coal cheaper and more

profitably, and at a higher individual aggregate average, even

if at a lower per diem or per ton than the present system.

{389}

What the anthracite coal industry really needs is a

reorganization like that after the London dock strike of 1889,

reducing the number of men but increasing work for each. As it

is, men who prefer working all the year to working two-thirds

of the year, and often half a day at that, have, by a natural

elimination, been weeded out steadily, and have left a large

share of men, bred to a habit of irregular work and short

hours. This one fact is at the bottom of much fitful

irregularity in the mines.

"The railroad managers, holding public franchises weighted by

public responsibilities, have clearly no right, as they have

all united in doing, to refuse all compromise, conciliation,

or adjustment, and simply stop work, letting the public pay

the cost in higher coal. They are bound either to reach an

adjustment themselves, to let some one else reach one for

them, or to reorganize the whole industry on a basis which

will reduce the material and moral waste of the present

system, where poor mines are worked and men are one-third of

the year idle even in a prosperous year."

The powers which controlled the mines did not, however, see

their duty to the public in this light, and the strike went

on. Before the summer ended the pinch of scarcity in the

supply of fuel to the country was being felt widely, in most

industries and in domestic life. The pinch increased, and the

price of coal went higher as cold weather came on. Control of

the rougher elements among the miners and mine laborers was

lost by their leaders, and rioting broke out, with dark

outrages of crime, calling for a strenuous employment of

militia and police. There were threatenings, too, of a

sympathetic strike of bituminous miners, which might easily

produce a fuel famine of frightful effect; but President

Mitchell and other intelligent leaders succeeded in persuading

the miners of the bituminous district that their best help to

the anthracite unions was by adhering to their yearly contract

and continuing the work which enabled them to contribute funds

to the support of the existing strike. In August they were

reported to be sending to the idle anthracite men no less than

$130,000 a week. With this and other help these seemed likely

to maintain their stand for months. By the first of October

the supply of anthracite coal was so meagre that "factory

managers were put to their wits’ end to get fuel enough at $15

or $20 a ton to keep their machinery running; whereas, in

normal times, their supplies had cost perhaps $3 a ton. The

great majority of the retail coal dealers were entirely sold

out, and for the poor who were obliged to buy in small

quantities the price had reached a cent a pound, or even more,

with prospect of a total cessation of the anthracite supply.

Soft coal was being largely substituted for hard coal; but it

also, in the East, had advanced 300 or 400 per cent. in price,

and it was not well adapted for chimneys, furnaces, stoves and

grates that had been constructed for anthracite. Furthermore,

the cessation of anthracite mining during that half of the

year in which the bulk of the winter’s supply is produced had

created a situation of scarcity that could not have been

wholly overtaken by the utmost effort to substitute the

bituminous article."

The situation was now so grave that the whole country was

demanding an intervention of government by some means to end

the obstinate dispute. The Federal Executive could find no

legal authority to act; but President Roosevelt determined to

bring the prestige and weight of his high office and of his

vigorous personality into an exercise of persuasive influence

in the case. He invited the representatives of both parties in

the conflict to meet him, and the meeting took place October

3d. In opening a discussion of the subject he disclaimed any

right or duty to intervene between them on legal grounds, but

said that "the urgency and the terrible nature of the

catastrophe impending over a large portion of our people " had

impelled him to think it incumbent on him to use such

influence as he could to "bring to an end a situation which

has become literally intolerable." "With all the earnestness

that is in me," he pleaded, "I ask that there be an immediate

resumption of operations in the coal mines in some such way as

will, without a day’s unnecessary delay, meet the crying needs

of the people. I do not invite a discussion of your respective

claims and positions. I appeal to your patriotism, to the

spirit that sinks personal considerations and makes individual

sacrifices for the general good." Mr. Mitchell then spoke

briefly, saying that he and his associates did not feel that

they were responsible for "this terrible state of affairs";

and he made the following proposition; "We are willing to meet

the gentlemen representing the coal operators to try to adjust

our differences among ourselves. If we cannot adjust them that

way, Mr. President, we are willing that you shall name a

tribunal who shall determine the issues that have resulted in

the strike; and if the gentlemen representing the operators

will accept the award or decision of such a tribunal, the

miners will willingly accept it, even if it is against their

claims."

To say that the President’s appeal and Mr. Mitchell’s proposal

of arbitration had an arrogant response from the chiefs of the

coal monopoly is to speak mildly of the spirit and language of

their replies. "I now ask you," said one of them, "to perform

the duties vested in you as President of these United States

and to at once squelch the anarchistic condition of affairs in

the coal region by the strong arm of the military at your

command." "The duty of the hour," cried another dictatorially,

"is not to waste time negotiating with the fomenters of this

anarchy and insolent defiance of law, but to do as was done in

the War of the Rebellion—restore the majesty of the law."

With one consent they rejected the proposal of arbitration

with scornful defiance, and the meeting broke up without

result.

But, behind the men in immediate command of the railway and

the mining companies there was a bigger-brained financial

power that could comprehend, as they could not, the

recklessness of so arrogant a challenge, which went straight

past the miners and the President of the United States to a

suffering public. As the captain of that force, Mr. J.

Pierpont Morgan took the business in hand, and, after a

conference with Secretary Root and some talk with railway

presidents, brought the latter to a different state of mind.

On the 13th of October he went to Washington with the proposal

of a Commission, to be appointed by the President, to which

the companies were willing that "all questions between the

respective companies and their own employés" should be

referred.

{390}

"The Commission to be constituted as follows:

(1) An officer of the Engineer Corps of either the military or

naval service of the United States;

(2) an expert mining engineer, experienced in the mining of

coal and other minerals, and not in any way connected with

coal-mining properties, either anthracite or bituminous;

(3) one of the judges of the United States courts of the

Eastern District of Pennsylvania;

(4) a man of prominence, eminent as a sociologist;

(5) a man who by active participation in mining and selling

coal is familiar with the physical and commercial features of

the business."

There were added the stipulations that upon the constitution

of such Commission the miners should return to work and "cease

all interference with and persecution of any non-union men who

are working or shall hereafter work," and that the

Commission’s findings should govern the conditions of

employment between the respective companies and their own

employees for a term of at least three years. On this basis,

with some modifications, an agreement with Mr. Mitchell,

acting for the miners, was arrived at, and the appointment of

the Commission, named as follows, was announced on the 16th:

Brigadier General John M. Wilson, U. S. A., retired

(late Chief of Engineers), Washington, D. C.,

"as an officer of the Engineer Corps."

Edward Wheeler Parker, Washington, D. C.,

chief statistician of the coal division of the Geological

Survey, and editor of the Engineering and Mining Journal;

"as an expert mining engineer."

Honorable George Gray, Wilmington, Delaware,

"as a Judge of a United States Court."

Edgar E. Clark, Cedar Rapids, Iowa, Grand Chief of the Order

of Railway Conductors, as a sociologist, the President

assuming that for the purpose of such a Commission the term

sociologist means a man who has thought and studied deeply on

social questions and has practically applied his knowledge."

Thomas H. Watkins, Scranton, Pennsylvania,

"as a man practically acquainted with the mining and

selling of coal."

Bishop John L. Spalding, Peoria, Illinois

(The President added the Bishop’s name to the Commission.)

Carroll D. Wright, Commissioner of Labor;

appointed Recorder of the Commission.

Mr. Mitchell’s acceptance of the plan of settlement, as

finally worked out by the President, was ratified by a miners’

convention at Wilkes-barre, and the strike was declared at an

end October 21st. The Arbitration Commission was organized at

the White House on the 24th, under the presidency of Judge

Gray. Carroll D. Wright, appointed originally as recorder of

the Commission, was added as a seventh member to the board,

all parties consenting. Public hearings by the Commission were

opened at Scranton on the 14th of November, President Mitchell

being the first witness, under cross-examination by railway

attorneys for five days. The investigation was laborious and

long, and it was not until the 21st of March, 1903, that the

award of the Commission was made. The following summary of its

important decisions is derived from an exposition of it by

Walter E. Weyl, Ph. D., in The Review of Reviews for

April, 1903:

"There were four demands of the miners,--namely, for an

increase of pay, a decrease in hours, the weighing of coal

where practicable, and the recognition of the union. The first

two demands of the miners have been compromised, the miners

receiving over half of the increase demanded; the third demand

was refused, but the conditions reformed; while for the fourth

demand, the men secured practically what they desired,

although formal recognition was denied them.

"At the beginning of the hearings, the commission decided that

any increase in the rate of pay, or any decrease in the hours,

should be retroactive, and be effective from the first day of

November. There would have been difficulty in carrying out

this plan, however, especially in the case of a reduction in

hours, and in substitution therefor the commission provided

for a 10 per cent. increase in all wages of all employees

during the five months of investigation, from November 1,

1902, to April 1, 1903. … With regard to future wages and

future hours of labor, the commission has adopted the plan of

awarding increases for the various classes of employees and

making this increased wage the minimum of a sliding scale. In

other words, during the three years from April 1, 1903, to

April 1, 1906, wages may not fall below the increased scale

now awarded, no matter what the price of coal may be, but must

rise above that rate in case the price of coal advances. The

contract miners asked for an increase of 20 per cent., and

have received a minimum of 10 per cent." The engineers

hoisting water and the firemen were awarded the reduction in

hours that they asked for, from twelve to eight, without

reduced pay. Other engineers and pump men who asked the same

received a five per cent. increase of pay with a reduction of

working days per week from seven to six. The work day of men

paid by the day was cut down from ten hours to nine. "These

wages, however, are not necessarily the wages which will

prevail, but merely the irreducible minimum of wages during

the next three years. It was suggested by Mr. Baer that a

sliding scale should be adopted, and that the wages of all

mine workers should not fall below what they were in April,

1902, but should be increased by one per cent. for every five

cents increase in the price of the large sizes of coal in New

York City." This seems to have made part of the award.

"The commission says that it does not consider the question of

recognition within the scope of the jurisdiction conferred

upon it, although it states that ‘the suggestion of a working

agreement between employees and employers embodying the

doctrine of collective bargaining is one which the commission

believes contains many hopeful elements for the adjustment of

relations in the mining region.’ This concession, however, is

qualified by the statement that ‘the present constitution of

the United Mine Workers of America does not present the most

inviting inducements to the operators to enter into

contractual relations with it.’ Notwithstanding its disclaimer

of jurisdiction, however, the Anthracite Coal Strike

Commission has in practical effect compelled the operators to

grant to the union full, plenary, and distinct recognition.

The recognition of the United Mine Workers is clearly

indicated by the language of the award.

{391}

Section 4 provides that ‘Any difficulty or disagreement

arising under this award, either as to its interpretation or

application, or in any way growing out of the relations of the

employees and employers, which cannot be settled or adjusted

by conciliation between the superintendents or managers of the

mine or mines and the miner or miners directly interested, or

is of a scope too large to be settled or adjusted, shall be

referred to a board of conciliation, to consist of six

persons, appointed as hereinafter provided. That is to say, if

there shall be a division of the whole region into three

districts, in each of which there shall exist an organization

representing a majority of the mine workers of such district,

one member of said board of conciliation shall be appointed by

each of said organizations, and three other persons shall be

appointed by the operators, the operators of said district

appointing one person.’ The award of this board of

conciliation shall be final, and in case of dispute the matter

shall be referred to an umpire appointed by one of the Circuit

judges of the Third Judicial Circuit of the United States.

There could be no clearer, no more definite, recognition of

the union than is herein provided."

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1902-1909.

The National Farmers’ Union and the

American Society of Equity.

A history of the Farmers’ National Union has been written by

its President, Charles Simon Barrett, from whose narrative the

following account is drawn. It is quoted here from the

National Civic Federation, Review.

"In the little town of Emory, Texas, in the year 1902, ten men

met together at various times and discussed the methods of

formulating rules and plans by which the laboring masses might

be allowed a voice in the pricing of their farm products. From

this meeting of a few plain men the Texas Union was formed.

Credit as the founder of the Farmers’ Union is given to Newt.

Gresham, of Texas, an indefatigable worker for the good of

farmers, who was long identified with the Farmers’ Alliance as

one of the organizers of that association.

"From local and State unions the organization has grown to be

a national union, holding annual conventions and gathering

into its fold an aggregation of between two and three million

members.

"The most striking feature of this great organization is the

fact that its membership is made up of employers and employés.

No line is drawn separating the farm owner, operator or

laborer, but all are received in the Farmers’ Union on one

broad platform of mutual aims and interests. Recognizing that

the good of all is the good of the individual, the Farmers’

Union, in democratic fashion, labors for the greatest good for

the greatest number.

"The Farmers’ Union works along the most practical lines.

There have been four great national meetings, the first being

held in Texarkana in 1905, and the convention of 1906 at the

same place; in 1907 the national meeting was at Little Rock,

Arkansas, and in 1908 at Fort Worth, Texas, where President

Gompers appeared. Besides the annual meetings of the National

Union several important conventions have been held: one in

January, 1907, in Atlanta, Georgia, was called as a grand

national rally. At Memphis, Tennessee, the same year, a

convention of the Farmers’ Union was held for the purpose of

devising ways and means by which the cotton then held by the

membership of the Union might be sold advantageously. At New

Orleans, 1908, another cotton growers' meeting was held, and

at Topeka, Kansas, and Atlanta, Georgia, very important

meetings were arranged between the cotton spinners and growers

of the South and representatives from many English and

continental cotton mills of Europe.

"The purpose and principles of the Farmers’ Union, as

enunciated in its constitution, afford material for an

interesting study. It declares the following purposes:

‘To establish justice.

To secure equity.

To apply the Golden Rule.

To discourage the credit and mortgage system.

To assist members in buying and selling.

To encourage the agricultural class in scientific farming.

To teach farmers the classification of crops,

domestic economy and the process of marketing.

To systematize methods of production and distribution.

To eliminate gambling in farm products by boards of trade,

cotton exchanges and other speculators.

To bring farmers up to the standard of other industries

and business enterprises.

To secure and maintain profitable and uniform prices for

grain, cotton, live stock and other products of the farm.

To strive for harmony and good will among all

mankind and brotherly love among ourselves.’"

Another extensive organization of farmers bears the name of

the American Society of Equity, which was reported in 1906,

when it went into alliance with the American Federation of

Labor, to have a membership of 268,000. This membership was

scattered principally throughout Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois,

Wisconsin, Minnesota, and Nebraska, with some members in

Kansas, Oklahoma, and Michigan.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A.D. 1903.

Establishment of the Department of Commerce and Labor

in the Federal Government.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES; A. D. 1903 (FEBRUARY).

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1904.

President Roosevelt on Combinations among

Employees of the Government.

"There is no objection to employees of the Government forming

or belonging to unions; but the Government can neither

discriminate for nor discriminate against nonunion men who are

in its employment, or who seek to be employed under it.

Moreover, it is a very grave impropriety for Government

employees to band themselves together for the purpose of

extorting improperly high salaries from the Government.

Especially is this true of those within the classified

service. The letter carriers, both municipal and rural, are as

a whole an excellent body of public servants. They should be

amply paid. But their payment must be obtained by arguing

their claims fairly and honorably before the Congress, and not

by banding together for the defeat of those Congressmen who

refuse to give promises which they can not in conscience give.

The Administration has already taken steps to prevent and

punish abuses of this nature; but it will be wise for the

Congress to supplement this action by legislation."

President's Message to Congress,

December 16, 1904.

{392}

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1904-1905.

Long unsuccessful Strike of Operators in the

Fall River Cotton Mills.

From July 25, 1904, until January 18, 1905, about 25,000

workers in the Cotton Mills of Fall River, Massachusetts, were

idle, and seventy-two mills were substantially out of

business, as the consequence of a reduction of wages which the

operatives would not consent to. Great suffering among the men

and women concerned was said to have been endured. It was

through the mediation of Governor Douglas that a settlement

was finally brought about, the work people submitting to the

reduced wages, but having the promise of some increase later

on, if an independent examination of the books of the mill

companies should show a certain stipulated percentage of

profit.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1905 (April-July).

Strike of the Teamsters’ Union at Chicago.

One of the most violently conducted strikes that has ever

occurred in the United States was brought on at Chicago, in

the spring of 1905, by an attempt of the Teamsters’ Union in

that city to give sympathetic support to a strike of the

Garment Workers Union. The latter selected for special attack

the firm of Montgomery Ward & Co., which carries on an

enormous mail-order business, selling goods of all

descriptions through no agencies, but dealing directly with

customers in small towns and rural districts throughout the

country. This company employed few garment workers relatively:

but, probably because the magnitude and diversity of its

shipments made it particularly vulnerable to such an attack,

the teamsters began their undertaking by refusing to move its

wagons or goods. From this the movement spread, as teamsters

refusing to deliver goods to Montgomery Ward & Co. were

discharged, and the concerns discharging them were boycotted

in turn. Presently business in Chicago, to a large extent, was

brought to a stand-still. The membership of the Teamsters’

Union in the city was said to exceed 35,000, and 4000 were

estimated to be on strike at the end of the first week in May.

From this time the heat of passion in the conflict rose fast.

An Employers’ Teaming Association was organized, and the

business interests of Chicago showed readiness to fight the

striking union to a finish. Fierce attacks were made on the

non-union teamsters brought into the work, but they seem to

have been well defended by the police. In a hundred ways the

whole city was divided into factions and deplorably disturbed.

Children refused to attend schools which received coal from

boycotted companies or wagons; and arrests of both children

and parents were necessary to enforce the compulsory education

laws.

While the strike was in its earlier weeks, President Roosevelt

visited Chicago, and was called on by the President of the

Teamsters’ Union, Mr. Shea, who protested against a supposed

design to call Federal troops to the city. In reply to him the

President said: "I have not been called upon to interfere in

any way, but you must not misunderstand my attitude. In every

effort of Mayor Dunne to prevent violence by mobs or

individuals, to see that the laws are obeyed and that order is

preserved, he has the hearty support of the President of the

United States—and in my judgment he should have that of every

good citizen of the United States. … I am a believer in

unions. I am an honorary member of one union. But the union

must obey the law, just as the corporation must obey the law;

just as every man, rich or poor, must obey the law. As yet no

action whatever has been called for by me, and most certainly

if action is called for by me I shall try to do exact justice

under the law to every man, so far as I have power. But the

first essential is the preservation of law and order, the

suppression of violence by mobs or individuals."

At a banquet the same evening the President recurred to the

subject and added, with fine emphasis: "This Government is not

and never shall be the government of a plutocracy. This

Government is not and never shall be the government of a mob."

Those immediately responsible for dealing with a local

situation, the President said, must first exhaust every effort

before a call is made upon any outside body. "But," he added,

"if ever the need arises, back of the city stands the State,

and back of the State stands the Nation."

Chicago kept the conflict within itself, fighting it out

through 105 days. It ended in the unconditional defeat of the

Teamsters’ Union, which called off the strike on the 20th of

July. It was followed by a grand jury investigation of charges

which each side had hurled freely against the other, of

blackmail attempts by one, of bribery and attempted bribery by

the other. The evidence obtained left little doubt that

labor-leaders had extorted money for the prevention of

strikes, and that business men had paid for exemption from

trouble.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1906.

Suspension of Coal Mining, both Anthracite and

Bituminous, throughout the Country.

Final Agreement for Three Coming Years.

On the 31st of March, 1906, the agreements between mine owners

and miners under which the latter had been working, in the

bituminous mines for two years and in the anthracite for

three, expired, and agreements for the future working had not

been arrived at in either case. Miners in the bituminous field

had accepted a wage reduction of five and a half per cent. in

1904, and now wanted it restored. Part of the mine owners, in

Western Pennsylvania, were willing to concede it; others, in

the more western States, stood out against them. In the

anthracite field there was also a question of wages between

miners and operators, and both sides offered arbitration, but

differed as to the point to be submitted. The miners claimed

arbitration of the general question of wages and conditions in

the mines; the operators maintained that those had been

adjudicated by the arbitration of 1903, and that the only

proper question now was whether any change in conditions had

occurred which called for a readjustment. That question they

would submit to at least a majority of the members of the

former Anthracite Coal Strike Commission, or they would agree

that the awards made in 1903 by that Commission "and the

principles upon which they were established by the Commission,

and the methods established for carrying out their awards,

shall be continued for and during the further term of three

years from the first day of April, 1906."

{393}

The 1st of April found these disagreements still existing, and

coal mining, both anthracite and bituminous, was generally

suspended throughout the United States. More than 300,000

miners, on the whole, stopped work. In the anthracite field

the suspension of work lasted until the 10th of May, when it

was resumed under an agreement which continued for another

three years (until March 31, 1909) the award of 1903. During

the forty days of idleness there were few disorders of any

kind in this region. In the soft coal fields the suspension

was more protracted. It was ended in different localities at

different times. Some mine owners, in several States, made

terms with their men at an early day. Some kept their mines

idle until the middle of July. Serious disturbances and

conflicts of rioters with police and militia occurred in a

number of States. At the end the miners had won a restoration

of the wages of 1904, but had made concessions on other points

of dispute which differed in different States.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1907.

President Roosevelt’s Foundation for the

Promotion of Industrial Peace.

President Roosevelt, having been awarded the Nobel Prize of

the year 1906 for his services in the interest of

international peace, devoted the sum received, being somewhat

more than $40,000, to the creation of a fund "the income of

which shall be expended for bringing together in conference at

the city of Washington, especially during the sessions of

congress, representatives of labor and capital for the purpose

of discussing industrial problems, with the view of arriving

at a better understanding between employers and employés, and

thus promoting industrial peace." To carry out this purpose,

an organization was incorporated by Act of Congress, March 2,

1905, under the name of the "Foundation for the Promotion of

Industrial Peace," with trustees named as follows:

Chief Justice Melville W. Fuller, president;

Seth Low of New York, representing the general public,

treasurer;

John Mitchell of the United Mine Workers of America,

representing labor, secretary;

Thomas G. Bush of Birmingham, Ala.,

representing general public;

Marvin A. Hughitt, representing capital, and

Secretaries James Wilson and Oscar Solomon Straus.

Vacancies in the board to be filled by the President of the

United States. The Trustees to pay over the income of the

Foundation, or such part as they may apportion, to an

Industrial Peace Committee, of nine members, selected and

appointed by the Trustees, "three members of this committee to

be representatives of labor, three to be representatives of

capital, each chosen for distinguished services in the

industrial world in promoting righteous industrial peace, and

three members to represent the general public." As originally

appointed, this Committee was made up of the following

persons:

"Archbishop John Ireland,

Marcus M. Marks of New York,

Ralph M. Easley of New York,

Elbert H. Gary, chairman finance committee

United States Steel Corporation;

Lucius Tuttle, president of Boston & Maine railroad;

J. Gunby Jordan of Columbus, Georgia;

Samuel Gompers, president of the

American Federation of Labor;

Daniel Keefe, president of the Longshoremen’s association, and

Warren S. Stone, president International Brotherhood

of Locomotive Engineers."

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1907.

Abortive Strike of Telegraphers.

A widely organized and considerably prolonged strike of

American telegraph operators, in the fall of 1907, was made

abortive by the fact that the supply of men and women who have

some training for the ordinary work of telegraphy is too large

for a trade union to control the employment of it. The

telegraphic service was made very imperfect for some weeks,

and the public was subjected to much inconvenience; but the

employing companies were brought to no such straits as could

be coercive. The struggle of the operators was mainly for the

recognition of their union, to secure negotiation with them as

a body, for the adjusting of some conditions of which they

complained. They suffered absolute defeat, and had to make

terms individually at the end.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1907 (April).

Threatened Railway Strike averted by Federal Intermediation.

A strike of trainmen and conductors on railways west of

Chicago which threatened to be very serious was averted, in

April, 1907, by the intermediation of the Chairman of the

Interstate Commerce Commission and the Commissioner of Labor,

acting in obedience to the Erdman Law, so called, of 1898.

Both parties to the dispute made concessions. The employés

withdrew their demand for a nine-hour work day, and the

railway companies made an advance in wages which was estimated

to add over $5,000,000 to the earnings of 50,000 men during

the ensuing year.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1908.

The Work of the National Civic Federation in Promotion

of Trades Agreements.

The following is from the annual address of President Seth Low

to the National Civic Federation, at its annual meeting in New

York on the 14th of December, 1908. The special subject of

discussion at the meeting was "The Trade Agreement," on which

Mr. Low spoke in part as follows:

"It has been our good fortune during the year to associate Mr.

John Mitchell with the active work of the Federation, as the

Chairman of its Trades Agreement Department. Mr. Mitchell

entered upon his duties on August 1, and we have already had

many opportunities to perceive the advantage to our work

likely to result from his permanent connection with it.

Through correspondence with labor unions and with the

employers who have trade agreements with labor unions, he is

building up an exceedingly strong department, the influence of

which ought to be very helpfully felt in furthering the use of

the trade agreement as a means for promoting industrial peace

and progress.

"There are still some, though they are fewer in number than

they used to be, who maintain that the relation of the

employer to the employé is an individual one, and who

therefore will not deal with men as members of an organization

in matters relating to their employment. I read in the paper

the other day that there are 89,000 stockholders in the

Pennsylvania Railroad Company. No one contends that these

people organize into a company in order to fight labor. They

organize because they have to in order to work together, and,

as a result of organizing, they are represented in every use

made of their capital by their officers. Can any one seriously

contend that these 89,000 stockholders, speaking through their

officers, are justified in saying to their 160,000 employés,

‘We insist upon dealing with you, man by man; we will not

recognize your organization.’ Is it not rather clear, that the

160,000 employés, so far as their interests are common, must

unite if they are to have anything at all to say as to the

conditions upon which they will work, and, if they unite, they

must have an organization and they must be represented by

their officers? …

{394}

"Take another illustration: The United States Steel

Corporation employs, in round numbers, 200,000 men. Of this

vast army of workmen about 44,000, nearly all of them

representatives of organized labor, own stock in the

corporation. In their capacity as stockholders, these 44,000

workmen are represented by the officers of the corporation.

Can it be contended that they are any the less free, or have

any less right, to be represented, in their capacity as

workmen, by the chosen representatives of their trade

organization? And when the two attributes of holding stock and

taking employment are thus united in the same persons, will

any one any longer contend that these men, as workmen,

organize for the purpose of antagonizing themselves as

capitalists?

"Now it is out of conditions that have produced a situation

like this that the so-called ‘trade agreement’ has sprung. In

its simplest statement, a trade agreement is an agreement

between organized stockholders and organized workmen, both

acting through their chosen representatives, to determine, for

the period of the agreement, the general terms of employment

of the various classes of workingmen concerned. That each side

tries to make the best bargain it can, goes without saying.

That conditions favor sometimes one side and sometimes the

other is equally true. That each side tends, when it has in

its turn the upper hand, to push the other too hard is not

improbable. But just as certainly as a pendulum, after

swinging from one side to the other, tends to rest in a

position of equilibrium, so such trade agreements tend to

relieve the trade to which they apply of the extreme swing

from conditions favoring capital to conditions favoring labor,

and vice versa, which so often spells disaster to

capital and labor alike. In other words, trade agreements that

are revisable from time to time certainly make for industrial

peace, and they ought as certainly to make for industrial

progress. In the meanwhile they are constantly educating

everybody concerned into a realization of the fundamental

importance of keeping faith."

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1908-1909.

The Question of Injunctions in Labor Disputes.

See (in this Volume)

LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1908-1909.

Union Boycotting a Violation of the Sherman Anti-Trust Law.

The American Federation of Labor and the Bucks Stove Company.

Alleged Contempt of Court by President Gompers and others.

Early in 1908 the Supreme Court of the United States gave

final decision to a case in which the Hatters’ Union and the

American Federation of Labor were proceeded against, for

boycotting the goods of a hat manufacturing firm which refused

to unionize its factory. As the plaintiffs in the suit sold

their hats in many States, the boycott was alleged to be a

combination in restraint of interstate commerce, and a

violation, therefore, of the anti-trust law. The United States

Circuit Court had dismissed the complaint, and the Court of

Appeals had affirmed its decree; but the Supreme Court, by a

unanimous decision, overruled both. It held that the law in

question is violated by a combination to prevent the sale of

non-union articles in different States.

[Under this decision, in a suit by the hat manufacturing

company against the Hatters’ Union for damages, a jury at

Hartford, Connecticut, on the 3d of February, 1910, awarded

$74,000 to the former. The Union has appealed from the

verdict.]

The attitude of law toward trade union boycotting was

exhibited a year later in another more notable case, which

arose from action taken by the American Federation of Labor

against the Bucks Stove Company. In March 1907, the Federation

had proclaimed a boycott against that company, advertising it

in the official organ of the Federation as one which "we don’t

patronize," and taking measures to prevent tradesmen from

buying the company’s stoves. A suit to enjoin this boycott was

brought, and the injunction was granted, in December, 1907, by

Judge Gould, of the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia.

The issuance of the injunction was made dependent, however, on

the filing of a bond by the plaintiff, to make good all

damages if the injunction should not finally be sustained, and

an interval of six days occurred before the filing of the bond

made the injunction effective. In that interval, many copies

of a publication which the injunction would forbid were sent

out by mail from the headquarters of the Federation, and more

or less of these copies reached their destination after the

injunction became of force. This proceeding, together with

various devices by which the officers of the Federation had

sought to evade the injunction, through covert allusions to

the boycott, became the ground of a charge that the principal

officers of the Federation, Samuel Gompers, John Mitchell, and

Frank Morrison, had violated the injunction and been guilty of

contempt of court. On this charge, in July, 1908, these

officials were ordered to show cause, on the 8th of September

following, why they should not be punished for contempt. The

case came then before another judge, Daniel T. Wright, whose

judgment, rendered near the end of the year, held them guilty

of contempt and sentenced them to imprisonment, severally, for

one year, for nine months and for six months.

Appeal from the injunction, meantime, had been taken to the

Court of Appeals of the District of Columbia, and there, on

the 11th of March, 1909, it received a modification which

seems, practically, to have extinguished the contempt. The

Court held that the decree should be modified to the extent

that it shall only restrain the defendants from conspiring or

combining to boycott the business of the Bucks Stove & Range

Company or threatening or declaring any boycott or assisting

therein, and from printing the name of the complainant, its

business or product in the "we don’t patronize" or "unfair"

list of defendants in furtherance of any boycott. The court

held that the defendants cannot be restrained from all

publications referring to the Bucks company, but only such as

are made in furtherance of an illegal boycott.

On the appeal from the decree of the Court which adjudged

Gompers, Morrison, and Mitchell to be guilty of contempt of

court, the District Court of Appeals, on the 2d of November,

1909, affirmed that decree, and the sentence of Judge Wright

was thus in force. A stay was given to it for a time, during

which a writ of certiorari was obtained from the Supreme Court

of the United States, which will review the whole case, but

not until October, 1910.

{395}

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1909.

Expiration and Renewal of the Three Year Agreement

in the Anthracite Coal Districts.

Report of the Conciliation Board for the past Three Years.

Again, in the spring of 1909, at the end of a three year term

of agreement (see above, A. D. 1906), the anthracite coal

miners and their employers were in controversy over a renewal

of the agreement. The latter proffered a renewal, without

change, for another three years. The miners, in convention, at

Scranton, on March 23d and 24th, refused the offer unless the

agreement should be signed by them as members of the United

Mine Workers of America, recognizing their organization. In

this they were upheld by the new President of the United Mine

Workers, Thomas L. Lewis, successor to Mr. John Mitchell,

whose state of health had compelled him to resign. The old

agreement expired on the 31st of March, and nothing was

formulated at the time in its place, except a verbal

understanding that, pending further conferences, the miners

would continue work on the former terms. Later, however, it

was stated that the Board of Conciliation, created by the

strike commission of 1902, had been continued for a further

period of three years.

At the end of August, 1909, the Conciliation Board published a

report of the last three years of its work, in the settling of

differences between mine-workers and operators. Only

twenty-three grievances were presented to the mediators

between April 1, 1906, and April 1, 1909, as compared with 150

grievances in the preceding three years. The Volume issued

three years ago contained 336 pages. This year only 69 pages

are required to tell of the grievances and settlement. A

number of the grievances covered in the new report were

settled out of court. Of the others, some were decided in

favor of the employees, some for the employers. In three years

only three grievances had to be referred to an umpire. As the

purposes of the board have become more clearly understood, a

greater number of differences have been settled without

reaching the stage of formal complaints. The members use their

influence with the contestants to effect a compromise,

avoiding the delay occasioned by a formal investigation.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1909 (May-June).

The Georgia Railroad Strike.

See (in this Volume)

Race Problems: United States: A. D). 1909.

LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1909-1910.

Strike of Girls in the Shirtwaist Trade at New York.

Its Social Significance.

One of the most important of recent labor strikes, in its

social aspect, was undertaken in November, 1909, by the

shirtwaist-makers of New York City, mostly girls. At the

outset, the strikers numbered between 25,000 and 30,000; but

half of them, by the middle of December, had made terms with

their employers and resumed work. Ten or fifteen thousand were

still in heroic contention with obstinate masters of the

trade, and having public opinion and sympathy very strongly on

their side. "The strike began," says the New York Evening

Post, "in a multiplicity of causes. Wages, sanitary

conditions in the shops, humane treatment by foremen and

forewomen, and recognition of the Waistmakers’ Union all

played a part. The contest has now [December 15] settled down

to the single question of the union shop. The employers

profess themselves ready to arbitrate every other point in

dispute. The strikers maintain that recognition of their union

is their only guarantee against the recurrence of conditions

such as precipitated the conflict. … It would be easy to

exaggerate the significance of the eager way in which the

Suffragist leaders have thrown themselves into the conflict.

It is even easy to exaggerate the significance of the way in

which women of wealth and social prominence have come out in

support of the strike. More significant to us is the zeal with

which women of no very great social prominence, but still not

of the working class, have from the beginning given their

services in organizing and managing the strike, and

particularly in doing picket duty on the streets and defending

the rights of the girl employés before the police magistrates

and in the courts. Here evidently is a sex-sentiment which

cuts across the boundaries of class and bids fair to give a

new aspect to labor conflicts of the future in which women are

involved. The present strike has a social significance quite

beyond the questions immediately at issue. It is our first

great woman’s strike, and as such it signalizes in a dramatic

fashion woman’s invasion into the field of industry."

----------LABOR ORGANIZATION: End--------

----------LABOR PROTECTION: Start--------

EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY

INDUSTRIAL INSURANCE

HOURS OF LABOR,

etc.

LABOR PROTECTION:

Safety Guards.

Employers’ Liability.

Insurance, etc.

The Needed Law.

"In order to protect workingmen against injury by disease or

negligent arrangements of machinery and ways, we need a state

code of regulations which will prescribe protective devices,

provide faithful inspectors and punish those guilty of

violating the law. The roundabout method of making employers

liable for damages in case of negligence has little effect,

because employers can buy legal protection and wage-earners

have no money for law suits. Employers’ liability laws may be

made more severe and drastic; by statutes the obnoxious

‘fellow servant’ factor may be eliminated; various other

provisions may be enacted by Congress and by state

legislatures to extend somewhat the definition of negligence;

but no law of this kind ever was made or ever can be made

which will protect workmen from the loss of wages not clearly

due to negligence of employers. An employer cannot be made

‘liable’ for defects for which he or his agent is not

responsible. It is sheer waste of time to labor for

improvement of a law whose fundamental principle covers only

cases of employers’ fault, because a vast number of injuries

are due to causes which the utmost care cannot prevent.

{396}

"In order to secure income in periods of incapacity for labor

several legal ways are open. The British method has much to

commend it and finds favor with many Americans, the method

based on the principle of ‘compensation.’ In Great Britain the

old liability law is left to stand, like a rotting trunk, by

the side of the new and living tree of the ‘compensation’ law.

By the terms of this new law, enacted in 1897 and extended

1907 to certain trade diseases, the employer is required to

pay indemnity to any employé who is injured in health or limb

by accident or any cause due to the trade, and in case of

death his dependent family is paid a certain sum for support.

The employer resting under this obligation is permitted to

meet it any way he can find. Usually he will bargain with an

insurance company to carry his legal risk for a premium. It is

said the insurance companies are putting up the rates, but

Britishers will discover a way to cover the risk in the

cheapest form. Already our federal government has embodied

this ‘compensation’ principle in a law which gives a meagre

sum to its own employés of certain classes when injured in its

service; and the example of the central government will

probably soon be imitated in several states. Bills are now

being drawn for this purpose.

"The ‘social insurance’ principle is entirely different from

that of either ‘liability’ or ‘compensation.’ The word

‘compensation’ carries a little of the flavor of the ancient

damage suit, while ‘insurance’ is simply an amicable business

arrangement to provide in advance for the inevitable average

risk of the trade, which may be extended beyond the perils of

the shop and mill to all places and conditions of the

workman's life.

"Historically the unquestioned tendency is from the liability

principle to the direct insurance principle, with a wayside

inn, perhaps, in some law like that of Great Britain, the law

of France being almost squarely on the social insurance ground

so far as it goes.

"The Illinois Industrial Insurance Commission proposed a law

based on the insurance principle, though its friends were

compelled to stop at a compromise with existing laws and

constitutions. The bill offered by that commission was based

on permission and persuasion; it offered to the employers who

would provide an adequate system of insurance against trade

accidents, freedom from the sword of the existing liability

law; and it offered to the workmen, if they were willing to

accept these terms, an assured income in case of injury and to

their dependents relief in case of death due to occupation. A

law passed by the Legislature of Massachusetts, in May, 1908,

has actually embodied this idea and set it to work in the

field of experiment. It remains to be seen whether the motives

mentioned will induce employers and employés to agree on the

plan. Without agreement the law will be a dead letter, for it

is merely permissive, and agreements will not be made unless

the economic motive is adequate. Up to this writing (December

7) not a single employer has organized a scheme under this

law.

"The Wisconsin Board of Labor has made what seems a wise

proposition to the effect that employers be compelled to

insure their employés up to the ordinary amount already known

to be spent for litigation, casualty insurance premiums and

other expenses; and they also properly suggest state

organization for the collection and administration of the

premiums.

"The recent International Congress on Workingmen’s Insurance,

after many years of debate, reached conclusions of vast

import, happily without dissent. One conclusion was that all

attempts to insure the workmen who most need it, whose pay is

small and uncertain, and who are not organized, must prove

failures. Delegates from France and England who have always

stood for ‘liberty’ have come to admit this truth. Not even

subsidies to voluntary insurance associations have been

effective. Only when insurance is made compulsory on all does

it reach the multitude of the wage-earners. But compulsion to

insure may include liberty of method, if the plan adopted is

approved by legal authority and by actuaries. Either private

companies, mutual associations, or state departments of

insurance may be trusted to conduct the plans once they are

obligatory on all.

"Another interesting conclusion at the Rome congress was that

compulsory insurance can cover only a minimum guarantee of

income to the sick, wounded or invalid workman; while above

this minimum, with advancing wages, workmen and their

employers can well unite in providing more generously for loss

of income by voluntary payments of higher premiums. Trade

unions, fraternal societies and other organizations, as well

as casualty companies, have before them an indefinite field

for expanding their activities in this direction."

Charities and the Commons,

March 13, 1909.

LABOR PROTECTION: Accident and Sickness Insurance:

Proposed Amendments to the German Compulsory Insurance Laws.

A Bill to amend the compulsory insurance laws of Germany which

was laid by the Imperial Government before the Federal Council

in April, 1909, to be acted on in the course of the ensuing

year, is described in part elsewhere.

See, in Volume IV. of this work,

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1883-1889.

See in Volume VI.

GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

See in this Volume,

POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS.

Of the contemplated amendments that relate to accident and

sickness insurance it was announced, that "the proposed

amendments of the law of accident insurance are mainly formal,

but the scheme of insurance against illness is to be largely

extended, and will include practically all classes of workers

for whom insurance against invalidity and old age is or is to

be compulsory. On the one hand, the system will in future

include agricultural labourers, workers engaged for less than

one week, and assistants and apprentices, whose insurance is

not at present compulsory. On the other hand, it will include

such categories of workers as stage and orchestra

employés, and teachers who are not in the service of

the State, if their salaries do not exceed £100 a year. The

crews of seagoing ships, as well as of vessels plying on

inland waterways, are now brought into the general sick

insurance system."

{397}

LABOR PROTECTION:

Accidents to Workmen in the United States.

The Death Roll.

Appalling Statistics.

"Mr. Frederick L. Hoffman, of the Bureau of Labor, Department

of Commerce and Labor, has compiled some striking statistics

concerning the subject of accidents to workingmen. The

importance of this subject is apparent when it is considered

that between 30,000 and 35,000 workmen lose their lives in

accidents in the course of their employment in this country

during a year. Statistics have been secured from official

sources and from insurance experience which show that the

accident liability to which American workmen are subject is

indeed high. Census reports covering the years 1900 to 1906

show that out of over 1,000,000 deaths of males more than nine

per cent. were due to accident. The liability of workmen to

accidental injury or death is brought under five general

classifications, including factories and workshops, electrical

industries, mines and quarries, transportation by rail and

transportation by water. Of those employed in factories and

workshops, probably the most exposed class is the workers in

iron and steel. Of 8,456 accidents during the years 1901 to

1905, 4.1 per cent, of the accidents to men employed in

rolling mills resulted fatally. According to industrial

insurance experience, the fatal-accident rate of electricians

and of electric linemen is excessive. Of 645 deaths of

electricians, 14.7 per cent., and of 240 deaths of linemen,

46.7 per cent., were due to accidents. In the anthracite mines

of Pennsylvania state inspectors have found that during ten

years there have averaged annually 3.18 fatal accidents for

every 1,000 men employed, and the rate is even higher than

this for certain specific occupations in the mines. That this

rate is excessive is shown by comparison with the death rate

from accident of 1.29 per 1,000 in the British coal mines.

Reports of the Interstate Commerce Commission show that during

ten years 16,363 railway trainmen lost their lives in

accidents. This is equivalent to 7.46 deaths per 1,000

employés."

Electrical Review,

January 2, 1909.

LABOR PROTECTION:

Child Labor.

See (in this Volume)

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS WORKERS.

LABOR PROTECTION: Employers’ Liability in Great Britain.

The Workmen’s Compensation Act of 1906.

The Workmen’s Compensation Act which passed the British

Parliament in December, 1906, has the core of its purpose in

the first of two appended schedules, which fixes the "Scale

and Conditions of Compensation," in the following terms:

"(1) The amount of compensation under this Act shall be—

"(a) where death results from the injury—

"(i) if the workman leaves any dependants wholly

dependent upon his earnings, a sum equal to his earnings in

the employment of the same employer during the three years

next preceding the injury, or the sum of one hundred and

fifty pounds, whichever of those sums is the larger, but

not exceeding in any case three hundred pounds, provided

that the amount of any weekly payments made under this Act,

and any lump sum paid in redemption thereof, shall be

deducted from such sum, and, if the period of the workman’s

employment by the said employer has been less than the said

three years, then the amount of his earnings during the

said three years shall be deemed to be one hundred and

fifty-six times his average weekly earnings during the

period of his actual employment under the said employer;

"(ii) if the workman does not leave any such

dependants, but leaves any dependants in part dependent

upon his earnings, such sum, not exceeding in any case the

amount payable under the foregoing provisions, as may be

agreed upon, or, in default of agreement, may be

determined, on arbitration under this Act, to be reasonable

and proportionate in the injury to the said dependants; and

"(iii) if he leaves no dependants, the reasonable

expenses of his medical attendance and burial, not

exceeding ten pounds;

"(b) where total or partial incapacity for work results

from the injury, a weekly payment during the incapacity not

exceeding fifty per cent. of his average weekly earnings

during the previous twelve months, if he has been so long

employed, but if not then for any less period during which he

has been in the employment of the same employer, such weekly

payment not to exceed one pound:

"Provided that—

"(a) if the incapacity lasts less than two weeks no

compensation shall be payable in respect of the first week;

and

"(b) as respects the weekly payments during total

incapacity of a workman who is under twenty-one years of age

at the date of the injury, and whose average weekly earnings

are less than twenty shillings, one hundred per cent, shall be

substituted for fifty per cent. of his average weekly

earnings, but the weekly payment shall in no case exceed ten

shillings.

"(2) For the purposes of the provisions of this schedule

relating to ‘earnings’ and ‘average weekly earnings’ of a

workman, the following rules shall be observed:—

"(a) average weekly earnings shall be computed in such

manner as is best calculated to give the rate per week at

which the workman was being remunerated. Provided that where

by reason of the shortness of the time during which the

workman has been in the employment of his employer, or the

casual nature of the employment, or the terms of the

employment, it is impracticable at the date of the accident to

compute the rate of remuneration, regard may be had to the

average weekly amount which, during the twelve months previous

to the accident, was being earned by a person in the same

grade, employed at the same work by the same employer, or, if

there is no person so employed, by a person in the same grade

employed in the same class of employment and in the same

district;

"(b) where the workman had entered into concurrent

contracts of service with two or more employers under which he

worked at one time for one such employer and at another time

for another such employer, his average weekly earnings shall

be computed as if his earnings under all such contracts were

earnings in the employment of the employer for whom he was

working at the time of the accident;

"(c) employment by the same employer shall be taken to

mean employment by the same employer in the grade in which the

workman was employed at the time of the accident,

uninterrupted by absence from work due to illness or any other

unavoidable cause;

"(d) Where the employer has been accustomed to pay to

the workman a sum to cover any special expenses entailed on

him by the nature of his employment, the sum so paid shall not

be reckoned as part of the earnings.

{398}

"(3) In fixing the amount of the weekly payment, regard shall

be had to any payment, allowance, or benefit which the workman

may receive from the employer during the period of his

incapacity, and in the case of partial incapacity the weekly

payment shall in no case exceed the difference between the

amount of the average weekly earnings of the workman before

the accident and the average weekly amount which he is earning

or is able to earn in some suitable employment or business

after the accident, but shall bear such relation to the amount

of that difference as under the circumstances of the case may

appear proper.

"(4) Where a workman has given notice of an accident, he

shall, if so required by the employer, submit himself for

examination by a duly qualified medical practitioner provided

and paid by the employer, and, if he refuses to submit himself

to such examination, or in any way obstructs the same, his

right to compensation, and to take or prosecute any proceeding

under this Act in relation to compensation, shall be suspended

until such examination has taken place."

Further clauses of this schedule, and of the second schedule,

which relates to the arbitration of disputed matters, are

prescriptive in detail of procedure for carrying out the

orders stated above. The liability of the employer and its

limitations are set forth in the body of the Act, as follows:

"I.

(1) If in any employment personal injury by accident arising

out of and in the course of the employment is caused to a

workman, his employer shall, subject as hereinafter mentioned,

be liable to pay compensation in accordance with the First

Schedule to this Act.

(2) Provided that—

"(a) The employer shall not be liable under this Act in

respect of any injury which does not disable the workman for a

period of at least one week from earning full wages at the

work at which he was employed:

"(b) When the injury was caused by the personal

negligence or wilful act of the employer or of some person for

whose act or default the employer is responsible, nothing in

this Act shall affect any civil liability of the employer, but

in that case the workman may, at his option, either claim

compensation under this Act or take proceedings independently

of this Act; but the employer shall not be liable to pay

compensation for injury to a workman by accident arising out

of and in the course of the employment both independently of

and also under this Act, and shall not be liable to any

proceedings independently of this Act, except in case of such

personal negligence or wilful act as aforesaid:

"(c) If it is proved that the injury to a workman is

attributable to the serious and wilful misconduct of that

workman, any compensation claimed in respect of that injury

shall, unless the injury results in death or serious and

permanent disablement, be disallowed.

"(3) If any question arises in any proceedings under this Act

as to the liability to pay compensation under this Act

(including any question as to whether the person injured is a

workman to whom this Act applies), or as to the amount or

duration of compensation under this Act, the question, if not

settled by agreement, shall, subject to the provisions of the

First Schedule to this Act, be settled by arbitration, in

accordance with the Second Schedule to this Act."

LABOR PROTECTION: In New Zealand:

Compensation for "Miners’ Disease."

In the later part of 1908 a singular labor strike was caused

in New Zealand by legislation making "miners’ disease" a

ground of compensation from employers. The men refused to be

examined for the disease, and the masters refused to engage

them without examination; while the Government, which

apparently expected masters to take the risk of engaging men

already diseased, itself refused to admit the miners to the

benefits of State insurance without examination.

A despatch from Wellington, January 9, 1909, announced: "The

Waihi miners have unanimously refused to submit to medical

examination, and 1,700 men will cease work on Monday unless

the owners concede the point. The outlook is serious and the

township is depressed. The Auckland coal miners remain idle,

and consequently part of the coast fleet is laid up and a

number of hands have been discharged." But a later despatch of

the same date added: "The Government have now resolved to

accept the risk of insuring the miners without examination,

pending an amendment of the Act next session.

LABOR PROTECTION: In the United States:

On Interstate Railways.

In his message to Congress, December, 1908, the President

referred to this enactment, which he had approved in the

previous April:

"Among the excellent laws which the Congress passed at the

last session was an employers’ liability law. It was a marked

step in advance to get the recognition of employers’ liability

on the statute books; but the law did not go far enough. In

spite of all precautions exercised by employers there are

unavoidable accidents and even deaths involved in nearly every

line of business connected with the mechanic arts. This

inevitable sacrifice of life may be reduced to a minimum, but

it can not be completely eliminated. It is a great social

injustice to compel the employee, or rather the family of the

killed or disabled victim, to bear the entire burden of such

an inevitable sacrifice. In other words, society shirks its

duty by laying the whole cost on the victim, whereas the

injury comes from what may be called the legitimate risks of

the trade. Compensation for accidents or deaths due in any

line of industry to the actual conditions under which that

industry is carried on should be paid by that portion of the

community for the benefit of which the industry is carried

on—that is, by those who profit by the industry. If the entire

trade risk is placed upon the employer he will promptly and

properly add it to the legitimate cost of production and

assess it proportionately upon the consumers of his commodity.

It is therefore clear to my mind that the law should place

this entire ‘risk of a trade’ upon the employer. Neither the

Federal law, nor, as far as I am informed, the State laws

dealing with the question of employers’ liability are

sufficiently thorogoing. The Federal law should of course

include employees in navy-yards, arsenals, and the like."

{399}

The following is the text of the Act:

"Section 1.

That every common carrier by railroad while engaging in

commerce between any of the several States or Territories, or

between any of the States and Territories, or between the

District of Columbia and any of the States or Territories, or

between the District of Columbia or any of the States or

Territories and any foreign nation or nations, shall be liable

in damages to any person suffering injury while he is employed

by such carrier in such commerce, or, in case of the death of

such employee, to his or her personal representative, for the

benefit of the surviving widow or husband and children of such

employee; and, if none, then of such employee’s parents; and,

if none, then of the next of kin dependent upon such employee,

for such injury or death resulting in whole or in part from

the negligence of any of the officers, agents or employees of

such carrier, or by reason of any defect or insufficiency, due

to its negligence, in its cars, engines, appliances,

machinery, track, roadbed, works, boats, wharves, or other

equipment.

"Section 2.

That every common carrier by railroad in the Territories, the

District of Columbia, the Panama Canal Zone, or other

possessions of the United States shall be liable in damages to

any person suffering injury while he is employed by such

carrier in any of said jurisdictions, or, in case of the death

of such employee, to his or her personal representative, for

the benefit of the surviving widow or husband and children of

such employee; and, if none, then of such employee’s parents;

and, if none, then of the next of kin dependent upon such

employee, for such injury or death resulting in whole or in

part from the negligence of any of the officers, agents, or

employees of such carrier, or by reason of any defect or

insufficiency, due to its negligence, in its cars, engines,

appliances, machinery, track, roadbed, works, boats, wharves,

or other equipment.

"Section 3.

That in all actions hereinafter brought against any such

common carrier by railroad under or by virtue of any of the

provisions of this Act to recover damages for personal

injuries to an employee, or where such injuries have resulted

in his death, the fact that the employee may have been guilty

of contributory negligence shall not bar a recovery, but the

damages shall be diminished by the jury in proportion to the

amount of negligence attributable to such employee:

Provided, That no such employee who may be injured or

killed shall be held to have been guilty of contributory

negligence in any case where the violation by such common

carrier of any statute enacted for the safety of employees

contributed to the injury or death of such employee.

"Section 4.

That in any action brought against any common carrier under or

by virtue of any of the provisions of this Act to recover

damages for injuries to, or death of, any of its employees,

such employee shall not be held to have assumed the risks of

his employment in any case where the violation by such common

carrier of any statute enacted for the safety of employees

contributed to the injury or death of such employee.

"Section 5.

That any contract, rule, regulation, or device whatsoever, the

purpose or intent of which shall be to enable any common

carrier to exempt itself from any liability created by this

Act, shall to that extent be void: Provided, That in

any action brought against any such common carrier under or by

virtue of any of the provisions of this Act, such common

carrier may set off therein any sum it has contributed or paid

to any insurance, relief benefit, or indemnity that may have

been paid to the injured employee or the person entitled

thereto on account of the injury or death for which said

action was brought.

"Section 6.

That no action shall be maintained under this Act unless

commenced within two years from the day the cause of action

accrued.

"Section 7.

That the term ‘common carrier’ as used in this Act shall

include the receiver or receivers or other persons or

corporations charged with the duty of the management and

operation of the business of a common carrier.

"Section 8.

That nothing in this Act shall be held to limit the duty or

liability of common carriers or to impair the rights of their

employees under any other Act or Acts of Congress, or to

affect the prosecution of any pending proceeding or right of

action under the Act of Congress entitled ‘An Act relating to

liability of common carriers in the District of Columbia and

Territories, and to common carriers engaged in commerce

between the States and between the States and foreign nations

to their employees,’ approved June eleventh, nineteen hundred

and six."

Statutes of the United States of America

passed 1st at Session of the 60th Congress, 1907-1908,

part 1, chapter 149.

LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR:

Judicial Limitation of Police Power to regulate them

in the United States.

By a decision from the Supreme Court of the United States, in

April, 1905, an Act of the Legislature of New York, limiting

the hours of labor to be exacted from workmen in bakeries, was

pronounced unconstitutional. The law in question provided that

"no employee shall be required or permitted to work in a

biscuit, bread or cake bakery or confectionery establishment

more than sixty hours in any one week, or more than ten hours

in any one day, unless for the purpose of making a shorter

work day on the last day of the week; nor more hours in any

one week than will make an average of ten hours per day for

the number of days during such week in which such employee

shall work." The New York Court of Appeals had passed on this

enactment and declared it constitutional, as a measure for the

protection of public health. A majority of the Supreme Court—

five to four—rejected this view, saying, in the opinion

written by Justice Peckham: "We think the limit of the police

power has been reached and passed in this case. There is, in

our judgment, no reasonable foundation for holding this to be

necessary or appropriate as a health law to safeguard the

public health or the health of the individuals who are

following the trade of a baker." In the dissenting opinion of

Justice Harlan, Justices White and Day concurring, it was

said: "The rule is universal that a legislative enactment,

Federal or State, is never to be disregarded or held invalid

unless it be, beyond question, plainly and palpably in excess

of legislative power. If there be doubt as to the validity of

the statute, that doubt must therefore be resolved in favor of

its validity, and the courts must keep their hands off,

leaving the Legislature to meet the responsibility for unwise

legislation."

LABOR PROTECTION: LIMITATION OF WORKING HOURS FOR TRAINMEN.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

{400}

LABOR PROTECTION: THE "ENGLISH COAL MINES (EIGHT HOUR) ACT."

The Act so called, passed in 1908, came into force on the 1st

of July, 1909, except as respects mines in the counties of

Northumberland and Durham, where its operation was deferred

until the 1st of January, 1910. The Act provides that "a

workman shall not be below ground in a mine for the purpose of

his work, or of going to and from his work, for more than

eight hours during any consecutive twenty-four hours"; but

this is qualified by the condition that "no contravention of

the foregoing provisions shall be deemed to take place in the

case of a workman working in a shift if the period between the

times at which the last workman in the shift leaves the

surface and the first workman in the shift returns to the

surface does not exceed eight hours." This rule, it is said,

makes the nominal working day of eight hours "one that will

vary, according to local conditions, from eight and a half to

nine hours." On the other hand, the Coal Owners’ Association

of South Wales and Monmouthshire, in a manifesto issued

shortly before the Act became operative, declared: "The Act

does not permit eight hours’ work underground, but a

considerable portion of this time is taken up in travelling to

and from the actual place of work, and in many of the older

collieries not more than 6½ hours’ effective work will be

performed. The owners are strongly of opinion that it will be

found impossible to work such collieries and maintain them in

repair with all the pumping of water, boilers, engines,

horses, officials, and attendants necessary for 24 hours per

day on 6½ hours’ productive work, especially in view of the

fact that in South Wales a much larger proportion of the

collier’s time is occupied in other work than in producing

coal than is the case in most other coalfields."

The conditions are described as being different in the Welsh

mines from those in other British coal fields, and it seems to

have been there only that trouble arose when the Act came into

effect.

LABOR PROTECTION:

Germany’s Latest Code.

"The coal miners of Prussia have secured a legal eight-hours

day for underground work, but in industry generally the number

of hours worked is ten daily, or sixty weekly, and these hours

generally fall between six and six or seven and seven. In some

industries, and especially the textile industries, from

sixty-three to sixty-six hours per week are commonly worked by

both sexes. … Just as there was once a time when the textile

industry of the Rhineland worked to a large extent seventeen

hours a day in order to facilitate competition with England’s

more highly developed factories and more skilled workers, so

now a day of ten and eleven hours is maintained in the same

industry purely out of fear of the foreigner. … The only

limitation of hours introduced by the amendment to the

Industrial Code which was passed in 1908 applied to female

workers, and it merely fixed the rule of sixty hours, subject

to many exceptions. An investigation made in 1902 by the

Government into the hours worked by females employed in

factories and workshops showed that of 813,560 such

workpeople, employed in 38,706 works, 86,191 (in 6,768 works),

or 10.6 per cent., worked nine hours or less, while 347,814

(in 18,267 works), or 42.8 per cent., worked from nine to ten

hours (inclusive), so that over half already enjoy the

protection which the new law is to afford. The Socialists at

present demand a ten-hours day for both sexes, for the whole

country and for all industries, but they regard this no longer

as their final objective, but as a stage on the way towards

the goal of an eight-hours day, via a halfway house of nine

hours."

William H. Dawson,

The Involution of Modern Germany,

pages 129-131

(Unwin, London; Scribners, New York, 1909).

"On December 28 last [1908] an industrial amendment Act was

passed by the German Reichstag and became law. It introduces a

number of new and more stringent regulations for the

protection of women and children, which will have the effect

of securing a large reduction of the hours of labour in many

manufacturing industries. In its application it goes beyond

the existing factory law, which applies to Fabriken,

and it includes all Betriebe (industrial

establishments) in which ten or more persons are employed. It

reduces the maximum number of hours for women from 11 to 10 on

ordinary week days and from 10 to 8 on Saturday. That is to

say, it reduces the statutory maximum week from 65 to 58

hours. It extends the period during which night-work is

prohibited by an hour, and fixes it from 8 p. m. to 6 a. m.,

instead of from 8.30 p. m. to 5.30 a. m. as heretofore. It

further provides that after each day’s work an unbroken

interval of 11 hours’ rest must elapse; and this also applies

to workers of both sexes under 16. The latter, who already

enjoy the daily and weekly maximum now granted to women, will

also have the statutory times of beginning and leaving off

work altered from 5.30 A. M. to 6 A. M. for beginning and from

8.30 A. M. to 8 P. M. for leaving off."

LONDON TIMES,

MARCH 15, 1909.

LABOR PROTECTION:

Japanese Legislation in Prospect.

The following report from Japan came to the American Press in

a telegram dated December 15, 1909, at Victoria, British

Columbia: Factory owners of Japan, who employ 642,000 hands,

of whom 392,000 are women and a big percentage children, are

excited over factory laws to be advocated at this session of

the Diet, according to news brought here yesterday. The law

will provide against employment of children less than twelve

years old, but those above ten now employed will be permitted

to continue. Workers under sixteen and females may not be

worked more than twelve hours a day, and must be given two

days rest each month. In days of ten hours, an hour’s rest

must be given.

LABOR PROTECTION:

Report of the United States Industrial Commission in 1902.

Recommendations for State Legislation.

Child Labor and Woman’s Labor.

The Utah Law on Labor in Mines.

"Perhaps the subject of greatest public interest to-day is

that of the regulation of the hours of labor permitted in

industrial occupations, and especially in factories. Most of

the Northern and Eastern States prohibit the employment of

persons under the full age in factories or other mechanical

establishments for more than a prescribed time per diem,

usually ten hours, and not exceeding sixty hours per week.

Obviously, Congress has no power without a constitutional

amendment to legislate directly on this subject. The

Commission are of the opinion that a uniform law upon this

subject may wisely be recommended for adoption by all the

States.

{401}

We believe that such legislation can not, under the Federal

and State constitutions be recommended as to persons, male or

female, above the age of 21, except, of course, in some

special industries where employment for too many hours becomes

positively a menace to the health, safety or well-being of the

community; but minors not yet clothed with all the rights of

citizens are peculiarly the subject of State protection, and

still more so young children. The commission are of opinion,

therefore, that a simple statute ought to be enacted by all

the States to regulate the length of the working day for young

persons in factories (meaning by 'young persons’ those between

the age of majority and 14); and in view of the entire absence

of protection now accorded by the laws of many States to

children of tender years we think that the employment of

children in factories in any capacity, or for any time, under

the age of 14, should be prohibited. The question of shops and

mercantile establishments generally appears even more subject

to local conditions than that of factories; therefore the

Commission see no need for even recommending to the States any

uniform legislation upon this subject. But child labor should

be universally protected by educational restrictions,

providing in substance that no child may be employed in either

factories, shops, or in stores in large cities, who cannot

read and write, and, except during vacation, unless he has

attended school for at least twelve weeks in each year.

Further regulation, especially in the line of bringing States

which now have no factory acts up to a higher standard, is

earnestly recommended.

"The Supreme Court of the United States has affirmed the

constitutionality of the Utah law limiting the length of the

day’s labor in mines or under-ground workings, even in the

case of male citizens of full age. The Commission would

therefore recommend that the provisions of the Utah

constitution and statutes be followed in all the States, by

which the period of employment of workmen in all under-ground

mines or workings shall be eight hours a day, except in cases

of emergency, when life or property is in imminent danger, and

also that the employment of children under the age of 14 and

of all women and girls in mines or under-ground quarries and

workings shall be forbidden."

Final Report (1902) of Industrial Commission,

pages 946-948.

LABOR PROTECTION:

Hours of Labor for Women.

Right of the State to put other Limitations than on Men.

U. S. Supreme Court Decision.

The constitutional right of a State to put other limitations

on the hours of labor for women than it puts on the hours of

labor for men was questioned by the proprietor of a laundry in

Oregon, and the question was carried to the Supreme Court of

the United States. The decision of that tribunal was rendered

early in 1908, affirming the right of a State to make such

distinction in labor limitations between the two sexes, and

the ground of the decision introduces a principle of enormous

importance into law. A legal limitation of the hours of labor

touches the contractual rights of the individual, and the

Court conceded that in those rights women stand on the same

plane as men; but the State, it declares, has the

constitutional right, for the public good, to limit the

contractual right of the individual, and its reasoning on the

matter before it turns therefore on the question whether the

protection of women by this special limitation of contractual

rights is or is not for the public good? On this question the

counsel for the State of Oregon, Mr. Louis D. Brandeis, had

submitted a remarkable mass of testimony, social and

physiological, which the Court accepted as conclusive, and

founded its decision thereon. This testimony the Court

declared to be "significant of a widespread belief that

women’s physical structure, and the functions she performs in

consequence thereof, justify special legislation restricting

or qualifying the conditions under which she should be

permitted to toil." Though "constitutional questions … are not

settled by even a consensus of present public opinion," yet

the Court held that "when a question of fact is debated and

debatable, and the extent to which a special constitutional

limitation goes is affected by the truth in respect to that

fact, a widespread and long-continued belief concerning it is

worthy of consideration." Applying that principle in this

case, the Court affirmed that "as healthy mothers are

essential to vigorous offspring, the physical well-being of

woman becomes an object of public interest and care in order

to preserve the strength and vigor of the race." On account of

her physical constitution, "she is not an equal competitor

with her brother." In spite of the removal of legal and other

disabilities, "she will still be where some legislation to

protect her seems necessary to secure a real equality of

right." Such legislation to defend woman, to use the Court’s

phrase, "from the greed as well as the passion of man," is not

merely for her benefit, but for the well-being of the race.

"The two sexes," said Justice Brewer, who delivered the

decision of the Court, "differ in structure of body, in the

functions to be performed by each, in the amount of physical

strength, in the capacity for long-continued labor,

particularly when done standing, the influence of vigorous

health upon the future well-being of the race, the

self-reliance which enables one to assert full rights, and in

the capacity to maintain the struggle for subsistence. This

difference justifies a difference in legislation and upholds

that which is designed to compensate for some of the burdens

which rest upon her."

LABOR PROTECTION: ORIENTAL COMPETITION:

The Force of the Objection to it in Countries under

the Protective Tariff System.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS; UNITED STATES.

LABOR PROTECTION: A. D. 1900-1909.

Study and Treatment of Industrial Problems in

the United States by the National Civic Federation.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.

----------LABOR PROTECTION: End--------

{402}

----------LABOR REMUNERATION: Start--------

LABOR REMUNERATION.

Cooperative Organization.

Pensions.

Profit-sharing.

Wages Regulation, etc.)

LABOR REMUNERATION:

The Bonus System.

Its Working in the Shops of the Bethlehem Steel Company.

"Awarding extra compensation for extra work has long been the

practice of successful manufacturing; but the particular

method of awarding a bonus above referred to is of

recent origin, and fills an important need in modern systems

of management. It may be briefly described as follows:

Alternative ways of doing a piece of work are carefully

investigated by the most competent expert available and the

results recorded. The best method is determined and taught to

an ordinary workman, who is awarded extra compensation in

addition to his day’s pay for doing the work in the time and

manner specified. This method of compensation was the outcome

of an attempt to introduce in complicated work equitable piece

rates determined as nearly as possible by scientific methods."

The original working out of this method into a system is

ascribed by the writer of the above to Mr. Fred W. Taylor, in

the early eighties, he being then in the employ of the Midvale

Steel Company. After setting forth the principles involved in

the system, this writer concludes his article by stating:

"The principles above outlined were applied during the spring

and summer of 1901 to the ordnance and armor-plate machine

shops of the Bethlehem Steel Company, and resulted in a short

time in more than doubling the output of those shops. The

system is still in use substantially as introduced, and the

superintendent, Mr. Archibald Johnston, in his testimony

before the House Committee on Labor, February 13, 1902, makes

the following statement regarding it:

"This arrangement has worked very satisfactorily, both to the

men and the company, for it has enabled us to get work out

more quickly, and to add to the producing capacity of our

invested capital; while for the men it has been a great

benefit, as we have many instances of employees who have

bought homes for themselves principally from their extra

earnings on the bonus system, and from overtime work. The

system has been a stronger incentive to industry than any

other we have been able to put into effect in our plant."

H. L. Gantt,

The Bonus System of Rewarding Labor

(American Review of Reviews).

LABOR REMUNERATION: COÖPERATIVE ORGANIZATION:

France, Italy, etc.

Cooperative Production.

A book published in 1905, entitled "Labor Problems," by T. S.

Adams and Helen L. Sumner, gives an interesting account of

coöperative associations for contract labor in France, of

which there were 296 on the 1st of January, 1901, seemingly

having considerable success, 106 of the number being in the

building trades. Similar organizations were reported in Italy

and New Zealand. In France, the law provides for dividing

public contracts, and for making payments on them in such ways

as to bring them within the means of these associations of

workmen. In Germany and Holland there is said to have been a

less degree of success in organizing this mode of productive

coöperation.

LABOR REMUNERATION: GREAT BRITAIN:

The Coöperative Union and Coöperative Congress.

Recent Statistics of Membership, Organizations, and Operations.

Rapidly increasing Coöperation in Agriculture.

As reported at the annual Coöperative Congress of 1905, the

Coöperative Union of Great Britain had then a membership of

2,200,000, conducting coöperative undertakings with a total

capital of £36,500,000 and a trade of £92,000,000. At that

meeting a proposition to act with the Labor Representation

Committee, for increasing the representation of labor

interests in Parliament, was defeated by 801 votes against

135.

Four years later, at the Congress held in May, 1909, the

reported membership of the Coöperative Union had increased to

2,516,194, in 1560 affiliated societies. Among other

statistics reported for the previous year were the following:

"The two large wholesale societies—one in England and the

other in Scotland—had a membership of 1414 in 1908, or a

decrease of three as compared with the total for 1907; the

shares held amounted to £1,984,676, a rise of £190,131; the

loans were £5,114,201, an increase of £382,990; the sales for

the year amounted to £32,433,968, an increase of £43,940, and

the interest on capital was £96,350, an increase of £5,498.

The year’s trading, however, resulted in a decrease of profits

amounting to £137,197, the total profits being £731,124. There

were 1428 distributive societies, a decrease of 15, but the

membership rose to 2,404,595, or 81,217 more; the shares held

went up to £30,037,352, an increase of £998,703; the loans

amounted to £4,558,021, a rise of £212,377; the sales

increased by £1,635,749, the total being £60,783,278; but the

profits dropped to £10,773,005, or a decrease of £126,327.

"Coöperative production forms a large and important branch of

the movement. Some facts relating to it are given from the

last annual report of the Chief Registrar of Friendly

Societies in order to supplement the figures of the central

board. According to the Chief Registrar’s report, 1251

societies, including distributive, wholesale, and productive

societies, made returns showing that, they carried on

production to the extent of £16,989,764 in the year,

calculated on wholesale prices. The workpeople employed in

production numbered 44,188—men, 25,809; women, 12,212; boys,

6167—and the wages paid to these (exclusive of bonus) amounted

to £2,324,674. The board’s annual summary of the operations

carried on by the productive societies and the productive

departments of the two wholesale societies shows a total

production in 1908 of £11,112,220. To this is added an

estimated production of £7,750,000 by the distributive

societies, making the total production of the coöperative

movement for the year about £18,862,000. The number of

productive societies to which the Board’s returns relate is

122, a decrease of five as compared with the total for the

previous year. The number of people employed by these

societies during the year was 28,575, an increase of 1637; the

capital invested was £4,610,072, an increase of £259,137; the

trade, as stated above, was £11,112,220, an increase of

£450,802; the profits amounted to £352,398, a decrease of

£15,317; and the losses amounted to £68,650, as against £8336.

{403}

"Among the industries engaged in coöperative production, corn

milling had a trade last year amounting to £4,564,706, which

was considerably higher than the total for the previous year.

Increases were also recorded in the cotton, linen, silk, and

wool industries, and by societies engaged in woodwork,

building, and quarrying, printing and bookbinding, baking, and

laundry-work. But the societies producing boots, shoes, and

leather, metal and hardware, and various other goods had a

reduced trade."

In an article on "The Coming of Coöperation," in Agriculture,

the London Times of May 3, 1909, made the following

statements: "The coöperative movement, on which more than

anything else the success of all small farmers and many big

farmers depends, is advancing with a rapidity very little

realized even by farmers themselves.

"The position at present is this. In Ireland, in Scotland, and

in England exist three organization societies which decided in

July of last year to amalgamate for certain purposes. Under

the lead of Sir Horace Plunkett the three societies decided

that joint action would be effective in all the three branches

of cooperative trade—

‘(1) The acquisition of farmers’ supplies of the best

quality at the lowest price;

(2) the marketing of produce in the most economical manner; and

(3) the interchange of certain products.’

"Into this third attribute of cooperation it is worth while

inquiring closely. The idea, which may mean an immense advance

in the production of the farm, small or great, has not become

familiar even to some of the best local coöperative societies

we have. A few examples will illustrate the possibilities. No

one will doubt the value of geographical knowledge to the

farmer. One of the biggest successes made on the Fen farms in

recent years resulted from the accident that a Fen farmer went

to shoot snipe in Ireland, and there came upon a potato which

proved to be exceptionally suited to the Fen soil. Many small

fortunes have been made in potato farming by the use of Scotch

seed. To-day, of course, every one is aware of its excellence,

due partly to the red soil, partly to the wise custom of the

Scotch farmer in digging his potatoes before they are mature.

But this knowledge penetrated very slowly. …

"An admirable instance, illustrating the same point, may be

found in the unpublished history of the French wheats recently

introduced into England. The whole tale is full of suggestions

for English farmers and for the organization societies. French

farmers, as we all know, are very closely federated; and every

sort of work—in buying, in marketing, and in advancing

money—is carried on by the local and federated syndicates.

Some years ago the leaders of these syndicates came to the

conclusion that their wheats greatly improved by a year or two

in English soil. They preferred their own varieties, but found

them more prolific when the seed was imported from England.

Several difficulties met them. They had first to persuade

English growers to grow these varieties, and secondly they had

to compel them to keep the stock pure. The second difficulty

might have been insuperable without joint action, but it was

soon overcome by the syndicates.

"At present Ireland is a long way ahead of England, and

England of Scotland, in co-operative organization; but

certainly in England, as well as Ireland, co-operation has

advanced more rapidly in the last year or two than seemed at

all likely at the beginning of the century. The Agricultural

Organization Society, which was formed for propaganda work, is

already able to give proof of valuable results from joint

action towards what may be called the self-sufficiency of

Britain. The advance has been made possible by the new

federations of farmers, as well as by the multiplication of

local co-operative societies."

LABOR REMUNERATION:

Exhibition of Coöperative Productions.

An exhibition of coöperative productions was opened in August,

1909, at the Crystal Palace, London, in connection with a

National Co-operative Festival. On the one side goods were

shown from the various co-partnership productive societies,

including boots and shoes, baskets, cloth, velvets, cutlery,

watches, and printing; and on the other side were specimens of

the Co-operative Wholesale Society’s goods, such as working

exhibits of sweet-boiling, soap-milling, and cigar and

cigarette making. In addition to the exhibits from workshops,

the Tenant’s Housing Societies showed plans of their houses

owned on the coöperative principle by groups of workmen and

others. It was pointed out by the promoters of the exhibition

that such houses may be completely equipped for habitation

with articles produced under cooperative conditions.

LABOR REMUNERATION: India:

Rapidity of the Movement.

"The co-operative movement in India, which was started five

years ago by the passing of the Cooperative Credit Societies

Act, has made steady and satisfactory progress in all the

Provinces, and there are now 2,000 societies with 185,000

members and a working capital of over half a million sterling.

Each Province has its official registrar and staff of

inspectors, whose business it is to preach the benefits of

co-operation, to encourage the formation of new societies, to

help each society to draw up its by-laws, to check and audit

its accounts free of charge, to point out mistakes, and to put

things right. The ordinary type of co-operative society is the

village bank of from 50 to 100 members, all residents of the

same neighbourhood, who know intimately each other’s needs and

resources, and, above all, each other’s character."

Correspondent London Times,

December 17, 1909.

LABOR REMUNERATION: New Zealand:

The Labor Group Method.

"What distinguishes New Zealand as a State is the way in which

governmental powers have been used, not to stop competition in

the socialistic sense, but to force a higher and fairer level,

on which it acts for the many rather than for the few. Every

startling step has been of this nature. New Zealand is

democratizing competition. If the public is there threatened

with monopoly prices in coal or in insurance, the State acts

competitively for the whole people. Our great interest in this

method is that it may have immeasurable development without

landing us in Socialism. It has the soul of democracy in it

while preserving great areas on which those forms of private

property may be maintained which Socialism usually attacks.

Even more significant is the other illustration which New

Zealand offers.

{404}

"It is the allotment of work to labor groups under the

co-operation method. It unifies at once the political and the

industrial practice. If the digging and laying up of a cellar,

a section of roadway, or the foundations of a bridge are

assigned to twelve laborers for the sum of fifty pounds, they

elect their own manager, agreeing upon the distribution of the

work. A standard of efficiency is set, which the inspector

enforces. The lump sum of fifty pounds is assumed by the

authorities to give first a ‘fair wage,’ but beyond that a

margin is given which extra zeal and fidelity may very

materially increase. Under private contractors working for

profit, this is of course a very old story. It is not an old

story for the State or town to do it, with the express purpose

of avoiding certain evils of competition, like insecurity and

lack of work."

John Graham Brooks,

Industrial Democracy

(The Outlook, November 17, 1906).

LABOR REMUNERATION: Russia: A. D. 1903.

Statistics of Consumers’ Associations.

In 1903 "the number of co-operative consumers’ associations in

Russia was 824. In order to compile some statistics, in regard

to these, the ‘Permanent Commission for Co-operative

Associations’ sent out some inquiry blanks which, in 204

cases, were properly filled out and returned. From these

reports is gathered that the 204 associations had together

91,417 members and 26,402 annual subscribers, making a total

number of about 118,000 customers. The average membership of

the associations was 577. The number of employees was 3258, or

16 per association, and the expenses for wages and maintenance

of these amounted to 1,131,307 rubles, or averaging 5515

rubles for each association. The total capital reached a sum

of more than 4,000,000 rubles, which item was counterbalanced

by a total indebtedness of nearly an equal amount. Of the

entire net profit,—1,270,000 rubles,—256,539 rubles were

distributed as dividends on shares, 590,857 rubles as premiums

on purchases, and 68,155 were paid into the government as

taxes."

Herman Rosenthal

(American Review of Reviews).

LABOR REMUNERATION: United States:

Coöperative Distribution and Coöperative Production.

"Today in Utah are eighty-seven coöperative distribution

societies and in California sixty; and elsewhere are signs

that the excellent principles of united effort may soon enter

upon another and very likely its most notable revival. In San

Francisco before the earthquake the coöperators had a large

wholesale store doing a good business. At Lawrence,

Massachusetts, the flourishing Arlington Store Society, an

admirably conducted Rochdale venture, has 4,360 members and

does an annual business of more than $500,000, and at

Lewiston, Maine, is a store managed on lines of modified

coöperation with annual sales of more than $600,000. Through

the country the coöperative stores number about 250, with

60,000 or more members and $7,000,000, of annual business; a

showing that looks small compared with the gigantic operations

of the British societies. But with the development of the

Cooperative Association of America, a new enterprise managed

by men like Frank Parsons, B. O. Flower, Charles E. Lund and

other advanced thinkers, there is likely to be in the next few

years a new and very different story to tell of coöperation in

America.

"Coöperative production has already made a different story,

although even that is flecked with enough of failure. … So far

back as 1868, in Minneapolis, four journeymen coopers had

formed a cooperative society, steadily enlarged as the milling

interests increased. In 1874, when the flour output was about

500,000 barrels a year, so many coopers had come to town that

the Coöperative Barrel Manufacturing Company was formed and

twelve years afterwards two-thirds of all barrels made in

Minneapolis were made in coöperative shops. And then somehow

the things began to decline. Of seven great coöperative shops

existing in 1886 only three survive. … In other lines of

productive effort Coöperation has often achieved notable

success. The coöperative creamery, for instance, has been a

boon to millions of farmers. Of such creameries in the United

States there are about 3,800 with a membership in their

associations of more than 300,000 and an annual product worth

more than $80,000,000. In Minnesota six-sevenths of all the

creameries are coöperative; six hundred have been organized in

the last ten years with a membership of 50,000. The idea is

steadily gaining; it is very strong in all the Western States,

and even in Massachusetts twenty-eight of fifty creameries are

coöperative. In the operation of these societies there has

been almost uniform success. The farmers indeed have done far

more than the workingmen to show the benefits of union. There

are in the United States about 4,000 farmers’ purchasing and

distributing societies with 500,000 members. Fruit growers’

associations have been formed in nine states and have now more

than 100,000 members. The Southern California Fruit Exchange,

organized in 1891, handles more than half the orange business

in California. It has seventy associations with 4,000 members.

One third of all the fruit grown in California is now handled

coöperatively.

"There are also coöperative bee keepers, coöperative sheep

herders, coöperative poultry raisers, cattle breeders, wool

growers, cotton growers and milk-dealers, and in six states

are flourishing coöperative grain elevators. …

See above,

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

Of coöperative insurance companies we have about 3,800,

including mutual life, fire, hail and live-stock insurance.

Three thousand of these are among the farmers, with a total

membership of 2,700,000 and total risks reaching the amazing

sum of $3,000,000,000. Premiums among the farmers’ coöperative

insurance companies average twenty-four cents for each $100 of

insurance against an average among all companies, as reported

by the United States census, of $1 for every $100 of

insurance. In Michigan, Iowa, Indiana, Kansas, Nebraska,

Minnesota, Wisconsin, and the Dakotas farmers’ coöperative

telephone companies have had a phenomenal growth and have

effected in some degree a transformation of rural life. …

Coöperative distribution … has lately been revived in America

through the well-considered efforts of the Coöperative

Association of America, and still more recently through the

Golden Rule Fraternity.

{405}

The Coöperative Association began in Lewiston, Maine, in 1900,

as ‘A Trust for the People.’ It has utilized the ordinary

trust machinery towards communal good instead of personal

profit. There is a holding company called the ‘Co-Workers’

Fraternity’ and this owns a controlling interest in stock of

the Coöperative Association of America, in the National

Production Company of New Jersey, in the Massachusetts

Coöperative Society, and is to own a similar control in the

other coöperative societies now being formed. On this modern

and comprehensive basis coöperation is being reformed and

reorganized in America. Its pitfalls hitherto have been

chiefly those of management. On the new plan of organization

these should be avoided. … The revived prospects of

Coöperation in America are due chiefly to the altruistic

efforts of a certain band of thoughtful men and women that

believe this to be the first step towards a cure of the

national evils."

Charles D. Russell,

The Uprising of the Many,

pages 30-37 (New York, Doubleday, Page & Co., 1907).

"I spent nearly four weeks, from March 3 to March 27, [1908]

visiting a chain of co-operative stores, fifty-five in number,

in the vicinity of Minneapolis, Minnesota. These stores are

organized on the famous Rochdale plan, for the benefit of the

consumer instead of the capitalist. The profits are divided in

proportion to purchases, except that the general public who

have not yet chosen to become members or shareholders receive

only half-dividend or benefit. Goods are not sold cheaper; it

is aimed to create capital by earning good profits. An

accounting is had and the profits ascertained once in three or

six or twelve months. These profits are then distributed

between a surplus fund, an educational or propaganda fund, and

dividend on purchases, which is paid in cash if the shareholder

has paid in full, or credited on his share if only part paid.

This is the nub of the Rochdale System, departures from which

have been the cause of a long and almost unbroken line of

failure in American attempts in co-operative stores.

"These Minnesota and Wisconsin stores have all been organized

on a nearly uniform plan by a propaganda organization known as

the Right Relationship League, consisting of three active

officers, two additional directors, eight field organizers,

and an associate membership of all the store shareholders who

pay a fee of one dollar. The stores are incorporated by

counties; when there are several stores in one county, they

are ‘departments’ or branches. For example, the Polk County

(Wisconsin) company has ten stores, the Pepin County company

nine stores, and each has a general manager and a joint

warehouse. Instead of starting a new store with a new manager

and no established trade, the newly organized co-operative

company buys out the best or next best general store in the

town and continues the former owner as manager.

"Of the old guard who wrote and hoped for co-operation twenty

to thirty years ago, all gave up the fight long since, myself

excepted. Edward Everett Hale, Richard T. Ely, Carroll D.

Wright, Washington Gladden, E. W. Bemis, John R. Commons, will

be glad to know that the lost cause is reviving and may yet,

in their lifetime, justify their early faith and repay their

labors."

N. O. Nelson,

The Co-operative Movement in the United States

(The Outlook, July 4, 1908).

In February, 1909, it was reported that the stores of the

above League had increased in number to seventy-six; that the

membership and capital had been doubled within a year, and

that a wholesale company had been formed, each store

subscribing $1000.

In "Labor Problems," by T. S. Adams and Helen L. Sumner, a

considerable number of successful undertakings in producers’

co-operation in the United States are enumerated, including

establishments operated by labor unions in the iron, glass,

garment and cigar-making, box-workers, wood-workers, building

trades, etc., east and west; besides co-operative laundries

and restaurants. The most interesting of these organizations

appears to be that of the Workers’ Coöperative Association of

Boston, formed in 1900 by members of the building trades.

LABOR REMUNERATION:

The "New Protection": Australia: A. D. 1907-1908.

The "New Protection," so called, introduced in Australia, "is

an extension of the principle of the Wages Boards Acts, which

aim to preserve for the workers a certain assured

remuneration. Under the New Protection, the field of this

minimum wage legislation is extended to the trades subsidized

or assisted under protective duties, so as to compel the

manufacturers to share the accruing advantage with their

employees. The Tariff Excise Act is the first installment of

the new legislation. It came into force on January 1, 1907,

and was specially intended to protect the agricultural

implement industry from American and Canadian competition. It

placed upon imported harvesters a duty of sixty dollars. The

Federal Labor party supported the manufacturers in obtaining

the duty, on condition that there was inserted a clause

imposing upon locally produced harvesters an excise duty of

half the amount of the import duty. Manufacturers would,

however, be exempt from the payment of this excise upon

showing proof that their workmen had been paid ‘fair and

reasonable remuneration.’

"At the close of the manufacturing season one hundred and

twelve manufacturers of harvesters filed applications for

exemption from excise duty." This, at once on a test case,

carried the question, what is a "fair and reasonable

remuneration" for wage-paid labor into the Court of

Conciliation and Arbitration, and its judge, much against his

will, was required to determine it. He decided that not less

than $9.50 per week, in Australia, for the lowest class of

unskilled labor, could be regarded as a "living wage." "This

formed the basis of the entire Tariff Excise scale, since from

it the court calculated the rates of payment for all other

employees. This was the easier because there was but little

difference of opinion between the employers and the respective

unions as to the proportionate wages to be paid to various

classes of skilled labor, and, with the price for unskilled

labor raised, a similar increase followed in all the skilled

trades in the business of manufacturing harvesters.

"The Harvester legislation is only the fore-runner of plans

for extensive control over industry to be brought forward as

soon as the import duties under the recently introduced tariff

are decided.

{406}

"In this the three objects to be gained are not always easily

reconciled, and the detail work, besides, of drafting rules

and regulations to result in a moderately practicable working

Act will be enormous. These objects are:

1. To conserve the market for the Australian manufacturer.

2. To insure fair remuneration to the employee.

3. To protect the consumer by placing a limit upon the

price which may be charged.

The rough outline of the proposals is as follows: All dutiable

goods bearing the Commonwealth Trade-Mark (a sort of universal

label) as a guarantee that they have been manufactured under

fair and reasonable conditions as to remuneration of labor

will be exempt from excise. A board of excise, to consist of

three members, to be appointed to give effect to these

proposals. All goods manufactured under conditions which are

in accordance with the State or Commonwealth industrial award

or agreement, or which are declared to be fair and reasonable

by the newly created board of excise, will be entitled to have

the Commonwealth Trade-Mark affixed."

Alice Henry,

Australia’s "New Protection"

(The Outlook, February 8, 1908).

The constitutionality of the Tariff Excise Act was soon

brought to a test, and the Federal High Court decided in June,

1908, that wages could not be regulated in the method

proposed. In the following October proceedings were opened in

Parliament to secure such an amendment of the Constitution as

would empower the desired legislation.

LABOR REMUNERATION: Pensions:

The German State-aided System.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS.

LABOR REMUNERATION:

System adopted by American Railroad Companies.

On the 10th of November, 1909, announcement was made by the

New York Central Railroad Company that it had adopted an

employees’ pension system, by which 100,000 men would be

affected. Under the plan, employees reaching the age of

seventy years are retired. If they have been continuously in

the service of the company for at least ten years preceding

their retirement, they will be entitled to a pension. An

employee who has been at least twenty years in continual

service and has become unfit for duty may be retired with a

pension, although he has not reached the age of seventy. The

amount of the pensions is 1 per cent, for each year of

continuous service, based upon the average rate of pay

received for the ten years next preceding retirement. The

pension system became effective on January 9, 1910.

The latest government report on the number of railroad

employees puts the total for the country at 1,672,074. "Of

these," says the New York Evening Post, "approximately

665,000, or about 40 per cent., serve the roads which have

pension systems. These companies are the New York Central, the

Rock Island, the Pennsylvania, the Buffalo, Rochester and

Pittsburg, the Chicago and Northwestern, the Illinois Central,

the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe, the Union Pacific, Southern

Pacific, and their affiliated lines, the Delaware, Lackawanna

and Western, the Baltimore and Ohio, the Atlantic Coast Line,

the Reading, and the Central of New Jersey."

LABOR REMUNERATION: Profit-sharing:

Plan of Furness, Withy & Company.

One of the greatest of the British ship-building and shipping

concerns, that of the incorporated firm of Furness, Withy &

Co. of which Sir Christopher Furness is the managing director,

announced in the fall of 1908 that it could not continue its

business unless the constant troubles between itself and its

employees over wages questions could be brought to an end.

With that view it was proposed to the workmen that they should

become partners in the business by taking shares of the

company’s capital stock and paying therefor by a five per cent

reduction of their wages until the price of their shares

should be covered. Additional shares of stock would be issued

for the purpose, on which four per cent of dividend would be

paid, whether the company divided any surplus on the general

stock or not. A certain percentage of the earnings of the

business would be allotted to capital, and to cover

depreciation and development, over and above which the

employee-partners would participate in all profits. With

reference to these allotments, to capital, etc., Sir

Christopher Furness, speaking to a Labor Union meeting on the

subject of his proposal, said: "I am aware that a section of

working-men criticise the amounts laid aside by some companies

for these various purposes as if they were devices for

stealing the real earnings of the company from their

employees, but, take my word for it, these allotments cannot

be dispensed with, that is to say, if the directors have any

regard for the continuance of the company with a reasonable

hope of prosperity. Possibly an arrangement might be reached

that nothing beyond a definite percentage on an average of

years should be put aside."

Importantly in connection with the arrangement of

profit-sharing co-partnery, Sir Christopher planned to

organize what he called a Works Council, to be composed of an

equal number of representatives of the workmen and

representatives of the company. It would be, he said, a kind

of Court of Reference and Committee of Counsel rolled into

one. The proposals of the firm were accepted by its employees

and the co-partnery arrangement was carried out.

A year and a half later, on May 22, Sir Christopher Furness

and two others purchased an extensive colliery, the Wingate

Colliery, and made a similar proposition to the workmen there,

offering them one quarter of the shares of the company to be

formed, on the same terms of payment as in the case of the

ship-building company. This gave evidence that the plan had

worked satisfactorily thus far in its earlier trial.

On the 15th of December, 1909, the secretary of the Company

addressed a letter to its Employé Shareholders, saying: "I

have to acquaint you that my board have had under

consideration the working of the company since the adoption of

the co-partnery scheme, and I am directed to say that they

consider the results, from every point of view, to be very

satisfactory." The substantial results to the employees were

thus stated:

"On the financial side you will also be pleased to hear that

the working results are equally satisfactory. The audited

accounts up to September 30 last, and the estimated results

from that date to the present time, show such a balance as

enables the directors to declare a dividend. They propose

therefore, to make a distribution on the agreed basis of the

scheme—viz., the guaranteed 4 per cent. to the employé   shareholders, the fixed 5 per cent. to the Ordinary

shareholders, with a bonus of 5 per cent. to both classes of

shareholders. This will yield to the employé   shareholders a return at the rate of 9 per cent. per annum,

and to the Ordinary shareholders at the rate of 10 per cent.

per annum, for the nine months ending December 81, 1909.

{407}

"For better convenience it has been decided by my board to

make the financial year end on December 31.

"The amount due to each employé shareholder will be

paid at the offices of the company at the respective

ship-yards on the pay-day, Friday, December 24."

Promising as this plan of profit-sharing appeared, it did not

prove satisfactory to the employés, and, on the 1st of April,

1910, they voted against its continuance, complaining that

their expectation of full employment had not been realized,

and that the system tended to break up trade unions, which are

labor’s surest support and defence.

LABOR REMUNERATION:

The Plan of the United States Steel Corporation,

and other Great Corporations.

"An occurrence of tremendous and far-reaching importance is

the success of the United States Steel Corporation’s

wage-earners’ investment and profit-sharing plan. When this

plan was announced, January 1, [1903], every thoughtful man in

the country gave it close attention. … With all, the question

of questions was, Will it succeed? … We have not been

compelled to wait long for the answer. The directors of the

Steel Corporation offered 25,000 shares of stock to their

168,000 employees. The books were to be kept open thirty days.

No one dared believe that within this month, while the plan

was so new, while all sorts of prejudices or fears might deter

subscribers, and while the great mass of employees would still

be studying and thinking about the offer which to them must

have seemed somewhat novel and complicated, all or even

one-half of the proffered stock would be taken up. Yet, when

the books closed Saturday evening, January 31, it was found

that the 25,000 shares offered had been subscribed for more

than twice over. Twenty-seven thousand six hundred and

thirty-three employees had subscribed for 51,125 shares. …

"The company’s proposal was to share profits with all

employees who would demonstrate their interest and thrift by

buying the company’s stock. Consequently, the great bulk of

the stock set aside for purchase by employees was offered to

the men who earn the smallest salaries. This was done by

dividing the 168,000 employees into six classes, according to

their salaries—Class A, over $20,000 a year; Class B, $10,000

to $20,000, down to Class E, $800 to $2,500 a year, and Class

F, under $800 a year—and then by limiting the amount of stock

employees could take to the following proportions of their

annual salaries: Class A, 5 per cent.; Class B, 8 per cent.;

Class C, 10 per cent.; Class D, 12 per cent.; Class E, 15 per

cent.; and Class F, 20 per cent. It will thus be seen why 90

per cent. of all the stock subscribed for in January goes to

the two classes of mechanics and workmen whose salaries are

under $2,500 a year.

"The method is really a very simple one. Employees subscribe

for stock, one or two shares apiece. The shares cost $82.50,

or less than the market value. Each employee pays in monthly

installments, taken from his wages, and he may have the

payments made small or large, as he likes, save that not more

than 25 per cent. of his wages may be so used in any month,

and he may not be more than three years in completing payment.

Dividends at the rate of 7 per cent. a year go to the

subscriber from the date of his first payment. Interest at 5

per cent. is charged on the deferred payments. In other words,

the corporation sells stock below the market price, on credit,

and pays the holder 2 per cent. a year in dividends more than

he has to pay in interest. Here is a direct inducement to the

investment of savings. But this is not all. Inducements are

offered the employee to complete payment for his stock and to

hold it. As soon as he has fully paid for it, the certificate

is issued in his name, and he is free to dispose of it. But to

make it worth his while to hold it and at the same time keep

his place as a working partner in the company’s service, the

corporation says to him: ‘If you hold your stock, and

beginning with January next year you show it to the treasurer

of your company, and present a letter from the proper official

that during the preceding year you have been in the employ of

the company, and have shown a proper interest in its welfare

and progress, and you do this each January for five years, we

will give you, in addition to the dividends paid you, a bonus

of five dollars per share for each year. During the second

period of five years, we will pay you a further yearly bonus,

as a reward for your continuous faithful service.’ The amount

of the second bonus cannot now be fixed, but it will doubtless

be larger than the first one. Ample provision is made for the

protection of subscribers who from one cause or another are

unable to complete payment. Subscribers who discontinue

payments get their money back and keep the difference between

the 7 per cent. dividends and the 5 per cent. interest. In the

case of subscribers who die or are disabled while faithfully

serving the corporation, after having paid for their stock,

the five dollars per share yearly bonus is not lost, but is

paid over to them or to their estates."

Walter Wellman,

The Steel Corporation Points the Way

(American Review of Reviews, March, 1903).

"On December 31, 1908, it was reported that 22,960 employees

had purchased shares under this plan and at that date either

held the certificates or were making monthly payments for them

on account. This is about 10 per cent. of the total number of

employees, so that the scheme has not failed to enlist

support. Indeed, it appears that in certain years, in 1907,

for instance, the allotments of stock to employees were

over-subscribed by 100 per cent. In May of this present year

it was announced that since the scheme went into effect

193,493 shares of preferred stock and 15,318 of common stock

had been sold to the employees at a total price of

$17,491,680. For 1909, the preferred was allotted at $110 per

share, and the common on the basis of $50 per share. Indeed,

one might opine that of late the attention of the lucky

employee-holders might have been concentrated more on the

ticker than on the steel hammer. Their paper profits have been

figured at over $6,000,000, and it is asserted that much of the

stock has been sold by the fortunate investors."

New York Evening Post,

July 29, 1909.

{408}

A plan of profit-sharing with its employees similar to that of

the United States Steel Corporation was introduced by the

International Harvester Company, 1909, and by the Youngstown

Sheet and Tube Company at about the same time. The plan of the

former company was described very fully to the National Civic

Federation, at its tenth annual meeting in New York, November,

1909, by Mr. George W. Perkins, chairman of the finance

committee of the company. The result of the plan is "that a

man begins to buy a share of the company’s stock at a price

below the market value; he is allowed to pay for it in

instalments, paying 5 per cent. interest on deferred payments;

he is credited with 7 per cent. dividends on the preferred

stock and whatever dividends are declared on common stock. In

addition to this, he is credited with, respectively, $4 and $3

per share, each year, on the preferred and common stock, and

at the end of five years receives a further benefit by way of

a share in a fund made up of such $4 or $3 deposits as are

made by the company on account of those who do not continue

under the plan. It will be seen that this offers the men an

exceedingly satisfactory form of investment in the business in

which they are employed, and gives to the company the great

advantage of anchoring its organization to the business.

"The stock offered last summer was largely over subscribed,

and the company to-day has more than 4,300 employees as

stockholders."

LABOR REMUNERATION:

Wages Regulation by Law.

The English Trade Boards Bill.

To Suppress "Sweating" in certain Industries.

A Bill known as the Trade Boards Bill, which had passed the

House of Commons already, had its second reading in the House

of Lords, almost without opposition or serious criticism, on

the 20th of August, 1909. The second reading was moved by Lord

Hamilton of Dalzell, who said in doing so that "its object was

the establishment of a minimum rate of wages in certain

sweated industries. The establishment by statute of a

minimum rate of wages was, he supposed, a new

departure, but the regulation of the conditions of labour in

certain trades was by no means new, and ever since the passing

of the first Factory Act Parliament had from time to time

agreed to legislation having that object. Every one knew what

sweating was, and every one acknowledged it to be a great

evil. It was not a new thing, but the Government were of

opinion that the time had now come when the only practical

remedy should be applied. He understood that in Germany

legislation dealing with this subject was imminent. He

commended that fact to any one who might be afraid that by

legislation of this sort the trade of this country would be

driven abroad.

"As a matter of fact there was no reason to believe that any

trade would be killed by the Bill. He did not know of any

better proof of that than was found in the fact that almost

all connected with the trades mentioned in the schedule, both

masters and men, warmly supported the bill. He imagined that

there would be a levelling up process. Employers who had paid

fair wages would continue to do so; employers who would like

to pay fair wages but were afraid of having their prices cut

by the class below would now be able to do so, while the

genuine sweater would have to pay fair wages whether he liked

it or not. Girls living at home with their families and

married women who had no children were often willing to work

at considerably less than the market rate for the purpose of

earning a little pocket money, and it might be said that if

both parties were agreeable to this arrangement there was no

reason to interfere. Seeing, however, that these people

dragged down the level of wages and inflicted a serious injury

on those who had to carry on trade for their living, they were

included in the Bill. If their work was worth having, it must

be worth paying for. The trades selected for the purpose of

the Bill were certain parts of the tailoring trade, the paper

box making trade, certain parts of the common lace finishing

trade, and certain parts of the chain making trade. These were

all trades in which sweating was acknowledged to exist. The

Bill could be extended to other trades by a Provisional Order

Bill, and in this way the control of Parliament would be

maintained. The minimum rate of wages in the specified

trades would be regulated by a Central Trade Board assisted by

local committees. Notice would be given when it was intended

to fix a minimum rate of wages, and there would be an interval

of three months to give those who desired to raise objections

an opportunity of being heard. During the intermediary period,

which would last six months, the rate of wages fixed by the

Board would not be compulsory. He admitted that the

establishment of a minimum rate of wages was a new principle.

In certain quarters it had been objected to as an undue

interference with freedom of contract, but the principle would

only be applied where the workpeople had shown themselves

incapable of any action for themselves. The conditions in

those extreme cases clearly called for legislative action, in

the interests of the community as well as of the workpeople

themselves."

Almost every speaker who discussed the Bill, Liberal and

Conservative alike, gave it cordial support.

LABOR REMUNERATION: Wages and Cost of Living:

Germany and England compared, 1908-1909.

Results of a statistical study of labor conditions in Germany,

compared with those in Great Britain, were published by the

British Government in the summer of 1908, and the showing

favors the British workingmen. As nearly as the different

housing of their class in the two countries can be compared,

the average of German rents is to rents in England as 123 to

100; while the cost of food to the Germans is to that of the

English as 115 to 100. On the side of necessary expenditure,

therefore, the wages of the German workman are drawn upon more

heavily than the Englishman’s by fifteen or twenty per cent.,

at the least. In other words, he would need to have higher

wages than the Englishman, by as much as fifteen or twenty per

cent., to put him on a footing of equality with the latter in

the circumstances of his living. Instead of which his wages

are lower by a number of points, the statistical ratio being

83 to 100 in the average of weekly wages, and 75 to 100 in the

average of hourly rates. But this does not end his

disadvantages, for he renders more hours of work, in the

measure of 111 to 100. Notwithstanding all which handicaps, it

is quite commonly conceded that the German workingman is

physically more vigorous than the English, as a rule, and

contrives, by more thriftiness in his living, to keep it on a

higher level. Which is an extraordinarily creditable fact.

{409}

That the German workman lives and labors under the conditions

produced by a high protective tariff, which is claimed to be

protective of high wages as well as high prices, while the

British workman’s conditions of life and labor are the product

of free trade in everything but a few tariff-taxed articles of

luxury, such as wines, tobacco, silks, jewels and the like,

are facts to be borne in mind when these comparisons are

considered.

The following is from a report by the British Consul-General

on the trade and commerce of the consular district of

Frankfort-on-the-Main for the year ending April 30, 1909.

"In last year’s report it was stated that the belief was

gaining ground that wages in Germany were not only approaching

those paid in the United Kingdom for the same class of work,

but in some cases even exceeded them. That the German workman

to-day lives better than he used to there can be little doubt.

The standard of life has been raised all round; the lowest

aspect and standard of years gone by no longer exists. Food

has improved, clothes have improved, Germany has become a rich

country without the lowest grades of poverty which exist

elsewhere. Wages have been increased in keeping with the

higher level. Yet I do not think that, generally speaking, the

German workman lives as well as the British workman."

After giving a table relating to savings bank deposits the

report says that while during 1900-1905 the number of deposit

books increased by 22.7 percent, and the total deposits by 44

per cent., during 1905-1907 they increased by only 7.95 and 10

per cent. respectively. This is considered to be attributable

to the increased cost of living, and also to the fact that

"with increasing wealth people are apt to become less

thrifty."

LABOR REMUNERATION: France, Germany, and England:

Workmen’s Living Expenses compared, 1909.

A British Board of Trade report on the conditions of

industrial life in France, published in May, 1909, summarizes

as follows, in a prefatory note, the conclusions drawn from

the mass of facts collected, as to the comparative cost of

living to workmen in France, Germany, and England: "As regards

rents, it appears that the French workman pays somewhat less

than the English workman for a corresponding amount of housing

accommodation, and therefore much less than the German

workman; but against this must be set the fact that his

housing accommodation is, as a rule, decidedly inferior in

quality. The difference between the rent-levels of the capital

and of the rest of the country is quite as marked in France as

in England or Germany.

"The range of town price-levels is not very wide in any one of

the three countries investigated, and in France, as in the

other two, the differences between one town and another in the

cost of living (so far as it relates to expenditure on food)

are, as a rule, by no means great. When the relative levels of

food-prices in the three countries are compared, so far as the

data permit, it appears that the general ratio of

French prices to English prices for corresponding

commodities is the same as that of German prices.

"On the assumption which has been adopted for the purposes of

these international comparisons it follows that an English

workman, with an average family, who should go to France and

endeavour to maintain there his accustomed mode of living,

would find his expenditure on rent, food, and fuel

substantially increased—though not to so large an extent as

if he had gone to Germany. On the other hand, he would find

his wages to be lower than in the latter country and much

below the English level, in spite of longer hours.

"The results of the comparison are somewhat modified if we

take as its basis the foreign rather than the English mode of

living. A French workman living in England according to his

French standard would find a certain reduction in the cost of

food, but a rise in the cost of housing accommodation. On the

whole his expenses of living would be somewhat decreased, but

in a proportion by no means so great as that by which the

English workman would find his expenses increased on migration

to France."

LABOR REMUNERATION: United States: 1905-1906 compared with 1890.

Gains to Labor.

Bulletin No. 71 of the United States Bureau of Labor,

published in July, 1907, is devoted mainly to an elaborate

report on Wages and Hours of Labor in Manufacturing

Industries, 1890 to 1906, exhibiting "the average wages per

hour, the average hours of labor per week, and the number of

employees in both 1905 and 1906, in the leading wage-working

occupations of 4,034 establishments in the principal

manufacturing and mechanical industries of the United States."

The report does not cover salaried employees in any

industries. With it, in a separate article, the retail prices

of food in different parts of the country, 1890-1906, are

tabulated. A summary of deductions from the figures detailed

is submitted by way of preface to the tables and from this the

following is taken:

"In the year 1906 the average wages per hour in the principal

manufacturing and mechanical industries of the country were

4.5 per cent higher than in 1905, the regular hours of labor

per week were 0.5 per cent lower than in 1905, and the number

of employees in the establishments investigated was 7 per cent

greater than in 1905. The average full-time weekly earnings

per employee in 1906 were 3.9 per cent greater than in 1905.

"The variation in the purchasing power of wages may be

measured by using the retail prices of food, the expenditures

for which constitute nearly half of the expenditures for all

purposes in a workingman’s family. According to that article

[on prices] the retail prices of food, weighted according to

consumption in representative workingmen’s families, were 2.9

per cent higher in 1906 than in 1905. As the advance in wages

per hour from 1905 to 1906 was greater than the advance in the

retail prices of food, the purchasing power of an hour’s

wages, as measured by food, was greater in 1906 than in 1905.

{410}

In 1906 the purchasing power of an hour’s wages as expended

for food was 1.4 per cent greater than in 1905, and the

purchasing power of a full week’s wages was 1 per cent greater

in 1906 than in 1905, or, expressed in other words, an hour’s

wages in 1906 in the manufacturing and mechanical industries

in the United States would purchase 1.4 per cent more food

than an hour's wages in 1905, and a full week’s wages in 1906

would purchase 1 per cent more food than a full week’s wages

in 1905.

"As compared in each case with the average for the years from

1890 to 1899, the average wages per hour in 1906 were 24.2 per

cent higher, the number of employees in the establishments

investigated was 42.9 per cent greater, and the average hours

of labor per week were 4.6 per cent lower. The average

earnings per employee per full week in 1906 were 18.5 per cent

higher than the average earnings per full week during the ten

years from 1890 to 1899.

"The retail price of the principal articles of food, weighted

according to family consumption of the various articles, was

15.7 per cent higher in 1906 than the average price for the

ten years from 1890 to 1899. Compared with the average for the

same ten-year period, the purchasing power of an hour’s wages

in 1906 was 7.3 per cent greater, and of a full week’s wages

2.4 per cent greater, the increase in the purchasing power of

the full week’s wages being less than the increase in the

purchasing power of hourly wages, because of the reduction in

the hours of labor."

In 40 of the 41 industries covered by this report the greatest

increase of wages "was in the manufacture of cotton goods,

where the average wages per hour in 1906 were 11.2 per cent

higher than the average wages per hour in 1905. In the

manufacture of electrical apparatus and supplies there was an

increase in wages per hour of 10.1 per cent. In street and

sewer work done by contract the increase in wages per hour was

8.7 per cent; in iron and steel, Bessemer converting, 8.5 per

cent. and in the manufacture of cigars, 8.4 per cent. In the

manufacture of bar iron the increase in wages per hour was 6.9

per cent, and in the building trades 6.1 per cent. Briefly

stated, two industries show an increase in hourly wages of

more than 10 per cent., 7 industries an increase of 5 per cent

but less than 10 per cent., and 31 industries an increase of

less than 5 per cent. In one industry, paper and wood pulp,

there was a decrease of wages of 1.1 per cent. In the

industries as a whole, weighted according to importance, the

increase in wages was 4.5 per cent. …

"The per cent of change in hours of labor in 1906, as compared

with 1905, was not so great as the per cent of change in wages

per hour. In 5 industries there was a decrease of hours of 1

per cent or more, while in 25 industries there was a decrease

of less than 1 per cent. In 5 industries there was an increase

in hours of labor per week; in no instance, however, was the

increase more than 0.3 per cent. Five industries show no

change in hours of labor. The hours of labor were not reported

for slaughtering and meat packing, for the reason set forth in

footnote on page 58. The decrease in hours of labor in the

industries taken as a whole was 0.5 per cent.

"In 1906 there was an increase in the retail price of food,

weighted according to family consumption of 2.9 per cent as

compared with 1905, an increase of 3.6 per cent as compared

with 1904, an increase of 4.9 per cent as compared with 1903,

an increase of 4.3 per cent as compared with 1902, and an

increase of 10 per cent as compared with 1901. The retail

price of food was 21.2 per cent higher in 1906 than in 1896,

the year of lowest prices, and 15.7 per cent higher than the

average price for the ten years, 1890 to 1899."

----------LABOR REMUNERATION: End--------

LABOR TRAINING:

Technical and Industrial Education.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION.

LADRONES.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.

LAFAYETTE, Marquis de:

Representatives of the Family invited Guests

of the United States.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (MAY).

LA FOLLETTE, Robert Marion.

See (in this Volume)

WISCONSIN: A. D. 1900-1909; also,

PUBLIC UTILITIES, REGULATION OF.

LAGERLOF, Selma.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

LAKES-TO-THE-GULF DEEP WATERWAY.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

LALLA R’KIA.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.

LAMA, The Dalai.

See (in this Volume)

TIBET.

LAMSDORFF, Count: Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

LAND: In the United States:

Reclamation of Arid Lands.

Wasteful Culture.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

LAND: The Small Holdings Act in Great Britain.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.

LAND: Taxation proposed in the British Budget of 1909.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

LAND LAWS, IRISH: THE WORKING OF THE SUCCESSIVE LAWS.

The Act of 1903.

See (in this Volume)

IRELAND: A. D. 1870-1903, 1905.

LAND LAWS, RUSSIAN: THE AGRARIAN LAW.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).

LAND OFFICE FRAUDS.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

LAND PURCHASE ACT, of 1909, IRISH.

See (in this Volume)

IRELAND: A. D. 1909.

LAND QUESTION, IN AUSTRALIA.

See (in this Volume)

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: AUSTRALIA.

LAND, RUSSIAN CROWN: SALE TO PEASANTS OPENED.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

LAND SYSTEM, OF NEW ZEALAND.

See (in this Volume)

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1905.

LANDIS, Judge K. M.:

Judgment against the Standard Oil Company, imposing a Fine

of $29,000,000.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.:

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

LANDLORDISM:

Overthrown Politically in Denmark.

See (in this Volume)

DENMARK: A. D. 1901.

LANGLEY, Samuel P.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

{411}

LANSDOWNE, Henry Charles, Marquess of:

Secretary for Foreign Affairs.

Despatch explanatory of Agreements between England and France,

April, 1904.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

On each of the Two Defensive Agreements with Japan.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1902, AND 1905 (AUGUST).

On the Budget of 1909.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

LARRINAGA, Tulio:

Delegate to Third International Conference

of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

LATHAM, Hubert.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION; RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

LATIN BIBLE, Revised Translation of.

See (in this Volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1907-1909.

LAURIER, Sir Wilfred, Premier of Canada:

At Colonial Conference in London, 1902.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE.

At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

LAURIER MINISTRY:

Supported in the Canadian Elections, 1904.

See CANADA: A. D. 1904.

LAVERAN, Charles L. A.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

LAW AND ITS COURTS: England:

Institution of a Court of Criminal Appeal.

An important innovation in the administration of criminal law

was introduced in Great Britain by an Act of Parliament "to

Establish a Court of Criminal Appeal," approved August 28,

1907. In part, the enactment was as follows:

"1.

(1) There shall be a Court of Criminal Appeal, and the Lord

Chief Justice of England and eight judges of the King’s Bench

Division of the High Court, appointed for the purpose by the

Lord Chief Justice with the consent of the Lord Chancellor for

such period as he thinks desirable in each case, shall be

judges of that court.

"(2) For the purpose of hearing and determining appeals under

this Act, and for the purpose of any other proceedings under

this Act, the Court of Criminal Appeal shall be summoned in

accordance with directions given by the Lord Chief Justice of

England with the consent of the Lord Chancellor, and the court

shall be duly constituted if it consists of not less than

three judges and of an uneven number of judges.

"If the Lord Chief Justice so directs, the court may sit in

two or more divisions. The court shall sit in London except in

cases where the Lord Chief Justice gives special directions

that it shall sit at some other place. …

"3. A person convicted on indictment may appeal under this Act

to the Court of Criminal Appeal—

(a) against his conviction on any ground of appeal

which involves a question of law alone; and

(b) with the leave of the Court of Criminal Appeal

or upon the certificate of the Judge who tried him that it

is a fit case for appeal against his conviction on any

ground of appeal which involves a question of fact alone or

a question of mixed law and fact, or any other ground which

appears to the court to be a sufficient ground of appeal;

and

(c) with the leave of the Court of Criminal Appeal

against the sentence passed on his conviction, unless the

sentence is one fixed by law.

"4.

(1) The Court of Criminal Appeal on any such appeal against

conviction shall allow the appeal if they think that the

verdict of the jury should be set aside on the ground that it

is unreasonable or cannot be supported having regard to the

evidence, or that the judgment of the court before whom the

appellant was convicted should be set aside on the ground of a

wrong decision of any question of law or that on any ground

there was a miscarriage of justice, and in any other case

shall dismiss the appeal: Provided that the court may,

notwithstanding that they are of opinion that the point raised

in the appeal might be decided in favour of the appellant,

dismiss the appeal if they consider that no substantial

miscarriage of justice has actually occurred.

"(2) Subject to the special provisions of this Act, the Court

of Criminal Appeal shall, if they allow an appeal against

conviction, quash the conviction and direct a judgment and

verdict of acquittal to be entered.

"(3) On an appeal against sentence the Court of Criminal

Appeal shall, if they think that a different sentence should

have been passed, quash the sentence passed at the trial, and

pass such other sentence warranted in law by the verdict

(whether more or less severe) in substitution therefor as they

think ought to have been passed, and in any other case shall

dismiss the appeal.

"5.

(1) If it appears to the Court of Criminal Appeal that an

appellant, though not properly convicted on some count or part

of the indictment, has been properly convicted on some other

count or part of the indictment, the court may either affirm

the sentence passed on the appellant at the trial, or pass

such sentence in substitution therefor as they think proper,

and as may be warranted in law by the verdict on the count or

part of the indictment on which the court consider that the

appellant has been properly convicted.

"(2) Where an appellant has been convicted of an offence and

the jury could on the indictment have found him guilty of some

other offence, and on the finding of the jury it appears to

the Court of Criminal Appeal that the jury must have been

satisfied of facts which proved him guilty of that other

offence, the court may, instead of allowing or dismissing the

appeal, substitute for the verdict found by the jury a verdict

of guilty of that other offence, and pass such sentence in

substitution for the sentence passed at the trial as may be

warranted in law for that other offence, not being a sentence

of greater severity.

"(3) Where on the conviction of the appellant the jury have

found a special verdict, and the Court of Criminal Appeal

consider that a wrong conclusion has been arrived at by the

court before which the appellant has been convicted on the

effect of that verdict, the Court of Criminal Appeal may,

instead of allowing the appeal, order such conclusion to be

recorded as appears to the court to be in law required by the

verdict, and pass such sentence in substitution for the

sentence passed at the trial as may be warranted in law.

"(4) If on any appeal it appears to the Court of Criminal

Appeal that, although the appellant was guilty of the act or

omission charged against him, he was insane at the time the

act was done or omission made so as not to be responsible

according to law for his actions, the court may quash the

sentence passed at the trial and order the appellant to be

kept in custody as a criminal lunatic."

{412}

LAW AND ITS COURTS: France:

Reform of Judicial Procedure in Criminal Trials.

Criticism of French judicial procedure in criminal trials,

under the system which puts the duties of a prosecuting

attorney on the judge, was much sharpened in the autumn of

1909 by the attention drawn to a sensational murder trial at

Paris—the Steinheil case. The result was to impel the

Government to undertake measures of reform, beginning with the

appointment, November 20, of an extra-Parliamentary commission

to study the whole question of reform. Within a month after

the appointment of the commission one of its leading members,

in an article in the Matin, indicated the main points

of the recommendations which the commission was already

prepared to make. It would recommend that the authority of the

President of the Assize Court should remain intact, and that

the Judge should as heretofore continue to direct the jury and

preside over the whole process of the instruction or

preliminary inquiry. In the view of the Commission the Judge's

moral authority cannot but be augmented by the proposal to

relieve him of the duty of cross-examining a prisoner at the

bar. It would be recommended that in future a summary

statement of the case by the Public Prosecutor, or in a civil

suit by the plaintiff, should be followed by a presentation of

the defendant’s case on the part of counsel for the defence.

The jury would thus be made acquainted with the issue, and the

witnesses would then be called. Each witness would be liable

to cross-examination on behalf both of the defence and of the

prosecution, and the Judge, remaining aloof from the

discussion in his new rule as arbitrator, could not but gain

moral authority in a degree which would materially promote the

ends of even-handed justice.

A Bill on these lines was introduced by the Minister of

Justice in the following month.

LAW AND ITS COURTS: International:

Naval Prize Court, and proposed Judicial Arbitration Court.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

LAW AND ITS COURTS: United States:

The Question of Injunctions in Labor Disputes.

The question of the issuance of writs of injunction by the

courts in connection with labor disputes came much into

discussion during the canvass preliminary to the American

presidential election of 1908, and was a prominent subject of

declaration in the platforms of the political parties.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908, APRIL-NOVEMBER).

Subsequently, President Taft, in his first annual message to

Congress, cited the pronouncement of the Republican party on

this question, and said: "I recommend that in compliance with

the promise thus made, appropriate legislation be adopted. The

ends of justice will best be met and the chief cause of

complaint against ill-considered injunctions without notice

will be removed by the enactment of a statute forbidding

hereafter the issuing of any injunction or restraining order,

whether temporary or permanent, by any Federal court, without

previous notice and a reasonable opportunity to be heard on

behalf of the parties to be enjoined; unless it shall appear

to the satisfaction of the court that the delay necessary to

give such notice and hearing would result in irreparable

injury to the complainant and unless also the court shall from

the evidence make a written finding, which shall be spread

upon the court minutes, that immediate and irreparable injury

is likely to ensue to the complainant, and shall define the

injury, state why it is irreparable, and shall also endorse on

the order issued the date and the hour of the issuance of the

order. Moreover, every such injunction or restraining order

issued without previous notice and opportunity by the

defendant to be heard should by force of the statute expire

and be of no effect after seven days from the issuance

thereof, or within any time less than that period which the

court may fix, unless within such seven days or such less

period, the injunction or order is extended or renewed after

previous notice and opportunity to be heard."

LAW AND ITS COURTS: National and State Legislation.

Need of Uniformity.

Movements to secure it.

Speaking in 1906 at a dinner of the Pennsylvania Society, the

Honorable Elihu Root, then United States Secretary of State,

addressed, in a few words, a very pregnant suggestion and

admonition to the lawmakers of the States in the American

Union. He spoke first of the strongly nationalized sentiment

of patriotism that has had its rapid growth of late in the

country, saying: "Our country as a whole, the noble and

beloved land of every citizen of every State, has become the

object of pride and devotion among all our people. North and

South, within the limits of the proud old colonial

commonwealths, through out that vast region where Burr once

dreamed of a separate empire dominating the valley of the

Mississippi, and upon the far distant shores of the Pacific:

and by the side of this strong and glowing loyalty to the

nation, sentiment for the separate States has become dim and

faint in comparison." Then he added, warningly: "There is but

one way in which the States of the Union can maintain their

power and authority under the conditions which are now before

us, and that way is by an awakening on the part of the States

to a realization of their own duties to the country at large.

Under the conditions which now exist, no State can live unto

itself alone and regulate its affairs with sole reference to

its own treasury, its own convenience, its own special

interests. Every State is bound to frame its legislation and

its administration with reference not only to its own social

affairs but with reference to the effect upon all its sister

States."

Quoting and affirming these remarks of the thoughtful

statesman, the National Civic Federation Review, of

July, 1909, says: "The plain truth is that the movement of

people and of merchandise goes on in our day without any

regard to State lines; and it is becoming increasingly clear

that unless the States will legislate with substantial

uniformity on a number of subjects the tendency toward

centralization and a corresponding increase of Federal power

cannot permanently be resisted."

In its preceding issue, of March, the Review had made

the following announcement: "The National Civic Federation,

through its experience in holding national conferences on such

subjects as the trusts, taxation, immigration and election

reform—conferences to which the Governors of States sent

official representatives—has become impressed with the

necessity for a systematic national effort toward securing,

within reasonable limits, more uniform legislation in the

States of the Union.

{413}

"There are useful national organizations of farmers,

manufacturers, wage-earners, bankers, merchants, lawyers,

economists and other organizations which hold national

meetings for the discussion of affairs peculiar to their own

pursuits and callings. The Civic Federation, however, provides

a forum in its annual conference for representatives of all

these elements to discuss national problems in which they have

a common interest. Heretofore there has been no effort to

crystallize into State organizations this representative

membership for the accomplishment of concrete aims.

"A committee has been appointed to organize a Council of one

hundred representative men in each State. Mr. John Hays

Hammond has accepted the chairmanship of this committee, of

which the following are also members: Messrs. Alton B. Parker,

New York; Myron T. Herrick, Ohio; David R. Francis, Missouri;

Curtis Guild, Jr., Massachusetts; Nahum J. Bachelder, New

Hampshire; Edwin Warfield, Maryland; Herman Ridder, New York;

C. F. Brooker, Connecticut; Bruce Haldeman, Kentucky; Victor

Rosewater, Nebraska; Clark Howell, Georgia; P. I. Bonebrake,

Kansas; James Lynch, Indiana; Harry Pratt Judson, Illinois; A.

H. Revell, Illinois; John B. Lennon, Illinois; John H.

Holliday, Indiana, and Benjamin Ide Wheeler, California.

"The continued existence for eighteen years of the Annual

Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws, created by

the different States at the instance of the American Bar

Association, shows that the State Executives and Legislatures

are fully alive to the importance of this subject. The

last-named organization has been instrumental in securing the

passage in thirty-five States of a uniform negotiable

instruments law, and is promoting other commercial measures,

including a uniform food law to conform to the national law.

"This necessity for uniform legislation is further illustrated

by the proceedings at the annual meetings of the National

Association of the State Attorneys General and of the State

Labor Commissioners, Insurance Commissioners, etc., etc."

Discussing the subject in the July issue of the Review,

President Amasa M. Eaton of the Commissioners on Uniform State

Laws, said: "The subject of uniform legislation is in the air

all over the United States. At the instance of the President,

a National Conference to secure the conservation of our

national resources has been held in Washington, and to carry

into effect the conclusions of this Conference there must

follow uniform State legislation. At the instance of Governor

Guild a conference of the Governors of the New England States,

with other delegates, met in Boston last fall on the subject

of forestry, shell fisheries and automobiles, all subjects

calling for uniform legislation. A similar conference of the

Governors of New York and the adjoining States has met in New

York, at the instance of Governor Hughes of New York, to

consider a uniform automobile law. A National Divorce

Congress, called by Governor Pennypacker by virtue of an act

of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, has framed a uniform

divorce law which has been indorsed by the Conference of

Commissioners on Uniform State Laws. In March a Conference on

Uniform Child Labor Laws in the Southern States was held in

New Orleans at the call of the Governor of Louisiana, at which

the Governors and Delegates of those States were present. The

result was the formation of a permanent organization, with the

Governor of Louisiana as Chairman, and the executive committee

of that organization is to draft a Uniform Child Labor Law and

to submit it to the legislatures of the several Southern

States.

"All these are but expressions of the deep-seated necessity

for uniform legislation that has existed ever since we

acquired our independence of Great Britain, intensified by the

requirements of a progressive civilization knitting us ever

more and more closely into union as a nation."

The whole movement was planned to receive effective

organization at a National Conference in Washington which the

National Civic Federation, after consultation with other

bodies, announced, in the summer of 1909, its intention to

call, for January 5-7, 1910. The Conference was held

accordingly, in conjunction with a meeting of the Governors of

States, which gave attention to the same subject.

LAW AND ITS COURTS:

President Taft’s Recommendations for Expediting Procedure.

The following is from President Taft’s first annual Message to

Congress, December, 1909:

"The deplorable delays in the administration of civil and

criminal law have received the attention of committees of the

American Bar Association and of many State Bar Associations,

as well as the considered thought of judges and jurists. In my

judgment, a change in judicial procedure, with a view to

reducing its expense to private litigants in civil cases and

facilitating the dispatch of business and final decision in

both civil and criminal cases, constitutes the greatest need

in our American institutions. I do not doubt for one moment

that much of the lawless violence and cruelty exhibited in

lynchings is directly due to the uncertainties and injustice

growing out of the delays in trials, judgments, and the

executions thereof by our courts. Of course, these remarks

apply quite as well to the administration of justice in State

courts as to that in Federal courts, and without making

invidious distinction, it is, perhaps, not too much to say

that, speaking generally, the defects are less in the Federal

courts than in the State courts. But they are very great in

the Federal courts. The expedition with which business is

disposed of both on the civil and the criminal side of English

courts, under modern rules of procedure, makes the delays in

our courts seem archaic and barbarous.

"The procedure in the Federal courts should furnish an example

for the State courts. I presume it is impossible, without an

amendment to the Constitution, to unite under one form of

action the proceedings at common law and proceedings in equity

in the Federal courts, but it is certainly not impossible by a

statute to simplify and make short and direct the procedure

both at law and in equity in those courts. It is not

impossible to cut down still more than it is cut down the

jurisdiction of the Supreme Court so as to confine it almost

wholly to statutory and constitutional questions. Under the

present statutes, the equity and admiralty procedure in the

Federal courts is under the control of the Supreme Court, but

in the pressure of business to which that court is subjected,

it is impossible to hope that a radical and proper reform of

the Federal equity procedure can be brought about.

{414}

I therefore recommend legislation providing for the

appointment by the President of a commission with authority to

examine the law and equity procedure of the Federal courts of

first instance, the law of appeals from those courts to the

courts of appeals and to the Supreme Court, and the costs

imposed in such procedure upon the private litigants and upon

the public treasury, and make recommendation with a view to

simplifying and expediting the procedure as far as possible,

and making it as inexpensive as may be to the litigant of

little means."

See (in this Volume),

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

LEAGUE, ALL-INDIA MOSLEM.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1907 (DECEMBER).

LEAGUE OF LIBERATION.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

LEAGUE OF UNION AND PROGRESS.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

LECOT, Cardinal.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

LEGARDA, BENITO.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

LEGISLATION.

See (in this Volume)

LAW AND ITS COURTS.

LEGUIA, Augusto B.:

President of Peru.

See (in this Volume)

PERU: A. D. 1908-1909.

LENARD, PHILIPPE.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

LEO XIII.: Death.

See (in this Volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1903 (JULY-AUGUST).

LEOPOLD II., KING OF BELGIUM:

His Administration of the Congo State.

See (in this Volume)

CONGO STATE.

LEOPOLD II., KING OF BELGIUM:

His death.

See (in this Volume)

BELGIUM: A. D. 1909 (DECEMBER).

LERROUX, Señor:

Socialist-Republican Leader in Spain.

See (in this Volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

LÈSE MAJESTÉ:

Prosecutions in Germany.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1903 .

LETCHWORTH PARK.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1907.

LEWIS, THOMAS L.:

President of the United Mine Workers of America.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

LEWIS AND CLARK EXPOSITION.

See (in this Volume)

PORTLAND, OREGON.

LEWIS ESTATE, Evicted Tenants of the.

See (in this Volume)

IRELAND: A. D. 1907.

LHASA: A. D. 1904.

Reached by British Expedition under Colonel Younghusband.

See (in this Volume)

TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.

LIAO-TUNG PENINSULA.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

LIAO-YANG, Battle of.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

LIAUTEY, General:

Operations in Morocco.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.

LIBERAL-CONSERVATIVE SEPARATIST PARTY.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.

LIBERIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

Good Relations between Colonists and Natives.

Improved Prospects.

"When it was decided in the United States to found a home for

repatriated Africans, the prior experiment of Sierra Leone

turned attention toward the same coast, and in 1821 and at

subsequent dates settlements were effected, firstly at

Monrovia, and later on at Roberts Port, Grand Basa, Sino, and

Harper (Cape Palmas). Usually those who conducted the

enterprise went through the form of buying small plats of land

from local headmen or chiefs; but, as a rule, the promoters of

this movement did not trouble overmuch about the rights of the

‘bush niggers,’ as the indigenous natives were termed.

Consequently the first fifty years of the history of Liberia

were marked by constant struggles between the

American-Liberian invaders and the native blacks. During the

last ten years, however, there has been a marked advance in

good relations between the American settlers and their native

subjects, as many of them may fairly be called. The wise

policy of President Barclay has greatly promoted this good

feeling since 1904. He has been able to assemble at different

times at the capital chiefs or their representatives from

almost all parts of Liberia, even from the Mandingo districts

just beyond the limits of the coast belt. Therefore they have

no subject of disagreement. Curiously enough one example of

this mild rule of black by black is that the white man in

Liberia is everywhere received with great friendliness,

because he is not associated in the minds of the natives with

anything like conquest or oppression.

"How far the original experiment will succeed the next twenty

years will, perhaps, indicate. The negroes of American origin

who have settled in Liberia have not, as a general rule, been

able to stand the climate very much better than Europeans,

and, as a rule, they have not been able to rear large families

of children. Yet it seems to me as though Liberians of the new

generation born in the country are beginning to take hold, but

this is partly due to the increasing and I think very sensible

practice of intermarriage with women of the fine, vigorous,

indigenous races. Probably the future of Liberia will be a

negro state very like Sierra Leone in its development, with

English as its government language, and such English or

American institutions as may prove to be suited to an African

country, a coast belt inhabited by negroes professing

Christianity and wearing clothes of European cut, and a

hinterland of Mohammedans dressed in the picturesque and

wholly suitable costume worn at the present day by the

Mandingos and by most Mohammedan negroes between Senegal and

the White Nile."

Sir Harry Johnston,

Liberia

(Annual Report, Smithsonian Institution, 1904-1905,

pages 254-255).

LIBERIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

English, French, and American attention to Conditions

in the Republic.

"The policy of the Liberian Republic has caused anxiety for

some time past both to England and to France, the Powers whose

territory adjoins the Liberian boundary. Some two years ago

President Barclay came to Europe to discuss the situation with

the British and French Governments. As a result of this

exchange of views, Liberia appointed Europeans to her Customs

Department, secured a gunboat to patrol her coast-line, and

arranged for a frontier force. These measures were approved by

the British and French Governments and also by the American

Government, and their execution was facilitated by a loan

negotiated on behalf of Liberia by the Liberian Development

Company.

{415}

The growth of British interests in the Republic led the

Foreign Office to appoint a Consul-General at Monrovia, the

capital, in the person of Captain Braithwaite Wallis, formerly

acting district commissioner in Sierra Leone. So far as the

first part of the reform programme was concerned the

consequences have been eminently satisfactory. Liberia has

been able to pay off some of her debts, and her revenue has

increased."

Correspondent London Times,

April 22, 1909.

While these movements were in progress, in June, 1908, three

commissioners from Liberia came to Washington asking for aid

in maintaining and administering its government. Probably in

course of this application, the American Ambassador in London,

Mr. Reid, addressed a note to the British Secretary of State

for Foreign Affairs, on the 29th of June, in which he wrote:

"We should be glad to have your views as to how the two

Governments could best co-operate at the present time towards

promoting the welfare of Liberia."

In his reply to this Sir Edward Grey said:

"As I had the honour to explain in March last to the United

States Charge d’Affaires, his Majesty’s Government have in any

measure they may be called upon to take in Liberia no designs

whatever upon the independence or integrity of the country,

and they do not intend to undertake any responsibility with

regard to it. The services of British officials have been lent

to the Liberians solely with a view to the better preservation

of order, more particularly in that part of Liberia which

marches with Sierra Leone, and improved administration.

"The French Government also, as your Excellency is doubtless

aware, takes a special interest in the affairs of the

Republic, and his Majesty’s Government have already assured

them that they would have no objection to the services of some

French officials being lent for the same objects as the

British officials. It is doubtful, therefore, whether there is

at the present time any scope for the co-operation of the

United States Government in the Customs or police, and if they

desire to render active assistance to the Liberian Government

they will perhaps prefer to direct their attention to other

branches of the administration which are as urgently in need

of reform.

"That reforms are required in one other branch at least his

Majesty’s Government have reason to know, for among the chief

difficulties which his Majesty’s Government experience in

regard to Liberia are the frequent complaints received from

British subjects as to the treatment they receive in the

Liberian Courts. If therefore the United States could see

their way to introducing reforms into the judiciary, either by

lending the services of an official to act as judicial advisor

or in some other manner, much good would in the opinion of his

Majesty’s Government be derived not only by the various

subjects of foreign nationalities resident in the country but

also by the Liberians themselves.

"While calling attention more specially to this one branch of

the administration, which has been a frequent source of

trouble, I need hardly add that his Majesty’s Government would

welcome the co-operation of the Government of the United

States with them in Liberia in any other manner which may

appear more suitable or more desirable on a consideration of

all the circumstances."

This and other information obtained by the State Department

led President Roosevelt, on the 18th of January, 1909, to ask

Congress for an appropriation of $20,000 to pay the expenses

of a commission to go to Liberia "to examine into the

situation, confer with the officers of the Liberian

government, and with the representatives of other governments

actually present in Monrovia, and report recommendations as to

the specific action on the part of the United States most apt

to render effective relief to the Republic of Liberia under

the present critical circumstances." The conclusion reached by

the State Department was that it "is quite clear that Liberia

is very much in need of assistance, that the United States can

help her substantially, and that it is our duty to help her."

The seriousness of the situation was set forth by Secretary

Root in a memorandum to the President. Between forty and fifty

thousand civilized negroes, for the most part descendants of

the original colonists from the United States, occupy a

territory comprising 43,000 square miles, in which there are

also over a million and a half members of uncivilized native

tribes. The civilized part of the population have been to a

great degree cut off from any intimate relation with the rest

of the civilized world for two-thirds of a century. They began

with little education, with no acquired skill in the art of

government, and they have had little opportunity to improve

through intercourse with other and more advanced communities.

They find it especially difficult to control the native

tribes, or to conduct their own government in accordance with

modern requirements.

The British colony of Sierra Leone to the north and the French

possessions closing in their hinterland to the east are almost

continuously complaining of the failure of Liberia to maintain

order upon the border. "Notwithstanding the very kindly

disposition on the part of Great Britain, and the similar

disposition on the part of France, there is imminent danger

that the republic, unless it receives outside assistance, will

not be able to maintain itself very long," said Secretary

Root.

The Commission to visit Liberia was appointed in the following

April, and was conveyed soon afterward to Monrovia by a

squadron of three cruiser scouts. It was composed of three

members, Mr. W. Morgan Shuster, who had been for a number of

years in the Philippine service of the United States, Dr.

George Sale, and Mr. Emmett J. Scott, private Secretary of Dr.

Booker Washington. These Commissioners were accompanied by

Captain Sydney A. Cloman, as Military Attache, and by Major

Percy W. Ashburn, of the United States Of America Medical

Department, who would study the sanitary conditions in

Liberia.

Early in October the Commission returned, but its report to

the State Department was not transmitted to Congress until the

25th of March, 1910. It recommended an extension of prompt and

effective aid to the Liberian Government, in the refunding of

its debt, the reform of its finances, the settlement of its

boundary disputes, and the organizing of a competent

constabulary force. Also that the United States establish in

Liberia a naval coaling station and a research station.

{416}

LICENSE LAWS.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

LIFE INSURANCE.

See (in this Volume)

INSURANCE.

LILIENTHAL, Otto.

See (in this Volume)

Science and Invention: Aeronautics.

LIMA, WENCESLAO DE.

See (in this Volume)

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM.

February 12, 1909, the 100th anniversary of his birth, was

made a legal holiday by act of Congress. The same bill

appropriated $50,000 for making a highway from Washington to

Gettysburg, to be known as the Lincoln Way.

LINDSEY, JUDGE BEN D.:

His Juvenile Court at Denver.

See (in this Volume)

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW; AS OFFENDERS.

LINEVITCH, General.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

LIPPMAN, GABRIEL.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

LIQUOR QUESTION.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

LLOYD-GEORGE, David:

President of the Board of Trade.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

LLOYD-GEORGE, David:

Address at the Imperial Conference of 1907

on Preferential Trade.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

LLOYD-GEORGE, David:

Success in arranging for the Pacific Settlement

of Labor Disputes in the English Railway Service.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

LLOYD-GEORGE, David:

Chancellor of the Exchequer.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).

LLOYD-GEORGE, David:

On the Working of the Old Age Pensions Act and

its Disclosures of Poverty.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS.

LLOYD-GEORGE, David:

On the Development of the Natural Resources of Great Britain.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: GREAT BRITAIN.

LLOYD-GEORGE, David:

His Budget of 1909.

His speech on it.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

LOCAL OPTION:

Progress in the United States.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM: UNITED STATES.

LOCKOUTS.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION.

LODGE, SIR OLIVER.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

LODZ, Disturbances in.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

LOEB, WILLIAM, JR.:

Collector of Customs at New York.

His unearthing of Corruptions.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

LOISY, ABBÉ:

Appointment to be Professor of the History of Religions

in the College de France.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

LONDON, ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

Control of the London County Council lost by the Progressives.

Defeat in Borough Councils Elections of 1909.

The local party of Progressives, so called, who had controlled

the London County Council since 1889, lost their majority in

the elections of the spring of 1907, and the Conservatives, or

Moderates, or Reformers, as they are variedly styled, were

brought into power, electing 120 members, against 85. The

Progressives, in their eighteen years of ascendancy, had

wrought immense changes in the great city, widening congested

streets, such as the Strand, opening great new thoroughfares

and new parks, electrifying the street railways, remodelling

antiquated public institutions, and the like. The cost of

their works had been heavy, and ratepayers had become

persuaded that there was extravagance in the progressiveness

of the party. It had antagonized many powerful interests in

the city, moreover, and the wonder seems to be that it had

been permitted to conduct the City Government so long.

Again, in elections to the borough councils, in 1909, the

Progressives lost heavily, and the Conservatives, who have

taken the name of Municipal Reformers, are strongly entrenched

in most of the boroughs. Several women were elected, 61 of

their sex having been candidates.

LONDON, ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

Statistics of Elementary Schools.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

LONDON, ENGLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

International Naval Conference.

See (in this Volume)

War, The Revolt against: A. D. 1907

(appended to account of Second Peace Conference at The Hague).

LONG, John D.:

Secretary of the Navy.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

LOPUKHIN, M.:

His exposure of the Police Spy, Azeff,

to the Russian Revolutionists.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-JULY).

LORDS, British House of:

Decision in case of the Free Church of Scotland.

See (in this Volume)

SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904.

LORDS, British House of:

Defeat of Education Bill, 1906.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1906.

LORDS, British House of:

Menaced Limitation of its Legislative Powers

by the House of Commons.

Its own proposals of Constitutional Change.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (APRIL-DECEMBER); 1907-1908;

1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER), and 1910.

LORDS, British House of:

Rejection of Licensing Bill.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

LORDS, British House of:

Rejection of Budget of 1909.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

LORENTZ, HENRIK ANTON.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA:

Recent Rapid Growth of the City.

"The advance of this city to the important position of

metropolis of Southern California falls into two quite

distinct periods, each, however, beginning with the advent of

a transcontinental railroad. The first period opened with the

completion of the Southern Pacific Railroad as a through line

from San Francisco to the East, in 1881, and saw the

transformation of Los Angeles from a sleepy, half-Spanish town

of about 12,000 souls into a bustling progressive city of

70,000 population. The second period of advance began with the

entrance of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railroad in

1885. This improved communication with the States east of the

Rocky Mountains gave an impetus to tourist travel, especially

in the winter season, and the fame of the city and of near-by

localities as places of winter resort spread far and wide. The

people of Los Angeles were quick to recognize the opportunity

for gain and the whole community joined in methods of

advertising of the most systematic character. By the aid of

its local press and through the agency of an energetic Chamber

of Commerce Los Angeles has become one of the best known

cities of North America.

{417}

"Since 1900, railroad communication has been further improved

by the opening of an additional road to San Francisco by way

of the ocean shore and the Salinas and Santa Clara Valleys.

This line, known as the Southern Pacific ‘Coast Line,’ avoids

the heavy grades of the Tehachapi Mountains and greatly

shortens the running time between Los Angeles and San

Francisco. The opening of the San Pedro, Los Angeles and Salt

Lake Railroad eastward of Los Angeles in 1903 gave the city

direct connection with the central Rocky Mountain region.

"Two other important influences within the past decade

contributed to the city’s remarkable advance in wealth and

population. These are the building of a vast system of

suburban electric railways making a large region of fertile

attractive land, now densely populated, directly tributary to

Los Angeles, and secondly, the introduction of cheap fuel

through the discovery of local supplies of oil. The net-work

of suburban electric railways of which Los Angeles is the

center is one of the most perfect in the world. These lines

reach out in every direction through distances of from 10 to

50 miles, and connect Los Angeles with the many rapidly

growing cities of Los Angeles County and its neighbor, Orange

County.

"Manufacturing in Los Angeles was for a long time handicapped

by the high cost of fuel. This difficulty has been removed by

the introduction of crude oil as fuel, and the city now has

over 1500 manufacturing establishments, employing over 12,000

people, with an annual output of over $40,000,000. These

include rolling mills, brass-works, paper-box factories,

manufactories of mining machinery, pumps, glass, etc. Los

Angeles is becoming a manufacturing center for the mining and

agricultural lands of Utah, Southern Nevada, Arizona, New

Mexico and the Northern parts of Mexico, as well as Southern

California itself.

"The steady expansion of Los Angeles has been maintained by a

policy of annexation of suburbs. The latest event in this line

of growth has elevated the city into the rank of a sea-port.

The city has long enjoyed abundant means of ocean traffic by

way of Santa Monica, Redondo and San Pedro, but by the

annexation of San Pedro and Wilmington, in 1906, with a

connecting strip of territory 19 miles long by ½ mile in

width, Los Angeles itself becomes a sea-port with the control

of traffic on San Pedro Bay. The city thus achieves an extreme

length from north to south of 33 miles."

Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Department,

Lowell High School, San Francisco.

LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA:

Experiments and Experiences in Municipal Government.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

Water Supply.

The Owens River Aqueduct.

"The present water supply of the city of Los Angeles is taken

from the flow of the Los Angeles River, supplemented by the

underground flow of the San Fernando Valley in which the river

lies. The demand for water within the city is supplemented by

the need for water for irrigation purposes in the surrounding

country. Some years ago it became evident that an increased

supply must be obtained, or the further development of the

city and its environs be brought to a standstill. Extensive

investigations resulted in the decision that Owens River

offered the best source of supply. This river, the principal

drainage of the Owens Valley region, at the base of the Sierra

Nevada Mountains, has a large number of tributaries, and

empties into Owens Lake, from which the waters escape by

evaporation only. The Los Angeles authorities adopted the plan

of an aqueduct to conduct the waters of this river along the

mountain slopes, over the Mojave Desert, and, by tunnel,

through the San Fernando Mountains, to their city,--a total

distance of 217½ miles. On the 7th of September, 1905, an

election was held at which the voters of Los Angeles, by a

majority of about fourteen to one, declared in favor of a bond

issue of $23,000,000 for the undertaking. Besides the

construction of the conduit, the project includes the building

of a large reservoir in Long Valley, above the Owens Valley

proper, for the storage of flood waters; also the construction

of a system of additional reservoirs along the line of the

aqueduct for the regulation of flow as well as for storage;

and a terminal reservoir from which the distributing system

proceeds. All of this work is well under way at this date

(1909), and according to the last published report of the

Aqueduct Bureau the chief engineer confidently expects that

this great project will be brought to completion within the

estimated period of five years--and within the estimated cost

of $23,000,000.

"Outside of the above estimates, the City also plans to build

a great electric power plant which will utilize the drop of

1500 feet where the aqueduct emerges from the San Fernando

Mountains. This plant is estimated to cost from $4,500,000 to

$5,000,000, and through the sale of electric power will become

the source of very considerable revenue to the City. Taken

altogether this Owens River Aqueduct is the greatest municipal

undertaking in California at the present time, and one of the

most important engineering achievements of recent years."

Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Department,

Lowell High School, San Francisco.

LOUBET, Emile:

President of France.

See (in Volume VI.)

FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).

LOUBET, Emile:

Visit to the King of Italy.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

LOUBET, Emile:

Expiration of term as President of the French Republic.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

LOUISIANA: A. D. 1908.

Enactment against Race-track Gambling.

See (in this Volume)

GAMBLING.

LOUISIANA PURCHASE EXPOSITION.

See (in this Volume)

ST. LOUIS: A. D. 1904.

LOW, Seth:

Mayor of New York.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1901-1903.

LOWELL, ABBOTT LAWRENCE:

President of Harvard University.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

LOWTHER, JAMES WILLIAM:

Elected Speaker of the House of Commons.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (JUNE).

LUBIN, DAVID:

Originator of International Institute of Agriculture.

See (in this Volume)

AGRICULTURE.

{418}

LUIZ FELIPE, CROWN PRINCE OF PORTUGAL:

His assassination.

See (in this Volume)

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

"LUSITANIA,"

The Turbine Steamship.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: TURBINE ENGINE.

LUZURIAGA, JOSÉ.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

M.

McADOO, WILLIAM GIBBS.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1909.

McANENY, GEORGE:

President of the Borough of Manhattan.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.

McCALL, JOHN A.:

President of New York Life Insurance Company.

See (in this Volume)

INSURANCE, LIFE.

McCLELLAN, GEORGE B.:

Mayor of New York.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1901-1903, and 1905.

McCURDY, RICHARD A.:

President of Mutual Life Insurance Company.

See (in this Volume)

INSURANCE, LIFE.

MACDONALD COLLEGE, The Founding of.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907.

MACEDONIA:

The recent use of the Name.

As employed very commonly at the present time, the name

Macedonia simply signifies that part of the small remainder of

the Turkish Empire in Europe which coincides nearly with the

original Macedonia of ancient history. It is applied to the

three Turkish vilayets or provinces of Salonika, Monastir and

Kossovo, which have been the scene for years of conditions of

strife and misery that are worse, perhaps, than can be found

elsewhere in the world. Whether the wretched inhabitants have

suffered more from their political masters, the Turks, than

from their Bulgarian and Greek neighbors, who covet the ground

they occupy, seems to be much of a question. For some account

of the Macedonian troubles of late years.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY.

MCKENNA, REGINALD: First Lord of the British Admiralty.

Speech on the Navy Estimates, 1909.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

MACKENZIE BASIN, Report on the.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1909.

MCKINLEY, WILLIAM:

President of the United States.

His assassination.

See (in this Volume)

BUFFALO: A. D. 1901, and

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901 (SEPTEMBER).

MCKINLEY, WILLIAM:

Last public utterance.

See (in this Volume)

TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

MACLAURIN, RICHARD C.:

President of Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

MACLEAN, Kaid Sir Harry:

Capture by Raisuli and ransom.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

MACVEAGH, FRANKLIN:

Secretary of the Treasury.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

MACVEAGH, FRANKLIN:

On the corruptions in the United States Customs Service.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

MADAGASCAR:

Agreement of England and France concerning matters in.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

MADRIZ, Dr.: President of Nicaragua.

See (in this Volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.

MAGHRABI, AMINA HAFIZ.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: EGYPT.

MAGHREB EL-AKSA.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO.

MAGOON, CHARLES E.:

Governor of the Panama Canal Zone.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH: PANAMA CANAL.

MAGOON, CHARLES E.:

Provisional Governor of Cuba.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST-OCTOBER), and 1906-1909.

MAHDI, THE MOORISH: BU HAMARA.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1903-1904.

MAHDI, A New:

His summary destruction.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (SUDAN).

MAHMUD SHEVKET PASHA:

Commander of the Turkish Constitutional Forces.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

MAHOMET and MAHOMETAN.

See (in this Volume)

MOHAMMED and MOHAMMEDAN.

MAKAROFF, Admiral.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

MALARIA.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH: MALARIA.

MALAY PENINSULA: A. D. 1909.

Cession of Three States to Great Britain.

See (in this Volume)

SIAM: A. D. 1909.

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

Persistent occupation by the Russians.

Remonstrances by the Japanese.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1901.

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1903.

Treaty opening two new Ports to Foreign Trade.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1904.

The Russo-Japanese War.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1905.

Treaty between China and Japan.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER).

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

The question of Municipalities on the line of the Chinese

Eastern Railway.

New Russo-Chinese Agreement.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).

MANICKTOLLAH GARDEN, The.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.

MANIKALAND.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA.

MANILLA: A. D. 1900-1902.

The Stamping Out of the Bubonic Plague.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH.

MANITOBA: A. D. 1901-1902.

Census.

Increased Representation in Parliament.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

MANNESMANN CONCESSION, The.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

MANUEL II.: King of Portugal.

See (in this Volume)

PORTUGAL.

MARCONI, Guglielmo.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

See, also,

NOBEL PRIZES.

MARISCAL, Ignacio:

Honorary President of Second International Conference of

American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

MARRAKESH (Morocco City), Events at.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

{419}

MARRIAGE WITH A DECEASED WIFE’S SISTER:

English Act to legalize it.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

MARSEILLES: A. D. 1902.

Strikes of Dock Laborers, Sailors, and Stokers.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1902.

MARTENS, Frederick de.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

MARTINIQUE:

Volcanic Explosion of Mont Pelée.

See (in this Volume)

VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES.

MARYLAND: A. D. 1909.

Defeat of Disfranchising Amendment to the Constitution.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE; UNITED STATES.

MASCHINE, Colonel:

Leader of the Assassins of King Alexander, at Belgrade.

See (in this Volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1909.

Seeking a Leader for an Educational Revolution.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

MASSACRES:

In Asia Minor.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

MASSACRES:

Of "Bloody Sunday" in St. Petersburg.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

MASSACRES:

Of Jews at Kishineff.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1903 (APRIL).

MATOS, Manuel A.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

MATSUKATA, Count.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).

MATTER, New Theory of.

(See in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.

MAURA, Señor:

Prime Minister of Spain.

See (in this Volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904, and 1907-1909.

"MAURETANIA,"

The Turbine Steamship.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: TURBINE ENGINE.

MAURETANIE, French.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

MAY LAWS, The.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: PRUSSIA: A. D. 1904.

MECCA:

Railway from Damascus.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS (TURKEY, ASIATIC: A. D. 1908).

MEDJLISS

MEJLIS:

The Persian Parliament or National Assembly.

See (in this Volume)

CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA.

Also

PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

MELILLA:

Spanish hostilities with Moors.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

MENDEL, GREGOR, and his Law of Variation in Species.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: BIOLOGICAL.

MENELEK:

Emperor of Ethiopia.

See (in this Volume)

ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

MERRY DEL VAL, CARDINAL.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

MERSINA:

Moslem attack on Armenians.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

MESSINA:

Its destruction by Earthquake.

See (in this Volume)

EARTHQUAKES: ITALY.

METCALF, VICTOR H.:

Secretary of Commerce and Labor, and Secretary of the Navy.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.

METCHNIKOFF, PROFESSOR ELIE.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.

See, also,

NOBEL PRIZES.

MEXICO: A. D. 1901-1902.

Invitation and entertainment of Second International

Conference of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

MEXICO: A. D. 1902 (May).

Arbitration of the Pious Fund Question, between

the United States and Mexico.

From 1868 until 1902 a claim of the United States against

Mexico had been in dispute. It related to the right of the

Catholic missions in that part of old California which now

forms the American State of California to a portion of the

income from a certain fund which pious people of Spain and

Mexico, more than two centuries ago, had established for the

support of Catholic missions among the California Indians. In

1767 the Jesuits who held the fund were driven from the

country and the Spanish Government assumed the trust, which in

turn devolved on Mexico when that colony acquired

independence. When upper California was ceded to this country

Mexico ceased to pay to the missions there the portion of the

income due them. Their claim was finally taken up by the

American Government, to be pressed against, the Mexican, and,

after years of diplomatic controversy, was referred, May 22d,

1902, to the Hague Tribunal for arbitration. This has the

distinction of being the first controversy submitted to that

permanent tribunal. The decision of the Tribunal was rendered

on the 14th of October, 1902, in favor of the California

claim, requiring Mexico to pay $1,420,682 (Mexican currency)

of past dues, and $43,051 annually thereafter.

MEXICO: A. D. 1903.

New Legislative Palace, and other Government Buildings.

"The cities and towns of Mexico are improving at a surprising

rate, and the capital city especially is just now in the midst

of the greatest building boom that has ever, perhaps, been

known in any Latin-American city except Buenos Ayres. The

interesting monthly publication entitled Modern Mexico informs

us that the federal government alone is entering upon an

investment approximating $50,000,000 in new buildings in the

City of Mexico.

"The greatest of these buildings is the so-called Legislative

Palace, corresponding to our Capitol building at Washington.

The foundations of this building are now being laid, and it

will cost, perhaps, $20,000,000. The City of Mexico has

adopted the wise European plan of carefully regulating the

height of new buildings, and preventing the construction of

anything that would be inartistic or out of keeping with the

harmony of the city’s architecture. Next to the Legislative

Palace, perhaps the most imposing of the new Mexican buildings

will be the National Pantheon, which is to cost more than

$5,000,000, and is to be at once a memorial to Mexico’s

eminent men and a place for their entombment. Several of the

executive departments are to be housed in the buildings now

approaching completion."

American Review of Reviews,

October, 1903.

MEXICO: A. D. 1903.

Agreement for Settlement of Claims against Venezuela.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

{420}

MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.

Arbitration Treaty with the United States.

Reelection of President Diaz for a Seventh Term.

Extension of the Term.

Currency Reform.

End of the Free Zone.

"Mexico was one of the countries with which the United States

government negotiated an arbitration treaty early in the year

[1905], a treaty which was dropped, like its fellows, by the

Washington administration, because of the Senate amendments. …

Though the tentative arbitration treaty between the United

States and Mexico … fell through, another very practical and

useful arbitration convention was concluded between the two

nations during the year. This was the convention agreed to in

principle during the Pan-American Conference in the city of

Mexico in the winter of 1901-1902, which provides for the

settlement by arbitration of all international questions

growing out of pecuniary claims. The representatives of

several of the nations taking part in that conference affixed

their signatures to this preliminary compact, and it has since

become operative among a number of them. It was ratified by

the Mexican Senate during its spring sessions. As pecuniary

claims have in point of fact been one of the most fruitful

sources of difficulty between the United States and the other

nations of the western hemisphere, the conclusion of an

agreement, in a binding form, to dispose by arbitration of any

such cases as may arise in the future, is a distinct gain for

the cause of the rational adjustment of international

controversies, and is a guarantee, not indeed absolute, but

most substantial, of lasting peace among the nations of this

continent. …

"There were no striking developments in the political

situation in Mexico. On December 1 of the previous year (1904)

President Diaz had entered on his sixth consecutive term and

his seventh term in all. By a constitutional amendment, a

regular vice-president of the republic, for the first time

since the early days of Mexico’s history, took the oath of

office at the same time as the president, on December 1, 1904.

The gentleman previously elected, and now occupying the

position of vice-president, is the Honorable Ramon Corral,

formerly governor of the state of Sonora. By virtue of another

constitutional amendment, the present and future presidential

terms will be six years, instead of four as formerly. …

"A measure of vital importance to the economic well-being of

the nation was promulgated on March 25, 1905. This was the

decree for the reform of the currency, issued by the Executive

under an enabling Act of Congress, approved on December 9,

1904. The new monetary system, due to the initiative of the

very able finance minister Señor José Yves Limantour, went

into effect on the first of May, but the free coinage of

silver ceased on April 16. Broadly speaking, the new system

gives Mexico a fifty-cent dollar. It declares that the

theoretical unit of the monetary system of the United Mexican

States is represented by seventy-five centigrams of pure gold,

and is denominated a peso. …

"On July 1 that time-honored institution known as the Free

Zone ceased to exist."

F. R. Guernsey,

The Year in Mexico

(Atlantic Monthly, February, 1906).

MEXICO: A. D. 1906.

Celebration of the Centenary of Benito Juarez.

His relation to the Secularizing Movement a generation ago.

Present Pacific Relations between Church and State.

"Though Juarez is generally credited with the paternity of the

laws generically known as the Reform Laws, and although he

undoubtedly was the life and soul of the secularizing movement

of his day, it is worthy of note that he had no formal

participation in the chief measures framed against the Church.

… He was not a signatory of the Constitution of 1857, which

first attacked the existence of the religious orders; the law

for the confiscation of church property was framed by Miguel

Lerdo de Tejada, the Finance Minister of President Comoufort

(1856); and the constitutional amendments which definitely

established the separation of Church and State, instituted

civil marriage, placed monastic communities outside the pale

of the law, and forbade open-air religious services, were not

enacted until 1873 and 1874, after the death of Juarez, and

during the presidency of Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada.

"March 21, 1906, was, by a decree of Congress, observed as a

general holiday in Mexico. Pilgrimages to the tomb of Juarez

took place in the morning; commemorative tablets were unveiled

in the afternoon, and at night General Diaz, surrounded by his

cabinet, presided in the Arbeu Theatre at an apotheosis of

Juarez, during which the career and character of the reforming

president were extolled in an eloquent oration by Honorable

Justo Sierra, Minister of Public Instruction. On the stage

with the President during these exercises were the son and

other surviving descendants of Juarez, who are numerous.

"Curiously enough, a question involving the interpretation of

the Reform Laws arose soon after the celebration of the Juarez

centenary. The ministers of all denominations in Mexico had

been accustomed to conduct a service at the graveside in

connection with the burial of the dead. It was generally held

that this practice did not conflict with Article 5 of the Law

of December 14, 1874, forbidding all forms of religious

service other than those held inside the churches. But in May,

1906, the Interior Department issued a circular declaring

open-air burial services conducted in the cemeteries to be

illegal. This rule has led to the erection of mortuary chapels

in the cemeteries which previously were unprovided with them,

and the burial services are held inside these chapels.

"While this episode shows that there is no intention on the

part of the governmental authorities of Mexico to relax one

iota of the laws which curtailed the power of the Church, it

is worthy of note that there is no serious religious conflict

in Mexico at the present time; and, under laws which are

probably as restrictive as those recently enacted in France,

which have so agitated that country, Church and State in the

Mexican Republic move smoothly in their separate orbits, with

conciliatory if not cordial sentiments toward each other."

F. R. Guernsey,

The Year in Mexico

(Atlantic Monthly, March, 1907).

MEXICO: A. D. 1906.

Joint Action with the United States

in Central American Mediation.

See (in this Volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA.

{421}

MEXICO: A. D. 1906.

Participation in Third International Conference

of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

MEXICO: A. D. 1906.

Nationalizing the Railway System.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: MEXICO.

MEXICO: A. D. 1909.

Extended Governmental Control of Railways.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: MEXICO.

MEXICO: A. D. 1909.

The Last Year of the Sixth Consecutive Term of Porfirio Diaz

in the Presidency.

His long practical Autocracy, and its effects on the Nation.

A Mexican View.

Since Napoleon remodeled a French republic into an empire

there has been nothing of its kind in political workmanship to

equal the masterpiece of practical autocracy which Porfirio

Diaz has erected in Mexico, on a basis of nominal democracy,

within the last 30 years. He has not throned or crowned

himself, as Napoleon did, which saves his work from the

vulgarity that the Corsican could not resist; but he has

exercised more than the sovereignty that imperial seats and

trappings could invest him with.

On the 1st of December, 1909, Diaz entered the last year of

his sixth consecutive term in the presidency—his seventh term

in all—the previous term of four years having now been

lengthened to six. Since 1884 he has held the reins of

Government by what seems to have become sheer mastery,

whatever of free popular election there may have been at the

outset of his official career. If internal and external peace,

general good order, rapid progress on all lines of material

advancement, great gains in public education and a general

uplift of the country in its standing before the world were

sufficient fruits of his government to test its quality by,

then Mexico might well be satisfied with it and with him; for

the beneficence of his autocracy on this side of its working

appears to be beyond dispute. But Mexico appears to have begun

to feel the cost in public character and spirit which

paternalized government must always exact for the superficial

benefits it bestows, and the country is said to be filled with

more than discontent.

A notable Mexican writer, Rafael de Zayes Enriquez, who is

described as a lifelong friend and supporter of Diaz, has been

bold enough to give voice to the existing feeling in a recent

book. The long administration of the masterful president is

recounted and studied with honest friendliness, for the open

purpose of addressing plain truths to the man whose life and

work are discussed. "You have disarmed the judiciary and the

Legislature," he is told, "until they are impotent, and in

reality nothing more than branches of the executive."

"Imitating the high example, almost everyone in Mexico who has

any power abuses it, and the cowed public submits." "Everyone

is permitted to despise the public and to treat it

tyrannically." And the honest friend who thus commands the

attention of Diaz to the evil workings of his dictatorship,

appeals for the ending of it—for the restoration of a

nullified constitution, for free elections, for independent

legislatures and courts; for the averting of otherwise

inevitable storms of revolution, and for the saving of himself

from a verdict of history, that "he created a nation, but

destroyed a people."

On the other hand there are foreign observers in Mexico who

believe that Diaz holds the peace and prosperity of the

country in his hand. A Press correspondent wrote not long

since: "He, Diaz, alone saved us from a disastrous panic last

fall, the effects of which would have reached beyond our

boundaries. The Government compelled the Banco Nacional to

advance ready money to every institution that was in need and

intrinsically sound. The bank was likewise compelled to sell

exchange at a loss, so that the failure to keep silver at a

parity was less apparent. The Government stood this loss.

About January first one of the largest mercantile houses in

Mexico, with many branches, was in serious difficulty. Its

chief went straight to President Diaz, and said that he must

have a million dollars or fail. Recognizing that the failure

of this house would precipitate a panic, the Government let

him have the money. … In my opinion, the most serious menace

to the prosperity of Mexico is the fear that President Diaz is

not as strong physically as is popularly believed. … The least

of the evils which might come from his death, should it occur

soon, would be increase in business stagnation and in popular

unrest. Many politicians seem ready to avail themselves of the

present wide-spread dislike of foreigners. The ferment of

anti-foreign leaven is working among the masses."

Whatever may be the kind and quality of the domination he has

exercised for twenty-five years, Mexico must inevitably be put

to a crucial test when he drops the helm of state.

MEXICO: A. D. 1909.

Meeting of President Diaz with President Taft.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).

MEXICO: A. D. 1909 (FEBRUARY).

Participation in a North American Conference on the

Conservation of Natural Resources.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: NORTH AMERICA.

MEYER, GEORGE VON L.:

Postmaster-General.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909; SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

MICHELSEN, PROFESSOR ALBERT A.:

Inventor of the Interferometer.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.

See, also,

NOBEL PRIZES.

MICHELSEN, M.:

Premier of Norway.

See (in this Volume)

NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.

MICHIGAN: A. D. 1909.

Legislation giving Home Rule to Cities.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: MICHIGAN.

MIDHAT PASHA.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

MIGNOT, Bishop.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

MIGUEL, Dom:

Pretender to the Crown of Portugal.

See (in this Volume)

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909.

MIGUELISTAS.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.

MILIOUKOV, PROFESSOR PAUL.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

MILLERAND, M.:

Minister of Public Works, Posts, and Telegraphs

in the Briand Cabinet.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

MILNER, Alfred, Lord:

In South Africa.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902, and after.

MILWAUKEE REFRIGERATOR TRANSIT CASE.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

{422}

MIN, General: Assassination of.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

MINDANAO, Conditions in.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.

MINE OWNERS’ ASSOCIATION, WESTERN.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1899-1907.

MINERS AND MINING.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR.

MINING, Wasteful.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

MINNESOTA: A. D. 1908.

Organization of Coöperative Stores.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR REMUNERATION: COOPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

MINTO, Gilbert John Murray K. Elliott, Earl of:

Governor-General of Canada.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1904.

MINTO, Gilbert John Murray K. Elliott, Earl of:

Viceroy of India.

His initiation of the Reform in Indian Government by

the Indian Councils Bill.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

MIRSKY, Prince Svyatopolk.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

MISSIONS, Christian:

At Large: Notable Movements of 1910.

"The year 1910 will be notable in the annals of foreign

missions. The Laymen’s Missionary Movement, now holding

meetings in this city, plans an educative campaign covering

over seventy centres and culminating next May in a national

congress in Chicago. The Student Volunteer Movement, which

enrols in its mission study classes over 25,000 collegians,

and which has sent over 4,000 workers to the foreign field,

has just closed a conference at Rochester, where were

assembled nearly 3,000 college men and women. In this month

also is the gathering of medical missionaries at Battle Creek,

Michigan. Next June the important World Missionary Conference

takes place in Edinburgh. In October the country’s oldest

foreign missionary organization, the American Board,

celebrates its centennial in connection with the National

Congregational Council at Boston."

New York Evening Post,

January 10, 1910.

MISSIONS, Christian: China: A. D. 1906-1907.

"In view of the recent remarkable awakening in China, and the

strong desire on the part of the Chinese for a knowledge of

Western civilisation and science, an influential Committee,

‘The China Missions Emergency Committee,’ was appointed last

year, including in its membership an equal number of prominent

representatives of the Anglican Church as well as of the Free

Churches of Great Britain, to consider in what ways it might

assist the missionary societies and their representatives in

China in adjusting and extending their existing operations, so

that the momentous demands now made upon them by the

surprising changes of thought and policy that have so suddenly

emerged, may be adequately met. …

"It appointed as its representatives the Reverend Lord William

and Lady Florence Gascoyne-Cecil, of Hatfield; Sir Alexander

R. Simpson, of Edinburgh; Professor Alexander Macalister, of

Cambridge; and Mr. Francis William Fox, of London, to attend

the Missionary Conference held at Shanghai from April 26th to

May 7th last, and also to pay a series of visits to

missionaries and mission stations, for the purpose of learning

from the most experienced missionaries what measures should be

adopted to meet the new demands that had arisen."

"We found everywhere throughout the Chinese Empire that

greater religious liberty is enjoyed than is the case in many

other parts of the world, and that, so long as the laws of the

country are observed, there is, theoretically, no interference

with the conscientious opinions of individuals, with, however,

the exceptions that Chinese officials are required

occasionally to perform certain ceremonies of an idolatrous

character. …

"In the year 1906, as before stated, there were approximately

3,750 Foreign Protestant Missionaries residing in China. Of

these, 1,950 were British, 1,457 American, and some 343

Continental and Independent Workers.

The number of Bible Women:

In 1876, 90;

in 1889, 180;

in 1906, 894.

Number of Boys’ and Girls’ Day Schools:

In 1878, 289;

in 1906, 385.

Number of Scholars in Day Schools:

In 1876, 4,909;

in 1889, 16,836;

in 1906, 42,546.

Number of Intermediate, High Schools and Colleges:

In 1906, 389.

Number of Students in Colleges, etc. (male and female):

In 1906, 15,137.

Total number of Scholars and Students:

In 1906, 57,683.

"By the commencement of 1908 it is estimated that the total

number of Foreign Protestant Missionaries in China will be at

least 4,000. The number of Mission Stations (including the sub

or smaller ones) is about 5,750. The ordained Chinese Pastors

and other Chinese Preachers are now about 6,000. The number of

recognized Protestant Church (full) Members and Catechumens is

estimated as 250,000, which, with the addition of children and

others not regarded as in full connection, represents a total

of about 1,000,000 persons who are more or less closely

connected with the Protestant Christian Churches of China."

F. W. Fox, A. Macalister, and A. R. Simpson,

Christian Missions in China

(Contemporary Review, February, 1908).

See, also, (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: CHINA.

MISSIONS, Christian: India and Korea:

American Mission Schools.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: INDIA, AND KOREA.

MISSIONS, Christian: Japan.

"Viscount Aoki, a former Minister for Foreign Affairs, is a

Christian, and so is Viscount Okabé, Minister of Justice in

the present Cabinet. There are 10 Christian members of the

Imperial Diet, all men of high character and enjoying the

respect of their fellow-countrymen, for there is no

constituency in Japan which would elect a Christian qua

Christian. It is perhaps among the commercial class that

Christianity is gaining most ground, and at Osaka, the great

industrial city of Japan, there are churches with Japanese

ministers, supported entirely by Japanese congregations, who

have at heart to remove the popular reproach that Christianity

is a foreign creed which cannot live without foreign subsidies.

Missionary activity has always had a free field in Japan, and

its philanthropic aspects have never received wider

recognition than of recent years. The Emperor himself has

frequently marked by handsome contributions his personal

interest in orphanages and hospitals conducted under

missionary auspices. But if Christianity should ever become

the national faith of Japan it will probably be in some new

national form impressed upon it by Japanese teachers rather

than in any sectarian form borrowed from the West.

{423}

What is meanwhile unquestionably increasing very steadily is

the influence of Christian ethics. … To quote a missionary:

‘If there are less than 200,000 professing Christians in

Japan, there are more than a million educated Japanese who

think in terms of Christian ethics, and who try to live up to

them more truly than many millions of professing Christians in

the West.’"

Correspondent of The Times, London.

In April, 1907, a great international mission conference was

assembled at Tokyo, Japan, of which The Outlook gave

the following account the next month:

"Over six hundred delegates, representing organizations in

twenty-five countries, assembled last month in Tokyo. They

constituted the seventh Conference of the World’s Student

Christian Federation. The body represented is a federation of

various national associations of Christian students. Some of

them are Young Men’s Christian Associations, organized in the

colleges; some of them are student organizations, not

affiliated with the Young Men’s Christian Association. The

delegates received many messages of greeting from officials of

high station; among these were messages from Viscount Hayashi,

the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs; Marquis Ito, who

sent a letter from Korea accompanied with a gift of five

thousand dollars; Count Okuma, Elder Statesman; the President

of the United States, the King of England, and the King of

Norway.

"The meetings were thronged by ten thousand students, mainly

Japanese and Chinese. The Conference was of course

distinctively Christian in character; it had a definite

purpose of proclaiming a Christian message: it advocated

ethical and intellectual progress by means of the Christian

religion; it assembled in a non-Christian land; yet its

existence, so far from arousing resentment or opposition,

evoked rather the warmest expression of appreciation and even

gratitude. That it stimulated emulation is not surprising. A

Buddhist Conference, for example, was summoned in the same

city at the same time; but at that Conference resolutions

expressing its ‘profound respect’ to the gathering of

Christians were passed, and a deputation to convey these

resolutions was chosen. Similarly, a Conference of Shinto

priests sent a letter to the Christian Conference expressing

their sense of the honor which the Federation had shown to

Japan by convening in Tokyo, and, in lieu of a reception which

could not be arranged for lack of time, presented material

‘mementoes and tokens of esteem,’ in order, to use their own

words, ‘to express our deep appreciation of your coming, and

to commemorate this bright event in Japan’s history.’ The

press of Japan was emphatic in its expression of good will."

MISSIONS, Christian: Turkey and the Near East:

American Mission Schools.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: TURKEY.

MISSOURI: A. D. 1906-1909.

Successful Prosecution of the Waters-Pierce and

Standard Oil Companies.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

MISSOURI RIVER RATE CASE.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

MISTRAL, Frederic.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

MITCHELL, JOHN:

President of the United Mine Workers of America.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

MITCHELL, JOHN:

Resignation on account of ill health.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

MITCHELL, JOHN:

Chairman of Trades Agreements Department

of National Civic Federation.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

MITCHELL, JOHN:

Sentence for alleged Violation of an Injunction.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

MITCHELL, John H.:

United States Senator, involved in Land Frauds.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

MODERATE-REPUBLICANS.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE. A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

MODERNISM, Papal Encyclical against.

See (in this Volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1907.

Also,

TYRREL, FATHER GEORGE.

MODUS VIVENDI:

On American Fishing in Newfoundland waters.

See (in this Volume)

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

MOHAMMED ALI:

Lately deposed Shah of Persia.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

MOHAMMEDAN CONFERENCE.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1907 (DECEMBER).

MOHAMMEDANS OF INDIA:

Their present Feeling.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1908-1909.

MOHAMID EL AMIN, a new Mahdi.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (SUDAN).

MOHAMMID RESCHAD EFFENDI:

Made Sultan of Turkey as Mohammid V.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

MOHONK (LAKE) PEACE CONFERENCE.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

MOISSAN, H.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

MOLTKE, COUNT KUNO VON:

His Libel Suit against Maximilien Harden.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1907-1908.

MOMMSEN, THEODOR.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

MONASTIR:

Beginnings of the Turkish Revolution.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

MONETA, ERNESTO T.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

MONEY. See (in this Volume) Finance and

MONO-RAIL SYSTEM.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: RAILWAYS.

MONOPOLIES.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL.

MONROE DOCTRINE:

Interpreted relatively to German Claims and Complaints

against Venezuela.

Its Recognition by Germany.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1901, and

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

MONROE DOCTRINE:

Impliedly recognized by the Hague Tribunal.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

MONROE DOCTRINE:

In the case of San Domingo.

See (in this Volume)

SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1905.

MONROE DOCTRINE:

Stated as an All-America Doctrine by Secretary Root, at the

Third International Conference of American Republics,

at Rio de Janeiro, in 1906.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

{424}

MONROE PALACE, The.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS: THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE.

MONTAGUE, A. J.:

Delegate to Third International Conference

of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

MONTENEGRO.

See BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

MONTES, I.:

President of Bolivia.

See (in this Volume)

ACRE DISPUTES.

MONT PELÉE, Volcanic explosion of.

See (in this Volume)

VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES.

MONTT, Pedro:

President of Chile.

See (in this Volume)

CHILE: A. D. 1906.

MOODY, William H.:

Secretary of the Navy, Attorney-General and Justice of the

Supreme Court.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.

MOOR, F. R.:

Premier of Natal.

At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

MORALES, President Carlos F.

See (in this Volume)

SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.

MORENGA, Chief of Hereros.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA: GERMAN COLONIES.

MORET Y PRENDERGAST:

Premier of Spain.

See (in this Volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

MORGAN, J. Pierpont:

His Intervention in the Anthracite Coal Strike of 1902.

See (in this Volume)

labor organization: united states: A. D. 1902-1903.

MORGAN, J. Pierpont:

His organization of the International

Mercantile Marine Company.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: INTERNATIONAL.

MORGAN, J. Pierpont:

Enlarged Control of Banking Interests.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.

MORLEY, John, Viscount:

Secretary of State for India.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

MORLEY, John, Viscount:

On the Indian Councils Bill.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

MOROCCO (Maghreb el-Aksa):

The Name.

Maroc or Morocco, the name given by Europeans to the empire of

the Moorish Sultan as a whole, is not so applied by the

natives of the country. According to them, the Maroc or

country of Marrakech, the Marruecos of the Spaniards, is only

one of three States submissive to the authority of the

Sultan-Shereef. At the north the kingdom of Fez, at the

southwest the oasis of Tafilet, make up his real empire.

Beyond these, vast territories occupied by numerous

independent tribes, stretch over the space that is marked on

our maps with the name Morocco. Its inhabitants have no common

name for it as a whole. Their country, indicated in a general

manner, with no precise delimitation, is the Maghreb

el-Aksa,—that is to say, "The Extreme West."

Élisée Reclus,

Nouvelle Geographic Universelle,

Volume 11, page 653.

MOROCCO: A. D. 1896-1906.

The Creeping of the French Algerian Boundary

into Moroccan Territory.

A Justification of the Encroachment.

"Something has happened during the two weeks preceding the

Conference at Algeciras [see EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1906], which

may or may not be brought to the attention of the

international diplomats. France from the start has refused to

submit her doings along the Algerian frontier to the

discussion of the conference. That concerns herself and

Morocco alone. What has been happening would in any case put

the conference in face of an accomplished fact. Some time ago

M. Jonnart, Governor-General of Algiers, was informed that

emissaries from Fez were notifying the frontier tribes, whose

submission to France dates only from the last few years, that

Germany would help the Sultan very shortly to force the French

to evacuate their tribal territories. … M. Jonnart at once set

out on a long and ceremonious visit to the tribes along the

extreme southern frontier. He was accompanied by General

Lyautey, the ‘pacificating’ general, who has been M. Jaurès’

bugbear in this Moroccan affair. The Governor-General returned

to Algiers Friday last, just in time to have his news ready

for the conference. He has reason to be satisfied. Except for

a vague idea that the Moroccan territory along the Algerian

frontier is a ‘hled-es-siba’—a country where the Sultan has

difficulty in collecting his taxes—the foreign press has not

kept pace with what has been going on for the last ten years.

In one word, during that time France has brought under her

domination a stretch of territory of some thousands of square

miles. It is true that this territory is sparsely settled by

wilfully independent tribes, who so far alternately aided in

the Algerian harvests and raided the French outposts. This

situation quite justifies the action of the French troops,

which has consisted in throwing forward the unbroken line of

outposts that enclose and keep in order the French dominion,

and not in any military conquest of volatile tribes. M. Jaurès

always fell foul of the latter policy, which he ascribed to

the military; but it would be as useless as it is absurd. What

General Lyautey has been doing all these years, without

Germany or any other friend of the Sultan giving sign of life,

is not only reasonable: it is better—it has proved effective.

And M. Jonnart’s tour has secured the formal submission of

these tribes whose territory geographers have all along made a

part of Tafilalt--the southeasternmost of the four ancient

kingdoms which, together, make up the empire of Morocco. The

boundary between Morocco and French territory in Algiers has

never been settled since the original treaty of 1845. That

drew a line from the coast southward about a hundred miles to

Teniet-es-Sassi, four degrees of longitude west from Paris,

and then stopped. Whatever was to the south—then a No Man’s

Land, so far as France was concerned—was to be divided

amicably along as natural a line as possible, leaving the east

to France as a sphere of influence (the word had not yet been

invented). During these sixty years the frontier line has

remained about the same on the maps. But France has steadily

prolonged her settled domination southward, gaining over a

Mohammedan population by serving their material interests

without offence to their religion. The railway now reaches

Beni Ounif, only a short distance from Fighig, whose Amel is

among those notified that Morocco with German help will soon

send the French over the desert and far away. At Beni Ounif,

besides the Grand Hotel for tourists, there are extensive

counting houses for the trade of all the Hinterland, with an

appropriate banking system, and everything to draw the

Moroccan tribes. There is no doubt that this territory has

always been nominally a part of Morocco. … And now M. Jonnart

has visited officially the great Zaouia, or religious centre

of Kenadsa, still farther to the west."

Paris Special Correspondence

New York Evening Post,

February 3, 1906.

{425}

MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.

State of Affairs in the Moorish Sultanate.

Abd el Aziz, the young Sultan.

His expensive tastes.

His enjoyment of the Playthings of Civilization and Science.

"Regarded as a Moorish ruler and leader, the late Sultan,

Mulai Hassan, was a strong man, almost, perhaps, a great man.

The loss of Morocco is that apparently she cannot produce his

like in the present generation. She was richer a few years

ago; and that is part of her decadence. Mulai Hassan had a

companion of his right hand: Ba Hamed, the Grand Wazeer. In

them Morocco could boast the possession of two strong men;

crude, narrow of vision, even brutal and merciless, if judged

by European standards, yet genuinely strong men. The greater

of them died, and his subordinate successfully hid the fact

(though the Court was journeying at the time) from all

Morocco, masquerading as one in close attendance upon a Sultan

whose corpse, as a fact, was tied in its litter, until city

walls were reached, preparations made, and the succession of

the youth Abd el Aziz assured. Be it remembered that Ba Hamed,

the survivor, was a strong man in his own right. Young Abd el

Aziz [who succeeded his father in 1894] was docile perforce,

and Ba Hamed ruled, without pity, with greed, and quite

unhampered by what Europe calls honour or justice. …

"Rather more than two years ago [1901], when already the

country was perturbed by news of the French advance upon and

occupation of Igli, the Moorish town which was regarded as the

depot and junction via which the caravan traffic of the desert

filtered through Morocco to the coast; at this critical

juncture, in the thick of conflicting intrigues, poisonings,

and official treachery, Ba Hamed, the greatly feared, greatly

hated, and rigidly obeyed Wazeer, died at Marrakish, leaving

many scheming heirs-presumptive to his office, but no single

successor to the mantle of his authority, the inherent

masterfulness of his personality.

"Still youthful Abd el Aziz IV. stretched forth both hands and

personally took up the fallen reins of government with a great

flourish of trumpets and display of energy. … Optimistic

Europeans, naturally gratified by the active good sense with

which Abd el Aziz checked his Filali tribesmen’s turbulent

resentment of contact with the French in Igli and its oasis,

freely predicted a new lease of life for the Moorish Empire.

They credited the new broom with powers which, in view of its

origin and environment, had been little short of miraculous.

And they omitted reflection regarding the hand which moved the

new broom. This was a power behind the Parasol, a latent

intelligence, not wholly Moorish, capricious, feminine,

subtle, unstable, and somewhat vitiated from long repression

in an unwholesome atmosphere. The late Mulai Hassan’s

Circassian wife, young Abd el Aziz’s mother, Lalla R’kia, had

also found a dangerous emancipation in the death of Ba Hamed.

…

"Casually observant Nazarenes saw rich, cruel officials swept

from their high estate by wholesale, and predicted the birth

of probity at Court. Notorious gainers by oppression were

loaded with chains in Kasbah dungeons; the young Sultan’s

brother, the One-Eyed, whom cautious Ba Hamed had kept secure

in Tetuan prison, was established on parole at Mcquinez, and

‘Here’s positive purity of administration!’ cried the

surface-reading hopeful in Christian-ridden Tangier.

"Of a sudden, all movement ceased. The young Sultan was lost

sight of—behind the curtain. … It is not given to us to know

anything of pale Lalla R’kia’s attitude during this breathing

space. … (Lalla R’kia died last year.)

"Speaking metaphorically, his Shareefian Majesty Abd el Aziz

reappeared on the arm of a commercial agent, a French

Israelite, with a genius for the ‘placing’ of imported

commodities. Allah’s Chosen had been initiated into the select

manias of Europe, and become addicted to golfing, the use of

the camera, the bicycle, and other less pretty pastimes from

the West. …

"Commercial agents continued to press upon the young Sultan

the latest and most expensive of electrical and other toys,

and those far-seeing gentlemen, the newspaper correspondents,

bade Europe take note of the remarkable enlightenment and

progressive wisdom of the ruler of Morocco, as evidenced by

his interest in motor cars and Broadwood pianos. And the

friends of these optimistic gentry criticised the present

writer as a croaker and a bird of ill-omen when he published

in The Fortnightly Review for July, 1901, the following

extract from a letter sent him by a Moorish friend:

"‘To sum all up, my friend, I grieve because I find the

affairs of my native land in parlous order, demanding as never

before in the history of Morocco the guidance of a strong,

clear mind, a veritable Sultan. That my country’s affairs most

urgently need. They have a governing power composed of half a

dozen corrupt creatures, of a corrupt, short-sighted, cruel,

and desperately greedy Wazeer, whose rightful Lord is occupied

exclusively in—Bah! We have spoken of those whose graves will

be defiled, and of the trumpery gauds from Paris bazaars. And

this, while the turbulent Sus is aflame, the far south-east a

mine charged by French aggression, waiting only the match of

knowledge of our Lord’s indifference; the country between

Tafilalt and Fas is openly given over to brigandage and

anarchy, and even Al Ksar, Arzila, and the Gharb, Tangiers

outskirts, are full of unrest and disorder, crimes and

indifference to crimes.’"

A. J. Dawson,

Morocco, the Moors, and the Powers

(Fortnightly Review, February, 1903).

{426}

"I have not seen the Sultan face to face, but I have conversed

with nearly all the leading Europeans who have been with him

either at Marrakesh or Fez, and from what they have told me I

have been forced to conclude that Mulai Abd-el-Aziz is a

charming, kindly, headstrong man, suffering badly from youth,

who delights in reforms for the sake of their novelty and

lacks the brain power that distinguished his father, Mulai el

Hassan, and his grandfather, Mulai Mohammed. While he stayed

in his southern capital he was comparatively free from the

attacks of commercial attaches and other rogues, whose designs

upon his treasury should have been obvious, though he was

guilty of many extravagances, including displays of fireworks

that made his envoy to England speak slightingly of the

special display arranged in his honour at the Crystal Palace.

In Fez the agents surrounded him like summer flies. He has

twelve motor cars and no roads to ride them over; he paid

between three and four thousand pounds for a yacht, sixty feet

long, that was to be used on the Sebu river, which is no more

than thirty feet wide; in spite of the Koran’s prohibition, he

has purchased a crown at a price I am afraid to name. He has

put some of his soldiers into European uniforms and boots,

only to find that they run away from Bu Hamara as readily as

they did when dressed in native garments. He has developed an

enthusiasm for photography—I have seen some of his work—and

in addition to cameras with cases of pure gold, he has one

apartment of his palace loaded from floor to ceiling with dark

plates, and he was persuaded to order ten thousand francs’

worth of printing paper. He has a menagerie in the grounds of

the palace at Fez, and on a day when it was reported that the

lion sent from England had quarrelled with and killed the lion

sent from Berlin, one of the European visitors to the court

suggested to him that a contest between the victorious lion

and the Bengal tiger would afford good sport. ‘No,’ said

Abd-el-Aziz, ‘the lion cost me three thousand pounds!’ All

Europe knows that the Sultan is poor."

S. L. Bensusan,

Britain, France, and the Moorish Empire

(Contemporary Review, November, 1903).

MOROCCO: A. D. 1903-1904.

Appearance of the Mahdi, Bu Hamara,

as a leader of Insurrection.

In 1903 there appeared in Morocco one of the prophetic

pretenders called Mahdis, of whom so many have arisen in the

Moslem world, to take advantage of occasions of religious

excitement, and to lead a rising of wild tribes. This Moorish

Mahdi, known as Bu Hamara, was helped to a leadership of

insurrection by an incident which greatly stirred the

religious temper of tribes wherever known. An English

missionary was killed at Fez, and the murderer, flying to a

sanctuary of special sanctity, was pursued thereto by the

Sultan’s guards, and slain within the sacred bounds. Against

this sacrilege, committed to satisfy hated Christians, Bu

Hamara roused the country, preaching extermination of all

Christians within it. The insecure throne of Abd el Aziz was

made more insecure, English influence in Morocco was shaken,

the French frontiers east and south were endangered, and Bu

Hamara’s revolt appears to have had much to do with the

producing of all that followed,—in the Anglo-French Agreement

of 1904, the Algeciras Conference, the dethronement of Abd el

Aziz, etc.

MOROCCO: A. D. 1904.

Declarations of England and France concerning Morocco

in the Agreements of the Entente of 1904.

Explanatory Despatch.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

Exploits of El Raisuli.

The Kidnapping and Ransoming of Messrs. Perdicaris and Varley.

The Capture and Ransom of Kaid Sir Harry MacLean.

Present Respectability of Raisuli as a Moroccan Governor.

One of the chiefs in that mountainous strip of northern

Morocco, nearly parallel to the Mediterranean, which is called

"The Riff," has played a startlingly troublesome part in

recent Moroccan history. His name is Mulai Ahmed ben Mohammed,

but he is commonly designated in all news-mentions of his

doings by the title he bears,—El Raisuli, chieftain of a clan.

The first exploit which made this title familiar to all the

world was in May, 1904, when he kidnapped, from their

residence near Tangier, a naturalized American and an

Englishman, Mr. Ion Perdicaris and his stepson, Mr. Varley,

carrying them into the mountains and holding them captive

until he had extorted a ransom of $70,000, despite the utmost

efforts of France, Great Britain, and the United States, with

the aid of the Sultan, to obtain their release on less

humiliating terms. This success failed, however, to satisfy

the audacious brigand, and in July, 1907, he laid hands on

another important hostage, this time a British officer, Sir

Harry MacLean, who had been long in the service of the Sultan

of Morocco, as military adviser, with the title of Kaid. Kaid

MacLean ventured to visit the brigand in his mountain retreat

for some negotiation, and was detained in pawn. Raisuli held

this notable captive until the following February, and

released him then on receipt of $25,000, cash down, with a

pledge of $75,000 more at the end of three years, if he gave

no fresh trouble within that time. Meanwhile, he and

twenty-eight of his family were to be under British

protection. Before this transaction was closed a new Sultan

had won the Moroccan throne (as will be explained below) and

he thought it wiser to employ the energies of Raisuli

officially than to try to maintain a contest of authority with

so unmanageable a subject. Accordingly, in February, 1909,

Raisuli was appointed governor of twelve tribes in Northern

Morocco, and is now one of the most respectable

representatives of government in the last of the Barbary

States.

MOROCCO: A. D. 1905-1906.

German hostility to the Anglo-French Agreement.

The Kaiser’s speech at Tangier.

The International Conference at Algeciras.

The resulting Act.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

Mob-murder of Dr. Mauchamp at Morocco City.

Conflict with Tribesmen at Casablanca.

Bombardment by French and Spanish Ships.

Campaign against the Tribes.

Dethronement of Sultan Abd el Aziz by his brother Mulai Hafid.

Fresh friction between France and Germany.

Its Pacific Settlement by Arbitration at The Hague.

Organization of police forces for the service which France and

Spain were commissioned by the Powers at the Algeciras

Conference to perform in Morocco was retarded, necessarily, by

the prevailing anarchy in the Empire, and fresh causes of

disorder occurred before the means for prompt treatment of

them were prepared. In the spring of 1907 a French citizen,

Dr. Mauchamp, at Marrakesh (Morocco City), undertook to

install at his house the apparatus for wireless telegraphy.

His Moorish neighbors suspected some diabolical intention,

when he raised the necessary mast on his house, and proceeded

with fanatic enterprise to kill the man of too much science

and to demolish the house. The French Government demanded

punishment of the outrage, with indemnity to the family of the

victim, and put a force in motion, under General Liautey,

which occupied the city of Ujda, not far from the Algerian

frontier, to hold it until the demands of justice were

complied with. None of the Powers signatory to the Algeciras

Conference raised objections to this proceeding.

{427}

A more serious intervention was occasioned in July, 1907, when

the French took control of the collection of customs at the

ports, as directed by the Algeciras agreement. At Casablanca,

on the Atlantic coast, the tribesmen attacked a number of

European laborers, employed there in quarries, and killed

eight. All the foreign residents of the region were in danger,

and French and Spanish war-ships were hurried to the scene.

The local Moorish official confessed his inability to protect

the threatened foreigners, who had taken refuge in the French,

Spanish, and British consulates, with hostile tribes

swarming around the town, and he asked for help. Marines were

landed on the 4th of August and were attacked. "A sanguinary

battle followed between the Arabs and the European soldiery,

the French cruiser opening fire and shelling the Moorish

batteries. Scenes of great disorder and violence followed upon

the firing, a raging mob of Moors attacking and pillaging the

entire city. The Jews particularly were massacred by hundreds.

Another French warship soon appeared upon the scene,

accompanied by a Spanish cruiser, and troops were landed to

the number of 4000. General Drude, the French commander, was

chosen to head the allied troops, Spanish and French, and

reinforcements were hurried from France." A number of

encounters followed. "The most serious were the attacks, on

August 28, and September 2, upon Casablanca and its outskirts,

both resulting from a reconnaissance in force by the French

Algerian irregular cavalry and the famous Foreign Legion.

Seven or eight thousand Moors attacked the Europeans, sweeping

down from the hills with all the ferocity and courage

traditional in their race. By the aid of machine guns and the

batteries from their warships the French succeeded in

repelling the tribesmen with considerable loss of life."

Justification of the bombardment of Casablanca was somewhat

questioned at the time, and with good reason if the following

account of the circumstances, by an eye-witness, a Scotch

missionary, are to be believed. His statement was published in

the Glasgow Herald, and is given here as summarized in

The Outlook, of September 21, 1907.

"This missionary, Dr. Kerr, has lived many years in the

country, and he asserts that in many ways the French residents

and officials have continually irritated the Moors and

provoked them to anger. Dr. Kerr states that no further

outbreaks occurred after the massacre of French and Spanish

workmen on July 30, and that when the bombardment began on

August 1 there was absolutely no immediate provocation for it.

He denounces it as contrary to the usages of civilized war and

as ‘wicked and unjustifiable,’ adding that the British

merchants in Casablanca will probably sue the French

Government for damages caused to their property by what they

consider an unnecessary bombardment. The punishment of the

Moors concerned in the murder of the eight workmen, says Dr.

Kerr, no one could object to, but instead of this the

punishment took the form of an unprovoked massacre of persons

many of whom were entirely innocent. The details of the affair

as he gives them are certainly deplorable, and if his

assertion that the landing force of the French fired the first

shot is true, the succeeding episodes described are

unpardonable. One of these episodes may be quoted here:

"‘I saw two young women walking as quickly as they could. …

Suddenly a volley was fired into them by the Spanish marines.

They fell, but picked themselves up, and took refuge in a

ledge of a wall. After waiting a few minutes they made to

return, when another volley was fired at them, and they fell

again. … One of these brave daughters of Ishmael refused to

flee without taking with her the "khaik," or outer garment,

which fell from her [thus leaving her face uncovered, contrary

to Moslem law]. She turned back, picked up her garment, and

fled as fast as she could, bleeding all over.’"

In the fall of 1907 General Drude was succeeded in the command

at Casablanca by General d’Amade, who prosecuted a more

vigorous campaign against the obstinately hostile tribes of

the region, and made but slow progress in reducing them to

submission.

Meantime a rising against Sultan Abd el Aziz, in favor of one

of his brothers, Mulai Hafid, had been started and was making

rapid headway. Mulai Hafid was proclaimed Sultan at Marrakesh

on the 25th of August, 1907, and on the 4th of the following

January his supporters had gained possession of Fez and

proclaimed him there. Abd el Aziz kept the field against his

rival until August, 1908, when he had practically no following

left, and the direction of Government was assumed formally by

Mulai Hafid. His authority had soon become established so

fully that the German Government addressed a note to the

Powers proposing an immediate recognition of it. France and

Spain objected, insisting that Mulai Hafid must confirm

existing treaties, accept responsibility for the debts of the

previous regime, give pledges of indemnity for the Casablanca

outbreak, disavow the "Holy War" which he had countenanced and

which had given him his success, and take effective measures

for securing the safety of foreigners in the Empire. Their

objection was approved generally; Germany assented to the

requirements proposed, and it was not until Mulai Hafid had

satisfied them that he obtained recognition as the legitimate

sovereign of Morocco. This was given in the following note,

handed to his representative on the 5th of January, 1909, by

the doyen of the Diplomatic Body at Tangier:

"The signatory Governments of the Act of Algeciras have

received the letter which Mulai Hafid sent to them through the

agency of the Diplomatic Body at Tangier in reply to their

communiqué of November 18. The Governments represented

in Morocco received with satisfaction this reply, in which

they saw a proof that the explanations which they formulated

in their Note of November 18, in the interest of the relations

of friendship and confidence which they desire to maintain

with the sovereign authority of the Shereefian Empire, are in

accordance with the views of Mulai Hafid. In consequence the

signatory Powers of the Act of Algeciras have decided to

recognize his Majesty Mulai Hafid as legitimate Sultan of

Morocco, and have charged the doyen of the Diplomatic

Body at Tangier to notify their recognition of him to the

representatives of his Majesty in that town."

{428}

Before this settlement was reached an incident had occurred at

Casablanca on the 15th of September, 1908, which irritated the

chronic sensitiveness of feeling between Germany and France.

Five or six soldiers of the Foreign Legion in French service

at Casablanca, including three Germans, deserted, and the

German Consulate attempted to protect the Germans when their

arrest was undertaken by French gendarmes. There was some

struggle, but the arrest was accomplished, and the demand of

the Consul for the release of the three Germans was refused.

Germany demanded satisfaction for the treatment of her Consul.

France maintained that satisfaction was due to herself for the

interference of the Consul with her military rights; but

offered to submit the affair to the Hague Tribunal for

arbitration. Germany was willing to arbitrate the questions

involved if France would first express regret for the official

conduct on her side of the matter. France in reply suggested

expressions of regret by both parties; and on these terms,

supposedly vindicating national dignity on each side, the case

went to The Hague. The Court of Arbitration held its first

meeting on the 1st of May, 1909, and announced its judgment on

the 22d of the same month. As summarized in an English

despatch from The Hague, the opinion of the Court was as

follows:

"The Court considered that in this case there was a conflict

of jurisdiction between the Consular and the military

authority of two foreign Powers, the one Power exercising full

Consular authority over her subjects, who happened to be

soldiers in the Foreign Legion of the other Power. The latter

Power had effected the military occupation of a certain

territory, and in consequence exercised full authority over

that territory. As it was impossible to decide this conflict

by any absolute ruling, which might indicate in a general way

the precedence of either jurisdiction, the Court considered

that the question must be determined by the particular

circumstances of any given case.

"In this case the jurisdiction of the occupying force had

precedence because the persons in question did not leave the

territory occupied by that force. The Court decided that the

Secretary of the German Consulate at Casablanca wrongly and

through a grave and manifest error tried to embark in a German

steamer deserters of the French Foreign Legion, who were not

of German nationality. The German Consul and the other

officials of the Consulate were not responsible for that fact;

the Consul, however, in signing the safe conduct, which was

laid before him, committed an unintentional error.

"The German Consulate in the circumstances obtaining at that

time was not entitled to grant its protection even to

deserters of German nationality; the legal error, however,

which was committed in this connexion by the officials of the

Consulate could not be reckoned either as an intentional or as

an unintentional error.

"The French military authorities were wrong in not respecting,

as far as possible, the de facto protection exercised

over those deserters in the name of the German Consulate. The

circumstances did not justify either menace by revolver on the

part of the French soldiers, or the blows given to the

Moroccan soldier of the Consulate."

This proved satisfactory to all concerned, and the Casablanca

incident was happily closed.

A more important adjustment of matters between Germany and

France, aiming at a general clearing of causes of friction in

their relations, so far as concerned Morocco, had preceded the

Casablanca arbitration by nearly three months. All Europe had

been surprised and delighted on the 9th of February, 1909, by

the announcement of a Franco-German Agreement, just concluded,

in the following words:

"The Government of the French Republic and the German Imperial

Government, actuated by an equal desire to facilitate the

execution of the Act of Algeciras, have agreed to define the

significance which they attach to its clauses with a view to

avoiding any cause of misunderstanding between them in the

future.

"Consequently, the Government of the French Republic, wholly

attached to the maintenance of the integrity and of the

independence of the Shereefian Empire, decided to safeguard

economic equality there, and accordingly not to impede German

commercial and industrial interests, and the German Imperial

Government, pursuing only economic interests in Morocco,

recognizing at the same time that the special political

interests of France are closely bound up in that country with

the consolidation of order and of internal peace, and resolved

not to impede those interests, declare that they will not

prosecute or encourage any measure calculated to create in

their favour or in favour of any Power whatsoever an economic

privilege, and that they will endeavour to associate their

nationals in business for which these may be able to obtain

contracts (l’entreprise)."

This most important agreement resulted from negotiations that

were said to have been opened by a suggestion from the German

Foreign Secretary, Baron von Schön. Its importance to Europe

was hardly exaggerated by the Paris Matin, when it

said:

"It is a great and happy event, the importance of which need

not be emphasized. … This close of the Moroccan quarrel may,

if such be the desire, mark a date of capital importance in

the history of Europe. In fact, as Prince Bülow has said and

repeated, Morocco was only a pretext. If therefore it has

become an object of agreement, it is not merely because it has

been recognized that the local problem was not insoluble, but

also because the general situation has changed or because the

‘opportunity’ no longer exists."

MOROCCO: A. D. 1908.

A German Statement of the Moroccan Policy of Germany.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1908.

{429}

MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

Discontent with the new Sultan.

His struggle with Pretenders.

Spanish War with the Tribes of the Riff.

Success of Mulai Hafid against his Rivals.

French operations in and around the Moorish Empire.

French Mauretanie.

French Demands.

The Mannesmann Mining Concession.

France and Spain were now strengthened in the execution of

their Algeciras commission, by a harmonious backing in Europe,

and the native Government in Morocco had acquired, seemingly,

a strong and capable man at its head. Sultan Mulai Hafid made

that impression very positively on a correspondent of the

London Times, to whom he gave audience on the 13th of

February, and who wrote of him that day: "It is quite evident

that Mulai Hafid is a man of large and independent ideas, with

a leaning toward democracy. In appearance and manner he is

most attractive, and both his looks and his conversation

betoken a character at once strong and of quick decision.

Everything he says is very much to the point, and his remarks

are often touched with humour and even cynicism. His

openmindedness and cordiality extend almost to breaches of the

rigorous Moorish etiquette."

Five days later the same correspondent wrote again: "The Fez

Moors had hoped at Mulai Hafid’s accession for material though

indefinite advantages, for they felt that the new Sultan, who

owed his throne not to inheritance but to election, would be

an instrument in their own hands, and that they would be able

to exert their influence for their own purely selfish ends.

But they had counted without Mulai Hafid. Once on the throne,

he consolidated, at all events locally, his power, and the Fez

population, who during the previous reign had undoubtedly held

and used considerable influence, found themselves in the hands

of a firm, masterful man, who did not hesitate to tax them to

an extent formerly unknown, and gave them clearly to

understand that he would brook no interference in matters of

policy. The effect was instantaneous. The Fezzis began openly

to regret the slack régime of Mulai Abdul Aziz, and

Mulai Hafid became unpopular, as any monarch who really

governs in Morocco must always be.

"But if Mulai Hafid was unpopular, he inspired at the same

time a wholesome fear. His indifference to public opinion, his

breaches of the absurd prescriptions of Moorish etiquette, his

personal supervision of every detail, and the publicity in

which he lives show not only remarkable courage, but also

remarkable knowledge of the people whom he governs. … Yet he

has but a small army, and he is financially hampered. He

receives Europeans publicly, and grants audiences in the

presence of the whole Court, often before the whole army. He

invites his guests to be seated, and chats in a natural and

sympathetic manner on all kinds of subjects. But it is quite

apparent that his entourage is in terror of him. Never

have the viziers had less freedom or fewer opportunities for

plunder. The Government is Mulai Hafid, and Mulai Hafid alone,

and yet Mulai Hafid is a democrat. He desires to put down—and

has already largely done so—the fanatical and always

mischievous influence of the great Shereefian families. He

works from morning till night, and keeps every one else

working. His negotiations with the French Minister are

progressing in a way that astonishes every one. … Mulai Hafid

obtained the throne by preaching a holy war against Europeans.

He will maintain himself upon the throne by a policy of reform

which will win for him the assistance of France against his

own fanatical people."

But subsequent events did not realize the confident

expectations of this writer. A month later he reported:

"Shereef Sid Mohammed Kittani, a descendant of a former

dynasty and chief of an important reactionary religious sect,

who was freely spoken of as possible Sultan before Mulai

Hafid’s proclamation, left Fez secretly yesterday. Apparently

he had previously succeeded in dispatching his family and

movable property from time to time to some spot in the Berber

tribelands without exciting suspicion. His flight has caused

what can only be described as consternation. His influence is

very great, and he is known to lay claim to the Throne."

Within another month this pretender had defeated Mulai Hafid’s

forces in a sharp engagement and had an army encamped about

eighteen miles east of Fez. French officers were reported to

be doing notable work in organizing and equipping the Sultan’s

troops. On the 8th of May there was alarming news that Mulai

el Kebir, another brother of Mulai Hafid and of the ex-Sultan,

Abd el Aziz, "who was accompanying the Southern Kaids to Fez,

had left their camp secretly by night and had fled into the

Zimmour country," and "many believe that he will take

advantage of the Sultan’s unpopularity to raise a rebellion."

Two days later "nothing is known of the whereabouts of Mulai

el Kebir," and "the Sultan does not conceal his anxiety.

Mulai-el-Kebir was on the best terms with his Majesty, but the

Sultan’s severe treatment of other members of his family no

doubt filled him with fear."

From Paris, on the 26th of May, it was telegraphed that the

Sultan’s Minister of Finance, El Mokri, then visiting Paris on

a financial mission, "observes that Mulai Hafid’s authority is

more solidly established at present than might at first sight

appear to be the case. At no time has any Sultan been

recognized over a much wider area of Moroccan territory. In

the Beled el Makhzen his sway is uncontested. The kaids of the

Haouz and the southern Atlas have always been his partisans.

El Mokri has no fear of the pretenders."

There were now two pretenders in the field: for Mulai Kebir

had been heard from, "beyond Mekinez," where he had raised the

standard of revolt. And Bu Hamara was on the stage of civil

war again, east of Fez, with an army which "is camped at less

than four hours distance from the capital," and which is

"actively pillaging the only tribe that remains loyal to Mulai

Hafid in that region." Troops sent against him a few days

later were said to have been badly beaten. The Sultan was

reported to be in quarrel with his viziers; was ill,—invisible

in the palace,—and the situation did not seem to look well for

him.

Then, suddenly, all news reports from Morocco became silent as

to Mulai Hafid and his rivals, and gave entire attention to a

serious outbreak of warfare in that northeastern corner of the

empire, known as the Riff, where Spain has had a long

recognized "sphere of influence," and where she had undertaken

the working of valuable iron mines near Melilla. Hostilities

were begun in July by an attack of tribesmen on the miners,

killing several, and the Spanish troops sent to the scene met

disaster, being insufficient in force. In the end, so

extensive a rising of Moorish tribesmen had occurred that

Spain was obliged to put a large army into the field against

them and organize a costly campaign. It was not until late in

September that much success attended the Spanish arms, and not

until late in November that the campaign was regarded as

closed, the Spanish forces having secured positions which,

when fortified, were expected to give them a firm footing in

the region, and having brought most of the tribes to terms.

{430}

Meantime, the war had been bitterly unpopular among large

classes in Spain, and the feeling had been manifested in

destructive rioting at Barcelona and elsewhere.

See (in this Volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

What France had been doing meanwhile, in and around Morocco,

has been told by a writer in The Atlantic Monthly:

"During the year [May, 1908, to May, 1909] the French army

under General d’Amade, has continued occupying Casablanca, and

the fertile Chaouïa (Shawia) region. It has forced peace, law,

and order, and open markets on the inhabitants, to their great

advantage. Agriculture has revived; and German trade itself

has run up two million francs. Even so the ‘economic

interests’ of Germany in Morocco are scant indeed compared

with those of France and England; they are perhaps less than

those of Spain—and yet they have long threatened the peace of

Europe. … Meanwhile the interior of Morocco has been chiefly

occupied in the unmaking and making of Sultans. Toward the

German Emperor these fighting Moors have now a feeling much

like that of the Transvaal Boers when the Kruger telegram

failed to lead to eventualities. … The real success of France

is along the entire land-frontier of Morocco. For its whole

length this is now also the frontier of French

territory,--Algiers to the east, the Sahara with its line of

French posts to the south, and so on to the Atlantic Ocean

through the new French civil territory of ‘Mauritanie.’ Here

foreign geography will still be incomplete for some time; but

it is childish to dismiss these territorial stretches as so

many acres of sand. The empire which France might have had in

Canada was, in like manner, denounced by Voltaire as acres of

snow.

"France absolutely refused to allow any question concerning

this land-frontier to be brought up at the Conference of

Algeciras. It is no business of Europe; it concerns the two

neighbors, France and Morocco, only.

"General Lyautey has had its more than eight hundred miles

well under control. … Of late years France has successfully

occupied territory farther and farther to the south, pushing

forward the railway, and throwing out a long line of military

posts through the Sahara. People who amuse themselves marking

obscure changes of conquest on the map, may safely stick their

pins one full degree farther west all along this part of

Algiers, beginning where Spain at Melilla blocks the way along

the Mediterranean coast."

Stoddard Dewey,

The Year in France

(Atlantic Monthly, August, 1909).

When newspaper attention reverted to Mulai Hafid a great

improvement was found in his affairs. Seemingly, the

pretenders to his throne had disappeared, and Bu Hamara, the

rebel, now styled El Roghi, was decisively routed by troops of

the Sultan on the 16th of August, captured a few days later,

and taken to Fez in an iron cage. On the 13th of September it

was announced that he had been executed the day before. Later,

this was contradicted, and there seems to be no certainty as

to his fate.

The Moroccan Government was now being sharply pressed by

France with demands over which negotiation had proceeded

hitherto very slowly. M. Pichon, the French Minister for

Foreign Affairs, made a statement on the subject to the

Chamber of Deputies on the 23d of November, to the following

effect: "On August 14 the representatives of the Sultan

received a note summing up the conditions imposed by the

French Government. These conditions were the evacuation of the

Shawia region on condition of the organization by the Maghzen

of a force; the evacuation of Casablanca when the French

Government felt convinced that the organization of the Shawia

police had become sufficiently effective; the organization of

the police service on the Algero-Moroccan frontier; the

payment of the Maghzen’s debts and the reimbursement of the

costs of the French military expeditions. The Maghzen owed at

present £3,200,000, more than £400,000 of which was due to

private creditors. The French Government would allow the

Moroccan Government to raise a loan in France in order to

facilitate the payment of its debts. … The French conditions

had been acknowledged to be very moderate by all who had had

cognisance of them. Germany had recently informed the Maghzen

that it was high time to contract a loan. M. Pichon dwelt on

the loyalty with which the Franco-German Agreement had been

observed by the Berlin Government. Nevertheless the adhesion

of the Moroccan Government had not yet been obtained. That

Government had admitted the principle of the loan of

80,000,000f. and that of the indemnity of 70,000,000f. for the

French military expedition, but there was disagreement still

in regard to the guarantees required for the realization of

that operation. Mulai Hafid, moreover, demanded the immediate

evacuation of the Shawia and of Casablanca. On November 6 M.

Pichon informed the Sultan’s envoys that it was futile to

continue the pourparlers if France did not obtain a

satisfactory reply. It would not be without danger for the

Moroccan Government to persevere in its attitude."

A little later it was made known that the Sultan had yielded

to the terms prescribed by the French Government and was to

obtain the loan which would help toward the payment of his

debts.

By this time a new Morocco question had sprung out of a

sweeping mining concession which certain German exploiters,

the Brothers Mannesmann, had obtained from Sultan Mulai Hafid,

in distinct violation of the agreements at Algeciras which the

Sultan had been a party to. The Mannesmann mining rights under

this concession, if allowed, would swallow up all others, and

large interests, French, Spanish, German, English, Italian,

and Dutch, were arrayed against their claims. The backing of

the Mannesmanns in Germany, however, by commercial and

newspaper influence, appears to have been very powerful, and

it has not been easy for the Government to resist being drawn

into alliance with it. But the attitude of the Imperial

Government appears to have been strictly loyal to the

Algeciras agreements, and it has gone no farther for the

Mannesmanns and their partisans than to negotiate with the

other Powers concerned for a submission of the question of

legality in the Mannesmann concession to a Court of

Arbitration. That will probably be the mode of settling it.

{431}

MOROS, The.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.

MORRIS, SIR EDWARD:

Premier of Newfoundland.

See (in this Volume)

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

MORTON, PAUL:

Secretary of the Navy.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

MORTON, PAUL:

President of Equitable Life Assurance Society.

See (in this Volume)

INSURANCE, LIFE.

MOSCOW,

Risings and Disturbances in.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA.

MOSLEM LEAGUE.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1907 (December); also, 1907-1909.

MOSQUITO TERRITORY, THE.

See (in this Volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1905.

MOTIENLING.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

MOVING PICTURE SHOWS.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION.

MUIJTEHEDS:

The higher Persian Priests.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

MUKDEN: A. D. 1903.

Opened to Foreign Trade.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

MUKDEN: Battle of.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

MULAI AHMED BEN MOHAMMED, EL RAISULI.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

MULAI HAFID:

Sultan of Morocco by Dethronement of his Brother.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.

MULAI HASSAN, Late Sultan of Morocco.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.

MULLAH, ABDULLA MUHAMMED.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA: SOMALILAND.

MULLAS:

The common Persian Priests.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

MUNICIPAL COMMITTEES IN INDIA.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

----------MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Start--------

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT:

American Democracy’s most Serious Problem.

Present Interest in it.

Hopeful Movements.

Americans have long been forced to acknowledge that political

democracy in the United States makes its worst showing in the

government of municipalities; and those who give any searching

thought to the matter have little dispute over reasons for the

fact. It connects very plainly with another fact, namely, that

municipal politics, as a political interest distinct

and apart from the interests of government in Nation and

State, has had no growth in the country as yet. Up to the time

of the formation of the national union, the few cities of

America had a quite positive political life of their own,

which might have carried them into conditions very different

from what they have realized since, if it had not undergone

the absorption that it did in the politics of a national

government. The national political parties formed then on

exciting issues, sectional, constitutional, and economic,

caught all political feeling into their embrace, not

instantly, but gradually, and surely, and appropriated the

whole mechanism of political organization to themselves.

Cities are the natural centers of such mechanism, and the

great parties of Federal politics were able easily to impose

on them a domination which left no free working of public

opinion on the immediate concerns of the cities themselves.

All political action was drawn into the mill which turns out

Presidents, Congresses, Tariffs, Bank Acts, etc., and the mere

by-product of Mayors, Aldermen, and City Ordinances which it

drops incidentally into the cities, receives almost no stamp

of quality or design from the local mind.

Until the wheels of local government are loosened in some way

from the clutch of the great party machines, and can work

independently, under motive forces of their own, to produce

the satisfaction of local needs, interests, and aims, there

will be little success in undertakings of municipal reform.

How to accomplish that political ungearing is one of the

greatest, if not the greatest, of the problems now occupying

the minds of the American people. Fortunately it is occupying

their minds. Within the last few years they have given more

thought to this subject than it ever received from them

before; and it has been bold thought, as well as profoundly

earnest. It has not been afraid of hospitality to new ideas

and new experiences, but is giving them fair hearings and fair

tests. The present attitude of the whole country in this

matter is of the happiest hopefulness, and every day brightens

the prospect of a better future for municipal government in

America.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: BOSTON: A. D. 1909.

A Plan of Government chosen by popular vote.

In connection with the election of November 2, 1909, the

citizens of Boston, Massachusetts, had two plans of City

Government submitted to their vote, and the charter under

which the City will be ruled and its business conducted after

the beginning of February, 1910, was determined by the choice

between these plans which a majority expressed at the polls.

One of the plans emanated from an official body, called the

Finance Commission, which had been appointed to investigate

bad conditions in the City Government, and whose

investigations had given rise to the demand for a radical

reform. This plan had the approval, moreover, of a citizens

Committee of One Hundred, which had given much attention to

the subject; but it was exceedingly unsatisfactory to the

party politicians, whose personal interests were flagrantly

disregarded in its scheme. These drafted a form of charter

which fitted their own purposes, and the two plans were

submitted to the Legislature in the winter of 1909. That body

escaped the responsibility of a decision between them by

referring both to the voters of Boston. The charter wanted by

the party managers was designated as "Plan No. 1"; that of the

Finance Commission and the Committee of One Hundred as "Plan

No. 2."

{432}

A strenuous campaign of education was fought for some weeks

before election day by the supporters of Plan No. 2, who seem

to have included practically all single-minded seekers of good

government, and an equally active campaign of wire-pulling was

carried on by the champions of Plan No. 1. The education was

successful in convincing 39,175 voters that Plan 2 should be

preferred, while 35,306 were persuaded to the contrary, and

about 34,000 remained so indifferent or undecided that they

gave the question no vote. But public considerations prevailed

over party motives and influences by 3869 votes, which is a

highly important fact.

The charter thus adopted for Boston differs in many features

from what has acquired the name of "the Des Moines plan," but

is fundamentally akin to it in principle and aim. Its prime

purpose is to divorce local politics from national politics,

freeing municipal elections from the baneful control of

parties which have nothing rightly to do with the city’s

affairs. Its secondary object is to concentrate official

responsibility in a moderated way. It subjects the mayor of

Boston, at the middle of his term, to a reconsideration of the

vote which elected him (in the nature of the Swiss "recall"),

but it does not introduce the initiative and referendum. The

operation of the new charter under its provisions was outlined

as follows by the Boston Herald on the day following

its adoption:

"By the acceptance of plan 2, party and all other designations

will be eliminated from the ballots for the municipal

elections, which will be held on the first Tuesday after the

second Monday in January of each year. The coming city

election will be held on January 11.

"Candidates for mayor must be nominated by petition of not

less than 5000 registered Boston voters. The candidate who

receives the highest vote at the city election will hold

office for four years, unless recalled at the end of two

years. The salary will be $10,000 a year.

"At the state election in the second year of the mayor’s term

the ballots will contain the question: ‘Shall there be an

election for mayor at the next municipal election?’ And this

will be answered by ‘Yes,’ or ‘No.’ If a majority of the

registered voters vote ‘Yes’ an election for mayor will be

held at the following city election.

"Whether recalled or not, the mayor holding office will have

his name on the ballot at the city election unless in writing

he requests the election commissioners not to place his name

on the ballot. The mayor then elected will hold office for

four years, subject to recall at the end of his second year.

"The city council will consist of nine members, all elected at

large. The salary will be $1500 each. In the election on

January 11 the voters may vote for nine candidates, and the

nine receiving the highest votes will be declared elected. The

three highest will have three-year terms, the three next

highest will serve for two years and the next three for one

year each. Each year thereafter three candidates-at-large will

be elected, and the voters may vote for three. All members of

the city council will be elected at large, and there will be

no ward members of the body. By the abolition of party

designations no primary elections or caucuses for municipal

offices will be held.

"All candidates for mayor, city council and school board must

be nominated by papers of not less than 5000 registered

voters. No voter may sign more than one paper for mayor, not

more than nine for council for the first election and for

three candidates thereafter, and not more than two papers for

the school board when there are two members to be elected.

"If a candidate for any of the offices decides to withdraw

from the contest before the election, vacancies in nominations

for any cause may be filled by a committee of not less than

five persons authorized in the nomination papers to fill such

vacancies.

"Members of the street commission, formerly elected at large,

will be appointed by the mayor, subject to approval by the

civil service commission, but without restriction as to their

political affiliation. All department heads will be appointed

by the mayor, subject to approval by the civil service

commission.

"The new municipal year will begin on the first Monday in

February, when the mayor and city council will be inducted

into office."

The election, held at the appointed time, January 11, 1910,

was managed so badly as to divide the vote of the reforming

element between three candidates, against one, the former

Mayor, Fitzgerald, whose scandalous administration had

afforded the prime incentive to the reform movement, and thus

giving opportunity for his election by a small plurality. A

committee of the reform leaders had chosen for their candidate

Mr. James J. Storrow, President of the Boston Chamber of

Commerce, and strove to concentrate the opposition to

Fitzgerald upon him; but the Mayor in office, who had secured

renomination, persisted in keeping the field, and won the

petty number of 1816 votes, which a little more than sufficed

to elect Fitzgerald. The vote given the latter was 47,142,

against 45,757 to Mr. Storrow, and 613 to the fourth

candidate, Taylor. A recount of the vote was secured, but made

no substantial change.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: California:

Charter-framing Power given to Cities.

"All cities in California except the very smallest are

permitted to frame their own charters, which become effective

upon ratification by the legislature. The cities are quick to

avail themselves of this privilege, with the result that

almost every possible experiment in municipal organization may

be found on trial somewhere in California. That the cities are

progressive is shown by the fact that within the past decade

every city of any size in the State has remodeled its

organization either by a new charter or by far-reaching

amendments. A high standard of efficient city organization has

been set by the recent charter of the city of Berkeley

[adopted 1909], which furnishes a very perfect example of the

‘commission’ plan. Elections are freed from the influence of

national parties, and the possibility of a final choice in the

direct primary is sufficient to bring out the entire vote of

the city.

"The popular initiative, the referendum, and the recall are

now generally established in all the larger cities of the

State, but outside of San Francisco and Los Angeles without

sufficient use to test their value for good government. In San

Francisco the popular initiative has been used more frequently

for bad measures than for good. In Los Angeles the spectacular

removal of the mayor in 1909 will doubtless be regarded as a

justification of the method of recall."

Frederick H. Clark,

Head of History Department, Lowell High School,

San Francisco, California.

{433}

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Chicago:

The Municipal Voters’ League.

In 1896 there was thought in Chicago of attempting to organize

a strictly Municipal Party for action in municipal politics

alone, and a conference of citizens appointed a committee to

deal with the scheme. The committee decided this project to be

impracticable, but its deliberations resulted in the creation

of a Municipal Voters’ League, acting through a non-partisan

committee of nine, whose function was to scrutinize all

candidacies and nominations for the City Common Council, and

afford information concerning them to voters of all parties

who desired the election of honest and capable men. A

permanent office force was employed, and thorough

investigations made as to the record and character of every

nominee for the Council. The results of these investigations

were published, with recommendations for or against the

respective candidates. The league brought pressure to bear, in

the first place, to prevent the nomination of objectionable

candidates, and then exerted its influence to defeat such

candidates at the polls.

This has been done with such effect in election after election

as to produce a remarkable change in the character of the

Council. Similar agencies have been brought into action in a

number of cities within the few last years, with equally good

results.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT:

Chicago’s Struggles for a Better Charter.

A body known as the "Charter Convention," made up of delegates

appointed by or representing the Governor of the State, the

State Assembly, and the several branches and departments of

the City Government, was organized in December, 1905, and

labored at the framing of a new City Charter until the early

part of 1907, when the product of its labors was submitted to

the Legislature of Illinois. Some of the main features of the

charter were these:

Consolidation in the municipal government of Chicago of the

power vested in the board of education, township, park, and

other local governments within the city;

submission of propositions to popular vote;

aldermen to be elected once in four years;

the raising of adequate revenue by the issue of bonds and

by other means;

the power to own, maintain, and operate all public

utilities in the city, including intramural, railroads,

subways and tunnels, and telephone, telegraph, gas,

electric lighting, heating, refrigerating and power plants;

the parks to be under the management of a city department

of parks;

the public-school system to be a department of the city

government and under the control of a board of education of

fifteen members appointed by the mayor for terms of three

years;

the public library to be managed by a board of nine

directors appointed by the mayor for terms of six years.

As it went to the Legislature this draft charter represented

much compromising of divergent opinions, and, probably, was

not really satisfactory to anybody. The Legislature made it

less so by amendments, and when it went to the people of

Chicago, in September, 1907, for their verdict on it at the

polls, they rejected it by 121,935 votes against 59,786.

Early in 1908 the Charter Convention was reassembled and

revised its former work, cutting the requisite legislation up

into seven distinct bills, with a view to securing better

chances of success for some reforms, if the whole could not be

won; but the entire lot was killed in the Legislature.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: The Galveston or Des Moines Plan.

Its Features.

Extent of its Present Trial.

Curiously enough, the present trend of opinion on the

question, "What structure of municipal government will lend

itself best to the reforms that it needs?" is in a direction

that was given to it by accident, about ten years ago. Perhaps

nothing short of a great catastrophe, like that of hurricane

and flood, which wrecked the city of Galveston, on the 8th of

September, 1900, could have broken the conventional pattern on

which our cities were constructed so long. At all events, it

was that catastrophe which started a crack in the antique

pattern first. In improvising for the needs of a desperate

emergency, the wrecked community had sense and energy enough

to follow the plain instincts of business, and put itself, as

a municipal corporation, under the kind of administration that

any other corporation would construct. All the folly of

localized interests in this and that part of the town,

requiring to be "represented" by ward aldermen, went out of

their heads. Their common calamity compelled them to

understand that particular interests within the narrow bounds

of a civic commonwealth are either included in or superseded

by the common interests of the whole. They acted accordingly;

dismissed their locally representative aldermen, dropped their

old corps of administrative functionaries, and put the

undivided management of their affairs into the hands of five

commissioners, with a "mayor-president" at the head.

It would not seem to have needed much political wisdom to

predict the success of this experiment; but the quick effect

of its teaching was more than there could be reason to expect.

Houston, the near neighbor-city, was prompt to receive and

apply the lesson, but bettering it somewhat. For Houston

employed the whole time of its five business managers, paying

them fair salaries for the service; whereas Galveston

contented itself with less service and paid less.

The two examples then presented, of a municipal corporation

conducting its business in the plain mode and by the plain

methods of the commercial corporations, drew increasing

attention, in all parts of the country, west and east. Boston

was soon discussing the Galveston experiment with deep

interest, and at a meeting of the highly influential Economic

Club of that city, in January, 1907, President Eliot, of

Harvard University, declared that he saw in it the dawning of

a brighter day. "We have got down very low," he said, "in

regard to our municipal governments, and we have got dark days

here now, but we can see a light breaking, and one of the

lights broke in Galveston. I have personally been interested

in the enormous improvement in just one branch of municipal

business in our country within the last ten years—that is,

school boards and school administrations. There has been a

real wave of reform sweeping over the country, in the great

cities particularly, with regard to school boards, and every

bit of that experience goes the way I am describing it.

{434}

It is all in the direction of a few men not paid, originally

determining the general policy of the schools of the city and

trusting entirely to experts for executive action. Our whole

experience in Massachusetts with the commissions we have had,

tends the same way. If we ask what have been the best

performances of the governmental functions in Massachusetts

for the last twenty-five years, we have but one answer to

make, namely, the work of our commissions, water, sewage,

railroads, gas and electric lighting, public libraries where

owned by the city, hospitals where owned by the city. You can

think of numerous instances in Massachusetts where admirable

work has been done by commissions acting on the principles

which I have described. I say the day is dawning. What it

needs, that the light may grow and get to full noon, is that

the people, the great body of the people, should be convinced

that municipal government means nothing but good, intelligent

conduct of business."

Meantime, in the West, action was already following study of

the Galveston plan of city government, and the four states of

Iowa, Kansas, North Dakota, and South Dakota passed acts in

1907 to enable the adoption of it by any city so desiring. One

of the first to exercise the privilege was the city of Des

Moines, Iowa, certain of whose progressive young business men

had been studying the municipal problem of late, and who had

determined to bring some system of local government into

operation that would make their city what it ought to be. On

the basis of the Galveston plan they worked out the details of

a charter which has become the model of its species most

widely accepted, so that more has been heard latterly of "the

Des Moines Charter" than of "the Galveston Plan." What is

called the Des Moines charter, however, was no special

enactment for that city, but a legislative frame of municipal

government which any city in Iowa having not less than 25,000

inhabitants may fit itself into.

It confides the whole management of strictly local affairs in

the city to four councilmen and a mayor, all elected by the

voters of the city at large. It divides their administration

into five departments, namely:

The department of Public Affairs;

The department of Accounts and Finances;

The department of Public Safety;

The department of Streets and Public Improvements;

The department of Parks and Public Property.

The mayor, by virtue of his office, is chairman of the

council. He is also superintendent of the department of public

affairs, and exercises a general supervision over the whole of

the city administration.

The council thus composed, with the mayor at its head, is

invested with all executive, legislative and judicial

authority, formerly exercised by perhaps twelve different

officers, and twelve different boards. It appoints the city

attorney, the city treasurer, the city auditor, the city

engineer; and, in fact, every other appointive official. It

makes every appropriation, and conducts the entire affairs of

the city. "At the first meeting of this council, immediately

following the election of its members, the work of the city is

assigned to its most appropriate department; to one of these

five departments. Each of the members of the council is also

named as superintendent of a particular department; the theory

of the law being that the man who is best qualified, by reason

of his experience and training, will be placed at the head of

that department where his training and experience will be of

most value. As superintendent of this department, he is held

strictly accountable for all matters which come within his

jurisdiction; he is also charged with responsibility for all

that is done or not done in his particular department." In the

nomination and election of this important council, no party

names are permitted to be connected with the candidates, in

any manner whatsoever. Each candidate for the office becomes

so by the filing of a petition with the city clerk, bearing

the signatures of not less than twenty-five citizens, who make

affidavit to the effect that the man is of good moral

character, of age, and qualified to fill the office. "Ten days

before the election is held, the city clerk takes the

petitions which have been filed and prepares the ballot. He

does this by arranging the names of candidates in alphabetical

order. The candidates for mayor are arranged under the heading

‘Mayor’; the candidates for councilmen are also arranged in

alphabetical order under the heading ‘Councilmen.’ There is no

party designation, and because of this alphabetical

arrangement there can be no favorite position on the ballot.

The result is, that the candidate comes before the whole

people of the city on his own merit, and on his own record."

As a citizen of Des Moines has described the proceeding,

"after the primary has been held the general election is

called, and in order to secure names for the ballot in the

general election, we take the two candidates who have received

the highest number of votes for mayor at the primary, and

place their names on the ballot. In order to secure the

councilmen, we take the eight candidates for councilmen who

have received the highest number of votes at the primary and

place their names on the regular election ballot. This gives

us two opportunities to weed out undesirable men. In the first

place, we have the choice among all candidates at the primary.

At the election, we have the choice of one of two men for

mayor, and the choice of four out of eight candidates for

councilmen."

A most important provision of this Iowa charter for cities has

to do with the civil service. "At the first meeting of the

city council, after the election of these five commissioners

or five councilmen--they are not commissioners—they appoint a

civil service board composed of three members, and this civil

service board, in whose charge is placed the work of preparing

a civil service examination, is appointed for a period of six

years. Thus they are removed from any influence that might be

exerted by the councilmen, who are only elected for two years.

This civil service commission prepares once a year an

examination for all employees of the city, with the exception

of unskilled labor and the heads of the departments, such as

city attorney, city treasurer, city assessor, etc. (all of

whom are appointed by a majority vote of the council). Having

passed the examination successfully, the applicant is placed

in a position, and so long as his work is satisfactory and he

remains competent, he cannot be removed. He may be suspended,

but he cannot be removed, and he is entitled to a hearing

before the civil service board. This provision at once takes

away all chance of a machine being built up through

patronage."

{435}

This is a sufficient description of the official frame of

government that has been instituted at Des Moines and other

cities of Iowa under a general law of that State. The law goes

farther, and connects with this frame or system a

supplementary provision of methods for giving the whole body

of the people an immediate agency in municipal legislation and

a power to recall their election of any elected official

during his term. By the use of the Swiss process of

"initiative," a sufficient number of voters (25 per cent. of

the whole) can propose measures which the Council must either

adopt or else submit to the general vote, and can suspend

measures adopted by the council until the general body of

citizens has voted for or against them. These features, of the

initiative, the referendum and the recall, are no more

essential attachments to the Des Moines or Iowa form of

municipal organization than to any other. To what extent the

States and cities making trial of the general features of the

Galveston scheme of municipal organization have followed Iowa

in making the Swiss additions to it, information at present is

wanting. Apparently the Des Moines pattern is having wide

acceptance.

In the fall of 1909 the towns in the United States which had

adopted the so-called Des Moines plan of government were

reported to number 12 in Texas, 7 in Kansas, 6 in Iowa, 3 in

Massachusetts, 3 in California, 2 in Colorado, 2 in Missouri,

2 in Tennessee, 1 in West Virginia, 1 in Mississippi, 1 in

North Dakota, 1 in South Dakota, being 42 in all. Movements

looking to the introduction of the same system were on foot in

other cities. At the November election a draft of charter on

the lines of the Des Moines plan was submitted to popular vote

in the city of Buffalo, New York, and approved by 8848

electors, out of a total of 11,346 who expressed themselves on

the subject. The total vote, however, was only about one-sixth

of that cast for candidates at the election. On the strength

of the opinion expressed, the Legislature is now being asked

to enact the charter. Should it do so, the form of government

will have trial in the largest city that has yet introduced

it.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: London, England:

Defeat of the Progressives in the County and Borough Elections.

See (in this Volume)

LONDON: A. D. 1907-1909.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Los Angeles, California:

Experiments and Experiences.

Since 1900, Los Angeles, California, has been going through

some interesting experiences, due to a series of charter

amendments. The former charter of the city had been of the

common pattern, organizing the municipal government under a

mayor and a board of aldermen elected by wards. The amendments

of recent years have created a Board of Public Works, with large

powers in the management of municipal work; have changed the

Board of Education from a body of nine members elected by

wards to a membership of seven chosen from the city at large;

have provided an elaborate system of municipal civil service

regulation; and finally have provided for a complete system of

popular initiative and referendum in municipal legislation,

and for recall of elective officers. Popular initiative in

legislation is made possible upon the demand by petition of 15

per cent of the voters, estimated upon the total vote for

mayor at the preceding municipal election; referendum in

ordinary legislation is required upon a petition of 7 per cent

of the voters; a recall election must be ordered upon the

demand of 25 per cent of the voters concerned in the filling

of the office. The official whom the petition seeks to remove

is made a candidate for reflection without other nomination,

unless in writing he notifies the city clerk that he is not a

candidate.

The recall methods, provided for in charter amendments of

1903, have been put into actual service; first, in 1906, when

a councilman was replaced by vote of the Ward, and again in

February, 1909, when a recall election was ordered for the

office of mayor. The proceedings in this case attracted

widespread attention and interest throughout the country. They

failed, however, to afford a perfect test of recall methods

for the reason that after the election had been ordered but

before the date had arrived the mayor in office resigned, thus

surrendering without a struggle to the opponents who had

sought his removal.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Michigan:

Home Rule for Cities.

The lately revised Constitution of Michigan authorizes cities

and villages to frame, adopt and amend their charters, and to

pass laws and ordinances in regard to their municipal

concerns. Under this improved Constitution, the Michigan

Legislature of 1909 adopted the necessary legislation for the

formulation of action and for the limitation of taxes and

debts. The following, from the New York Evening Post,

is a summary of the more important provisions of the Act:

"Charters of new cities will be framed by a commission of nine

electors chosen by popular vote. Revised charters of existing

cities will be framed, after a vote of the electors in favor

of revision (submitted by a two-thirds vote of the local

legislative body or on an initiatory petition of twenty per

cent. of the total vote cast for Mayor), by an elected

commission of one member from each ward and three electors at

large. Candidates for charter commissioners are to be placed

on the ballot without party affiliations designated. Charter

amendments may be proposed by a two-thirds vote of the local

legislative body, or by an initiatory petition of twenty per

cent. of the vote for Mayor.

"Every charter and charter amendment, before submission to the

electors, must be submitted to the Governor of the State, but

if disapproved by him, and passed on reconsideration by a

two-thirds vote of the Charter Commission or local legislative

body, shall be submitted to the electors. Copies of charters

and charter amendments approved by the electors of the city

shall be certified to the secretary of state, and shall

thereupon become a law.

"The law names certain things which each city charter shall

provide, and imposes certain restrictions on the powers of

cities. There must be an elected Mayor and a body vested with

legislative power; the clerk, treasurer, and assessors, and

other officers may be elected or appointed. This permits the

establishment of a commission system, or of a Mayor and

council with distinct powers. Provision must be made for the

levy, collection, and return of State, county, and school

taxes, for annual appropriations for municipal purposes, and

for a system of accounts.

{436}

"Provision may be made for municipal taxes and for borrowing

money up to prescribed limits, for the regulation of trades,

occupations, and amusements, for the purchase of franchises,

for a plan of streets within three miles beyond the city

limits, 'for a system of civil service,' for the referendum,

and the following omnibus clause: for the exercise of all

municipal powers in the management and control of municipal

property and in the administration of the municipal

government, whether such powers be expressly enumerated or

not; for any act to advance the interests of the city, the

good government and prosperity of the municipality and its

inhabitants, and through its regularly constituted authority,

to pass all laws and ordinances relating to its municipal

concerns, subject to the Constitution and general laws of the

State.

"Limitations include the following: Existing limits to the tax

rate and borrowing powers to remain until a change is

authorized by vote of the electors, with a maximum limit of 2

per cent. of the assessed valuation for the tax rate and 8 per

cent. for loans; but, as authorized by the Constitution, bonds

may be issued beyond this limit for public utilities, when

secured only upon the property and revenues of the utility. A

sinking fund must be provided for bonds. A charter or charter

amendment may not be submitted oftener than once in two years.

The salary of public officials may not be changed after

election or appointment. Certain municipal property may only

be sold or vacated when approved by three-fifths of the

electors voting thereon.

"A separate act was passed for villages. This follows the main

features of the law for cities, but is briefer."

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: New York City: A. D. 1901-1909.

The Municipal Elections of 1901, 1903, 1905, and 1909.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK CITY.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: New York City: A. D. 1905-1909.

The Working of the Bureau of Municipal Research.

The Bureau of Municipal Research, instituted in New York City

by an organization of citizens in 1905, has proved to be as

effective an agency as has ever been employed for the

straightening of crookedness and the correcting of negligence

in the conduct of municipal affairs. Its working is described

fully in an article which appeared in the Atlantic

Monthly of October, 1908, by the head of the Bureau, Dr.

William H. Allen, under the title, "A National Fund for

Efficient Democracy." What the writer aims to do, and does

most effectively, is, first, to show how inefficient our

democracy is in its practical working, how demoralizing that

inefficiency is, how feebly education and religion are

struggling against its demoralizations, so long as they do not

work to make government efficient; and then he unfolds the

remedy indicated in results obtained already from the public

enlightenment—the citizen education—which the Bureau of

Municipal Research is developing in New York. His final

purpose is to plead for the great national fund that would

establish a central foundation for the extending and

organizing of similar educational work throughout the country

at large.

The simple object of the New York Bureau of Municipal Research

has been to make and to keep the public acquainted with the

working of things in its government; to make and keep it

attentive to the facts of efficiency or inefficiency in that

working, which proves to be the kind of political education

that bears the most practical fruits. The aim of the bureau,

says Dr. Allen, has been "educative, not detective. Infinitely

more interested in pointing out what is needed than what is

wrong, it realizes that the great problem of democracy is not

the control of the officer, but the education of the citizen.

It began, not by laying down principles of government or

discussing men, but by studying the needs of the community and

its official acts. It would educate democracy in facts about

democracy’s acts and methods, democracy’s need, and

democracy’s opportunity." Something of the results achieved is

set forth in the following passage:

"Three years, $150,000, and scientific method, have

accomplished results surpassing all dreams of those who

outlined its programme. So convincing are these results that

onlookers who said three years ago, ‘The tiger will never

change its stripes,’ are now saying, ‘You could hardly do this

in cities where the tiger marks are less obvious.’ Although

many phases of municipal administration have not yet been

studied, there is hardly an obstacle to efficiency and honesty

that has not been encountered and overcome by light. The

real-estate bureau that eluded all graft charges is being

reorganized to prevent either graft or one hundred per cent.

profits for land sold the city at private sale. While its own

staff, consisting of three investigators in 1907 and 40 in the

summer of 1908, can of itself do no inconsiderable educational

work, the bureau gauges its effectiveness, not by what its own

staff accomplishes, but by what the city’s staff of 70,000,

and through them the city’s population of 4,000,000, are

enabled to accomplish because of its educational effort.

"Methods that manufacture corruption and inefficiency, and

that for 50 years defied political reform, are giving way to

methods by which 70,000 employees must tell the truth about

what they do when they do it, about what they spend when they

spend it, in clear, legible form. … Tammany officials, when

interested, make excellent collaborators. The commissioners of

accounts, for 30 years, through reform and Tammany

administrations alike, a whitewashing body that condoned and

glossed over wasteful and corrupt acts, have become, as a

direct result of the bureau’s work, a great educational

agency."

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: New York City: A. D. 1909.

Proposed New Charter, not acted on in the Legislature.

A Commission appointed for the purpose by Governor Hughes,

after long and careful study of the subject of a new charter

for Greater New York, reported in March, 1909, submitting a

recommended draft, which was submitted to the Legislature then

in session, but obtained no action from that body before its

adjournment. The ruling principle in the work of the

Commission had been that of reducing the number of elected

administrative officers, of putting into separate hands the

power to appropriate and the power to spend money, and of

concentrating power and responsibility in a few.

{437}

As originally organized, the "Greater New York" City is

divided into five boroughs. At the head of each borough is a

Borough President, who has charge of the streets and the

public buildings within the borough. There is also a Board of

Estimate and Apportionment, consisting of the Mayor,

Comptroller, the President of the Board of Aldermen, and the

Borough Presidents. There is also a Board of Aldermen. The

Commissioners proposed that the Borough Presidents shall cease

to have administrative functions and shall devote their

attention exclusively to the great financial work of the Board

of Estimate and Apportionment; that the administrative work be

given to heads of departments responsible to the Mayor, and to

bureaus, some of them under the Board of Estimate and

Apportionment and some under the various departments; and that

the Board of Aldermen be supplanted by a Council of

thirty-nine members to serve without pay; to have enlarged

legislative powers, but none connected with the grant

franchises, which the Board of Estimate and Apportionment

should control. A new Department of Street Control was

proposed, to take over all street work, abolishing the

Street-Cleaning Department.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Philadelphia: A. D. 1905.

A Temporary House Cleaning of the Municipality.

Mayor Weaver’s Conversion.

"Philadelphia has reformed. It is the swiftest and most

thorough municipal revolution known in American civic annals.

Without an election and without primaries, without warning and

without preparation, the great deep of small

householders,—which is Philadelphia,—moved from below. When

the work was over, Mayor Weaver, who led the revolution, had

not only changed the heads of the two executive departments,

with ten thousand employees, but he was in full control of

City Councils; he was recognized as the head of the city

Republican party organization; he had forced the city

Republican committee to withdraw the local ticket already

nominated and await the choice of another ticket by the reform

leaders; he had begun criminal prosecution, stopped work on

contracts for filtration plants, boulevards, and highways

amounting to some twelve million dollars, beginning a

searching investigation by a board of expert engineers, and

had defeated two grabs, one a contract for seventy-five years

in gas and the other a street-car grab of one hundred and ten

miles of streets, sought by the two local public-service

corporations, the United Gas Improvement Company and the

Philadelphia Rapid Transit Company. Both had been successfully

passed before this revolution broke, and both were recalled,

on the demand of the mayor, by the same councils that had

passed them.

"The coherent homogeneous vote of the myriads of small homes

which make up Philadelphia has made this sweeping victory

possible against great odds. The party majority in

Pennsylvania and Philadelphia is the strongest in the country.

The city machine is as well organized as Tammany Hall. It

holds city, State, and federal patronage. For ten years it has

without challenge chosen the executive officers at Harrisburg

and Philadelphia and held the Legislature and Councils. The

city ring, in a decade of unchecked rule, has issued

$40,000,000 of city bonds; let on the filtration plant alone

$13,660,000 of contracts; as much more on various public

improvements, and had pending work authorized, but not let,

costing about $30,000,000. The criminal investigation already

made indicates that on the filtration-plant contracts alone

the margin of loose profit is from 28 to 30 per cent. In this

period the city gas works have been leased for a term ending

in 1927, on provisions which yield $2,000,000 a year, twice

the expected profit to the lessee, the United Gas Improvement

Company. The other public-service corporation, the

Philadelphia Rapid Transit Company, has had a free gift of a

subway and over two hundred miles of street without payment

and without limitation. The combination, under an antiquated

law which threw no safeguards about the ballot of a venal vote

controlled by machine office-holders of the great

corporations, railroad and public-service, and of a corrupt

combination of contractors and politicians, seemed omnipotent.

By the adroit use of State and city appropriations for private

charities and educational institutions, the respectable were

placated. The leaders of this organization were also wise

enough to meet reforms non-political halfway. The last State

legislature passed excellent sanitary legislation, reorganized

on sound lines the city schools of Philadelphia, passed

efficient child-labor laws, and at many points improved State

legislation. Carefully separating political management and

elected officers, the leaders of the machine chose judicial

candidates usually unexceptionable, and elected as governor of

the State and mayor of Philadelphia men honest, dull, highly

respected, without stain but pliant.

"In April, so far as Philadelphia was concerned,

self-government seemed to have disappeared. Its charter was

amended, in the teeth of universal protest, so as to rob

future mayors of all powers. Senator Boies Penrose and

Insurance Commissioner Israel W. Durham made all nominations,

State and city. The former awaits investigation. Durham has

been shown to be a silent and secret partner in a contracting

firm holding $13,660,000 of contracts, under city ordinances

he passed, led by officers he chose, and yielding some 30 per

cent. profit. In Pennsylvania and Philadelphia, the

corporation pays the machine and the machine aids the

corporation. It is like this in other States, but preeminently

in that founded by Penn. After a long series of like gifts and

franchises, councils voted the Rapid Transit Company one

hundred and ten miles of streets, passed a costly boulevard

system, and in return for $25,000,000 intended for more

contracts proposed to lease the city gas works for

seventy-five years, postponing reduction in the price of gas

for three-quarters of a century.

"This ran the pliant fingers of the machine into the pockets

of every householder who had a gas bill to pay, some two

hundred and eighty thousand in number. Suddenly this great

mass moved from within. The pulpit of small churches knew it

before the press, the little division leaders before the ward

managers, and they before the chiefs of the organization. In a

week, the city seethed. Children of councilmen came crying

from the public schools. No one would play with them. Callous,

thick-skinned politicians found their mail, their telephones,

and their daily tours one hot rain of protest from their old

neighbors. Division leaders reported defection by the

avalanche.

{438}

The small householder, the narrow burgher, comfortable,

contented, owning his house, careless over ideals, education,

corruption, and venal voter, was aflame over a bigger gas

bill. It is the old story of ship money and stamp taxes. No

vote was necessary. No primary was needed. The leaders of a

political machine are ignorant of much, but they know the

voice of the voter in the land. John Weaver, the mayor, chosen

by the machine, and its lifelong friend and supporter, had

been a fair case lawyer and district attorney. Honest, narrow,

clean-lived, of a legal mind, restive at the way he was

treated as a mere figurehead, he recognized the civic

revolution because he was himself of the class that had risen.

He had, moreover, in his day won his division and was a ward

leader."

American Review of Reviews,

July, 1905.

The Israel W. Durham referred to above, who was the absolute

"boss" of Philadelphia from 1896 to 1905, died on the 28th of

June, 1909.

See, also,

PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1906.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: A. D. 1909.

The old Evil Conditions revived.

Defeat of Revolt against them.

The old mastery of the City Government by an all-powerful and

shameless political "machine" was recovered at the end of the

term of Mayor Weaver, and conditions were soon as rotten as

before the momentary and partial cleansing had been performed.

In 1909 a hopeful revolt against them was undertaken, under

the lead of D. Clarence Gibboney a young lawyer who as

secretary of an active "Law and Order Society," had shown

inspiring powers of leadership and high qualities of sincerity

and resolution. Gibboney had been put forward for District

Attorney in 1906 on Democratic and Independent tickets, and

had suffered defeat. Now he was brought again to the front,

for that office, from which the plunderers of the city could

be most advantageously attacked. A William Penn Party had been

organized in the interest of reform, and his nomination by

this was endorsed by the Democratic organization. A great

effort was made to rouse the conscience and the self-respect

of the city, to throw off the thraldom of blind partisanship

under which it submits to be corrupted and robbed. But the

effort failed. Gibboney was rejected by a majority of about

40,000 voters.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Pittsburg:

Achievements of a Reforming Mayor.

George W. Guthrie became Mayor of Pittsburg in 1906. "When

Mayor Guthrie went into office there was no merit system in

Pittsburg; but he soon established an effective one of his

own, and at the 1907 session of the Pennsylvania Legislature

effectively co-operated with the Pennsylvania Civil Service

Reform Association and similar bodies, with Mayor Dimmick, of

Scranton, and the business bodies of second-class cities, to

secure a law which would permanently establish the merit

system in them. He and his colleagues succeeded. A short time

ago some one asked the Mayor how many Democrats he had

appointed to office. His immediate reply was, 'I haven’t the

least idea. The question of party has never entered into the

matter.’ …

"The tax levied in February, 1906, before Mayor Guthrie

assumed office, was 15 mills. That levied in February, 1907,

the first under his administration, was 12½ mills. This year,

had it not been for the annexation of Allegheny, the city

would have required only 10 or 10½ mills. The Mayor’s first

estimate was 11 mills; but the final figures, as made up by

the Finance Committee, showed that the lower figure would have

been sufficient. When the Mayor entered office, there was a

cash deficit of $400,000, caused by the payment of bills left

over from the previous administration. He closed his first

year with a small surplus, and the second (1907) with a large

one. The total tax valuation of the old city of Pittsburg is

$599,852,923. Its total bonded indebtedness is $24,956,001,

and its net indebtedness (arrived at by deducting bonds in the

saving fund) is $16,532,425, or .0275 per cent of the

valuation. This highly desirable financial result, however,

has not been reached by any false economy. Inadequate salaries

have been raised. All the street repairing for 1907 was paid

for out of the tax levy, and the work on the filtration plant

has been pushed unceasingly. Enough of the filter beds are

finished to provide for present needs, and as soon as they are

‘ripened’ and the pumping machinery rearranged the city will

have filtered water. …

"For many years, under the old regime, Pittsburg had been free

from many of the evils of an open city; but a syndicate of

Councilmen and politicians had made immense sums out of the

business. They controlled the leases of the houses, which they

sublet at exorbitant sums. They also controlled the supplies

which were furnished to them. The Mayor issued but one order

for the regulation of this district. He made no attempt to

solve the entire problem. As the law was plain about the sale

of liquor, he declared that that must stop absolutely; and

that no house could be run on streets on which there were

surface cars. This order proved to be the death-blow of the

combination that had previously existed. The politicians, when

they heard the order, laughed. They had fooled every other

Mayor, and they thought they could fool Guthrie. He would need

Councils and must necessarily ‘deal’ with them. But he needed

no one, and he ‘dealt’ with no one. He waited six weeks for

his warning to be taken, and then he acted. One Saturday night

the police drew a net around the district, and over one

thousand arrests were made. Then came the final blow that

stopped political interference. Under the old system police

magistrates had been in the habit of holding fines or delaying

sentences, which, under the pressure of political influence,

were remitted or suspended. Such money as was paid in was held

for a month before being turned over to the city treasury. …

Mr. Guthrie established the rule that all fines and jail

sentences, once imposed, would have to stand unless revoked by

the county courts. Not only have the revenues of the city

largely increased by this policy, as we have already seen, but

one of the greatest sources of political evil has been

removed. Since this policy was inaugurated there has been no

political or machine interference in the administration of the

law. Incidentally, I may mention that one Councilman went to

jail for his complicity with the protection of the social

evil.

{439}

"The situation in Pittsburg is so changed and improved that

the Secretary of the Civic Voters' League was able to say

recently; ‘While we have forced Councils to be good, elected

the best Mayor in the country, put in county offices men of

ability and honesty, forced the politicians to give us a good

civil service measure, I am convinced that our most important

victory has been to convince the political leaders and bosses

that there is a new era in politics, and that for the future

none but the best men can be elected to public office.’"

Clinton Rogers Woodruff,

A Mayor with an Ideal

(The Outlook, April 25, 1908).

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT:

Defeat of the Reforming Mayor in 1909, but no Discouragement

of the Reforming Activity of the Voters’ League.

Unparalleled Success in convicting Bribed Officials

and their Bribers.

Mayor Guthrie, nominated for reëlection in 1909, was defeated

by the nominee of a corrupt party "machine"; but this put no

check on the efforts of the Voters’ League behind him to hunt

down the corrupting influences and agencies which had mastered

the city once more. A fortunate accident gave the League a

single clue to the hidden labyrinth of rascality, and it

sufficed for astounding revelations. It tracked and caught,

first, a single ex-Councilman, who had handled large sums of

bribe-money, receiving and dividing it among his fellow

members of a gang known as the "Big Six." This man, John P.

Klein, when he found himself helplessly in the toils, and

likely to be the scape-goat for all his confederates and their

corrupters, made confessions which uncovered much, if not all,

of the bribe-giving and bribe-taking of several past years.

Down to the 23d of March, 1910, when the following summary was

published, the results coming from this confession had been as

follows:

In penitentiary—

W. W. Ramsey, ex-president of the German National Bank;

William Brand, ex-president of the Common Council;

Joseph C. Wasson, ex-Councilman, and H. M. Bolder.

Under sentence to the penitentiary—

John F. Klein, ex-Councilman.

Awaiting disposition of their cases—

E. H. Jennings, president of the Columbia National Bank, and

F. A. Griffin, cashier, who pleaded nolo contendere.

Under indictment—

Forty-one Councilmen.

Confessors of bribe-sharing—

Twenty Councilmen, former and present, Select and Common.

More confessors awaiting turn—

Ten former and present Councilmen.

As this goes to the printers, the bribe-givers, including some

of the multi-millionaires of Pittsburg, are being dragged into

court.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: St. Louis: A. D. 1900-1940.

The Unearthing of Thievery and Corruption

by Circuit Attorney Folk.

Prosecutions, Confessions, and Convictions.

One of the most notable and effective cleansings of a

corrupted municipality that has occurred in the United States

was accomplished in St. Louis by Joseph Wingate Folk, using

the powers of the office of Circuit Attorney of the City, to

which he was fortunately elected in the spring of 1900. That

bribery was active among the Aldermen and Councilmen of the

two chambers of the municipal legislature, and that

unscrupulous men of business were habitually employing it to

secure iniquitous franchises and jobs, appears to have been a

matter of common belief; but the belief had not roused feeling

enough to bring about any change, until the opportunity to act

was given to Mr. Folk.

One notoriously suspicious transaction, which consolidated the

street railways of the city, was outlawed for all but a single

actor in it by the Missouri statute of limitations, which bars

criminal proceedings after three years; but the one man had

been absent from the State during so large a part of those

three years that he could be reached by the law, and the

Circuit Attorney turned the search light of a grand jury

investigation on his case. This man, R. M. Snyder, of Kansas

City, was indicted, arrested, and held for trial under bonds

of $50,000. From that beginning Mr. Folk went on to the

probing of a more recent franchise grant, and unearthed the

fact that two deposits of cash, for sums of $60,000 and

$75,000 were boxed in safety deposit vaults, each guarded by

duplicate keys held on one side by a corporation agent, and on

the other side by agents of the Council and the Aldermanic

body respectively, waiting for distribution among the

officials who had sold the public franchise for those sums. A

rival corporation had, meantime, attacked the legality of the

grant, held it up by an injunction, and so kept these

corruption funds in suspension between the bribers and the

bribed.

By what resolute persistence, what shrewdness, what bold

ventures of surmise, Mr. Folk uncovered the cunningly secreted

facts, terrified the "boodlers" and the bribers into betraying

one another, and fastened their crimes upon them, cannot be

told here. Two of the wealthy buyers in the rascally trade, a

Mr. Turner and a Mr. Stock, became witnesses for the State

against the men whose crime they had bought. The two agents

for Aldermen and Councilmen, who held the keys of the

deposited bribe, J. K. Murrell and Charles Kratz, fled to

Mexico, forfeiting their bail. Three others of the accused,

Emil Meysenberg, Julius Lehmann and Harry Faulkner, were

tried, convicted and sentenced to imprisonment for three and

two years. The escape of Murrell and Kratz beyond reach of

extradition embarrassed the prosecution of the remaining

confederates, who seemed likely to go free for lack of

sufficient evidence; but unexpectedly, in September, 1902,

Murrell reappeared in St. Louis, saying that he could not

endure exile any longer and was ready to bear the penalty of

his wrongdoing. On his confessions eleven aldermen were

arrested, charged with bribery in two cases and with perjury

before the grand jury. Seven others made successful flights.

In the course of the next year another of the refugees from

justice returned, supposing his time of danger to have passed.

This was Charles F. Kelly, who had been Speaker of the St.

Louis House of Delegates and a ready tool of Edward Butler,

the St. Louis political "Boss" and legislative broker. Butler

had been involved in the prosecutions, and Kelly had fled to

avoid giving testimony against him, being paid, as he

confessed finally, $50,000 for his retirement into obscure

foreign parts. What happened to him later, and what

confessions he made were the subject of a brief story in THE

OUTLOOK of November 5, 1904, in part as follows:

{440}

"Returning when it was believed that his patron was secure

through the operation of the statute of limitations, Kelly was

arrested and sentenced to two years in the penitentiary for

perjury in his testimony in one of the boodle cases. He

appealed to the Supreme Court, and meanwhile was rearrested on

the charge of accepting a bribe in another deal. At, this

juncture he complained that Butler had deserted him and had

advised him to plead guilty. ‘It didn’t look right,’ he said

in an interview, ‘that we should take our medicine and that he

should go free.’ Therefore he determined to relate his

dealings with Butler in the bribery cases. In his statement he

says that he has reason to believe that boodling had been in

progress in the St. Louis Municipal Assembly for the last

twenty-five years. The boodlers did not fear exposure, because

they ‘knew that most of the politicians and many of the large

financiers of St. Louis’ would be with them. One prosecutor

who attempted to bring them to justice was ‘bluffed off.’ When

Mr. Folk began his work, there were threats of assassination,

and finally a deliberate plot was arranged to ruin the

prosecutor’s influence by falsehoods. ‘Prominent financiers’

as well as the boodlers were engaged in this attempt,

according to the confession.

"The general scheme of the boodle ‘combine’ is already fairly

well known, but Mr. Kelly adds some interesting details. There

were nineteen members, and the combine was ‘not along party

lines.’ ‘My experience,’ he remarks, ‘has been that boodlers

line up according to their interests, and not under party

standards.’ The members of the combine held regular meetings,

and decided by a majority vote on the prices to be charged for

various measures. There was a ‘fixed schedule of prices’ for

bills in accordance with the value of the privileges to be

given. The combine rarely sold out for less than a thousand

dollars, though once ‘some of the boys took five dollars each,

but were so ashamed of it they would not speak of it

afterwards, because the price was so small.’ The combine was

in the habit of selecting one of its members to act as agent

in the deals, and only in one or two instances did the

representative prove untrustworthy. ‘Among ourselves,’ says

this frank boodler, ‘we had a high code of morals, and it was

considered extremely dishonest for a member of the combine to

accept bribe money without dividing it among his fellows.’ A

particularly interesting feature of the confession is the

warning which it gives to St. Louis of the danger of a relapse

to the old conditions when Mr. Folk’s term as Circuit Attorney

shall have expired. Kelly asserts that Butler advised his

indicted friends to get continuances until a new Circuit

Attorney should be elected, and that he promised them that the

prosecutor should be ‘his man.’ ‘What,’ asks Kelly, ‘has been

done in St. Louis? Nothing at all. The prosecutor has, after

three years’ fighting, whipped us. But it seems to me, such is

the condition of public sentiment in St. Louis, that when the

new prosecutor, who of course will be Ed Butler’s man, takes

charge, boodlers will be in clover again.’ In his opinion the

great trouble is that ‘so many of the large corporations of

the city are mixed up in boodle one way or another’ that the

town is willing to tolerate corruption."

Here, as in all exposed cases, the power to organize "boodle"

or "graft" in municipal government is found to have been

derived from the "machines" of the national political parties.

The exhibit of character and ability made by Mr. Folk in his

extraordinary enforcement of law in St. Louis, to the

overthrow of the stronghold of municipal thieves and

corruptionists, so commended him to the people of Missouri

that they nominated and elected him Governor of the State in

1904, despite the most desperate endeavor of the party

organizations to defeat him. In his higher office he continued

his work of reform.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1901-1909.

The Struggle with Political Corruption.

"Before the enactment of the charter of 1899 the mayoralty in

San Francisco had little power, and successive political

bosses had ignored it. Instead of this, they aimed to control

the municipal Board of Supervisors, which had the awarding of

contracts and franchises. The charter of 1899 changed all

this, by concentrating vast powers of appointment and removal

in the mayoralty, the office being filled by biennial

election. The office was ably and honestly administered for

the first two years by Honorable Jas. D. Phelan.

"During the latter portion of Phelan’s term there occurred a

long and bitter industrial struggle, known as the ‘Teamsters’

Strike,’ in which the sympathy of other labor organizations

was deeply stirred. At the request of the employers Mayor

Phelan consented to placing the city police upon drays and

wagons as guards for non-union drivers. This action aroused

violent denunciation on the part of the union labor leaders.

It also served as a political object lesson. It was seen that

to gain possession of the mayoralty in the interest of union

labor would be a great political advantage, especially in a

recurrence of industrial strife.

"In the following election (1901) Eugene E. Schmitz, orchestra

leader at the Columbia theatre and head of the musicians’

union, the candidate of the union labor party, was elected

mayor by 21,776 votes as against 30,365 votes somewhat evenly

divided between the Republican and the Democratic candidates.

Two years later (1903) Schmitz was reëlected in the same way,

and in 1905 he was again successful, this time securing a

large majority over the fusion candidate nominated by the

Democratic and Republican parties combined. Throughout the

whole period Schmitz's chief political manager was Abraham

Ruef, a native of San Francisco, well educated, gifted and

ambitious, an adroit politician, previously affiliated with

the Republican party. In 1904 he was a delegate at large for

California in the Republican national convention at Chicago.

"Almost from the beginning of the Schmitz administration it

became recognized throughout the city that the most certain

way of obtaining favors from the mayor’s office was through

the law office of Abraham Ruef, who acted as the legal and

political adviser of Mayor Schmitz. Ruef steered a different

course from political bosses generally. He kept his office

open for all comers, high and low. He was thoroughly

accessible. He welcomed all applicants and dealt out

encouraging assurances to every request. It soon became a

matter of general belief that under the guise of legal

services Ruef was selling licenses, securing special

privileges for favored clients and protecting illegal

concerns. Ruef’s income increased enormously during the

Schmitz regime, but to the end he maintained this pretense of

‘attorney’s fees,’ and only a few months before he was

indicted for extortion he stoutly maintained before a public

meeting that he had never made a dollar out of politics.’

{441}

"In 1905 the grand jury made a thorough investigation of the

municipal administration and became convinced of the existence

of a wide-spread system of bribery and corruption. In its

report to the Superior Court, filed August 19, 1905, it

stated: ‘that wholesale and wide-spread violation of law is

open, notorious and flagrant; that it meets with the

acquiescence of the mayor; that it receives the approval of

the police commission; that it is aided, abetted and protected

by police officials. … We find that vice and crime have been

organized so systematically, and fostered with such vigilant

attention to detail, that nothing which business acumen or

political expediency could suggest has been neglected or

omitted.’ For lack of legal evidence, however, or the funds

with which to carry on an investigation for securing it, no

indictments in these matters were returned.

"The municipal election of 1905 gave to Ruef the control of

the Board of Supervisors as well as the administrative

departments of the city. The great upheaval in business

conditions produced by the earthquake and fire of April, 1906,

brought new and wealthier clients to his office. Evidence made

public in the later prosecutions goes to show that Ruef was

paid to secure from the Board of Supervisors for the United

Railroads permission to use an overhead trolley system for

operating its street cars instead of the cable system in use

before the fire; that the gas company had bribed the

supervisors to raise the price of gas from 75 to 85 cents per

thousand feet; and that the telephone companies had used the

same means to promote their interests.

"The work of securing the evidence upon which criminal

indictments could be based was performed by a few determined

men. Rudolph Spreckels, a young man of large fortune, came

forward with a pledge of $100,000 for the expenses of a

searching investigation. District Attorney William H. Langdon,

who had been elected on the same ticket with Schmitz,

announced that he would conduct the inquiry without regard to

party affiliations, and appointed Francis J. Heney, assistant

district attorney. A man of courage and devotion to public

honesty, Heney had gained distinction by the successful

prosecution of land frauds before the Federal courts in

Oregon. Heney requested and obtained the assistance of William

J. Burns, a detective in the United States Secret Service.

"Ruef and Schmitz were soon indicted by the grand jury,

charged with extorting money from restaurant proprietors.

During the progress of his trial Ruef changed his plea from

‘Not guilty’ to ‘Guilty.’ Judgment against him was delayed,

however, by the prosecution for the purpose of gaining

evidence against others. Schmitz was tried on a similar charge

and with the aid of testimony given by Ruef was convicted and

[July, 1907] sentenced to imprisonment for five years in the

state penitentiary.

"Meanwhile, some of the weaker supervisors having been caught

in a trap set for them by Burns, confessions of bribery were

obtained by the grand jury from fifteen out of eighteen

members of the Board. In return for these confessions the

district attorney entered into immunity contracts with the

supervisors, and became temporarily the directing power in the

municipal government. The office of mayor was declared vacant,

and Honorable. Edward R. Taylor, a learned and conscientious

man, a professor in the Hastings College of Law in San

Francisco, was appointed to the position. Gradually the whole

Board of Supervisors was replaced by honest and experienced

men.

"On the confessions of the discredited supervisors there

followed a large number of indictments against Ruef, Schmitz

and the various officers and employees of the public service

corporations concerned in corrupting the city government. By

May 25, 1907, the number of so-called ‘graft’ indictments was

137, against 19 persons. From collateral issues the number of

indictments later rose to 160. The indictments against a few

of the accused were subsequently dismissed. Five of the

original 19 accused persons had been put on trial one or more

times previous to January, 1910,—the expiration of the term of

office of District Attorney Langdon. These trials were carried

on with the utmost rancor on the part of opposing counsel. The

greatest difficulties were encountered in securing juries and

in several cases juries failed to agree. Throughout the

community and in the public prints there developed factional

division and bitterness. This factional hatred culminated in

acts of violence and terrorism. Two houses in Oakland, Alameda

County, one occupied, the other owned by James L. Gallagher,

former supervisor and lieutenant of Ruef, later a most

important witness for the prosecution, were dynamited and

nearly destroyed. For these crimes a culprit was discovered

and sent to the state prison for life by the courts of Alameda

County. On November 13, 1908, during the trial of Ruef on

bribery charges, Mr. Heney was shot from behind while at his

post in the court-room by a half-demented sympathizer with the

accused. A day later the assassin took his own life while in

jail. By the merest chance Mr. Heney’s wound proved not to be

fatal, and after a few months he returned to his duties.

"Even in the few cases in which convictions were obtained

judgment was arrested by appeals to the higher courts, which

uniformly resolved all technical questions in favor of the

accused. To the end of 1909, the record of these cases is as

follows:

"Number of indictments 160.

"Contracts of immunity 19.

"Tried and acquitted twice:

Tirey L. Ford, attorney for the United Railroads.

"Trials in which the jury disagreed:

Louis Glass, manager for the Pacific States Telephone Co.;

Tirey L. Ford;

Abraham Ruef;

Patrick Calhoun, president of the United Railroads.

"Judgments reversed by higher court,

Eugene E. Schmitz and Louis Glass.

"Plea of guilty nullified by higher court:

Abraham Ruef.

"Convicted, but appeals to higher court in progress:

Abraham Ruef and M. W. Coffey, a supervisor who broke his

immunity contract.

{442}

"Thus it is evident that the prosecution has so far failed to

punish extortion and bribery by criminal procedure. The real

results of the prosecution are to be found in the prompt

reform of the municipal government of San Francisco in 1907,

and, in a larger way, in an awakened public conscience and a

strengthened sense of civic duty. These results are not

limited to San Francisco, but are a part of the great work of

political regeneration in which the whole country is

concerned.

"The question of further efforts to secure convictions in

these ‘graft’ cases was made a political issue in San

Francisco by the candidacy of Mr. Heney for the office of

district attorney in 1909. That a large number of voters

considered such continued efforts useless or hopeless was

shown by his defeat by a decisive majority of 10,000 votes

against him."

The new Mayor placed at the head of the City Government by

this election was the nominee of the same Union Labor Party

which had seated Schmitz and his manager, Ruef, and it was

made plain that he represented the opposition to all that had

been done and attempted toward municipal reform.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Spain: A. D. 1907-1909.

Municipal Reforms.

See (in this Volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: The Transvaal: A. D. 1909.

Introduction of Proportional Representation.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: United States:

The "Municipal Program," framed

by the National Municipal League.

"At the joint invitation of the City Club of New York and the

Municipal League of Philadelphia, a Conference for Good City

Government was held in Philadelphia in January, 1894. Out of

this conference grew the National Municipal League, formally

organized in New York City in May, 1894. The League includes

in its affiliated membership, the leading municipal reform

organizations of the country, and, in its associated

membership the leading students of municipal government. At

the annual meeting of the League in 1897 held in Louisville, a

special committee was appointed ‘to report on the feasibility

of a Municipal Program which will embody the essential

principles that must underlie successful municipal government,

and which shall also set forth a working plan or system,

consistent with American industrial and political conditions,

for putting such principles into practical operation; and the

Committee, if it finds such Municipal Program to be

feasible, is instructed to report the same with its reasons

therefor, to the League, for consideration.’

"The Committee appointed under this resolution made a

preliminary report at the annual meeting of the League held in

Indianapolis in 1898, and a final one at the annual meeting of

the League held in Columbus in 1899. The Committee did not

claim that its report constituted the final word upon the

subject referred to it, but its members were convinced, as a

result of their studies and investigations, that ‘A

Municipal Program’ which would embody the essential

principles that must underlie successful municipal government

was entirely feasible, and they recommended certain

Constitutional Amendments and a general Municipal Corporations

Act, as setting forth a working plan or system consistent with

American industrial and political conditions, for putting such

principles into practical operation. The Committee’s

recommendations were unanimously adopted by the League at its

Columbus meeting."

Horace E. Deming,

The Government of American Cities,

page 203 (G. P. Putnam’s Sons, New York).

As originally published, the "Municipal Program" has gone out

of print, but Mr. Deming, under an arrangement with the

League, has reproduced it as an appendix to his book, with an

explanatory discussion of it. The main objects sought in it

are "to clothe the city government with such broad powers as

will enable it to perform all the appropriate functions of a

local government without resort to the State Legislature for

the grant of additional power"; and to "prevent the

interference by the State Legislature with the free exercise

by the city of the governmental powers granted it." Beyond

this, the designers of the "Program" have worked out what

seemed to them the most effective plan of organization in

municipal government for the exercise of such full powers.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: WISCONSIN:

Organization of a Municipal Reference Bureau

by the State University.

Within the past year a Municipal Reference Bureau has been

organized in connection with the Extension Department of the

Wisconsin State University, its purpose being to offer the

widest possible use of the material on questions relative to

municipal government which the University has collected, by

answering inquiries. The Bureau is under the charge of Mr.

Ford H. MacGregor, and will work in cooperation with the very

useful Legislative Reference Department of the Wisconsin Free

Library Commission, which was organized a few years ago and is

still conducted by Dr. Charles McCarthy.

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

See, also, (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES, AND SOCIAL BETTERMENT.

----------MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: End--------

MURRELL, J. K.:

Confessions.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: ST. LOUIS.

MÜRZSTEG PROGRAMME, The.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904, and 1905-1908.

MUSHIR-ED-DOWLEH.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1907-1908 (SEPTEMBER-JUNE).

MUSTAFA FAZIL PASHA.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

MUTINY IN THE RUSSIAN NAVY.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

MUTUAL LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY:

Legislative Investigation.

See (in this Volume)

INSURANCE, LIFE.

MUZZAFER-ED-DIN:

Late Shah of Persia.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

MYTILENE, International Occupation of.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

{443}

N.

NABUCO, DR. JOAQUIN:

President of Third International Conference

of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

NACIONALISTAS.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

NAGEL, CHARLES:

Secretary of Commerce and Labor.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

NAKAMURA, GENERAL.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

NANSHAN, BATTLE OF.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY),

A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

NAPOLEON I.:

Declining Worship of his Memory in France.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.

NASR-UL-MULK: PRIME MINISTER OF PERSIA.

His exile.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1907-1908 (SEPTEMBER-JUNE), AND 1908-1909.

NATAL.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA.

NATHAN, ERNESTO: MAYOR OF ROME.

See (in this Volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1909.

NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.

NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The:

Its notable Conference on Industrial Disputes.

Its great Committee for Intermediation and Conciliation.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.

NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The:

Its Intermediation in Coal Strike.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The:

National Conference at Chicago, 1907, on Trusts

and Combinations.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The:

Its work in Promotion of Trades Agreements.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The:

Its work for Uniformity in State Legislation.

See (in this Volume)

LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.

NATIONAL CONSERVATION ASSOCIATION.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

NATIONAL FARMERS’ UNION.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

NATURAL RESOURCES, The Conservation of.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

NATURALIZATION:

Convention between American Republics.

The following Convention was adopted and signed at the Second

Conference of the American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro, 1906.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

"Article I.

If a citizen a native of any of the countries signing the

present Convention, and naturalized in another, shall again

take up his residence in his native country without the

intention of returning to the country in which he has been

naturalized, he will be considered as having resumed his

original citizenship, and as having renounced the citizenship

acquired by the said naturalization."

"Article II.

The intention not to return will be presumed to exist when the

naturalized person shall have resided in his native country

for more than two years. But this presumption may be destroyed

by evidence to the contrary."

"Article III.

This Convention will become effective in the countries that

ratify it three months from the dates upon which said

ratifications shall be communicated to the Government of the

United States of Brazil; and if it should be denounced by any

one of them, it shall continue in effect for one year more, to

count from the date of such denouncement."

"Article IV.

The denouncement of this Convention by any one of the

signatory States shall be made to the Government of the United

States of Brazil and shall take effect only with regard to the

country that may make it."

NATURALIZATION: In the British Empire:

Proposed Uniformity of Law.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

NATURALIZATION: In the United States:

The Question of Treatment of Expatriated Citizens who

visit their Native Country.

The Principle asserted to Germany.

New Law of American Citizenship.-

Consequent on an increasing disposition in Germany to curtail

the revisiting of their native country by Germans who had

become naturalized citizens of the United States, the American

Ambassador to Berlin discussed the subject with the German

Foreign Minister, on the 12th of August, 1902, and reported

the substance of the conversation to Washington: "Statements

were made on the part of the embassy as follows: No sympathy

whatever is felt with the person who deliberately emigrates

and avails himself of the American naturalization laws for the

mere purpose of escaping military service in Germany, and

there is no wish on the part of the American authorities to

enable such persons to make a convenience of their American

naturalization. The embassy has also consistently declined to

intervene in behalf of persons whose wish was to make their

permanent residence in Germany. It is thought, however, that

where German emigrants have fulfilled the conditions necessary

to entitle them to ‘be treated as American citizens’ they

should actually be so treated, and when they have emigrated in

good faith they should be permitted to sojourn in Germany, for

their business or pleasure, to visit at their former homes, or

to enjoy the benefits afforded by German watering places,

etc., in accordance with the terms of the treaty with Prussia

of 1828. The sovereign right of Prussia to expel persons whose

presence is not considered desirable is not contested, but it

is thought that the American Government has the right to know

why the presence of any American citizen is so considered.

"Dr. Von Mühlberg’s attention was called to a number of cases

now pending, where naturalized American citizens have received

orders to leave the country after a stay of a few weeks. He

said that he would take the matter up personally and would

communicate with the Prussian minister of the interior in

regard to it at once."

{444}

In reply from the Department of State at Washington, the

action of Ambassador White was approved, and it was said

further: "You should lose no suitable opportunity to press and

to emphasize the considerations which you advanced in your

interview with Dr. Von Mühlberg. The essence of the right of

expulsion which the German States claim is that it should be

reasonably and justly applied in cases obviously calling for

so extreme a measure. Expulsion should not be invoked

indiscriminately, so as to operate as a deterrent to the

exercise of the rights of expatriation and acquisition of new

allegiance granted under the naturalization treaties, or so as

to neutralize, by indirection, treatment stipulated thereafter

regarding the recognition of the new national character."

Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of

the United States, 1902, page 441.

The doctrine of citizenship stated by Ambassador White on this

occasion was embodied subsequently in a new citizenship law,

which came into force on the 2d of March, 1907. The new law

was based on a report made by an official commission, one of

the members of which has written of it as follows:

"When a future historian shall write an account of the

achievements of this the most remarkable administration of our

government since the Civil War, he will give prominent place

to the naturalization law of a year ago and the citizenship

law which was approved last March and is now becoming

effective; for these two measures are the culmination of a

hundred years of effort for reform, and affect the very

foundation of our political structure. …

"So far as the naturalization law is concerned, the objections

to it come chiefly from petty courts throughout the country

which are now not permitted to naturalize, and which formerly

derived part of their prestige and their fees from

naturalization business. Dissatisfaction with the new

citizenship law flows from those people who have been living

abroad in fancied security of their American citizenship, and

who now find themselves obliged to take positive steps to

preserve a status which they have heretofore supposed attached

to them indefinitely, without the performance of any

obligations on their part. Both of these laws originated in

the House of Representatives, but each resulted from a report

made by executive officers, and the Senate can claim little

agency in them. The citizenship law was based upon a report

made to Secretary Root by a board of officers of his

Department, the members being James Brown Scott, the Solicitor

for the Department of State, David Jayne Hill, our Minister at

The Hague, and the writer of this article, with Samuel B.

Crandall, Ph. D., of the Department as Secretary. … From this

report sprang a bill, introduced in the House by the Honorable

James Breck Perkins of New York, which became a law on March

2nd.

"The law does not change or even modify the American doctrine

of citizenship. That was already settled by the Constitution

and the decisions of the Supreme Court. Anybody born in the

United States, no matter what his race, unless he is an Indian

living with a tribe, or however ineligible to our citizenship

he may be for any other reason, is a citizen of the United

States. …

"Broadly speaking, an individual becomes a citizen of the

United States by birth or naturalization, and these facts have

been well settled; but how does he lose American citizenship?

This was the question to which the citizenship board chiefly

addressed itself, and which Congress settled a few months ago

by declaring that an American shall be held to have

expatriated himself when he becomes naturalized as a citizen

of another country, or when he takes an oath of allegiance to

another state, or when he lives permanently outside of the

United States without intent to return. …

"We have had a constantly increasing number of so-called

American citizens living abroad—men who have lived in the

United States for only five years and in many cases have

fraudulently secured naturalization papers after less than

five years of residence; who never were really domiciled

there; who never have performed any of the duties of American

citizenship and who never intended to do so. … Until the new

naturalization law went into effect, it was not actually

against the letter of the law for a man to commit this fraud;

for, when he applied for citizenship, he was required merely

to show that he had resided in the United States for five

years, and no inquiry was made concerning his future

intentions."

Gaillard Hunt,

The New Citizenship Law

(North American Review, July, 1907).

NAVAL CONFERENCE, INTERNATIONAL, AT LONDON, 1908-1909.

See (in this Volume)

War, The Revolt against: A. D. 1907

(appended to account of Second Peace Conference

at The Hague).

NAVIES.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

NAVIGATION LAWS:

Proposed British Imperial Policy.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

NEERGAARD, M.: PREMIER OF DENMARK.

See (in this Volume)

DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.

NEGRO PROBLEMS, IN THE UNITED STATES.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.

NELIDOW, M.:

President of the Second Peace Conference.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1870-1905.

Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1902.

Offer of mediation between Great Britain and the Boers.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1903.

Laws against Railway Strikes.

Failure of General Labor Strike to prevent their Enactment.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1903.

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1903.

Agreement for Settlement of Claims against Venezuela.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1904.

Military operations against the Atchinese.

A Dutch military expedition against the long-insurgent natives

of the old Sultanate of Atchin, in Sumatra, which was said to

have carried death to a thousand women and children, gave rise

to stormy scenes in the Netherlands when its session was

opened in September. The excuse of the Government was that the

warriors used the women and children as shields.

{445}

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.

Defeat and Fall of the Calvinistic Party of the

Reverend Dr. Kuyper.

The Suffrage and Education Questions.

The six principal Parties.

Success of the groups of "the Right" in the latest Elections.

Elections to the lower chamber of the States-General, held in

June, overthrew the Conservative majority in that body and

gave the Liberals a small majority of 4. An important issue

between parties had been on the question of universal

suffrage, but the support given to its advocates was not

strong enough to justify immediate attempts on their part to

carry any measure of law. A royal Commission was appointed,

however, to investigate and report generally on the need or

expediency of a revision of the Constitution. The defeated

Ministry of Dr. Abraham Kuyper represented an

ultra-Calvinistic Church element in politics, and its defeat

appears to have been due in the main to educational laws which

it had carried through. According to the Dutch review, De

Gids, from which the following has been translated, the

aim of the new laws and the objection to them were much the

same as in the English controversy over the Education Act of

1902, when church and clerical influences carried the day

against the supporters of secular schools. "These educational

laws," said De Gids, "were unanimously supported by, if

they did not wholly originate with, the clericals, or the

Anti-Revolutionary party, as they call themselves, of which

Dr. Kuyper is the astute and able leader and head. They had

the undivided support also of the Catholics, but were

strenuously opposed by the Liberals and all the

anti-clericals, including the Social Democrats. The

Anti-Revolutionists and Catholics on the one hand, and the

Liberals and their allies on the other, form, respectively,

the Right and Left in the Chambers."

Since 1905 there seems to have been little if any change in

the Dutch parties. On the approach of the quadrennial general

elections of June, 1909, a correspondent of the London

Times wrote of "the complex grouping" of the political

parties contending in them: "There are six which may fairly

claim to be important. The largest is probably the Catholic.

It is estimated that a third of the population is Catholic by

religion, and of the Catholics a very large proportion belong

to the Catholic political party, and vote consistently in

accordance with the commands of its leaders. Next to the

Catholics come the strict Calvinists, who have been organized

by Dr. Kuyper into a compact and most formidable party,

generally called the Anti-Révolutionnaire party. It finds its

chief supporters among the rural population and the petite

bourgeoisie, and owes its name to the doctrine, sedulously

preached by Dr. Kuyper, that the Radical and Liberal parties

are fomenting an anti-religious revolution, and that it is

therefore necessary to choose between Christianity and

Heathenism. This doctrine is generally known as ‘the

antithesis,’ and, though its influence has waned somewhat in

the towns, it still has considerable influence in the country.

Closely allied to the Anti-Révolutionnaire party is the

Christlijk Historisch party, which is more aristocratic, but

less energetic, with many principles but no very definite

programme. It not infrequently speaks against the Calvinist

party, but as a rule joins it when it comes to voting.

"These three parties, Catholic, Anti-Révolutionnaire, and

Christlijk Historisch, form the Right. The Left is composed of

the Old and United Liberals, the Radicals or Vrijzinnige

Democraten, and the Socialists, representing all shades of

opinion from what in England might be called Whiggism to

extreme Socialism. The questions which really divide these

parties, as distinguished from the party cries on which the

election is being fought, are Clericalism and Socialism, and a

very large proportion of the electors are not quite sure which

enemy they most fear. There is no doubt that the

Anti-Révolutionnaire party and the Catholics represent two

forms of Clericalism, while the Socialists are openly

Collectivists. The other parties, with the exception of the

Vrijzinnige Democraten, can be better described as opposed to

the two extremes than as presenting any clearly marked

characteristics of their own."

The first balloting of this election took place on the 11th of

June and the second on the 23d. The Anti-Révolutionnaires came

out of it with 23, the Catholics with 25, the Christlijk

Historischs with 12, making 60 for the groups of "the Right";

against a total of 40 in the groups of "the Left." Of this

minority only 7 were in the ranks of the Social Democrats. Dr.

Kuyper was among the defeated candidates.

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1906.

At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco Question.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1906.

The Second Peace Conference at The Hague convoked by the Queen.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1908 (April).

Treaty with Denmark, England, France, Germany, and Sweden,

for maintenance of the Status Quo on the North Sea.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1908-1909.

Trouble with Castro of Venezuela.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1908-1909.

NEW BRUNSWICK: A. D. 1901-1902.

Census.

Reduced representation in Parliament.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

NEWCOMB, PROFESSOR SIMON.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION:

CARNEGIE INSTITUTION, AND AERONAUTICS.

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902.

British Colonial Conference at London.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE.

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.

Negotiation and Senatorial Destruction of the Hay-Bond

Reciprocity Treaty with the United States.

In November, 1902, a Treaty of Reciprocity which would have

settled the long-standing disputes over American rights of

fishing on the Newfoundland coast, on terms of most equitable

advantage to both countries, and especially favorable to the

interests of the general public in the United States, was

concluded and signed at Washington by Secretary Hay and the

British Ambassador, Sir Michael Herbert. The Premier of

Newfoundland, Sir Robert Bond, had taken a principal part in

the negotiation, and the resulting document was known

consequently as the Hay-Bond Treaty. It secured to the New

England fishermen the coveted privilege of buying bait and

other supplies and hiring crews in Newfoundland ports; and it

admitted the greater part of American manufactures into the

island duty free.

{446}

On the other hand, it opened the markets of the United States

to the fish and fish products, the coal, oil, and ores of

Newfoundland, for the benefit of the consumers of the country.

The treaty was hailed with satisfaction by the general public

of the United States, but opposed by a few interests whose

gains might be lessened if any breach in their monopoly of the

sale of salted fish and coal and oil should be permitted. The

majority which has seldom failed of late to be retainable in

the United States Senate for the service of such private

interests, against the public good, was promptly organized by

Senator Lodge, first for pocketing the Treaty throughout more

than two years, and finally for amending it to death, in

February, 1905. The provisions that made it advantageous to

Newfoundland were cut out, and it was reduced to a state which

made it insulting as an offer of reciprocity. It suffered the

fate which, in late years, is quite certain to befall any

project of real statesmanship that has to go through the hands

of the United States Senate.

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1904.

Convention between England and France touching Fishery Rights.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

Renewed Disputes over American Fishing Rights

on the Treaty Coast.

Arrangement of a Modus Vivendi.

Agreement on Questions to be submitted to a Tribunal

of Arbitration at The Hague.

Constitution of the Tribunal.

The endless friction that has attended the exercise of

treaty-rights by American fishermen in the Newfoundland

fisheries was freshly roughened in the fall of 1905, by a new

enactment of the provincial legislature, to prevent the sale

of bait or outfits and supplies of any nature to foreign

fishermen, and by orders from the Minister of Marine and

Fisheries forbidding vessels of American registry to fish on

the Treaty Coast. This reopened debate between the State

Department at Washington and the Foreign Office at London,

over the intentions and meanings of that first article in the

Treaty of 1818 which has been a source of incessant dispute

for ninety-one years. The following is the language of the

article:

"Article I.

Whereas differences have arisen respecting the liberty claimed

by the United States, for the inhabitants thereof, to take,

dry, and cure fish, on certain coasts, bays, harbours, and

creeks of His Britannick Majesty’s Dominions in America, it is

agreed between the High Contracting Parties that the

inhabitants of the said United States shall have, for ever, in

common with the subjects of His Britannick Majesty, the

liberty to take fish of every kind, on that part of the

southern coast of Newfoundland, which extends from Cape Ray

to the Rameau Islands, on the western and northern coast of

Newfoundland, from the said Cape Ray to the Quirpon Islands,

on the shores of the Magdalen Islands, and also on the coasts,

bays, harbours, and creeks, from Mount Joly, on the southern

coast of Labrador, to and through the Streights of Belleisle,

and thence northwardly indefinitely along the coast, without

prejudice, however, to any of the exclusive rights of the

Hudson’s Bay Company. And that the American fishermen shall

also have liberty, for ever, to dry and cure fish in any of

the unsettled bays, harbours, and creeks of the southern part

of the coast of Newfoundland, here above described, and of the

coast of Labrador; but so soon as the same, or any portion

thereof, shall be settled, it shall not be lawful for the said

fishermen to dry or cure fish at such portion so settled,

without previous agreement for such purpose, with the

inhabitants, proprietors, or possessors of the ground. And the

United States hereby renounced, for ever, any liberty

heretofore enjoyed or claimed by the inhabitants thereof, to

take, dry, or cure fish on or within three marine miles of any

of the coasts, bays, creeks, or harbours of His Britannick

Majesty’s Dominions in America, not included within the

above-mentioned limits: provided, however, that the American

fishermen shall be admitted to enter such bays or harbours,

for the purpose of shelter, and of repairing damages therein,

of purchasing wood, and of obtaining water, and for no other

purpose whatever. But they shall be under such restrictions as

may be necessary to prevent their taking, drying, or curing

fish therein, or in any other manner whatever abusing the

privileges hereby reserved to them."

With reference to the present obstruction to American fishing

in Newfoundland waters, the contention of Secretary Root was

set forth in the following propositions:

"1. Any American vessel is entitled to go into the waters of

the Treaty Coast and take fish of any kind.

"She derives this right from the Treaty (or from the

conditions existing prior to the Treaty and recognized by it)

and not from any permission or authority proceeding from the

Government of Newfoundland.

"2. An American vessel seeking to exercise the Treaty right is

not bound to obtain a licence from the Government of

Newfoundland, and, if she does not purpose to trade as well as

fish, she is not bound to enter at any Newfoundland

custom-house.

"3. The only concern of the Government of Newfoundland with

such a vessel is to call for proper evidence that she is an

American vessel, and, therefore, entitled to exercise the

Treaty right, and to have her refrain from violating any laws

of Newfoundland not inconsistent with the Treaty.

"4. The proper evidence that a vessel is an American vessel

and entitled to exercise the Treaty right is the production of

the ship’s papers of the kind generally recognized in the

maritime world as evidence of a vessel’s national character.

"5. When a vessel has produced papers showing that she is an

American vessel, the officials of Newfoundland have no concern

with the character or extent of the privileges accorded to

such a vessel by the Government of the United States. No

question as between a registry and licence is a proper subject

for their consideration. They are not charged with enforcing

any laws or regulations of the United States. As to them, if

the vessel is American she has the Treaty right, and they are

not at liberty to deny it.

"6. If any such matter were a proper subject for the

consideration of the officials of Newfoundland, the statement

of this Department that vessels bearing an American registry

are entitled to exercise the Treaty right should be taken by

such officials as conclusive."

{447}

On the British side, Sir Edward Grey raised two principal

objections to these propositions of Mr. Root: First—that "the

privilege of fishing conceded by Article I of the Convention

of 1818 is conceded, not to American vessels, but to

inhabitants of the United States and to American fishermen;"

second, that "inhabitants of the United States would not now

be entitled to fish in British North American waters but for

the fact that they were entitled to do so when they were

British subjects. American fishermen cannot therefore rightly

claim to exercise their right of fishery under the Convention

of 1818 on a footing of greater freedom than if they had never

ceased to be British subjects. Nor consistently with the terms

of the Convention can they claim to exercise it on a footing

of greater freedom than the British subjects ‘in common with’

whom they exercise it under the Convention. In other words,

the American fishery under the Convention is not a free but a

regulated fishery, and, in the opinion of His Majesty’s

Government, American fishermen are bound to comply with all

Colonial Laws and Regulations, including any touching the

conduct of the fishery, so long as these are not in their

nature unreasonable, and are applicable to all fishermen

alike."

To the first of these objections Mr. Root replied;

"We may agree that ships, strictly speaking, can have no

rights or duties, and that whenever the Memorandum, or the

letter upon which it comments, speaks of a ship’s rights and

duties, it but uses a convenient and customary form of

describing the owner’s or master’s right and duties in respect

of the ship. … The liberty assured to us by the Treaty plainly

includes the right to use all the means customary or

appropriate for fishing upon the sea, not only ships and nets

and boats, but crews to handle the ships and the nets and the

boats. … I am not able to discover that any suggestion has

ever been made of a right to scrutinize the nationality of the

crews." As for the second objection, the American Secretary

appealed to history against it. "The qualification," he said,

"that the liberty assured to American fishermen by the Treaty

of 1818 they were to have ‘in common with the subjects of

Great Britain ’ merely negatives an exclusive right. Under the

Treaties of Utrecht, of 1763 and 1783, between Great Britain

and France, the French had constantly maintained that they

enjoyed an exclusive right of fishery on that portion of the

coast of Newfoundland between Cape St. John and Cape Raye,

passing around by the north of the island. The British, on the

other hand, had maintained that British subjects had a right

to fish along with the French, so long as they did not

interrupt them. The dissension arising from these conflicting

views had been serious and annoying, and the provision that

the liberty of the inhabitants of the United States to take

fish should be in common with the liberty of the subjects of

His Britannic Majesty to take fish was precisely appropriate

to exclude the French construction and leave no doubt that the

British construction of such a general grant should apply

under the new Treaty. The words used have no greater or other

effect. The provision is that the liberty to take fish

shall be held in common, not that the exercise of that

liberty by one people shall be the limit of the exercise of

that liberty by the other."

As between these chief disputants in the matter, the first

result of their exchange of arguments was a ready disposition

to arrange some modus vivendi, under which peace might

be kept on the fishing grounds until fresh undertakings could

be planned for a lasting interpretation of the old enigmas in

Article 1 of 1818. But the provincial Government of

Newfoundland resented bitterly the imperial interference with

its measures, charging that it was in violation of a pledge

"given by the late Lord Salisbury in the House of Lords in

1891, to the effect that the colony had been given unlimited

power with respect to its internal affairs." They were

promptly told, however, that what concerned action under a

British treaty went considerably beyond the internal affairs

of their colony.

Considerable correspondence on the terms of the proposed

modus vivendi brought an agreement on the 6th of

October, 1906, set forth in the following communication from

Ambassador Whitelaw Reid to Sir Edward Grey.

"I am authorized by my government to ratify a modus

vivendi in regard to the Newfoundland fishery question on

the basis of the Foreign Office Memorandum, dated the 25th

ultimo, in which you accept the arrangement set out in my

Memorandum of the 12th ultimo, and consent accordingly to the

use of purse seines by American fishermen during the ensuing

season, subject, of course, to due regard being paid in the

use of such implements to other modes of fishery, which, as

you state, is only intended to secure that there shall be the

same spirit of give and take and of respect for common rights

between the users of purse seines and the users of stationary

nets as would be expected to exist if both sets of fishermen

employed the same gear.

"My Government understand by this that the use of purse seines

by American fishermen is not to be interfered with, and the

shipment of Newfoundlanders by American fishermen outside the

3-mile limit is not to be made the basis of interference or to

be penalized; at the same time they are glad to assure His

Majesty’s Government, should such shipments be found

necessary, that they will be made far enough from the exact

3-mile limit to avoid any reasonable doubt.

"On the other hand, it is also understood that our fishermen

are to be advised by my Government, and to agree, not to fish

on Sunday.

"It is further understood that His Majesty’s Government will

not bring into force the Newfoundland Foreign Fishing-Vessels

Act of 1906, which imposes on American fishing-vessels certain

restrictions in addition to those imposed by the Act of 1905,

and also that the provisions of the first part of section 1 of

the Act of 1905, as to boarding and bringing into port, and

also the whole of section 3 of the same Act, will not be

regarded as applying to American fishing-vessels.

"It also being understood that our fishermen will gladly pay

light dues if they are not deprived of their rights to fish,

and that our fishermen are not unwilling to comply with the

provisions of the Colonial Customs Law as to reporting at a

custom-house when physically possible to do so."

To explain the stipulation relative to "purse seines" it

should be said that the New England fishermen claimed to be

driven to the use of them, by the local regulations which

hampered their fishing otherwise.

{448}

As formulated in the note of Ambassador Reid the modus

vivendi was accepted by the British Government and went

into effect. In due time thereafter the two Governments

entered upon a discussion of ways and means for accomplishing

a definite and final settlement of the whole question of

American rights in the Newfoundland fisheries. The outcome was

an agreement signed at Washington on the 27th of January,

1909, to the effect that the following questions shall be

submitted for decision to a Tribunal of Arbitration,

constituted as subsequent articles provide:—

"Question 1.

To what extent are the following contentions or either of them

justified?

"It is contended on the part of Great Britain that the

exercise of the liberty to take fish referred to in the said

Article, which the inhabitants of the United States have for

ever in common with the subjects of his Britannic Majesty, is

subject, without the consent of the United States, to

reasonable regulation by Great Britain, Canada, or

Newfoundland in the form of municipal laws, ordinances, or

rules, as, for example, to regulations in respect of

(1) the hours, days, or seasons when fish may be taken on

the Treaty coasts;

(2) the method, means, and implements to be used in the

taking of fish or in the carrying on of fishing operations

on such coasts;

(3) any other matters of a similar character relating to

fishing; such regulations being reasonable, as being, for

instance—

"(a) Appropriate or necessary for the protection and

preservation of such fisheries and the exercise of the

rights of British subjects therein and of the liberty which

by the said Article 1 the inhabitants of the United States

have therein in common with British subjects;

"(b) Desirable on grounds of public order and morals;

"(c) Equitable and fair as between local fishermen and the

inhabitants of the United States exercising the said Treaty

liberty and not so framed as to give unfairly an advantage

to the former over the latter class.

"It is contended on the part of the United States that the

exercise of such liberty is not subject to limitations or

restraints by Great Britain, Canada, or Newfoundland in the

form of municipal laws, ordinances, or regulations in respect

of

(1) the hours, days, or seasons when the inhabitants of the

United States may take fish on the Treaty coasts, or

(2) the method, means, and implements used by them in

taking fish or in carrying on fishing operations on such

coasts, or

(3) any other limitations or restraints of similar character—

"(a) Unless they are appropriate and necessary for the

protection and preservation of the common rights in such

fisheries and the exercise thereof; and

"(b) Unless they are reasonable in themselves and fair

as between local fishermen and fishermen coming from the

United States, and not so framed as to give an advantage

to the former over the latter class; and

"(c) Unless their appropriateness, necessity,

reasonableness, and fairness be determined by the United

States and Great Britain by common accord and the United

States concurs in their enforcement.

"Question 2.

Have the inhabitants of the United States, while exercising

the liberties referred to in said Article, a right to employ

as members of the fishing crews of their vessels persons not

inhabitants of the United States?

"Question 3.

Can the exercise by the inhabitants of the United States of

the liberties referred to in the said Article be subjected,

without the consent of the United States, to the requirements

of entry or report at custom-houses or the payment of light or

harbour or other dues, or to any other similar requirement or

condition or exaction?

"Question 4.

Under the provision of the said Article that the American

fishermen shall be admitted to enter certain bays or harbours

for shelter, repairs, wood, or water, and for no other purpose

whatever, but that they shall be under such restrictions as

may be necessary to prevent their taking, drying, or curing

fish therein or in any other manner whatever abusing the

privileges thereby reserved to them, is it permissible to

impose restrictions making the exercise of such privileges

conditional upon the payment of light or harbour or other

dues, or entering or reporting at custom-houses or any similar

conditions?

"Question 5.

From where must be measured the ‘3 marine miles of any of the

coasts, bays, creeks or harbours’ referred to in the said

Article?

"Question 6.

Have the inhabitants of the United States the liberty under

the said Article or otherwise to take fish in the bays,

harbours, and creeks on that part of the southern coast of

Newfoundland which extends from Cape Ray to Rameau Islands, or

on the western and northern coasts of Newfoundland from Cape

Ray to Quirpon Islands, or on the Magdalen Islands?

"Question 7.

Are the inhabitants of the United States whose vessels resort

to the Treaty coasts for the purpose of exercising the

liberties referred to in Article 1 of the Treaty of 1818

entitled to have for those vessels, when duly authorized by

the United States in that behalf, the commercial privileges on

the Treaty coasts accorded by agreement or otherwise to United

States trading vessels generally?"

Of the remaining articles of the Agreement, IV. and V. provide

for the determination of future questions that may arise, and

for the composition of the Tribunal of Arbitration, which is

to be chosen from the members of the Permanent Court at The

Hague.

The agreement above was formulated at a conference in

Washington between Secretary Root, Ambassador Bryce,

Honourable A. B. Aylesworth, Canadian Minister of Justice, and

Attorney-General Kent of Newfoundland. In March the following

were chosen from the general membership of the Permanent Court

at The Hague to constitute the Tribunal for this arbitration,

namely:

Dr. Luis Maria Drago, Argentina;

Jonkheer de Savornin Lohmnan, Netherlands;

Judge George Gray, United States; and

Sir Charles Fitzpatrick, Chief Justice of Canada, with

Dr. H. Lammasch, of Vienna, to be umpire on points of

disagreement.

The case for the United States was delivered to the British

Embassy at Washington, and that for Great Britain to the

American Embassy at London, on the 4th of October. A little

later it was announced that the modus vivendi of 1908

had been renewed until the termination of the arbitration

proceedings.

{449}

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1907.

Imperial Conference at London.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1908-1909 (November-May).

Six Months of Political Deadlock.

From November, 1908, until the following May an extraordinary

deadlock resulted from a tie between rival parties in the

House of Assembly. The situation, as described by a

correspondent of the London Times, was as follows:

"Each side has 18 seats. Neither, therefore, can elect a

Speaker, much less undertake the control of public business,

when Parliament meets. Sir Robert Bond, who carried 32 seats

against 4 in 1900 and 30 seats against 6 in 1904, returns with

only half the House—18 men. In the former contests Sir Edward

Morris, who now leads the Opposition against him, had been a

member of his Cabinet and his ‘right-hand man,’ and the

November results prove that Morris’s withdrawal was a serious

injury to Bond. Morris went out a year or so previously owing

to a disagreement as to raising the rate of wages on public

works, and, being the leading Roman Catholic politician of the

Island, had 14 seats, of that creed, as a solid block in

Bond’s party during all this period. It was therefore felt,

when he resigned, that this ‘solid 14’ would be broken, and

this conclusion proved correct, because Morris carried half of

them in spite of the open and avowed hostility of many of the

priests in the diocese of St. Johns."

Sir Robert Bond retained the Prime Ministry until the end of

February, 1909, when, having failed to obtain a dissolution of

Parliament and a new election from the Governor, Sir William

Macgregor, he resigned. Sir Edward Morris then took office,

and the continued deadlock made it necessary, in a few weeks,

to command a dissolution and call a new election, which was

held on the 8th of May. It broke the tie of parties

effectually, Sir Edward Morris carrying 26 seats, against 10

filled by the partisans of Sir Robert Bond.

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1909.

A Year of Misfortune and Depression.

Scant earnings from the Fisheries and from Whaling.

Attitude of the people toward Confederation with Canada.

"The Fisheries represent fully eighty per cent. of the

exports, and in order to understand the financial stringency

which has now fairly settled down upon ‘Our Cousin to the

East’ it must be borne in mind that while the catch of fish

remains about the same from year to year, the price has been

steadily increasing for the past ten years, until last year it

was double what it was a decade ago. But this year the price

has suddenly fallen to what it was at the beginning of the

decade. In other words, the value of last season’s catch will

be just about half what it was the season before; and, instead

of the merchants receiving $7,800,000 for their fish, they

will receive considerably less than $4,000,000; and the

individual fisherman who at the former price was barely able

to earn $350 will receive this year probably less than $175,

on which to support himself and family for the year, and to

provide himself with an outfit for the next season’s work.

Many of course will not receive that much. … Although other

industries are springing up in Newfoundland, the codfishery

remains the great staple and dependence of the population—the

vast majority of which are fishermen, born and bred, who do

not readily adapt themselves to other methods of earning a

living. The present depression is widespread and far-reaching,

and every form of industry and trade, business and commerce in

the Colony is suffering seriously thereby. The latest ill

report comes from Bay of Islands, to the effect that the

winter herring fishery on the west coast—the scene of the

present controversy with the United States—is a failure. Last

spring’s seal fishery was not up to the average, and owing to

many accidents to the fleet, necessitating heavy outlay for

repairs, the promoters have realized much less than they

otherwise would have secured. The whale fishery, also, which a

few years ago had assumed enormous proportions, and was

yielding handsome returns, has now almost reached the

vanishing point. To complete the sum of the Colony’s

misfortunes comes the partial suspension of [iron] mining

operations at Bell Island, during the winter months, at the

very time when the men need employment most, and when, as a

result of the lack of it, they will probably emigrate to other

countries.

"This combination of misfortune is not only causing distress

among all classes of citizens, but the government will also

keenly feel the loss of revenue; for a conservative estimate

of the reduction in the customs revenue for the current fiscal

year puts the figures at $450,000; in other words, that the

revenue will not exceed $2,000,000.

"The great drawback in Newfoundland institutions is the

disproportion between the big machinery of government and the

small population to be governed. A local politician has aptly

described it as ‘the trappings of an elephant on the back of a

rat.’"

Edwin Smith,

The Land of Baccalhos

(Canadian Magazine, July, 1909).

Another writer in the same number of The Canadian

Magazine discusses the opposition in Newfoundland to union

with the Dominion of Canada as follows: "The political leader

who should to-day appeal to the Newfoundland electorate on the

question of Confederation would be disastrously defeated. But

on the day when the leader of a party in the Island Colony

makes up his mind to risk temporary defeat for the purpose of

accomplishing Confederation, that day brings union between

Newfoundland and Canada within the horizon of the proximate

future. That leader must—unless the financial exigencies of

the Island bring him extraneous aid—face an arduous campaign

of education, but it will be a campaign crowned with victory.

"These are the impressions left on my mind by a visit to St.

John’s made with the object of studying the political deadlock

and the causes which led up to it. … The residents of the

outports—all settlements except St. John’s are known as

outports—are opposed to Confederation because they have been

told that it would mean a heavy increase in their taxes; that

their windows, all their domestic animals and all their

personal property would be taxed. If this wrong impression

were dispelled by a campaign of education, and they understood

that instead of higher taxation Confederation would mean the

opening up of the country, bonuses for the fishermen, and new

markets for the fish in Canada and abroad through the services

of Canadian Commercial agents, instead of opponents of union

they would become its advocates."

{450}

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1909. (July-August).

The Imperial Defence Conference.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.

NEW HEBRIDES: Arrangement between England and France.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

NEW PROTECTION, The.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR REMUNERATION: THE NEW PROTECTION.

NEW YORK CENTRAL RAILROAD COMPANY.:

Fined for unlawful Rebates.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1897.

Leadership in the Administrative Control of Tuberculosis.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH: TUBERCULOSIS.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1903.

Beginning of Tenement House Reform.

By a steady process, accelerated in the last ten years, the

congested tenement districts of New York have become one great

aggregation of sunless and airless rooms. Immense buildings

have gone up by the thousands, five, six, and seven stories

high, in which practically no provision for ventilation has

been made; and in which the occupants are undergoing a slow

process of asphyxiation. Nor are these disadvantages confined

to the submerged proletariat. The New York tenement system is

pervasive. … Two-thirds of the total population of New York,

or 2,500,000 out of 3,500,000, live in tenement houses, a

proportion which is increasing every day. …

"It was not until Governor Roosevelt’s appointment of the De

Forest Tenement House Commission in 1900 that the necessary

remedial legislation took practical shape. This act itself was

the result of many years’ struggle against corrupt

politicians,—Tammany Hall, the self-appointed guardian of the

poorer classes, has been a bitter enemy of tenement

reform,—and against vested interests. Its long delay had

greatly exaggerated the problem; for meanwhile the conditions

described had accumulated in appalling Volume. The commission,

however, was of high civic character, and was composed of men,

several of whom had made an exhaustive study of the tenement

problem. The law which was passed as a result of their

investigation was the first sweeping and effective tenement

measure since the enactment in 1867 of the first tenement

house act. The newly elected Low administration found the

enforcement of this statute one of its most important

responsibilities. The law created a new branch of municipal

service,—the tenement house department; and gave the tenement

commission, in the shape of an elaborate code of housing laws,

important supervision over the building of new tenements and

the maintenance of old."

B. J. Hendrick,

A Great Municipal Reform

(Atlantic Monthly, November, 1903).

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1909.

Subways and Tunnels.

It was not until 1900 that the building of subways for city

transit in New York was begun. The first line, from the City

Hall to Kingsbridge and the Bronx Park, was opened in 1904.

During its construction plans for its extension southerly and

under East River into Brooklyn were adopted, and contracts

were let. The original work was executed under an arrangement

with a company known as the McDonald Syndicate, whereby the

City gave its credit to secure the requisite funds and would

acquire the ownership of the subway and road at the end of

fifty years. In 1902 the interests of the McDonald Syndicate

were transferred to a new corporation, the Interborough Rapid

Transit Company, which ultimately acquired a general control

of the city railway service, and ran a crooked career to

results of disaster, so far as the public was concerned. In

1905 the Board of Rapid Transit Commissioners, then exercising

authority in this region of municipal affairs, under the New

York State Rapid Transit Act of 1891, approved plans for an

extensive additional system, comprehending as many as nineteen

routes, with various "spurs," and the Board of Estimate and

Apportionment consented to the execution of the plan.

The East River Tunnel to Brooklyn was finished early in 1908,

and the first two tubes of four Hudson Tunnels, connecting

Manhattan Island with New Jersey was opened in the last week

of February, the same year. This first pair of the Hudson

Tunnels realized a project which had been undertaken as far

back as 1878 and which had undergone two financial failures,

in 1882 and 1892. In 1902 its remains and its charter were

passed on to a third courageous company, organized by Mr.

William Gibbs McAdoo, who became the master-spirit of bold

enterprise at New York in this engineering field. In 1903 Mr.

McAdoo organized another company for the undertaking of a

connection of the Pennsylvania Railroad in Jersey City with

downtown New York, and also for connecting the uptown and

downtown tunnels by means of a north and south line along the

New Jersey water-front, so as to connect the Lackawanna, Erie,

and Pennsylvania Railroads with the tunnel system, and thereby

be able to give to their passengers an uptown and downtown

railway delivery.

The second pair of Hudson River tubes (the downtown link)

forming this New York and Jersey City Tunnel were opened on

the 19th of July, 1909. Writing of the event a few days before

its occurrence, the New York Evening Post summed up the

existing and prospective conditions of entrance to and exit

from the island of Manhattan by under-river passages as

follows:

"Since the city entered its rapid transit boom and the

practicability of sub-river tunnels was demonstrated to the

satisfaction of the leading engineers of the world, fourteen

such tubes have been under construction here. Four of them are

in operation. The downtown link of the Hudson Company’s system

will add two more, and the remaining eight are to be opened in

the course of the next two years, according to present plans.

{451}

"After the opening of the downtown Hudson tunnels, the

travelling public will look forward to the operation of the

other eight tubes, as follows: Two Pennsylvania Railroad

tunnels beneath the Hudson River and four under the East

River, meeting in Manhattan at the great terminal station now

nearing completion, between Thirty-first and Thirty-third

Streets, along Seventh Avenue; the pair of Steinway-Belmont

tunnels, deriving their name from the originator of the

franchise and the present controlling influence, running from

Forty-second Street to Long Island City and held practically

by the same men who control the operation of the

Manhattan-Bronx subway (the Interborough Company).

"The Pennsylvania tubes under the North (Hudson) River are

practically completed, and await only the finishing of the

depot, while the East River tubes, though a little behind hand

on account of difficulties met in the form of treacherous rock

ledges, are within possibly a year of opening. The

Steinway-Belmont tunnels are completed, and will be ready for

operation as soon as the company makes a satisfactory

arrangement with the Public Service Commission."

An official party in a passenger car went through the

Pennsylvania Railroad’s tubes between New Jersey and Long

Island on the 18th of November.

Work on a Fourth Avenue Subway in Brooklyn was begun November

13.

The Hudson Terminal at Cortlaudt and Church Streets is one of

the most interesting structures in the world. Below the street

is the terminal station, where all the trains "downtown"

arrive and depart. This station is wholly below tide level. It

is surrounded by a cofferdam of reinforced concrete 8 ft.

thick, 400 ft. long, and 177 ft. wide, and is sunk 95 ft. deep

to solid rock. Forty feet below the street is the track floor.

Twenty feet below the street is the great "Concourse," where

all traffic is collected and distributed to the various train

platforms underneath. On the Concourse the Pennsylvania, the

Lehigh Valley, and the Erie Railroads have ticket offices,

where tickets to any part of America may be bought. This

Concourse, which is about 1½ acres in extent, is one of the

show places of New York. Above the street level are two great

office buildings, each 22 stories in height, and containing

approximately 27 acres of rentable area.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1901-1903.

Municipal Elections.

Tammany’s Loss and Recovery of the Government.

Tammany Hall suffered defeat in the municipal election of

1901, the Honorable Seth Low, formerly a notable Mayor of

Brooklyn and latterly President of Columbia University, being

carried into the Mayor’s office by a roused movement of reform

which fused the elements of opposition to the corrupting

Tammany power. Unfortunately the Mayor’s term of office had

been shortened to two years by the charter amendment of the

previous year, and the term was too brief for much depth and

thoroughness of reform; but the city was greatly cleansed

during those two years. When the next election came, in 1903,

Tammany had rallied its hungry forces and secured a highly

respectable nominee for Mayor, in the person of Honorable

George B. McClellan, son of the famous General of the Civil

War. Mayor Low, renominated by a second Fusion of opponents to

Tammany, experienced defeat.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1904 (June).

The Burning of the Steamer Slocum.

A catastrophe of such horror as to be historical attended the

burning of the excursion steamer General Slocum, at New

York, on the 15th of June, 1904. The boat left a New York dock

in the morning with a Sunday-school picnic party aboard

numbering about eleven hundred,—nearly all women and children.

While passing through that part of the East River known as

Hell Gate, within the New York City limits, fire was

discovered in the forward part of the vessel. It was then

flood tide, and the eddies and currents in those waters are

very strong. The captain decided that it would be folly to

attempt to land on either shore, or to beach his boat. He

therefore headed the Slocum for an island two miles up

stream. As the boat went forward at full steam, the

fore-and-aft draught thus created fanned the flames and

hastened her destruction. On the discovery of the fire by the

passengers, the wildest panic ensued. It was found that the

life-preservers with which the Slocum was equipped were

worthless. No attempt was made to lower boats or life-rafts.

The crew were engaged in trying to cope with the fire, but

their efforts were futile. Within twenty minutes, the boat

went to her doom, and of the women and helpless children who

had embarked so gaily an hour before, more than nine hundred

were drowned or burned to death. Hundreds were saved by the

heroic efforts of policemen, river men, and the nurses on

North Brother Island, the seat of New York’s hospital for

contagious diseases, where the Slocum was finally

beached. Most of those who met this awful death had come from

a single densely populated district of New York’s great "East

Side." In some cases, whole families were wiped out.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905.

Institution of the Bureau of Municipal Research.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: NEW YORK CITY.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905.

The Municipal Election.

Especial excitements were given to the municipal election of

this year in New York by the appearance in it of William R.

Hearst, proprietor of several newspapers in the country which

are foremost representatives of the recklessly sensational

journalism called "yellow." The methods by which these papers

won a great circulation include much that can hardly be

described otherwise than as demagoguism, and many groups and

classes of people who are restlessly discontented in life,

whether reasonably or otherwise, had learned to look on Mr.

Hearst as a champion of human rights. This prepared material

from which to organize a personal following that took the

character, for a time, of a formidable political organization,

incorporated under the name of the Independence League; and

the great wealth which Mr. Hearst had inherited, and which his

prosperous newspapers replenished, was spent lavishly in

exploiting, supporting, and controlling the organization. His

political ambitions aimed high, and the mayoralty of New York

City, for which his Independence League nominated him in 1905,

was by no means the contemplated end.

The Tammany Democracy gave its nomination to George B.

McClellan, son of the famous General, while the Republican

party named William M. Ivins, a prominent lawyer of the city.

The canvas was a heated one, and as it progressed the League

of Mr. Hearst was seen to be dangerously large. As a

consequence. Republicans who feared its control of the City

government even more than they feared that of Tammany, threw

their votes for McClellan, giving him a plurality of about

3500 over Hearst, and leaving Mr. Ivins far behind.

{452}

Frauds were claimed and the election contested by Hearst and

his supporters, who secured, by order of a Justice of the

Supreme Court of the State, a recounting of the ballots in

four election districts, with the result of a gain of

seventeen votes for Mr. Hearst. Appeal was then taken to the

Appellate Division of the Supreme Court for an order directing

not only a recount but a recanvass of votes. Such an order was

granted, but set aside by the Court of Appeals, to which the

question went then; the court of last resort reversing, also,

the order under which the four boxes had been recounted. The

assertion of fraud was still maintained with vehemence, and

the legitimacy of Mayor McClellan’s title to the office he

filled was denied for more than a year. The Legislature then

passed an Act directing a recanvass and recount of the entire

ballots of the election, which had been preserved under seal.

This was a labor of months, performed under the direction of

Judge Lambert, of the Supreme Court. It gave a gain of 1094

votes to Hearst and a gain of 231 to McClellan, leaving a net

gain of 863 to Hearst, and diminishing McClellan’s plurality

in the total vote to 2791. The validity of his election was

thereupon declared.

A more successful and far more notable independent candidacy

than that of Mr. Hearst, in the New York City election of

1905, was conducted for the purpose of retaining Mr. William

Travers Jerome in the office of District Attorney for the

county of New York. He had been carried into the office on a

fusion ticket, four years before, and had performed its

important duties with a courage, a force, an independence and

a rectitude that were beyond praise. The machines of the

parties would not nominate him for reëlection; but an

extraordinary rally of the friends of good government in all

parties put him into the field, with an emergency organization

that sufficed to carry him triumphantly through. He was elected

by a plurality of about 16,000. So striking a proof of the

political popularity which a high quality of public service

can win has not often been given.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905-1909.

The Undertaking of Works for a Water Supply from

the Catskill Mountains.

In 1905 the City of New York procured authority from the

Legislature to construct the works necessary for an adequate

supply of water, additional to that which had been drawn for

many years from the Croton River for old New York and from the

Ridgewood system for Brooklyn. The source determined on was

in the Catskill Mountains, including several streams, called

creeks,—namely Esopus, Rondout, Schoharie, and Catskill,—

having a total water shed of 885 square miles, and estimated

to furnish about 770 millions of gallons daily, even in dry

years. The plan of the project in its entirety contemplates

the construction of eight great reservoirs for storing and

controlling the waters derived from these streams. The first

to be built and the largest of such reservoirs is named the

Ashokan, on Esopus Creek, about 14 miles west of the Hudson

River at Kingston, near Brown’s station on the Ulster and

Delaware Railway. Work on this was begun in 1907. It is being

constructed in the form of two basins, having a united length

of about twelve and a half miles, lying between hills which

are connected by numerous massive dams. The dams necessary to

complete the enclosure of the water have a total length of

more than five miles.

In a straight line the distance from the Ashokan Reservoir to

New York is 86 miles; but the windings of the course that will

have to be given to the great aqueduct from the reservoir to

the city will add six miles to its length. The aqueduct is to

pass from the western to the eastern side of the Hudson at

Storm King Mountain, through a tunnel in solid rock, far

beneath the river bed. From Breakneck on the western shore it

will cross a corner of the Croton watershed to a filter site,

and to two final reservoirs, the Kensico and the Hill View. In

connection with both Ashokan and Kensico reservoirs the plan

of the system contemplates an aeration of the water, by

flinging it to the air in thousands of fountain jets.

In the parts of the great concrete aqueduct that can be built

in an open cut its dimensions are seventeen feet of height and

seventeen and a half feet of width. Where it traverses tunnels

the width is reduced to thirteen feet. Its delivery of water

to New York is calculated to add 500,000,000 of gallons daily

to the water supply of the city. The undertaking as a whole is

claimed to be the greatest that any city has yet engaged in,

while the engineering work involved is said to be second only

in magnitude to that of the Panama Canal.

Alfred D. Flinn,

The World's Greatest Aqueduct

(The Century Magazine, September, 1909).

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1907 (April).

Great Peace Congress.

See (in this Volume)

WAR: THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.

Unearthing of Corruptions in the Custom House.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909 (June).

The Wall Street Investigation, so-called.

Report on the Operations of the Stock Exchange and

other Exchanges.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.

Renewed Struggle against Tammany, with Partial

but Substantial Success.

Although Tammany elected its candidate for Mayor in the

municipal election of 1909, its domination was practically

overthrown by the defeat of its nominees for all other offices

of importance in the City Government. A coalition of the

Republicans with anti-Tammany Democrats and other

organizations had presented a fusion ticket headed by a

prominent and much-trusted business man, Mr. Otto T. Bannard.

William R. Hearst entered the field again, as an independent

nominee, and Tammany named Judge William J. Gaynor, who had

been one of its opponents, as a Democrat, in the past. Judge

Gaynor was elected by a plurality of 73,016, the vote cast for

mayor being: Gaynor 250,678; Bannard 177,662; Hearst 153,843.

The City Comptroller, four of the five borough presidents, and

the President of the Board of Aldermen, were elected by the

Fusionists. By the election of Mr. McAneny to be President of

the Borough of Manhattan (the old New York City), a very

eminent political reformer and one of great force, was brought

into the City Government. As president of the energetic City

Club, which became a power in reform politics under his lead,

and as secretary of the National Civil Service Reform League,

Mr. McAneny had given abundant proof of his capacity and his

earnestness in work for good government.

{453}

By controlling twelve of the sixteen votes in the important

Board of Estimate, the opponents of Tammany stripped that

organization of all power over public "jobs." As the fact was

expressed exultingly in one of the journals of New York on the

day after election, "after January 1 Charles F. Murphy and his

associates no longer will say who shall have public

franchises; they, too, will no longer fix the budget, sell the

city’s bonds, and pay political debts with salary increases.

In other words, the Tiger has lost his grip on the city’s

purse-strings, and this fact, perhaps, more than any other,

has turned his den into a cavern of gloom."

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.

Proposed New Charter, not acted on in the Legislature.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: NEW YORK CITY.

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909-1910.

The Shirtwaist Makers’ Strike.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.

NEW YORK LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY:

Legislative Investigation.

See (in this Volume)

INSURANCE, LIFE.

NEW YORK, NEW HAVEN AND HARTFORD RAILROAD CASE.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1899-1909.

The Barge Canal under Construction.

On the 8th of March, 1899, Theodore Roosevelt, then Governor

of New York, appointed a committee of private citizens, for

service without pay, in studying and reporting on the policy

to be adopted by the State of New York in dealing with its

canals. The appointed chairman of the committee was General

Francis Vinton Greene, and the following account of the

recommendations made by the committee is taken from a paper on

the subject contributed by General Greene to Volume XIII. of

the Publications of the Buffalo Historical Society, published

in December, 1909:

"The other members were Major Thomas W. Symons of the Corps of

Engineers, United States Army, then stationed at Buffalo in

charge of river and harbor improvements, Honorable Frank S.

Witherbee of Port Henry in the Champlain district, Honorable

George E. Green, State Senator from Binghamton in the southern

tier of counties, Honorable John N. Scatcherd of Buffalo, and

the two state officials most intimately connected with the

administration of canals, viz., Honorable Edward A. Bond,

State Engineer, and Honorable John N. Partridge,

Superintendent of Public Works.

"The request of the Governor was simply that we should study

the canal problem and advise him. … We devoted the greater

part of the year 1899 to a study of the subject, and made our

report to the Governor under date of January 15, 1900. … The

Governor promptly transmitted the report to the Legislature,

adopting the conclusions and recommendations which it

contained, and advising that legislation be enacted to carry

them into effect. This was done in successive years … ;

finally the project was ratified and adopted by an

overwhelming vote of the people in the election of 1903. …

"As to our conclusions and recommendations, the first question

to be decided was whether or not the canals should be entirely

abandoned. It was claimed by many that canal transportation

was antiquated and altogether out of date; that ‘the

railroads, with their large capital and scientific management,

their durable roadbeds, powerful locomotives, larger cars,

greater train loads, greater speed, and more certainty of

delivery, will be able now or in the early future to reduce

the cost of transportation below what is possible on the

canals.’ If it should seem probable that the railroads could

accomplish this, then it would be manifestly unwise and

improper to expend any more public money upon the canals.

"From a consideration of all [the] facts we reached our first

conclusion—which, like all the other portions of our report,

was unanimously adopted—to wit, ‘That the canals connecting

the Hudson river with Lakes Erie, Ontario and Champlain should

not be abandoned, but should be maintained and enlarged.’

"The next point to be considered was, to what extent should

they be enlarged, what size of vessel they should be adapted

to carry, and what would be the estimated cost of

construction.

"As to the proper size of the enlarged canal, widely different

views were held by engineers and by economists. Some contended

that the nine foot canal authorized in 1894 was sufficiently

large; others brought forward the supposed advantages of a

ship canal large enough to carry ocean-going steamers without

breaking bulk from Duluth to Liverpool, or any other port;

others contended that a canal of intermediate size would be

found to be the most economical, would cost the least amount

of money for the results produced, and would, in fact, produce

a lower freight rate than either the small canal on the one

hand, or the ship canal on the other.

"To these questions we gave the most careful study. The ship

canal had many glittering attractions, and there was a large

sentiment along the lakes which had found expression in Deep

Waterways conventions, which had been held in recent years and

had advocated a water route of either 21 or 28 feet depth from

Lake Erie to the Atlantic ocean. … But a careful examination

of the facts led us to the conclusion that while a ship canal

of 21 or 28 feet depth would cost enormously more than a barge

canal of say, 12 feet depth, it would not produce as low a

freight rate. …

"Having rejected the ship canal project, we had then to

consider what size of enlarged canal we should recommend. In

any event, we were satisfied that the route of the canal

should be changed so as to use the waterways of the Seneca and

Oneida rivers, Oneida lake and the Mohawk river in place of

the present route; but the question was whether the depth of

the canal should be 9 feet, capable of carrying a boat with

cargo capacity of 450 tons, or a depth of 12 feet, carrying a

boat with a cargo capacity of about 1,000 tons. With such data

as we could obtain in the short time at our disposal, and

without adequate surveys, we estimated the cost of the smaller

project at a little more than $21,000,000, and of the larger

project at a little less than $59,000,000.

{454}

"Our conclusion was in these words: ‘In our judgment, arrived

at after long consideration, and with some reluctance, the

State should undertake the larger project on the ground that

the smaller one is at best a temporary makeshift, and that the

larger project will permanently secure the commercial

supremacy of New York, and that this can be assured by no

other means.’ …

"We made a fourth recommendation in the following words:

"‘That the money for these improvements should be raised by

the issue of eighteen-year bonds in the manner prescribed by

the State Constitution, and that the interest and principal of

these bonds should be paid out of taxes specifically levied,

for benefits received, in the counties bordering in whole or

in part on the canals, the Hudson river and Lake Champlain;

such taxes to be levied in proportion to the assessed

valuation of the real and personal estate in such counties.

These taxes will amount to about 10 cents per $100 of assessed

valuation annually during the period of eighteen years.’

"Our object in making this recommendation was to disarm the

opposition of the non-canal counties. … We also submitted

statistics in tabular and graphic form showing that the

valuation of the river and canal counties was 90% of the

entire valuation of the State. In any event, they would bear

90% of the expense, and it was thought wise to suggest that

they bear the entire expense so as to remove every ground of

alleged injustice in taxing the counties which claimed to

derive no benefit.

"This recommendation was not adopted by the Legislature, nor

submitted to the people. …

"At the election the non-canal counties voted against the

project by large majorities, St. Lawrence county, for

instance, being 12 to 1 against it, and Steuben county, 10 to

1 against it; but, on the other hand, the canal counties voted

in favor of it by almost equally large majorities, New York

being 9 to 1 in favor of it; Kings, 8 to 1; Queens, 5 to 1,

and Erie, nearly 5 to 1. For some unexplained reason Monroe

county, in which Rochester is situated, and Onondaga county,

in which Syracuse is situated, voted against it. The

overwhelming vote, however, in the counties at the two

terminals, New York and Buffalo, made a majority of 245,312 in

the entire State in favor of the project, and a total vote of

1,100,708.

"Our fifth and final recommendation was as follows:

"That the efficiency of the canals depends upon their

management quite as much as upon their physical size, and that

no money should be spent for further enlargement unless

accompanied by measures which will accomplish the following

results:

"(a) The removal of all restrictions as to the amount of

capital of companies engaged in transportation on the canals,

and the encouragement of large transportation lines for

handling canal business, in place of hampering them, as has

hitherto been the case.

"(b) The use of mechanical means of traction, either steam or

electricity, in place of draft animals; and the use of

mechanical power in place of hand power for operating the

gates and valves, and moving boats in locks.

"(c) The organization of the force engaged on the public works

of the State on a more permanent basis, so as to afford an

attractive career to graduates of scientific institutions,

with the assurance that their entry into the service, their

tenure of office, and their promotion will depend solely on

their fitness, as determined by proper and practical tests.

"(d) A revision of the laws in regard to the letting of public

contracts by the State, so as to make impossible a repetition

of the unfortunate results of the $9,000,000 appropriation.

"Legislation has already been adopted to carry into effect (a)

and (c); the adopted plans for the canal are in accordance

with (b); and the specific form of contract which we

recommended in connection with (d) was not adopted, but

another form of contract was adopted which will practically

accomplish the same result.

"It only remains to speak of the cost of the project. With

such data as we had available and with such surveys as were

possible during the year 1899, we estimated the cost of the

project we recommended at $58,894,668 for the Erie Canal and

$2,642,120 for the Oswego and Champlain canals, making a total

of $61,536,788. This contemplated a canal with 12 feet depth

and suitable locks for carrying a barge of approximately 1,000

tons capacity from Buffalo to the Hudson river, but as to the

Oswego and Champlain canals, it recommended only the

completion of the work already undertaken to provide for boats

of six feet draft. … It was ultimately determined to enlarge

the Champlain and Oswego canals to the same size as the main

canal between Buffalo and the Hudson river, and also to

include the dredging of a 12 foot channel in the Hudson river,

which we had anticipated would be done by the Federal

Government. This enlargement of the project very materially

increased the cost, and in the interval between the time of

our report and the completion of the detailed report of the

State Engineer, the prices of labor and materials had very

largely advanced. In order to cover all possible

contingencies, the State Engineer carried his estimate to

$101,000,000, and this was the amount appropriated by the

Legislature and ratified by the people at the election of

1903."

Francis Vinton Greene,

The Inception of the Barge Canal Project

(Buffalo Historical Society Publications, Volume 13).

The first six contracts for the construction of the Barge

Canal were let in April, 1905. The state of the work at the

end of the year 1909 was announced by Governor Hughes in his

Message to the next Legislature as follows:

"The contracts in force for the Barge Canal improvement amount

in total price to $48,229,467, and the contract value of the

work performed to December 1, 1909, was $15,821,275. It is

estimated by the State engineer and surveyor that during 1910

work will be completed amounting to $16,000,000, and it is

expected that the work for the entire length of the Barge

Canal system will be under contract by April 1, 1910. At the

present rate of progress, it is said that it is not

unreasonable to expect that the Barge Canal system will be

completed by the end of the year 1914. It is further stated

that the work is being carried on within the original

estimates. This enterprise should be pushed to completion as

speedily, as economically, and efficiently as possible."

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1901-1909.

Legislation developing the Parole System

of dealing with Convicts.

See (in this Volume)

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: INDETERMINATE SENTENCES.

{455}

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1905-1906.

Legislative Investigation of Life Insurance Companies and the

State Superintendency of them.

Startling Disclosures.

Remedial Legislation.

See (in this Volume)

INSURANCE, LIFE.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910.

The Epoch of Governor Hughes.

The Special Significance of his Administration.

His Exemplary Fidelity to Fundamental Political Principles.

His Public Support against Hostile Party-Managers.

The election of 1906 is likely to be marked in the political

history of New York as the introduction of an epoch,—the Epoch

of Governor Hughes. The State has had a number of very notable

Governors, in both early and late times,—Governors who left a

deep and lasting impression of themselves on its history, and

who have been large contributors to its prestige and influence

as the Empire State of the American Union; but Governor Hughes

is of a type so different from any of his predecessors, and

his conduct of the Governor’s high office has been so

distinctive in principle and method, that his administration

can hardly fail, in the retrospect, to take on a special

significance of its own.

As counsel to the Legislative Committee which investigated the

scandals of life-insurance management in 1905-1906 (see, in this

Volume, INSURANCE, LIFE), the conduct of the investigation by

Mr. Charles Evans Hughes drew public attention, and made him

known so favorably that when in the autumn of 1906 the

Republican Party of the State had special need of a personally

attractive candidate for Governor, an unmistakable expression

of popular opinion directed the choice to him. The

Independence League which Mr. William R. Hearst had rallied

and organized, and which had served him the previous year in

his candidacy for the mayoralty of New York (see, above, NEW

YORK CITY: A. D. 1905), had been recruited so successfully

throughout the State, and had absorbed so much of some

elements of the Democratic Party, that the latter made terms

of combination with it, and adopted Mr. Hearst as its

gubernatorial nominee. The combination was one which the

ordinary forces acting for the Republican Party could hardly

hope to overcome; but the recent prestige of Mr. Hughes might

call out reinforcements that would save the day. It was not

willingly that the professional managers of the party

consented to his nomination, and it was not willingly that he

accepted it. He was heartily a Republican in politics, but

never active in its affairs, being devoted to his profession

and plainly reluctant to be turned aside at all from the

career it had just fairly opened before him. But he yielded,

as the party managers did, to a call from the public of the

party, and the result of the election afforded proof of the

reality and sincerity of the call. Hughes alone on the State

ticket of the Republicans was elected; Hearst alone on the

ticket of the Democratic-Independence-League combination was

defeated. Governor Hughes was thus placed, on the 1st of

January, 1907, at the head of an administration in which every

other elective office was filled by his political opponents.

This political aloneness of Governor Hughes in his office

would have mattered very little, however, if his own party

surroundings in it had been friendly and sympathetic; but very

quickly it was seen that he had conceptions of official duty

which those who controlled the machine-like "organization" of

the party, with consequent powers of influence over its

representatives in the legislature and in other official

places, could in no wise comprehend. With a degree of

precision and decision hardly matched by another executive,

this Governor had studied, constitutionally and ethically, and

had defined to himself, the obligations and limitations of his

office, and had resolved them into principles of action from

which he never swerved. In one particular, especially, this

held him to a course which some former governors had adhered

to in the main, but none, perhaps, with a consistency as firm.

In the use of two powers confided to the Governor, that of the

veto in legislation and that of appointment to many State

offices, there had always been more or less of giving and

taking between the Executive, on one side, and the Legislature

and the controlling leaders of party organization on the

other. A Governor actuated by personal motives, of ambition or

other self-interest, would use these powers freely, in

bargaining for or enforcing his desires; and a Governor who

cared for public interests alone would sometimes feel driven

to secure measures needful to that end at some price of

concession in appointments and in the approval of bills, or

some coercive use of the veto whip. Governor Hughes would do

neither, and his attitude in this matter stands out so

conspicuously as to mark in itself an epoch of great example

in the right exercise of executive power.

No Governor has ever interested himself more earnestly in the

work of the Legislature, with a watchful eye to the needs,

interests, and rights of the public and to the demands of good

government on every side. No Governor has ever taken a more

active and effective part in the production of important

legislation, and none has ever put his stamp on more of such

legislation within the same time. But all that he has done in

that line of executive duty has been strictly by

recommendation and by argument, addressed first to the

Legislature and then to the public behind it; never by any

other means. Legislatures have been coerced irresistibly into

compliance with his recommendations, by public opinion,

wakened by the Governor’s voice; never directly by him. There

has been no departure from the principle of action which he

stated once in these words: "I have not attempted, through the

use of political patronage or political machinery to coerce

anybody, and I don’t propose to do so. But under the

constitution, it is my privilege and my duty to recommend

legislation. If I mean what I say when I recommend, I ought to

be able to tell why it is recommended, and my constituency is

not the Legislature, and not any particular part of the

people, but my constituency is the people of the State, and I

propose, therefore, whenever I make a recommendation, and

there is any question about it, to tell as forcibly, as fully

and as frankly as possible why I stand for it. If it is wrong,

you will know it all the sooner; if it is right, you will give

it the support it deserves. I call that American government,

and if we had a little less trading, a little less wirepulling

and bulldozing, we would prosper to a far greater degree."

{456}

The Legislature of New York has been honored by this

highminded and respectful treatment of it, which the

highminded among its members have appreciated; but these have

been at most times a minority. The majority, obedient to

resentful party "bosses," have acted sullenly with him when

the lash of public opinion has driven them to his side, and

defiantly against him when they dared. His obstinate

antagonists have found a reflection hard to obtain.

The most signal showing of the attitude of the public toward

antagonists of Governor Hughes in the Legislature occurred in

connection with a bill, recommended by the Governor in 1907,

for the amendment of a disgraceful existing law relative to

race-track gambling. The State Constitution, as revised in

1894, prohibits all forms of gambling, and declares that "the

Legislature shall pass appropriate laws to prevent offenses

against any of the provisions of this section." In 1895 an

Act (known as the Percy-Gray Law) was got through the

Legislature, professedly in obedience to this mandate of the

Constitution, which verbally prohibited betting on races, but

penalized it only by providing that the loser of a race-track

bet might sue the winner and recover twice the amount of his

bet, while betting and gambling in other places were punished

heavily by imprisonment and fine. This scandalous favor to the

race-track interests carried a bribe at the same time to the

farmers of the State, in the form of a cunning provision of

the Act, which appropriated five per cent. of the gross

receipts of racing associations to the benefit of agricultural

societies. Repeated attempts to correct so contemptuous a

violation of the Constitution had failed; but Governor Hughes

renewed the attempt, with a feeling of reverence for Law and

for the honor of the State which could not tolerate defeat.

When the amending Bill that he recommended was put in suspense

by a tie vote in the Senate, the Governor called a special

session of the Legislature, and brought the question before

the people in speeches which made a mighty stir. The racing

interests in the State were so powerful that they almost

defied defeat, and all their influence came into play.

Meantime a special election to fill a vacancy in the Senate

was pending in Western New York, and the issue on the

race-track gambling bill was fought out there, with the

Governor in the field, contending for an honest enforcement of

the constitutional law of the State. The result of the

election gave support to that contention, and when, at the

special session, the Bill in question was again called up in

the Senate, as it could be, it was passed by a majority of

one. The Republican senators who voted against it were most of

them retired to private life by their constituents at the

senatorial elections of the ensuing fall.

Almost everything of importance in New York legislation since

Governor Hughes entered office has had its origin in his

recommendations, and has been carried by the weight of public

backing which belief in him calls out, against resisting

influences that would ordinarily have prevailed. This was

notably the fact in the case of the Public Service Commissions

Act of 1907 (See (in this Volume) PUBLIC UTILITIES), which

established an effective supervision and regulation of

corporations engaged in public services, by placing over them

two commissions, appointed by the Governor, one with

jurisdiction in New York City, the other in the remainder of

the State, both armed with large powers. The services covered

are those of railways, gas and electric light and power

companies, and the authority established over them extends not

only to their rates, but to their capitalization, their issues

of stock and bonds, their franchises, the labor conditions

under them, their equipment, and the sufficiency and quality

of the service they render. The excellence of the Act has been

proved by its working, in the hands of the commissions

appointed by Governor Hughes.

In the checking of improper legislation by his vetoes,

especially against encroachments on local rights of

self-government, and against special enactments that intrude

on general laws, Governor Hughes has been a teacher of

political principles, as importantly as in the legislative

advice which it is part of his constitutional duty to render.

He taught a great lesson to every legislative body and every

executive in the Union, when he disapproved a highly popular

bill which prescribed a fixed rate of railway passenger fares

at two cents per mile, on the ground that it was not a matter

to be dealt with summarily,—without careful investigation and

determination of the facts involved. So consistent, so

forceful, so effective a teacher, in fact, by precept and high

example, of the fundamentals of principle in political action,

has rarely appeared in any country.

That Governor Hughes was renominated and reelected in 1908 for

a second term was again by reason of a public insistence which

neither he nor the hostile manipulators of caucus-work in his

party could resist. If the election had not been coincident in

time with a presidential election the "bosses" of the party

would have refused the nomination to him at any cost. They

were able to secure a convention of delegates that would

eagerly have made that refusal; but when the Governor was

persuaded to say that he would accept renomination, they dared

not imperil the national interests of the party by flouting

demands which came from every quarter of the land. He had

become so national a figure that interest in his reelection

was nation-wide.

On the powerful movement in New York to break down the

practical exclusion of the people from the choosing of

candidates for office, which Governor Hughes inspired.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES:

DIRECT PRIMARY NOMINATIONS.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

Work of Reforestation.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1907.

The Gift of Letchworth Park.

A noble gift to the State was made in January, 1907, by the

Honorable William Pryor Letchworth, a gentleman of distinction

in benevolent work, officially as president for many years of

the State Board of Charities, and privately, at the same time,

as a profound student of and writer on, some of the gravest of

the problems of philanthropy, especially that of the treatment

of the insane. The home of Mr. Letchworth for many years has

been on a great estate which embraces the finest and most

famous scenery of the Upper Genesee River, lying on both sides

of the cañon [canyon] down which the river plunges in three

successive falls.

{457}

The thousand acres of the estate enclose all three of the

falls. This magnificent domain, preserved in all its natural

beauty and improved with careful taste by half a century of

Mr. Letchworth’s care, has been conveyed in trust to the

State, under the future custody of The American Scenic and

Historic Preservation Society, to be forever, after the death

of Mr. Letchworth, a Public Park. A generous citizen has thus

saved from destructive uses a piece of scenery which has

hardly its equal for picturesque and varied beauty in another

part of the State.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1907.

Enactment of the Public Utilities Law.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC UTILITIES.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1907-1909.

Creation of the Probation System.

See (in this Volume)

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: PROBATION.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.

Gas Company’s Refund.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC UTILITIES.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.

Historical Commemorations.

The Champlain and the Hudson-Fulton.

Three notable events of the far past were notably commemorated

in New York during the summer and autumn of 1909. The

tercentenary year of Champlain’s discovery, in July, 1609, of

the Lake which bears his name, was signalized by a week of

historical pageants, fêtes, and gatherings for speech and

ceremony, on and around the lake, beginning on the 4th of

July. France, England, Canada, and the United States were

represented in the addresses and exercises of the occasion, by

the British and French Ambassadors, the Postmaster-General of

the Dominion, President Taft and ex-Secretary Root, Governor

Hughes of New York and Governor Prouty of Vermont. A large

number of Indians took part in the pageants, occupying a

floating island constructed for the occasion on the lake, and

representing scenes of Indian life and warfare, the story of

Hiawatha, and other reminders of the time when men of their

race were the lords of the region of Lake Champlain. The

occasion was made one of great interest.

Still more of interest was given to the double commemoration,

in September, of Hendrick Hudson’s exploration of Hudson River

and of Robert Fulton’s first practically successful

undertaking of steamboating, on that river. The celebration of

the event first named was timed appropriately on its third

centennial anniversary. That of the second was belated by two

years; but the two were most fitly connected. The people of

Holland joined heartily in the Hudson commemoration, building

and sending over to New York an exact replica of Hudson’s

little ship, the Halve Maen, or Half Moon, in which his

voyage was made. Fulton’s steamboat, the Clermont, was

also reproduced for the occasion, and the two small, quaint

vessels, strikingly in contrast with the monster battle ships

and ocean liners that surrounded them, lent a singular

interest to the affair. Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy,

the Netherlands, Mexico, Cuba, and the Argentine Republic

accepted invitations to take part in the naval parades which

formed a grand feature of the celebration, and an imposing

assembly of great ships of war was shown. Eight days, from

Saturday, September 25th, until the following Saturday, were

filled with church services, school exercises, historical

exhibitions and processions, military and naval parades,

aquatic sports, carnival doings, aeroplane flights, banquets

to foreign guests, etc., at New York City, after which the

Half Moon and the Clermont proceeded up the

river and the celebration was continued in various towns.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.

Defeat of the Direct Primary Bill.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES:

DIRECT PRIMARY NOMINATION.

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909-1910.

Munificent Gifts of Land on the Hudson

for Park Purposes offered.

In his annual Message to the Legislature, January 5, 1910,

Governor Hughes announced the details of a munificent project

of gifts proffered to the State for the purpose of creating a

noble State Park on and near the Hudson River. Mrs. Mary W.

Harriman, widow of the late E. H. Harriman, offered to convey

to the State a tract of about ten thousand acres of land in

Orange and Rockland counties, to be held in perpetuity as a

State park; offering further to give the State $1,000,000 in

trust, to be used for the purchase of land lying between the

tract mentioned and the Hudson River, so that the park may

have the advantage of a river frontage. Other gifts for

similar purposes amounting to $1,625,000 were announced as a

result of the activity of the Palisades Park Commission, from

residents of New York, New Jersey, and Philadelphia. John D.

Rockefeller and J. Pierpont Morgan each subscribed $500,000;

Margaret Olivia Sage, William K. Vanderbilt, George F. Baker,

James Stillman, John D. Archbold, Frank A. Munsey, Henry

Phipps, E. T. Stotesbury, E. H. Gary, and George W. Perkins

gave $50,000 each: Helen M. Gould and V. Everit Macy

contributed $25,000 each, and Ellen F. James and Arthur C.

James jointly gave a similar amount. These subscriptions were

secured upon conditions stipulating, among other things, that

New York State shall appropriate $2,500,000 for the acquiring

of land and the building of roads and general park purposes;

that the State of New Jersey shall contribute a fair share,

and that the State discontinue work on the new State prison at

Great Bear Mountain in Rockland County, where preliminary work

on the site for a new $2,000,000 structure has been under way

for several months.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1886-1893.

Extension of the Suffrage to Women.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1896-1908.

Twelve Years of Local Option.

The working of the Law.

Warning to the Liquor Trade.

The Vote of Women.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM: NEW ZEALAND.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1902.

Colonial Conference at London.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1903.

The Maori King a Colonial Minister.

The old fierce conflict of the Maoris with the English

colonists in New Zealand would seem to have been effectually

ended, since the Maori King accepted a seat in the colonial

Cabinet, as a responsible Minister, in 1903.

{458}

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1905.

Government Ownership and Long-leasing of Land.

Its working.

Government Loans to Farmers.

The land system of New Zealand, as it was in 1895, is

described in Volume VI. of this work (see NEW ZEALAND). It has

since been carried farther on social-paternalistic lines, by

extensive expropriations or compulsory sales of large estates

to the Government, and by the institution of public loans of

capital to farmers at a moderate rate of interest. The

operation and result are thus described in a recent work:

"So far the government has lent to the farmers about

$20,000,000, but it has saved them $20,000,000 in interest,

because as soon as it came into the field with its cheap

loans, interest rates dropped everywhere. You see Shylock has

fled from these shores and will not return. The government has

never lost a cent in these loans. Reform proceeded next, with

a land tax graduated to an ascending scale, to discourage

land-grabbing, and land speculation; so that the more land a

man owns the higher is the tax-rate upon it. Thus for farms of

ordinary size the rate is two cents in every $5 of assessed

valuation; but on estates of more than $25,000 the rate

increases in regular ratio to the maximum of six cents for

every $5, except for absentee owners. They must pay fifty per

cent. more than residents. You can see that in New Zealand the

chance for fine old families and landed gentry is slim. No

doubt the theory of these things is extremely reprehensible,

but the practice is excellent. What with seizing the big

estates, and what with the graduated land tax, the size of

holdings has been so reduced that of 115,713 landowners in

1905 only 22,778 came under the operations of the augmented

land tax. The others, having small properties, paid the

smallest rate. Under the land purchase act the government has

seized 691,594 acres, mostly hunting fields and uncultivated

family inheritances. These have been partitioned into small

farms and are occupied by actual settlers. Under the operation

of all the new land laws together, the produce of New Zealand

has trebled, and the New Zealand farmer has become the most

prosperous in the world."

Charles E. Russell,

The Uprising of the Many,

chapter 29

(copyright, 1907, by Doubleday, Page & Co., New York, 1907).

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1906.

The Democratizing of Competition.

Labor Group Coöperation.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR REMUNERATION.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1906-1909.

The Liberal Party and the Liberal Ministry.

Their years of Great Power.

Their Strength shaken in the latest Election.

Its Method and Result.

The new Ministry of Sir Joseph Ward.

In June, 1906, the Liberal Party in New Zealand experienced a

great loss, in the death of Mr. Richard J. Seddon, its strong

leader, and the Prime Minister of Government for some time

past. His place was taken temporarily by Mr. Hall-Jones, until

Sir Joseph Ward, then absent from the country, returned and

received the chief ministerial seat. Since 1893 the Liberal

Party had derived large majorities in Parliament from each

triennial election. The Liberal Administration had advanced

accordingly, says a recent letter to the London Times,

"under the banner of labour legislation, new land laws, and

State Socialism, and was strengthened in its position by the

general prosperity of the country and the expenditure of large

sums of borrowed money upon public works. At the end of last

Session, it was still at the head of affairs with a majority

(including the four Maori members) of no fewer than 46.

"In the meantime, however, the guiding hand of Mr. Seddon, the

great apostle of New Zealand democracy, had been removed from

the scene, the harsh working of the Compulsory Arbitration Act

had begun to alienate the sympathies of both employers and

workers; the anti-freehold tendencies of the present

Administration were effecting a change of feeling in the

country constituencies, and the drop in the prices of some of

our staple products, combined with the stringency in the local

money market, began to act as a check on our commercial

prosperity. Finally, the Government made some tactical

blunders." Hence the Opposition, at the Parliamentary election

of November, 1908, was greatly strengthened, though the

ascendancy of the Liberals was still maintained. The conduct

of the election and its result are described by the

correspondent already quoted, as follows: "An election in New

Zealand is conducted in a most orderly manner. The

distribution of literature, the wearing of badges, and any

touting for votes from electors on their way to the polls or

in front of the polling booths are strictly prohibited by law.

A half-holiday has to be observed in shops and offices, and

factory owners must allow their employés time off to

vote. The publichouses remain closed from noon until the polls

are closed, the closing hour being in the country 6 P. M., and

in the cities 7 P. M. Time was, in the very early days, when

the polling booths were in some cases located between two

drinking saloons that did a roaring trade, and the result was

much loud disputation, bad language, and fighting. Nowadays

all that is changed, and women can walk into the polling

booths with complete unconcern. For the 76 seats 213

candidates had been nominated. Of these 114 claimed to be

Ministerialists and 52 Oppositionists, while 46 were

Independents, among whom were a few Socialists and Independent

Labourites. The result of the first ballot was that 34

Government supporters, 16 Opposition candidates, and three

Independents were elected by absolute majorities. In 23

constituencies the candidates at the head of the poll failed

to secure absolute majorities of the total votes polled, and

it became necessary to hold second ballots, the number of

these being practically double what was estimated by the Prime

Minister. … Twenty-two of these were held a week later, and

resulted in a further strengthening of the Opposition party.

One—in a widely scattered country constituency—has yet to be

held. The Government secured 12 of the seats, the Opposition

nine, and Independent Labour one. …

"The result of the elections, as a whole, is greatly to

strengthen the Opposition, and correspondingly to weaken the

Government. The next most noticeable feature about it is the

unusual change it has made in the personnel of the

House of Representatives. While not a single Opposition member

of the last Parliament who stood has lost his seat, no fewer

than 17 followers of the Ministry have been relegated to

private life; while the new Parliament will contain 27 new

members out of 76.

{459}

The position of parties, with one second ballot yet to be

decided, is—Government, 45; Opposition, 25; Independent, 4;

Independent Labour, 1. At the end of last Session (excluding

Maori members) the Government were 59 strong, while the

Opposition, including one Independent, numbered only 17. Thus,

whereas in the last Parliament the Government could reckon on

a majority of 42, they cannot now be absolutely sure of a

majority of more than 15 of the European members on certain

issues. There are four Maori members still to be elected, and

as these generally vote with the party in power the assured

Ministerial majority will be 19. This should be amply

sufficient to enable Sir Joseph Ward to continue in power for

the full term of the Parliament—three years."

Early in January, 1909, the Ministry was reconstructed, the

Premier, Sir Joseph Ward, burdening himself with the

portfolios of Finance, Defence, Lands, Agriculture, and the

Post Office. This was said to be made necessary by the

inexperience in office of the new Ministers whom he called to

his side.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1907 (April-May).

Imperial Conference at London.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

Working of the Compulsory Arbitration Law.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: NEW ZEALAND.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1908.

Population.

The population of the Dominion of New Zealand on December 31,

1908, was estimated as follows:

Europeans 960,000;

Maoris, 49,000;

Cook Islanders, 12,000.

There was an increase of Europeans during the year of 31,000,

being at the rate of 3.36 percent. The excess of immigration

over departures was 14,000—a record; while the natural

increase was 17,000. The death-rate was 9.57 per thousand, as

compared with 10.95 in 1907; and the birth-rate was 27.45 per

thousand, as compared with 27.30.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

Labor Strike caused by Legislation making "Miners’ Disease"

a ground of Compensation from Employers.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR PROTECTION: EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1909.

Announcement of Railway-Building Policy.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: NEW ZEALAND.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1909.

Act establishing compulsory Military Training.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY: NEW ZEALAND.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1909.

The Prime Minister’s testimony to the good working

of Woman Suffrage.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1909 (July-August).

Imperial Defence Conference.

Offer of a "Dreadnought" to the Imperial Navy.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.

NIAGARA FALLS:

Preservation of their "Scenic Grandeur."

An Act of Congress, designed "to preserve the scenic grandeur"

of Niagara Falls, approved in June, 1906, authorized the

Secretary of War to grant permits for the diversion of water

for the creation of power to an aggregate amount not exceeding

15,600 cubic feet a second, and to grant permits for the

transmission of power from Canada to an aggregate quantity not

exceeding 160,000 horsepower. The then Secretary of War, Mr.

Taft, since elected President of the United States, after

careful investigations and hearings, granted permits for the

diversion of the maximum amount of water under the act and for

the admission of the maximum quantity of power. In reporting

his decision Mr. Taft explained why he believed that the

diversion authorized could be made without harm to the Falls:

"I have reached," he said, "the conclusion that with the

diversion of 15,600 cubic feet on the American side and the

transmission of 160,000 horse power from the Canadian side,

the scenic grandeur of the Falls will not be affected

substantially or perceptibly to the eye. With respect to the

American falls this is an increase of only 2,500 cubic feet a

second over what is now being diverted and has been diverted

for many years, and has not affected the Falls as a scenic

wonder. With respect to the Canadian side, the water is drawn

from the river in such a way as not to affect the American

falls at all, because the point from which it is drawn is

considerably below the level of the water, at the point where

the waters separate above Goat Island, and the Waterways

Commission and Dr. Clark agree that the taking of 13,000 cubic

feet from the Canadian side will not in any way affect or

reduce the water going over the American falls. The water

going over the Falls on the Canadian side of Goat Island is

about five times the Volume of that which goes over the

American falls. … If the amount withdrawn on the Canada side

for Canadian use were 5,000 cubic feet a second, which it is

not likely to be during the three years’ life of these

permits, the total to be withdrawn would not exceed ten per

cent, of the Volume of the stream, and, considering the

immense quantity which goes over the Horseshoe Falls, the

diminution would not be perceptible to the eye."

See, also, provisions of "WATERWAYS TREATY,"

in this Volume, under CANADA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

NIAGARA MOVEMENT, The.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.

NICARAGUA.

See (in this Volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA.

NICHOLAS II., TSAR OF RUSSIA.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA.

NICHOLS, ERNEST FOX:

President of Dartmouth University.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

NICOLSON, SIR ARTHUR:

British Ambassador at St. Petersburg.

Convention with Russia.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

NIEL, M.:

The head of the Confédération Générale du Travail in France.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1884-1909.

NIGERIA.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA: FRENCH CENTRAL.

NIGHT RIDERS, of the Tobacco Farmers’ Union.

See (in this Volume)

KENTUCKY: A. D. 1905-1909.

NILE BARRAGE.

See (in this Volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1902 (DECEMBER).

{460}

NOBEL PRIZES.

By the will of Alfred Bernard Nobel, the distinguished Swedish

engineer and chemist, pupil of John Ericsson and inventor of

dynamite and other explosives, five great prizes, averaging

nearly $40,000 each in value, were instituted, for annual

reward to persons who shall severally have made the most

important discovery or invention in the domain of physics,

chemistry and physiology or medicine; to the writer who has

produced in literature the most distinguished work of an

idealistic tendency, and to the person who has most or best

promoted the fraternity of nations, the abolition or reduction

of standing armies and the formation and increase of peace

congresses. The award of the two prizes first named to be made

by the Royal Academy of Science in Stockholm; the third by the

Caroline Medical-Chirurgical Institute in Stockholm; the

fourth by the Swedish Academy in the same city; the fifth by

the Storthing or Parliament of Norway.

The presentation of prizes on the first award was made with

impressive ceremonies on the 10th of December, 1901, that

being the fifth anniversary of Mr. Nobel’s death. Each year

since, the awards have been made on that anniversary day. The

recipients have been as follows:

PHYSICS.

1901

William Conrad Roentgen,

professor of physics at the University of Munich.

1902

Divided equally between Henrik Anton Lorentz, professor

of physics at the University of Leyden, and Peter Zeeman,

professor of physics at the University of Amsterdam.

1903

Half to Antoine Henri Becquerel, professor of physics

at the École Polytechnique and at the Museum d’Histoire

Naturelle, Paris, France, member Institut Française, and half

to Pierre Curie, professor of physics at the University of

Paris (Sorbonne) and teacher in physics at the Paris Municipal

School of Industrial Physics and Chemistry, and his wife, Marie

Sklodovska Curie, preceptress at the Higher Normal School

for Young Girls at Sevres.

1904

Lord Rayleigh, professor of natural philosophy,

Royal Institution of Great Britain, London.

1905

Philippe Lenard, professor of physics at the

physical Institute of Kiel.

1906

J. J. Thomson, professor of experimental physics

at the University of Cambridge.

1907

Albert A. Michelsen, professor of physics at the

University of Chicago.

1908

Professor Gabriel Lippman of the University of Paris.

1909

G. Marconi, Italy, and

Professor Ferdinand Braun of Strassburg.

MEDICINE.

1901

Emil Adolf von Behring, professor of hygiene and

medical history at the University of Marburg, Prussia.

1902

Ronald Ross, professor of tropical medicine at the

University college of Liverpool.

1903

Niels Ryberg Finsen, professor of medicine,

Copenhagen, Denmark.

1904

Ivan Petrovic Pawlow, professor of physiology in the

Military Academy of Medicine, St. Petersburg.

1905

Robert Koch, member of the

Royal Academy of Science, Berlin.

1906

Professors Ramon y Cajal and Camillo Golgi of the

Pavia university, Italy.

1907

Charles L. A. Laveran of the Pasteur Institute in Paris.

1908

Dr. Paul Ehrlich of Berlin and Professor Elie Metchnikoff

of the Pasteur Institute, Paris.

1909

Professor E. T. Kocher, Switzerland.

CHEMISTRY.

1901

Jakob Hendrik van’t Hoff, professor of chemistry

in the University of Berlin.

1902

Emil Fischer, professor of chemistry

in the University of Berlin.

1903

Svante August Arrhenius, professor at

the University of Stockholm.

1904

Sir William Ramsay, professor of chemistry

in the University college, London.

1905

Adolf von Baeyer, professor of chemistry at Munich.

1906

H. Moissan, professor of chemistry at the Sorbonne, Paris.

1907

Eduard Buchner, professor of chemistry in the

agricultural high school of Berlin.

1908

Professor Ernest Rutherford of the

University of Manchester, England.

1909

Professor W. Ostwald of Leipsic.

LITERATURE.

1901

Rene Francois Armand Sully-Prudhomme,

member of the French Academy.

1902

Theodor Mommsen, professor of history at

the University of Berlin.

1903

Bjornstjerne Bjornson, author, Norway.

1904

Half to Frederic Mistral of France and

half to José Echegaray of Spain.

1905

Henryk Sienkiewicz, the author of "Quo Vadis?"

1906

Professor Giosue Carducci of Bologna, Italy.

1907

Rudyard Kipling of England.

1908

Professor Rudolf Eucken of the University of Java.

1909

Selma Lagerlof, Sweden.

PEACE.

1901

Divided equally between Henri Dunant, founder of the

International Red Cross Society of Geneva, and Frederic Passay,

founder of the first French peace association, the

"Société Française pour l’Arbitrage Entre Nations."

1902

Divided equally between Elie Ducommum, secretary of

the international peace bureau at Bern, and Albert Gobat,

chief of the interparliamentary peace bureau at Bern.

1903

William Randal Cremer, M. P., secretary of the

International Arbitration league, London.

1904

The Institute of International Right, a scientific

association founded in 1873 in Ghent, Belgium.

1905

Baroness Bertha von Suttner for her literary work

written in the interest of the world’s peace movement.

1906

Theodore Roosevelt, president of the United States,

for the part he took in bringing the Russo-Japanese war to

an end. Money set apart by the president for the establishment

of a permanent industrial peace commission.

1907

Divided equally between Ernesto T. Moneta, president of

the Lombardy Peace union, and Louis Renault, professor of

international law at the University of Paris.

1908

K. P. Arnoldsen of Sweden and M. F. Bajer of Denmark.

1909

Baron d’Estournelles de Constant, Paris,

and M. Beernaert, Holland, ex-Premier.

[For a contemporary list see

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Nobel_laureates]

NODZU, General.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.

NOGI, GENERAL.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and

1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

NOMINATIONS, Political:

By Direct Primary Vote.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

NOMINAVIT NOVIS CONTROVERSY.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

NORD ALEXIS, GENERAL.

See (in this Volume)

HAITI: A. D. 1902 and 1908.

{461}

NORDENSKJÖLD, DR. OTTO:

Commanding Swedish Antarctic Expedition.

See (in this Volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION.

NORDEZ, BISHOP LE.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1900.

NORTHCOTE, LORD:

On the Australian Land and Immigration Questions.

See (in this Volume)

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: AUSTRALIA.

NORTHERN SECURITIES COMPANY CASE, THE.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

NORTH SEA AND BALTIC AGREEMENTS.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

NORTHWEST TERRITORIES, CANADIAN: A. D. 1896-1909.

Their Rapid Settlement.

The "American Invasion."

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.

NORTHWEST TERRITORIES, CANADIAN: A. D. 1901-1902.

Census.

Increased Representation in Parliament.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: 1901-1902.

NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.

Result of the Consular Question.

Secession from the Union of Crowns with Sweden.

Acceptance by King Oscar of his virtual Deposition.

Election of Prince Charles of Denmark to the Throne.

The discontent of Norway in its union with Sweden, especially

because it could have no distinct national representation,

consular or diplomatic, in foreign countries, is described in

Volume VI. of this work.

See (in this Volume)

SWEDEN AND NORWAY.

In 1902 a Swedish-Norwegian Consular Commission was appointed

to investigate the practicability of separate consuls for each

of the united kingdoms, with joint diplomatic representation.

The Commission produced a report very favorable to the

proposition. Prolonged negotiations followed, between

representatives of the two governments, and the outlines of a

system under which Norway should acquire a separate consular

service were definitely settled and accepted formally by the

King, on the 21st of December, 1903. When it came, however, to

the definite framing of laws for carrying the plan into

effect, irreconcilable disagreements arose. Several details of

the arrangement which Sweden insisted on implied a precedence

and superiority of standing for that kingdom in the union of

crowns which offended Norwegian pride. The Norwegian

Government objected to having its selection of consuls made

subject to the approval of the Foreign Minister of the dual

monarchy. It objected to having the King, in his commission to

them, entitled "King of Sweden and Norway"; and it rejected

the Swedish proposals on other points. When the Government of

Sweden replied that, while it might be willing to consider

some modifications of its proposals, it must maintain the

important parts of them, the Norwegian Government announced

that it had no further statements to make, indicating that

negotiation in the matter was at an end. Thereupon, on the 7th

of February, 1905, the King made public the following

statement:

"Under the present circumstances I do not see that I can

resolve otherwise than to approve of what the Foreign Minister

has proposed; but I cannot refrain from expressing to both my

peoples my hearty desire that the two kingdoms, which have now

been united for nearly a century, will never let any

difference of opinion be hurtful to the Union itself. This

Union is in truth the safest guarantee for the independence,

the security and the happiness of both my peoples."

Feeble health now compelled King Oscar to yield the functions

of royalty to his son, and the Crown Prince visited

Christiania, as Regent, to confer personally with the leaders

in Norwegian affairs. The outcome of his visit was the

resignation of the Ministry of M. Hagcrup on the 1st of March,

the formation of a new Cabinet, under M. Michelsen, and the

announcement by the latter that the Government would

steadfastly maintain the sovereignty of Norway, as an

independent kingdom, according to the words of its

constitution, the realization of which must depend on the

strength and will of the Norwegian people. All attempts in the

next three months to overcome or much modify the attitude of

Norway were unsuccessful. In May, the Storthing passed an

independent Consular Bill and laid it before King Oscar, who

had resumed his duties, and the King refused to sanction it,

saying: "The Crown Prince, as Regent, in Joint Council of

State of April 5, has already shown the only way in which this

important question can be advanced and all difficulties most

likely removed, viz., through negotiation. I entirely agree

with this view, and do not for the time being find it

expedient to sanction this law, which means an alteration of

the existing joint consular service which cannot be severed

except by mutual arrangement. … When I now refuse to sanction

this law I do so in accordance with the right conferred upon

the King."

See in Volume I. of this work

Section 30, Title 3, of the CONSTITUTION OF NORWAY.

"… It is my equally great love to both nations which makes it

my duty to exercise this right;"

On the 7th of June, M. Michelsen, the Prime Minister, and his

colleagues, gave their resignations to the Storthing,

whereupon that body, by unanimous vote, adopted the following

resolution:

"As all the members of the Council of State have resigned

their offices; as his Majesty the King has declared himself

unable to give the country a new Government; and as the

constitutional kingdom has thus ceased to function, the

Storthing authorizes the members of the Ministry, to-day

resigned, to exercise in the meantime, as the Government of

Norway, the authority vested in the King, in accordance with

Norway’s constitution and existing laws, with the alterations

necessitated by the fact that the Union with Sweden under one

King has ceased on account of the king having ceased to act as

Norwegian King." This action was proclaimed to the people on

the same day. On the 9th the Union flag was lowered from

Norwegian forts and war ships and the Norwegian flag raised in

its place. On the 28th of July with King Oscar’s consent, the

Swedish Riksdag adopted a resolution assenting to the

severance of the Union, on condition that it be approved by a

vote of the people of Norway. Accordingly the question was

submitted to the people on the 13th of August, and all but 184

out of 368,392 votes were given in favor of the separation. A

conference at Karlstadt in September arranged the future

relations of the two kingdoms with success, and the

dissolution was complete. It was formally acknowledged by King

Oscar on October 26th.

{462}

As he made it known that he did not wish any member of his

family to accept the crown of Norway if offered, the Storthing

authorized the Government to open negotiations with Prince

Charles of Denmark, with a view to its acceptance by him, if

its proffer should be sanctioned by a popular vote. Again a

plebiscite was polled and a large majority given in favor of

the proffer of the crown to Prince Charles. The Prince

accepted, with the permission of his grandfather, the Danish

King, and proposed to take the name of Haakon VII. The name

was well chosen for its significance, Haakon VI. having been

the last of the old royal line of Norway, which became extinct

at his death in 1387. The King-elect and his wife entered

Christiania on the 25th of November and took the oath of

fidelity to the Norwegian Constitution on the 27th. In the

following June King Haakon was anointed and crowned with

solemn ceremonies, in the ancient cathedral of Trondhjem, the

capital of the first King who reigned over the whole Norse

realm.

NORWAY: A. D. 1903.

Agreement for Settlement of Claims against Venezuela.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

NORWAY: A. D. 1907.

Treaty with Great Britain, France, Germany, and Russia

guaranteeing the Integrity of the Kingdom.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908, and 1908.

NORWAY: A. D. 1908.

Parliamentary Suffrage extended to Women.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

NORWAY: A. D. 1909 (October).

Arbitration of the Frontier Dispute with Sweden.

The maritime frontier dispute between Norway and Sweden,

consequent on their separation, was referred to The Hague

Tribunal, and decided in October, more favorably to Sweden

than to Norway, but the decision was loyally accepted by the

latter.

NOVA SCOTIA: A. D. 1901-1902.

Census.

Reduced Representation in Parliament.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

O.

OBOLENSKI, PRINCE JOHN.

See (in this Volume)

FINLAND: A. D. 1905.

O’CONOR, Sir N.:

British Ambassador to Turkey.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904, and 1905-1908.

OCTOBRISTS.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905. and 1907.

ODESSA, Disturbances in.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

OGDEN, Robert C.:

Promoter of the Annual Conference for Education in the South.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1898-1909.

OIL, PETROLEUM:

The Supply and the Waste in the United States.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

OKLAHOMA: A. D. 1904.

Marvelous Growth of Fifteen Years.

"Oklahoma is the Minerva of the States. With her there was no

period of slow settlement. On the day that her borders were

opened to the settler she sprang full-fledged, a vigorous

young commonwealth, into the Union. And on the day that

Congress admits her to Statehood she will take rank with the

foremost of the Western States. Her population of a million

and three hundred thousand—which is the combined population

of Oklahoma and Indian Territory, according to the annual

report of Governor Ferguson for the year ending June 30, 1904,

it is probably somewhat more than that now [1905]—will place

her in advance of at least twenty-one of her sister States,

several of them among the original thirteen. Not counting

Texas, only two States west of the Missouri will be her equal

in number of people—Kansas and California. In old New England,

three States—New Hampshire, Vermont, and Rhode Island—could be

combined and still not contain as great a population as this

new commonwealth in the West will have on the first day of its

Statehood.

"No other State ever had such a remarkable growth and

prosperity as Oklahoma. Sixteen years ago last March the

prairie winds blew over wide expanses of plains with no signs

of human habitation on them for miles at a stretch. A month

later, on April 22, 1889, upward of one hundred thousand

persons engaged in the most spectacular race in history--a

race for homes.

See, in Volume V. of this work,

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1889-1890].

That was the day when the first Oklahoma counties were opened

for settlement. … At nightfall of that first day of its

history Oklahoma had a larger population than the State of

Nevada. Towns were surveyed, and sprung up in a night, and in

a week a new empire had been created in the Southwest. A year

later the Iowa, Pottawatomie, and Sac and Fox reservations

were opened for settlement."

Clarence H. Matson,

Oklahoma

(American Review of Reviews, September, 1905).

OKLAHOMA: A. D. 1906-1907.

Joined in Statehood with Indian Territory and

admitted to the Union.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

See, also, (in this Volume)

CONSTITUTION OF OKLAHOMA.

OKU, GENERAL.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.

OLD AGE HOMES, in Vienna.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF.

OLD AGE PENSIONS.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF.

"OLD BELIEVERS," RUSSIAN.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-AUGUST.).

OLDENBURG: A. D. 1906.

Committed to Universal Suffrage.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

OMAR JAN.

See (in this Volume)

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

ONTARIO: A. D. 1901-1902.

Census.

Reduced Representation in Parliament.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

ONTARIO: A. D. 1906-1907.

Political Experiments.

The Salaried Leader of Opposition, etc.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1906-1907.

"OPEN DOOR," THE COMING OF THE EPOCH OF THE.

See (in this Volume)

WORLD MOVEMENTS.

{463}

OPIUM PROBLEM: China: A. D. 1900-1906.

Progressive Tariff and Internal Taxation measures to check

the Consumption of the Drug.

The following is from a report on opium production and

taxation in China prepared by Mr. Williams, Chinese secretary

of the United States Legation at Peking, and sent to the State

Department at Washington, in September, 1906:

[Transcriber's note: The following paragraph includes a

variety of spellings and possibly defective type slugs.

The tael was said to be worth 73 cents in gold in 1905.

The weight of the picul is 133½ pounds.]

"Previous to 1900 native opium passing through the maritime

customs at Ichaug had been paying a total charge of taels, 60

per picul exclusive of taxes at the place of production. In

July, 1900, the viceroy, Chang Chih-tung, with a view to

cheeking the consumption of opium in the territory under his

jurisdiction, increased this charge to taels 72 per picul, and

near the close of 1901 increased it again, making it taels 80

per picul. This, with the likin charged in Szechuen, made a

total on the product coming from that province of taels 84.76.

Opium designed for local consumption was still more heavily

taxed, being required to pay taels 90 besides the likin of

Szeehuen, or a total of 94.76 taels per picul. The immediate

result of this action was to greatly increase smuggling and to

drive legitimate traffic to the use of native junks or

roundabout land routes controlled by the native customs or

likin offices, and thus to reduce the receipts of the maritime

customs. Another significant result was the importation of a

small amount of foreign opium to a district where it had been

unknown for many years. In view of these facts, in 1903 the

authorities reduced the tax to a total of 76.75 taels per

picul, including the Szcchuen likin.

"In February, 1904, the same tax was imposed in the province

of Hunan, also in the jurisdiction of the Viceroy Chang

Chih-tung, and in the summer of the same year an agreement was

made with the provincial authorities of the provinces of

Kiangse and Anhui that one consolidated tax, to include both

likin and customs duties, should be levied at a uniform rate

in the four provinces, and to prevent discrimination by the

native customs as against the maritime service it was agreed

that the collection of this consolidated tax should be

intrusted to the imperial maritime customs at Ichang and to

branch offices under its control. The port of Ichang was

chosen because it is at the head of steam navigation on the

Yangtze, for which reason most of the opium from Yunnan and

Szechuen was sent thither for distribution. In 1905 this

arrangement was extended to four other provinces, Kiangse,

Fukien, Kuangtung, and Kuangsi, and the tax increased to taels

134.79 per picul for opium destined to the four inner

provinces and taels 104 for that going to those on the

seaboard. Previous to this latter arrangement, however, after

the experience of 1902, it was seen that unless the tax on

foreign opium should also be increased the effort to stamp out

the vice by heavy taxation would fail, and therefore in 1903

representations were made to the British Government by the

Chinese minister in London looking toward the increase of the

duty upon Indian opium. The reply of the British Government,

as quoted in the Peking Gazette, was that the tax on the

native drug ought to be increased by the same amount as any

addition made to the duty on the foreign article. Upon this a

memorial was submitted to the Imperial Chinese Government,

asking that the customs duty and likin on foreign and native

opium be increased by an equal amount, and the matter was

referred to the proper boards for consideration and report. No

further report has as yet appeared relating to the

negotiations respecting foreign opium. As to the native drug,

the steps to increase the taxes upon it in eight of the

provinces have been related above. The success of this

arrangement has been so pronounced that on the 7th of May this

year (1906) an imperial edict appeared directing that the

system adopted in the eight provinces mentioned above should

be at once extended to all the provinces of China proper and

at a later date, to be hereafter determined, to Turkestan and

Manchuria."

OPIUM PROBLEM: A. D. 1906.

Imperial Edict against the use of Opium.

Undertaking to suppress it in Ten Years.

By a formal edict from the throne, published in September,

1906, the imperial Government of China undertook to eradicate

the use of opium in that empire, and to do so by heroic

measures within ten years. A register was ordered to be made

of every consumer of the drug (estimated at 40 per cent. of

the vast population of the empire) and of the quantity that he

consumes. Those who are under 60 years of age must thereafter

diminish their consumption by not less than twenty per cent,

each year, till they are free of the habit and the use is

stopped. Meantime there would be a public provision of

medicines to assist the cure. To those beyond 60 years in age,

and to the princes, nobles, and magnates of the empire, a

certain relaxation of these rules would be allowed. But all

minor officials under 60 years must drop opium entirely, at

once, and there would be no toleration of an acquirement of

the opium habit thereafter. No further cultivation of the

poppy would be allowed, and, of course, the importation would

be controlled.

Tang Shao Yi, the special Chinese envoy who visited the United

States and England early in 1909, had much to do with this

measure on the part of his Government, and, in addressing a

deputation which called on him in London, had this to say of

the circumstances connected with it:

"He had always taken a deep interest in the anti-opium

movement ever since he was a student in America in the early

seventies. He had never realized, however, that they could

attempt to make such a movement in China till he was sent by

his Government to India in 1905 in connexion with the Lhasa

Convention. While there he had opportunities of studying the

opium question, and he was fortunate enough to make the

acquaintance of the finance secretary, Mr. Baker. From him he

learnt that the Government of India could dispense with the

revenue derived from opium. Nothing was more surprising to him

and nothing gave him greater joy than to hear that. In that

year the question was brought up in England, and when he

returned to China in the winter of 1905 he informed his

Government that the British public was very ‘anti-opium’ and

also that the Indian Government was not at all anxious for the

revenue derived from opium. Therefore, he told his Government

that it was for the Chinese themselves to put a stop to the

opium trade, and that they must not rely upon others. He had

already got regulations in his head and the Government asked

him to draw up certain rules to put a stop to the opium curse.

{464}

In order not to be too radical, he suggested that three years

should be allowed for putting an end to it, but the Cabinet

said that was too radical, and, although he suggested six

years, the final decision of the Government was to make it ten

years. He said that unless they put a stop to it in two or

three years they might as well let this generation die out.

They fully appreciated the co-operation of gentlemen in

England, and he begged that they would keep up the agitation

not only for their own sakes but for the sake of the Chinese

people. The Chinese people wanted to be reminded that they

were opium smokers and that they must give up the practice.

Some scepticism had been expressed as to the genuineness of

the movement in China, but he was sure that the people there

were in earnest, and he trusted that his Government and people

would not disappoint Great Britain."

OPIUM PROBLEM: A. D. 1909.

Progress in the Opium Reform.

An official report on the progress of the opium reform in

China, by Mr. Max Müller, Councillor of the British Legation

at Peking, was published as a Parliamentary Paper (Cd. 4967),

early in January, 1910. In communicating the report to the

Foreign Office, Sir N. Jordan wrote:

"This report shows that considerable progress continues to be

made in the task which the Chinese Government undertook three

years ago. There has undoubtedly been a very sensible

diminution in the consumption and cultivation of opium, and a

public opinion has been formed which will greatly strengthen

the hands of the Government and the provincial authorities in

the drastic measures which they contemplate taking in the near

future. … That the end, however, is so near as many of the

official pronouncements would seem to indicate is, I venture

to think, very doubtful. We have full and reliable information

about only two of the provinces—Shansi and Yunnan—and the

annexes to Mr. Max Müller’s report furnish eloquent testimony

of the good work that has been done in both. At the opposite

extreme stand Shensi, Kansu, Hupei, and Szeehuan, in all of

which comparatively little has been accomplished to check

either the consumption or cultivation of the drug. The

last-named province, which is by far the largest producing

area in the Empire, will furnish the supreme test of the

success or failure of the programme of total prohibition, and

as the order has gone forth that no poppy is to be sown this

autumn the issue on which so much depends is doubtless being

fought out as this report is being written."

OPIUM PROBLEM:

International Opium Commission, in Session at Shanghai,

February, 1909.

On the suggestion of Bishop Brent, of the Philippines, the

Government of the United States took the initiative in

bringing about the appointment of an International Commission

to investigate matters connected with the use of and traffic

in opium. The Commission, composed of delegates from China,

Japan, Great Britain, France, Germany, Holland, Turkey, and

the United States, met at Shanghai on the 1st of February,

1909, and was in session until the 26th of that month, under

the presidency of Bishop Brent. Its study of the subject

appears to have been made difficult and definite conclusions

prevented by the lack of trustworthy Chinese statistics of the

production of opium in the Empire itself, and of other

important facts. The results of four weeks of investigation

and discussion were embodied in nine resolutions, the first of

which recognized the sincerity of the endeavor of the Chinese

Government to eradicate the great evil from its dominion, in

these words: "The Commission recognizes the unswerving

sincerity of the Government of China in its efforts to

eradicate the production and consumption of opium throughout

the Empire, the increasing body of public opinion among the

Chinese by whom these efforts are supported, and the real,

though unequal, progress already made in a task of the

greatest magnitude."

Of the further resolutions, one urged upon all governments the

importance of drastic measures to control the manufacture,

sale, and distribution of morphia and other noxious

derivatives of opium; another recommended scientific

investigation of so-called opium remedies; a third said all

countries should adopt reasonable measures to prevent the

shipment of opium or its derivatives to any country which

prohibits their entry. By the terms of the remaining

resolutions the delegates were urged to influence as far as

possible their own governments to take steps for the gradual

suppression of opium smoking in their own territories

respectively; to further examine into their systems for the

regulation of the traffic, in the light of the experience of

other countries; to enter into negotiations with China to

insure the adoption of effective and prompt measures to

prohibit opium traffic in those concessions and settlements.

Finally, the conference recommended that each government apply

its pharmacy laws to its subjects in consular districts,

concessions, and settlements in China.

In some quarters the outcome of the meeting was sharply

criticised as being empty of any practical fruit, and England

was accused of having rendered it so, under the influence of

the Indian opium trade. But the State Department at Washington

gave expression to a very different view. There it was pointed

out that the Commission had been one of inquiry, only; that

its instructions had been "to study the opium problem and

report as to the best and most feasible means of solving it,"

and that this programme was executed "to the entire

satisfaction of the Governments concerned." Bishop Brent, who

presided over the Shanghai meeting, declared in his inaugural

address:

"It devolves upon me to pronounce with emphasis that this is a

commission, and as those who are informed—as all of you must

be in matters that pertain to international affairs of this

kind—a commission is not a conference. The idea of a

conference was suggested, but it seemed wise to choose this

particular form of action rather than a conference, because,

for the present at any rate, we are not sufficiently well

informed and sufficiently unanimous in our attitude to have a

conference with any great hope of immediate success."

{465}

As between China and Great Britain there is an opium problem

which does not affect other parties. An important part of

British Indian revenue is derived from the opium trade, and

the Government of India can hardly be expected to throw it

carelessly away, not knowing with certainty that it will not

be picked up as gain for somebody else. In 1906, when China

opened her campaign against opium, she entered into an

agreement with England that her own production of opium should

be reduced to extinction within ten years, and that the

importation from India (under former commercial treaties),

then amounting to 51,000 chests annually, should be reduced at

the rate of 5100 chests per year. It seems to have been the

lack of definite evidence as to the effective fulfilment of

this agreement which made the British attitude at Shanghai a

halting one.

The United States Government has not suffered the movement

against opium to rest where it was left by the Shanghai

Commission, but has asked the governments represented in that

Commission to send delegates to a formal International

Conference at The Hague.

OPIUM PROBLEM:

The Philippine Islands, taking Instruction from the Japanese

in Formosa.

A committee appointed by the Philippine Commission, to

investigate methods of dealing with the sale and use of opium,

included an American army officer, Major Carter, a Filipino

physician, Dr. Albert, and the missionary bishop of the

Protestant Episcopal Church, Bishop Brent. The following is

from a summary of the committee’s report, published in The

Outlook of March 4, 1905:

"Although the Committee visited and studied Java, Cochin

China, the Straits Settlements, and various places in China,

including Hong-kong, it really found the solution of the

question in the Japanese administration of Formosa. …

"It is not surprising that the Committee recommend what is

practically an adaptation of the Formosan system for the

Philippines. For the maintenance of this system it is

indispensable that the ‘opium and the traffic therein be made

a strict Government monopoly immediately.’ That is the first

provision. ‘Second, prohibition, except for medicinal

purposes, after three years. Third, only licensees, who shall

be males and over twenty-one years of age, shall be allowed to

use opium until prohibition goes into effect. Fourth, all

venders or dispensers of opium, except for medical purposes,

shall be salaried officials of the Government. Fifth, every

effort shall be made

(a) to deter the young from contracting the habit by pointing

out its evil effects and by legislation,

(b) to aid in caring for and curing those who manifest a

desire to give up the habit, and

(c) to punish and, if necessary, to remove from the islands

incorrigible offenders.’"

OPIUM PROBLEM: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

Act to Prohibit the Importation and Smoking of Opium.

A stringent Act prohibitory of the importation and use of

opium for any other than medicinal purposes passed the Senate

of the United States on the 2d of February, 1909, having

already been adopted by the other House. Smoking opium is

positively forbidden; no one can bring it into the country

without facing a fine of from fifty to five thousand dollars

and imprisonment for two years; the mere possession of opium,

a preparation of, or derivative therefrom, is to be deemed

sufficient evidence to authorize conviction. For medicinal

purposes, opium may be brought in under regulations prescribed

by the Secretary of the Treasury.

OPSONINS.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.

ORANGE FREE STATE:

End of the Republic.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

ORDER OF RAILWAY CONDUCTORS.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

ORGANIC STATUTES, The.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

ORMANIAN:

Armenian Patriarch.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

OSAKA, The Burning of.

A large part of the city of Osaka, in Japan, was destroyed by

fire in August, 1909. "Had it not been for the canals the

region of destruction would have been even more extensive.

Citizens by the thousand fled into the surrounding country,

leaving the city to its fate. By the time the flames had spent

their force more than 12,000 houses had gone up in smoke,

leaving more than 100,000 people homeless. Most of the

municipal, government, and other important buildings of the

city were destroyed. Great numbers of people are ruined, as

the Japanese carry no insurance, as a rule. The amount of

insurance involved, however, is about 5,000,000 yen.

Fortunately, the number of casualties was not great. About a

dozen were killed by falling timbers, and several were more or

less injured."

OSCAR II., King of Sweden and Norway:

Surrender of the Crown of Norway.

See (in this Volume)

NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.

OSMEÑA, SERGIO:

President of the Philippine Assembly.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

OSTWALD, W.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES (CHEMISTRY)

OXFORD UNIVERSITY:

Rhodes Scholarships.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: RHODES SCHOLARSHIPS.

OXFORD UNIVERSITY:

Tutorial Classes organized for Working People.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

P.

PACKING-HOUSE INVESTIGATION.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS: UNITED STATES.

PALMA, TOMAS ESTRADA:

President of Cuba.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902 and 1902.

PALMA, TOMAS ESTRADA:

Resignation of the Presidency of Cuba.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

PAN-AMERICAN SCIENTIFIC CONGRESS.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: INTERNATIONAL CONGRESSES.

PAN-ANGLICAN CONGRESS, 1909.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1903.

Secession from Colombia.

Recognized Independence.

Treaty with the United States for the Building

of the Panama Canal.

See (in this Volume)

PANAMA CANAL.

PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1904.

Constitution of the Republic.

First Election.

The Constitution of the new Republic was promulgated on the

16th of February, 1904, and the election of President and

three Vice-Presidents took place, resulting in the choice of

the following:

President, Dr. Manuel Amador;

first vice-president, Dr. Pablo Arosemena;

second vice-president, Don Domingo de Obaldia;

third vice-president, Dr. Carlos Mendoza.

{466}

The third article of the Constitution declares: "The territory

of the Republic is composed of all the territory from which

the State of Panama was formed by the amendment to the Granada

constitution of 1853, on February 27, 1855, and which was

transformed in 1886 into the Department of Panama, together

with its islands, and of the continental and insular

territory, which was adjudged to the Republic of Colombia in

the award made by the President of the French Republic on

September 11, 1900. The territory of the Republic remains

subject to the jurisdictional limitations stipulated or which

may be stipulated in public treaties concluded with the United

States of North America for the construction, maintenance, or

sanitation of any means of interoceanic transit.

"The boundaries with the Republic of Colombia shall be

determined by public treaties."

PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1906.

Visit of President Roosevelt.

"For the first time in the history of the United States," said

President Roosevelt, when he landed at Colon, November 14,

1906, preliminary to a visit and inspection of the Panama

Canal, "it has become advisable for a President of the United

States to step on territory not beneath the flag of the United

States." He received a most hospitable welcome and

entertainment in the young republic.

PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1906.

Participation in Third International Conference of

American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1909.

Pending Tripartite Treaty with Colombia and the United States.

See (in this Volume)

COLOMBIA: A. D. 1906-1909.

PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1901-1902.

The Second Hay-Pauncefote Treaty between the United States

and Great Britain.

Its Ratification.

After the rejection by the British Government of the

Amendments made by the Senate of the United States to the

Interoceanic Canal Treaty negotiated in February, 1900, by Mr.

John Hay, United States Secretary of State, with the British

Ambassador at Washington, Lord Pauncefote negotiations on the

subject were renewed, with results of success in removing

objections on both sides.

See, in Volume VI. of this work,

CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

The new Treaty was signed by Mr. Hay and Lord Pauncefote at

Washington on the 18th of November, 1901, and ratifications

were exchanged on the 21st of February, 1902. In the preamble

of the Treaty its purpose is declared to be "to facilitate the

construction of a ship-canal to connect the Atlantic and

Pacific Oceans, by whatever route may be considered expedient,

and to that end to remove any objection which may arise out of

the Convention of the 19th April, 1850, commonly called the

Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, to the construction of such canal under

the auspices of the Government of the United States, without

impairing the ‘general principle’ of neutralization

established in Article VIII of that Convention." The

agreements and stipulations to this end are as follows:

"Article I.

The High Contracting Parties agree that the present Treaty

shall supersede the afore mentioned Convention of the 19th

April, 1850.

"Article II.

It is agreed that the canal may be constructed under the

auspices of the Government of the United States, either

directly at its own cost, or by gift or loan of money to

individuals or Corporations, or through subscription to or

purchase of stock or shares, and that, subject to the

provisions of the present Treaty, the said Government shall

have and enjoy all the rights incident to such construction,

as well as the exclusive right of providing for the regulation

and management of the canal.

"Article III.

The United States adopts, as the basis of the neutralization

of such ship canal, the following Rules, substantially as

embodied in the Convention of Constantinople, signed the 28th

October, 1888, for the free navigation of the Suez Canal, that

is to say:

"1. The canal shall be free and open to the vessels of

commerce and of war of all nations observing these Rules, on

terms of entire equality, so that there shall be no

discrimination against any such nation, or its citizens or

subjects, in respect of the conditions or charges of traffic,

or otherwise. Such conditions and charges of traffic shall be

just and equitable.

"2. The canal shall never be blockaded, nor shall any right of

war be exercised nor any act of hostility be committed within

it. The United States, however, shall be at liberty to

maintain such military police along the canal as may be

necessary to protect it against lawlessness and disorder.

"3. Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not revictual nor

take any stores in the canal except so far as may be strictly

necessary; and the transit of such vessels through the canal

shall be effected with the least possible delay in accordance

with the Regulations in force, and with only such intermission

as may result from the necessities of the service. Prizes

shall be in all respects subject to the same Rules as vessels

of war of the belligerents.

"4. No belligerent shall embark or disembark troops, munitions

of war, or warlike materials in the canal, except in case of

accidental hindrance of the transit, and in such case the

transit shall be resumed with all possible dispatch.

"5. The provisions of this Article shall apply to waters

adjacent to the canal, within 3 marine miles of either end.

Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not remain in such

waters longer than twenty-four hours at any one time, except

in case of distress, and in such case shall depart as soon as

possible; but a vessel of war of one belligerent shall not

depart within twenty-four hours from the departure of a vessel

of war of the other belligerent.

"6. The plant, establishments, buildings, and all works

necessary to the construction, maintenance, and operation of

the canal shall be deemed to be part thereof, for the purposes

of this Treaty, and in time of war, as in time of peace, shall

enjoy complete immunity from attack or injury by belligerents,

and from acts calculated to impair their usefulness as part of

the canal.

"Article IV.

It is agreed that no change of territorial sovereignty or of

the international relations of the country or countries

traversed by the before mentioned canal shall affect the

genera principle of neutralization or the obligation of the

High Contracting Parties under the present Treaty.

{467}

"Article V.

The present Treaty shall be ratified by the President of the

United States, by and with the advice and consent of the

Senate thereof, and by His Britannic Majesty: and the

ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington or at London at

the earliest possible time within six mouths from the date

hereof."

Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the

United States, transmitted to Congress, December, 1902.

PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1902.

Undertaking of the United States endorsed by

the Second Conference of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1903.

Purchase of the Franchises and Property of the Bankrupt

French Company.

Treaty with Colombia for the Building of the Canal rejected

by the Colombian Senate.

Secession of Panama.

Recognition of the Independence of Panama.

Treaty with the new Republic for the Building and

Control of the Canal.

President Roosevelt’s narrative of events.

The transactions that were preliminary to the undertaking of

the construction of an interoceanic canal through the Isthmus

of Panama, by the Government of the United States, are

narrated down to March, 1901.

See (in Volume VI. of this work)

CANAL, INTEROCEANIC.

At that time the proposed Nicaragua route was principally

contemplated, for the reason that the rights in Panama held by

the bankrupt French Company of Lesseps (see, in Volume IV.,

PANAMA CANAL) seemed unobtainable, on any terms which the

American Government could accept. A commission appointed by

President McKinley to investigate the situation had reported

to that effect in November, 1900, and had recommended the

building of a canal on the Nicaragua route. The effect of this

report, and of the manifest disposition of the American

Congress to authorize the building of a Nicaragua ship canal,

was to draw from the French company an offer of its Panama

franchises and entire property for the sum of $40,000,000.

After long debate this offer was accepted, and negotiations

were opened with the Republic of Colombia for the necessary

treaty rights. Meantime the Hay-Pauncefote treaty with Great

Britain, which the American Senate had amended in a manner

objectionable to the British Government, was modified to the

satisfaction of the latter, and the enterprise was cleared of

questions except those between Colombia and the United States.

The next ensuing events can be told in the words of President

Roosevelt’s report of them to Congress, in his Message at the

opening of the session convened on the 7th of December, 1903:

"By the act of June 28, 1902," wrote the President, "the

Congress authorized the President to enter into treaty with

Colombia for the building of the canal across the Isthmus of

Panama; it being provided that in the event of failure to

secure such treaty, after the lapse of a reasonable time,

recourse should be had to the building of a canal through

Nicaragua. It has not been necessary to consider this

alternative, as I am enabled to lay before the Senate a treaty

providing for the building of the canal across the Isthmus of

Panama. This was the route which commended itself to the

deliberate judgment of the Congress, and we can now acquire by

Treaty the right to construct the canal over this route. The

question now, therefore, is not by which route the isthmian

canal shall be built, for that question has been definitely

and irrevocably decided. The question is simply whether or not

we shall have an isthmian canal.

"When the Congress directed that we should take the Panama

route under treaty with Colombia, the essence of the

condition, of course, referred not to the Government which

controlled that route, but to the route itself; to the

territory across which the route lay, not to the name which

for the moment the territory bore on the map. The purpose of

the law was to authorize the President to make a treaty with

the power in actual control of the Isthmus of Panama. This

purpose has been fulfilled.

"In the year 1846 this Government entered into a treaty with

New Granada, the predecessor upon the Isthmus of the Republic

of Colombia and of the present Republic of Panama, by which

treaty it was provided that the Government and citizens of the

United States should always have free and open right of way or

transit across the Isthmus of Panama by any modes of

communication that might be constructed, while in return our

Government guaranteed the perfect neutrality of the

above-mentioned Isthmus with the view that the free transit

from the one to the other sea might not be interrupted or

embarrassed. The treaty vested in the United States a

substantial property right carved out of the rights of

sovereignty and property which New Granada then had and

possessed over the said territory. The name of New Granada has

passed away and its territory has been divided. Its successor,

the Government of Colombia, has ceased to own any property in

the Isthmus. A new Republic, that of Panama, which was at one

time a sovereign state, and at another time a mere department

of the successive confederations known as New Granada and

Colombia, has now succeeded to the rights which first one and

then the other formerly exercised over the Isthmus. But as

long as the Isthmus endures, the mere geographical fact of its

existence, and the peculiar interest therein which is required

by our position, perpetuate the solemn contract which binds

the holders of the territory to respect our right to freedom

of transit across it, and binds us in return to safeguard for

the Isthmus and the world the exercise of that inestimable

privilege. The true interpretation of the obligations upon

which the United States entered in this treaty of 1846 has

been given repeatedly in the utterances of Presidents and

Secretaries of State. …

"Attorney-General Speed, under date of November 7, 1865,

advised Secretary Seward as follows: ‘From this treaty it can

not be supposed that New Granada invited the United States

to become a party to the intestine troubles of that

Government, nor did the United States become bound to take

sides in the domestic broils of New Granada. The United States

did guarantee New Granada in the sovereignty and property over

the territory. This was as against other and foreign

governments.’

{468}

"For four hundred years, ever since shortly after the

discovery of this hemisphere, the canal across the Isthmus has

been planned. For two score years it has been worked at. When

made it is to last for the ages. It is to alter the geography

of a continent and the trade routes of the world. We have

shown by every treaty we have negotiated or attempted to

negotiate with the peoples in control of the Isthmus and with

foreign nations in reference thereto our consistent good faith

in observing our obligations; on the one hand to the peoples

of the Isthmus, and on the other hand to the civilized world

whose commercial rights we are safeguarding and guaranteeing

by our action. We have done our duty to others in letter and

in spirit, and we have shown the utmost forbearance in

exacting our own rights.

"Last spring, under the act above referred to, a treaty

concluded between the representatives of the Republic of

Colombia and of our Government was ratified by the Senate.

This treaty was entered into at the urgent solicitation of the

people of Colombia and after a body of experts appointed by

our Government especially to go into the matter of the routes

across the Isthmus had pronounced unanimously in favor of the

Panama route. In drawing up this treaty every concession was

made to the people and to the Government of Colombia. We were

more than just in dealing with them. Our generosity was such

as to make it a serious question whether we had not gone too

far in their interest at the expense of our own; for in our

scrupulous desire to pay all possible heed, not merely to the

real but even to the fancied rights of our weaker neighbor,

who already owed so much to our protection and forbearance, we

yielded in all possible ways to her desires in drawing up the

treaty. Nevertheless the Government of Colombia not merely

repudiated the treaty, but repudiated it in such a manner as

to make it evident by the time the Colombian Congress

adjourned that not the scantiest hope remained of ever getting

a satisfactory treaty from them. The Government of Colombia

made the treaty, and yet when the Colombian Congress was

called to ratify it the vote against ratification was

unanimous. It does not appear that the Government made any

real effort to secure ratification.

"Immediately after the adjournment of the Congress a

revolution broke out in Panama. The people of Panama had long

been discontented with the Republic of Colombia, and they had

been kept quiet only by the prospect of the conclusion of the

treaty, which was to them a matter of vital concern. When it

became evident that the treaty was hopelessly lost, the people

of Panama rose literally as one man. Not a shot was fired by a

single man on the Isthmus in the interest of the Colombian

Government. Not a life was lost in the accomplishment of the

revolution. The Colombian troops stationed on the Isthmus, who

had long been unpaid, made common cause with the people of

Panama, and with astonishing unanimity the new Republic was

started. The duty of the United States in the premises was

clear. In strict accordance with the principles laid down by

Secretaries Cass and Seward … the United States gave notice

that it would permit the landing of no expeditionary force,

the arrival of which would mean chaos and destruction along

the line of the railroad and of the proposed canal, and an

interruption of transit as an inevitable consequence. The de

facto Government of Panama was recognized in the following

telegram to Mr. Ehrman:

"‘The people of Panama have, by apparently unanimous movement,

dissolved their political connection with the Republic of

Colombia and resumed their independence. When you are

satisfied that a de facto government, republican in form and

without substantial opposition from its own people, has been

established in the State of Panama, you will enter into

relations with it as the responsible government of the

territory and look to it for all due action to protect the

persons and property of citizens of the United States and to

keep open the isthmian transit, in accordance with the

obligations of existing treaties governing the relations of

the United States to that territory.’

"The Government of Colombia was notified of our action by the

following telegram to Mr. Beaupré:

"‘The people of Panama having, by an apparently unanimous

movement, dissolved their political connection with the

Republic of Colombia and resumed their independence, and

having adopted a Government of their own, republican in form,

with which the Government of the United States of America has

entered into relations, the President of the United States, in

accordance with the ties of friendship which have so long and

so happily existed between the respective nations, most

earnestly commends to the Governments of Colombia and of

Panama the peaceful and equitable settlement of all questions

at issue between them. He holds that he is bound not merely by

treaty obligations, but by the interests of civilization, to

see that the peaceful traffic of the world across the Isthmus

of Panama shall not longer be disturbed by a constant

succession of unnecessary and wasteful civil wars.’

"When these events happened, fifty-seven years had elapsed

since the United States had entered into its treaty with New

Granada. During that time the Governments of New Granada and

of its successor, Colombia, have been in a constant state of

flux.

[The President then gives a list, by date, of 53 more or less

serious disturbances of the public peace on the Isthmus which

United States consuls had reported to the Government at

Washington between May, 1850, and July, 1902. From this he

proceeds:]

"The above is only a partial list of the revolutions,

rebellions, insurrections, riots, and other outbreaks that

have occurred during the period in question; yet they number

53 for the 57 years. It will be noted that one of them lasted

for nearly three years before it was quelled; another for

nearly a year. In short, the experience of over half a century

has shown Colombia to be utterly incapable of keeping order on

the Isthmus. Only the active interference of the United States

has enabled her to preserve so much as a semblance of

sovereignty. Had it not been for the exercise by the United

States of the police power in her interest, her connection

with the Isthmus would have been sundered long ago. In 1856,

in 1860, in 1873, in 1885, in 1901, and again in 1902, sailors

and marines from United States war-ships were forced to land

in order to patrol the Isthmus, to protect life and property,

and to see that the transit across the Isthmus was kept open.

In 1861, in 1862, in 1885, and in 1900, the Colombian

Government asked that the United States Government would land

troops to protect its interests and maintain order on the

Isthmus. …

{469}

"The control, in the interest of the commerce and traffic of

the whole civilized world, of the means of undisturbed transit

across the Isthmus of Panama has become of transcendent

importance to the United States. We have repeatedly exercised

this control by intervening in the course of domestic

dissension, and by protecting the territory from foreign

invasion. In 1853 Mr. Everett assured the Peruvian minister

that we should not hesitate to maintain the neutrality of the

Isthmus in the case of war between Peru and Colombia. In 1864

Colombia, which has always been vigilant to avail itself of

its privileges conferred by the treaty, expressed its

expectation that in the event of war between Peru and Spain

the United States would carry into effect the guaranty of

neutrality. There have been few administrations of the State

Department in which this treaty has not, either by the one

side or the other, been used as a basis of more or less

important demands. It was said by Mr. Fish in 1871 that the

Department of State had reason to believe that an attack upon

Colombian sovereignty on the Isthmus had, on several

occasions, been averted by warning from this Government. In

1886, when Colombia was under the menace of hostilities from

Italy in the Cerruti case, Mr. Bayard expressed the serious

concern that the United States could not but feel, that a

European power should resort to force against a sister

republic of this hemisphere, as to the sovereign and

uninterrupted use of a part of whose territory we are

guarantors under the solemn faith of a treaty.

"The above recital of facts establishes beyond question:

First, that the United States has for over half a century

patiently and in good faith carried out its obligations under

the treaty of 1846; second, that when for the first time it

became possible for Colombia to do anything in requital of the

services thus repeatedly rendered to it for fifty-seven years

by the United States, the Colombian Government peremptorily

and offensively refused thus to do its part, even though to do

so would have been to its advantage and immeasurably to the

advantage of the State of Panama, at that time under its

jurisdiction; third, that throughout this period revolutions,

riots, and factional disturbances of every kind have occurred

one after the other in almost uninterrupted succession, some

of them lasting for months and even for years, while the

central government was unable to put them down or to make

peace with the rebels; fourth, that these disturbances instead

of showing any sign of abating have tended to grow more

numerous and more serious in the immediate past; fifth, that

the control of Colombia over the Isthmus of Panama could not

be maintained without the armed intervention and assistance of

the United States. In other words, the Government of Colombia,

though wholly unable to maintain order on the Isthmus, has

nevertheless declined to ratify a treaty the conclusion of

which opened the only chance to secure its own stability and

to guarantee permanent peace on, and the construction of a

canal across the Isthmus.

"Under such circumstances the Government of the United States

would have been guilty of folly and weakness, amounting in

their sum to a crime against the Nation, had it acted

otherwise than it did when the revolution of November 3 last

took place in Panama. This great enterprise of building the

interoceanic canal can not be held up to gratify the whims, or

out of respect to the governmental impotence, or to the even

more sinister and evil political peculiarities, of people who,

though they dwell afar off, yet, against the wish of the

actual dwellers on the Isthmus, assert an unreal supremacy

over the territory. The possession of a territory fraught with

such peculiar capacities as the Isthmus in question carries

with it obligations to mankind. The course of events has shown

that this canal can not be built by private enterprise, or by

any other nation than our own; therefore it must be built by

the United States.

"Every effort has been made by the Government of the United

States to persuade Colombia to follow a course which was

essentially not only to our interests and to the interests of

the world, but to the interests of Colombia itself. These

efforts have failed; and Colombia, by her persistence in

repulsing the advances that have been made, has forced us, for

the sake of our own honor, and of the interest and well-being,

not merely of our own people, but of the people of the Isthmus

of Panama and the people of the civilized countries of the

world, to take decisive steps to bring to an end a condition

of affairs which had become intolerable. The new Republic of

Panama immediately offered to negotiate a treaty with us. This

treaty I herewith submit. By it our interests are better

safeguarded than in the treaty with Colombia which was

ratified by the Senate at its last session. It is better in

its terms than the treaties offered to us by the Republics of

Nicaragua and Costa Rica. At last the right to begin this

great undertaking is made available. Panama has done her part.

All that remains is for the American Congress to do its part

and forthwith this Republic will enter upon the execution of a

project colossal in its size and of well-nigh incalculable

possibilities for the good of this country and the nations of

mankind.

"By the provisions of the treaty the United States guarantees

and will maintain the independence of the Republic of Panama.

There is granted to the United States in perpetuity the use,

occupation, and control of a strip ten miles wide and

extending three nautical miles into the sea at either

terminal, with all lands lying outside of the zone necessary

for the construction of the canal or for its auxiliary works,

and with the islands in the Bay of Panama. The cities of

Panama and Colon are not embraced in the canal zone, but the

United States assumes their sanitation and, in case of need,

the maintenance of order therein; the United States enjoys

within the granted limits all the rights, power, and authority

which it would possess were it the sovereign of the territory

to the exclusion of the exercise of sovereign rights by the

Republic. All railway and canal property rights belonging to

Panama and needed for the canal pass to the United States,

including any property of the respective companies in the

cities of Panama and Colon; the works, property, and personnel

of the canal and railways are exempted from taxation as well

in the cities of Panama and Colon as in the canal zone and its

dependencies. Free immigration of the personnel and

importation of supplies for the construction and operation of

the canal are granted. Provision is made for the use of

military force and the building of fortifications by the

United States for the protection of the transit.

{470}

In other details, particularly as to the acquisition of the

interests of the New Panama Canal Company and the Panama

Railway by the United States and the condemnation of private

property for the uses of the canal, the stipulations of the

Hay-Herran treaty are closely followed, while the compensation

to be given for these enlarged grants remains the same, being

ten millions of dollars payable on exchange of ratifications;

and, beginning nine years from that date, an annual payment of

$250,000 during the life of the convention."

President's Message,

December 7, 1903.

The text of the Treaty with Panama may be found in the Volume

of "Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United

States" for 1904, pp. 543-551.

In the view of a good many critics who are not of a captious

disposition, the conduct of the Government of the United

States in these transactions was not as unquestionable as it

appeared to President Roosevelt. Professor Coolidge, of

Harvard University, in his candid and broadly studied work on

"The United States as a World Power" (prepared originally in

the form of lectures delivered at the Sorbonne, in Paris),

remarks that "to forbid the landing of Colombian troops was to

stretch the meaning of the old American right to maintain

order along the line of the railway to an extent hardly

justifiable in dealing with a friendly nation, and the haste

with which the administration at Washington recognized the

independence of the new republic and concluded a treaty with

it appeared to many people indecent. The truth was the

Americans did not feel that they were dealing with a friendly

nation."

PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1904-1905.

Beginning and Organization of the Work of Construction.

"The treaty between the United States and the Republic of

Panama, under which the construction of the Panama Canal was

made possible, went into effect with its ratification by the

United States Senate on February 23, 1904. The canal

properties of the French Canal Company were transferred to the

United States on April 23, 1904, on payment of $40,000,000 to

that company. On April 1, 1905, the Commission was

reorganized, and it now consists of Theodore P. Shonts,

chairman, Charles E. Magoon, Benjamin M. Harrod, Rear-Admiral

Mordecai T. Endicott, Brigadier General Peter C. Hains, and

Colonel Oswald H. Ernst. John F. Stevens was appointed chief

engineer on July 1 last. Active work in canal construction,

mainly preparatory, has been in progress for less than a year

and a half. During that period two points about the canal have

ceased to be open to debate. First, the question of route; the

canal will be built on the Isthmus of Panama. Second, the

question of feasibility; there are no physical obstacles on

this route that American engineering skill will not be able to

overcome without serious difficulty, or that will prevent the

completion of the canal within a reasonable time and at a

reasonable cost. This is virtually the unanimous testimony of

the engineers who have investigated the matter for the

Government. The point which remains unsettled is the question

of type, whether the canal shall be one of several locks above

sea level, or at sea level with a single tide lock. On this

point I hope to lay before the Congress at an early day the

findings of the Advisory Board of American and European

Engineers, that at my invitation have been considering the

subject, together with the report of the Commission thereon;

and such comments thereon or recommendations in reference

thereto as may seem necessary.

"The American people is pledged to the speediest possible

construction of a canal, adequate to meet the demands which

the commerce of the world will make upon it, and I appeal most

earnestly to the Congress to aid in the fulfillment of the

pledge. Gratifying progress has been made during the past year

and especially during the past four months. The greater part

of the necessary preliminary work has been done. Actual work

of excavation could be begun only on a limited scale till the

Canal Zone was made a healthful place to live in and to work

in. The isthmus had to be sanitated first.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH: PANAMA CANAL.

This task has been so thoroughly accomplished that yellow

fever has been virtually extirpated from the Isthmus and

general health conditions vastly improved. The same methods

which converted the island of Cuba from a pest hole, which

menaced the health of the world, into a healthful place of

abode, have been applied on the Isthmus with satisfactory

results. There is no reason to doubt that when the plans for

water supply, paving, and sewerage of Panama and Colon and the

large labor camps have been fully carried out, the Isthmus

will be, for the Tropics, an unusually healthy place of abode.

The work is so far advanced now that the health of all those

employed in canal work is as well guarded as it is on similar

work in this country and elsewhere.

"In addition to sanitating the Isthmus, satisfactory quarters

are being provided for employees and an adequate system of

supplying them with wholesome food at reasonable prices has

been created. Hospitals have been established and equipped

that are without superiors of their kind anywhere. The country

has thus been made fit to work in, and provision has been made

for the welfare and comfort of those who are to do the work.

During the past year a large portion of the plant with which

the work is to be done has been ordered. It is confidently

believed that by the middle of the approaching year a

sufficient proportion of this plant will have been installed

to enable us to resume the work of excavation on a large

scale."

President's Message to Congress,

December 5, 1905.

PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1905-1909.

Prosecution and progress of the work.

Mr. John L. Stevens was in charge of the work on the Canal, as

Chief Engineer, until April 1, 1907, when he resigned, and it

was then determined by the Government to place it under the

direction of an army engineer. The officer chosen for the

service was Lieutenant-Colonel George W. Goethals, of the

Engineer Corps, with Major Gaillard and Major Siebert as

assistant engineers, and this arrangement has been justified

amply by results. At the same time a final determination was

arrived at, against the placing of any part of the work under

contract; and this, too, has been approved by experience in

the undertaking since. Shortly before the occurrence of these

changes Mr. Shonts had resigned the chairmanship of the Canal

Commission, to take the presidency of the Interborough Co. of

New York, and Colonel Goethals became Chairman of the

Commission as well as Chief Engineer.

{471}

In June, 1906, the original design of a sea-level canal

throughout, with no locks, was dropped, after much

consideration and under weighty engineering advice. As

described very tersely and clearly by an English writer on the

subject, the new plan for locks is worked out as follows:

"Beginning at deep water in Limon Bay, on the Caribbean coast,

there will be a tide-water channel 500 ft. wide and 6.70 miles

long to Gatun. At Gatun there will be the vast dam, the ascent

of which will be effected by means of two flights of locks. In

each flight there will be three locks, each 1,000 ft. long,

110 ft. wide, and 41.3 ft. deep on the sills. These will give

access to a lake formed by the impounded waters of the Chagres

river, with a surface level 85 ft. above mean tide level.

Through this lake will extend a channel from 500 ft. to 1,000

ft. wide for 23.59 miles to Bas Obispo, the entrance to the

Culebra cut. Thence through that cut there will be a channel

300 ft. wide for 8.11 miles to Pedro Miguel, the surface level

being the same as that of the lake. At Pedro Miguel there will

be a dam with twin locks, side by side, by which descent of 30

ft. will be made to a smaller lake 55 ft. above tide-water.

This lake, only 0.97 of a mile long, will be traversed by a

channel 500 ft. wide to Miraflores, where there will be

another dam, with twin flights of locks, two locks in each

flight, bringing the canal down to tide level; and from

Miraflores a channel 500 ft. wide will extend 8.31 miles to

deep water in the Bay of Panama. The channel will nowhere,

save on the lock sills, be less than 45 ft. deep, and the

locks at Pedro Miguel and Miraflores will be of the same

dimensions as those at Gatun."

This altered plan received much persistent criticism,—so

persistent that, in January, 1909, after the election of Mr.

Taft to the Presidency of the United States, but before his

assumption of the office, the President-elect, who, as

Secretary of War, had been the responsible administrator of

the undertaking, went to the Isthmus with a selected committee

of engineers, who were asked to examine and report on the

plans and methods of the work. Their reports, made in

February, endorsed both. In communicating them to Congress the

President characterized them as showing that "the only

criticism that can be made of the work on the isthmus is that

there has sometimes been almost an excess of caution in

providing against possible trouble. As to the Gatun dam

itself, they show that not only is the dam safe, but on the

whole the plan already adopted would make it needlessly high

and strong, and accordingly they recommend that the height be

reduced by twenty feet, which change in the plans I have

accordingly directed." Of the engineers who made the report he

remarked that they "are of all the men in their profession,

within or without the United States, the men who are on the

whole best qualified to pass on these very questions which

they examined." The membership of the committee or board was

as follows: Frederic P. Stearns, James D. Schuyler, Arthur P.

Davis, Isham Randolph, Henry D. Allen, John R. Freeman, and

Allen Hazen.

The engineers reported that "as the Gatun earth dam was the

central point of discussion, they gave it under instructions

from Mr. Taft first consideration in the light of all new

evidences," and they added "that the type of dam under

consideration is one which meets with our unanimous approval."

Dams and locks, lock gates and all other engineering

structures involved in the lock-canal project, are "feasible

and safe," according to the engineers, "and can be depended

upon to perform with certainty their respective functions."

Considering the cost and time of construction of a sea-level

canal as compared with the lock type, they held that "most of

the factors which have operated to increase the cost of the

lock canal would operate with similar effect to increase the

cost of the sea-level canal, and at the present time there are

additional factors of even greater importance to be considered

as affecting the time of completion and cost of a sea-level

canal." One of these they found in the Gamboa dam. If work on

this were to be started as soon as possible, they asserted it

"could not be completed until after the time required for the

completion of the lock-canal." Further than this, they said

that "a change in the type would result in abandoning work

which represents large expenditure." They claimed that by the

change the river Chagres and the rivers on the Isthmus

tributary thereto, "instead of being allies, would be enemies

of the canal, and floods in them would greatly interfere with

the work."

Replying to the criticism that "the canal region is liable to

earthquake shocks, and that a sea-level canal would be less

subject to injury by earthquakes than a lock canal," they

asserted that "dams and locks are structures of great

stability and little subject to damage by earthquake shocks,"

but that even if they could regard earthquakes as a source of

serious damage to any type of canal on the Isthmus, "their

effect upon the dams, locks and regulating works proposed for

the sea-level canal would be much the same as upon similar

structures of the lock canal."

Finally, they said: " We see no reason why the canal should

not be completed, as estimated by the chief engineer, by

January 1, 1915; in fact, it seems that a somewhat earlier

date is probable, if all goes well."

PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1909.

Prohibition in the Canal Zone.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM: CASUAL OCCURRENCES OF SALOON SUPPRESSION.

PAN-AMERICAN EXPOSITION.

See (in this Volume)

BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.

PAN-AMERICAN RAILWAY:

Resolution of Third International Conference

of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

PANICS, Monetary, of 1903 and 1907.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

PAN ISLAMISM.

See (in this Volume)

SENUSSIA; also Egypt: A. D. 1905-1906.

PANKHURST, MRS. EMELINE.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

PANLUNG, THE CAPTURE OF.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

PAN-LUN-SHAN REDOUBT, CAPTURE OF.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

{472}

----------PAPACY: Start--------

PAPACY: A. D. 1902.

Secession of the Independent Filipino Church.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.

PAPACY: A. D. 1903 (July-August).

Death of Pope Leo XIII.

Election of Pius X.

The Papal seat became vacant by the death of Pope Leo XIII. on

the 20th of July, 1903. The Conclave of Cardinals for the

election of his successor assembled on the 31st of the month,

and its choice of Cardinal Sarto, Patriarch of Venice, was

made known on August 3d. The new Pope assumed the name of Pius

X.

PAPACY: A. D. 1904.

Papal Prohibition of Civil Interference with

the Election of the Roman Pontiff.

The Civil Veto, in all forms, denounced.

In the first year of his pontificate, on the 20th of January,

1904, Pope Pius X. pronounced the following denunciation and

prohibition of every kind of intrusion of civil authority or

influence in the election of a Roman pontiff: "When first, all

unworthy as we are, we ascended this chair of Peter, we deemed

it a most urgent duty of our apostolic office to provide that

the life of the Church should manifest itself with absolute

freedom, by the removal of all extraneous interference, as her

divine Founder willed that it should manifest itself, and as

her lofty mission imperatively requires.

"Now if there is one function above all others in the life of

the Church which demands this liberty it is certainly that

which is concerned with the election of the Roman pontiff;

for when the head is in question, the health not of one

member alone but of the whole body is involved (Gregory

XV. Constit. Aeterni Patris in proem).

"To this full liberty in the election of the Supreme Pastor is

opposed first of all that civil Veto which has been

more than once brought forward by the rulers of some states,

and by which it is sought to exclude somebody from the supreme

pontificate. If this has happened sometimes, it has never been

approved by the apostolic see. On the contrary the Roman

pontiffs, in their enactments on the conclave, have been in

nothing perhaps more emphatic or more earnest than in their

efforts to exclude the interference of all extraneous powers

from the sacred senate of the Cardinals summoned to elect the

pontiff. …

"But, and experience has shown it, the measures hitherto taken

for preventing the civil Veto, or Exclusive,

have not served their purpose, and on account of the changed

circumstances of the times the intrusion of the civil power in

our day is more clearly than ever before destitute of all

foundation in reason or equity, therefore we, by virtue of the

apostolic charge entrusted to us, and following in the

footsteps of our predecessors, after having maturely

deliberated, with certain knowledge and by our own motion, do

absolutely condemn the civil Veto, or Exclusive   as it is also called, even when expressed under the form of a

mere desire, and all interventions and intercessions

whatsoever, decreeing that it is not lawful for anybody, not

even the supreme rulers of states, under any pretext, to

interpose or interfere in the grave matter of the election of

the Roman pontiff.

"Wherefore, in virtue of holy obedience, under threat of

divine judgment and pain of excommunication latae

sententiae reserved in a special manner to the future

pontiff, we prohibit all and single the Cardinals of holy

Roman Church, and likewise the secretary of the Sacred College

of Cardinals and all others who take part in the conclave to

receive, even under the form of a simple desire, the office of

proposing the Veto or Exclusive, or to make

known this Veto in whatever manner it may have come to

their knowledge, to the Sacred College of Cardinals either

taken as a whole or to the individual fathers Cardinals,

either by writing, by word of mouth, whether directly and

proximately, or indirectly and through others. And it is our

will that this prohibition be extended to all the

interventions above mentioned, and to all other intercessions

whatsoever, by which the lay powers, of whatsoever grade and

order, endeavor to intrude themselves in the election of the

pontiff.

"Finally we vehemently exhort, in the same words as those used

by our predecessors, that in the election of the pontiff,

they pay no attention whatever to the appeals of secular

princes or other worldly considerations … but solely with

the glory of God and the good of the Church before their eyes,

give their votes to him whom they judge in the Lord better

fitted than the others to rule the Universal Church fruitfully

and usefully. It is our will also that these our letters,

together with the other constitutions of the same kind, be

read in the presence of all in the first of the congregations

wont to be held after the death of the pontiff; again after

entrance into the conclave; also when anybody is raised to the

dignity of the purple, with the addition of an oath binding to

the religious observance of what is decreed in the present

constitution."

PAPACY: A. D. 1904.

Amenities between the Vatican and the Quirinal.

See (in this Volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1904.

PAPACY: A. D. 1904.

Increased Participation of Catholics in the Italian Elections.

See (in this Volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1904 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

PAPACY: A. D. 1905.

Relaxation of the Withdrawal of Italian Catholics from

Political Action.

See (in this Volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1905-1906 .

PAPACY: A. D. 1905-1906.

The Separation of Church and State in France.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

PAPACY: A. D. 1906.

Anti-Clerical Movement in Spain.

Proposed Associations Law.

See (in this Volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1905-1906.

PAPACY: A. D. 1906 (February).

Encyclical "Vehementer Nos," to the Prelates, Clergy, and

People of France, concerning the Separation Law.

The following are passages from the Encyclical known, from its

opening words in the Latin text as "Vehementer Nos," which

Pope Pius X. addressed to the French nation on the 19th of

February, 1906, after the adoption of the Law separating the

Church from the State:

"To the Archbishops, Bishops, Clergy and People of France. …

Venerable Brethren, Well-Beloved Sons, Health and Apostolic

Benediction.

{473}

"Our soul is full of sorrowful solicitude and our heart

overflows with grief when our thoughts dwell upon you. How,

indeed, could it be otherwise, immediately after the

promulgation of that law which, by sundering violently the old

ties that linked your nation with the Apostolic See, creates

for the Catholic Church in France a situation unworthy of her

and ever to be lamented? That is, beyond question, an event of

the gravest import, and one that must be deplored by all

right-minded men, for it is as disastrous to society as it is

to religion; but it is an event which can have surprised

nobody who has paid any attention to the religious policy

followed in France of late years. For you, Venerable Brethren,

it will certainly have been nothing new or strange, witnesses

as you have been of the many dreadful blows aimed from time to

time at religion by the public authority. You have seen the

sanctity and inviolability of Christian marriage outraged by

legislative acts in formal contradiction with them; the

schools and hospitals laicised; clerics torn from their

studies and from ecclesiastical discipline to be subjected to

military service; the religious congregations dispersed and

despoiled, and their members for the most part reduced to the

last stage of destitution. Other legal measures which you all

know have followed—the law ordaining public prayers at the

beginning of each Parliamentary session and of the assizes has

been abolished; the signs of mourning traditionally observed

on board the ships on Good Friday suppressed; the religious

character effaced from the judicial oath; all actions and

emblems serving in any way to recall the idea of religion

banished from the courts, the schools, the army, the navy,

and, in a word, from all public establishments. These measures

and others still which, one after another, really separated

the Church from the State, were but so many steps designedly

made to arrive at complete and official separation, as the

authors of them have publicly and frequently admitted.

"On the other hand, the Holy See has spared absolutely no

means to avert this great calamity. While it was untiring in

warning those who were at the head of affairs in France, and

in conjuring them over and over again to weigh well the

immensity of the evils that would infallibly result from their

separatist policy, it at the same time lavished upon France

the most striking proofs of indulgent affection. It had then

reason to hope that gratitude would have stayed those

politicians on their downward path, and brought them at last

to relinquish their designs. But all has been in vain—the

attentions, good offices and efforts of our predecessor and

ourself. The enemies of religion have succeeded at last in

effecting by violence what they have long desired, in defiance

of your rights as a Catholic nation and of the wishes of all

who think rightly. …

"That the State must be separated from the Church is a thesis

absolutely false, a most pernicious error. Based, as it is, on

the principle that the State must not recognize any religious

cult, it is in the first place guilty of a great injustice to

God; for the Creator of man is also the founder of human

societies, and preserves their existence as He preserves our

own. We owe Him, therefore, not only a private cult, but a

public and social worship to honor Him. Besides, it is an

obvious negation of the supernatural order. It limits the

action of the State to the pursuit of public prosperity during

this life only, which is but the proximate object of political

societies; and it occupies itself in no fashion (on the plea

that this is foreign to it) with their ultimate object, which

is man’s eternal happiness after this short life shall have

run its course. …

"When the State broke the bonds of the Concordat and separated

itself from the Church it ought, as a natural consequence, to

have left her her independence and allowed her to enjoy

peacefully that liberty granted by the common law which it

pretended to assign to her. Nothing of the kind has been done.

We recognize in the law many exceptional and odiously

restrictive provisions, the effect of which is to place the

Church under the domination of the civil power. …

"With the existence of the association of worship, the Law of

Separation hinders the pastors from exercising the plenitude

of their authority and of their office over the faithful, when

it attributes to the Council of State supreme jurisdiction

over these associations and submits them to a whole series of

prescriptions not contained in common law, rendering their

formation difficult and their continued existence more

difficult still; when, after proclaiming the liberty of public

worship, it proceeds to restrict its exercise by numerous

exceptions; when it despoils the Church of the internal

regulation of the churches in order to invest the State with

this function; when it thwarts the preaching of Catholic faith

and morals and sets up a severe and exceptional penal code for

clerics—when it sanctions all these provisions and many others

of the same kind in which wide scope is left to arbitrary

ruling, does it not place the Church in a position of

humiliating subjection and, under the pretext of protecting

public order, deprive peaceable citizens, who still constitute

the vast majority in France, of the sacred right of practising

their religion? …

"In addition to the wrongs and injuries to which we have so

far referred, the Law of Separation also violates and tramples

under foot the rights of property of the Church. In defiance

of all justice, it despoils the Church of a great portion of a

patrimony which belongs to her by titles as numerous as they

are sacred; it suppresses and annuls all the pious foundations

consecrated, with perfect legality, to divine worship and to

suffrages for the dead. The resources furnished by Catholic

liberality for the maintenance of Catholic schools, and the

working of various charitable associations connected with

religion, have been transferred to lay associations in which

it would be idle to seek for a vestige of religion. In this it

violates not only the rights of the Church, but the formal and

explicit purpose of the donors and testators. It is also a

subject of keen grief to us that the law, in contempt of all

right, proclaims as property of the State, departments or

communes, the ecclesiastical edifices dating from before the

Concordat. True, the law concedes the gratuitous use of them

for an indefinite period, to the associations of worship, but

it surrounds the concession with so many and so serious

reserves that in reality it leaves to the public powers the

full disposition of them. Moreover, we entertain the gravest

fears for the sanctity of those temples, the august refuges of

the Divine Majesty and endeared by a thousand memories to the

piety of the French people. …

{474}

"Hence, mindful of our Apostolic charge and conscious of the

imperious duty incumbent upon us of defending and preserving

against all assaults the full and absolute integrity of the

sacred and inviolable rights of the Church, we do, by virtue

of the supreme authority which God has confided to us, and on

the grounds above set forth, reprove and condemn the law voted

in France for the separation of Church and State as deeply

unjust to God, whom it denies, and as laying down the

principle that the Republic recognizes no cult. We reprove and

condemn it as violating the natural law, the law of nations,

and fidelity to treaties; as contrary to the Divine

constitution of the Church, to her essential rights and to her

liberty; as destroying justice and trampling under foot the

rights of property which the Church has acquired by many

titles, and, in addition, by virtue of the Concordat. We

reprove and condemn it as gravely offensive to the dignity of

this Apostolic See, to our own person, to the Episcopacy and

to the clergy and all the Catholics of France. Therefore, we

protest solemnly and with all our strength against the

introduction, the voting and the promulgation of this law,

declaring that it can never be alleged against the

imprescriptible rights of the Church."

Pope Pius X.,

Encyclical Letter

(American Catholic Quarterly Review, April, 1906).

PAPACY: A. D. 1906.

Commands forbidding French Catholics to conform to the

Separation Law or the Associations Law.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

PAPACY: A. D. 1906.

Pacific Relations between State and Church in Mexico.

See (in this Volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1906.

PAPACY: A. D. 1906 (March).

Declaration of the new French Ministry on

the Church Separation Law.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1906 (JANUARY-MARCH).

PAPACY: A. D. 1906-1907.

The Separation of Church and State in France.

Further Measures and Proceedings.

The Encyclical Gravissimo.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1906-1907.

PAPACY: A. D. 1907.

Effects of the Separation Law in France.

The Catholics lose all Legal Organization.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1907.

PAPACY: A. D. 1907 (September).

Mandates of the Encyclical on Modernism.

The following passages contain the essential mandates of the

Encyclical on Modernism, issued on the 8th of September, 1907:

"The office divinely committed to us of feeding the Lord’s

flock has especially this duty assigned to it by Christ,

namely, to guard with the greatest vigilance the deposit of

the faith delivered to the saints, rejecting the profane

novelties of words and oppositions of knowledge falsely so

called. There has never been a time when this watchfulness of

the supreme pastor was not necessary to the Catholic body;

for, owing to the efforts of the enemy of the human race,

there have never been lacking ‘men speaking perverse things’

(Acts xx., 30), ‘vain talkers and seducers’ (Tit. i., 10),

‘erring and driving into error’ (II. Tim. iii., 13). Still, it

must be confessed that the number of the enemies of the

cross of Christ has in these last days increased exceedingly,

who are striving, by arts entirely new and full of subtlety,

to destroy the vital energy of the Church, and, if they can,

to overthrow utterly Christ’s kingdom itself. Wherefore we may

no longer be silent, lest we should seem to fail in our most

sacred duty, and lest the kindness that, in the hope of wiser

counsels, we have hitherto shown them should be attributed to

forgetfulness of our office.

"That we may make no delay in this matter is rendered

necessary especially by the fact that the partisans of error

are to be sought not only among the Church’s open enemies;

they lie hid, a thing to be deeply deplored and feared, in her

very bosom and heart, and are the more mischievous the less

conspicuously they appear. We allude, venerable brethren, to

many who belong to the Catholic laity, nay, and this is far

more lamentable, to the ranks of the priesthood itself, who,

feigning a love for the Church, lacking the firm protection of

philosophy and theology, nay, more, thoroughly imbued with the

poisonous doctrines taught by the enemies of the Church, and

lost to all sense of modesty, vaunt themselves as reformers, …

not sparing even the person of the Divine Redeemer, whom, with

sacrilegious daring, they reduce to a simple, mere man.

"Though they express astonishment themselves, no one can

justly be surprised that we number such men among the enemies

of the Church, if, leaving out of consideration the internal

disposition of soul, of which God alone is the judge, he is

acquainted with their tenets, their manner of speech, their

conduct. Nor, indeed, will He err in accounting them the most

pernicious of all the adversaries of the Church. For, as we

have said, they put their designs for her ruin into operation

not from without, but from within; hence the danger is present

almost in the very veins and heart of the Church, whose injury

is the more certain, the more intimate is their knowledge of

her. Moreover, they lay the axe not to the branches and

shoots, but to the very root; that is, to the faith and its

deepest fibres. And having struck at this root of immortality,

they proceed to disseminate poison through the whole tree, so

that there is no part of Catholic truth from which they hold

their hand, none that they do not strive to corrupt. Further,

none is more skilful, none more astute than they in the

employment of a thousand noxious arts; for they double the

parts of rationalist and Catholic, and this so craftily that

they easily lead the unwary into error; and since audacity is

their chief characteristic, there is no conclusion of any kind

from which they shrink or which they do not thrust forward

with pertinacity and assurance. To this must be added the

fact, which indeed is well calculated to deceive souls, that

they lead a life of the greatest activity of assiduous and

ardent application to every branch of learning, and that they

possess, as a rule, a reputation for the strictest morality.

Finally, and this almost destroys all hope of cure, their very

doctrines have given such a bent to their minds that they

disdain all authority and brook no restraint; and, relying

upon a false conscience, they attempt to ascribe to a love of

truth that which is in reality the result of pride and

obstinacy.

{475}

"Once, indeed, we had hopes of recalling them to a better

sense, and to this end we first of all showed them kindness as

our children, then we treated them with severity, and at last

we have had recourse, though with great reluctance, to public

reproof. But, you know, venerable brethren, how fruitless has

been our action. They bowed their head for a moment, but it

was soon uplifted more arrogantly than ever. If it were a

matter which concerned them alone, we might perhaps have

overlooked it; but the security of the Catholic name is at

stake. Wherefore, as to maintain it longer would be a crime,

we must now break silence, in order to expose before the whole

Church in their true colors those men who have assumed this

bad disguise.

"But since the modernists (as they are commonly and rightly

called) employ a very clever artifice, namely, to present

their doctrines without order and systematic arrangement into

one whole, scattered and disjointed one from another, so as to

appear to be in doubt and uncertainty, while they are in

reality firm and steadfast, it will be of advantage, venerable

brethren, to bring their teachings together here into one

group, and to point out the connection between them, and thus

to pass to an examination of the sources of the errors and to

prescribe remedies for averting the evil. …

"Against this host of grave errors, and its secret and open

advance, our predecessor, Leo XIII., of happy memory, worked

strenuously, especially as regards the Bible, both in his

words and his acts. But, as we have seen, the modernists are

not easily deterred by such weapons; with an affectation of

submission and respect they proceeded to twist the words of

the Pontiff to their own sense, and his acts they described as

directed against others than themselves. And the evil has gone

on increasing from day to day. We therefore, venerable

brethren, have determined to adopt at once the most

efficacious measure in our power, and we beg and conjure you

to see to it that in this most grave matter nobody will ever

be able to say that you have been in the slightest degree

wanting in vigilance, zeal or firmness. And what we ask of you

and expect of you we ask and expect also of all other pastors

of souls, of all educators and professors of clerics, and in a

very special way of the superiors of religious institutions.

"I.

In the first place, with regard to studies, we will and ordain

that scholastic philosophy be made the basis of the sacred

sciences, it goes without saying that if anything is met with

among the scholastic doctors which may be regarded as an

excess of subtlety, or which is altogether destitute of

probability, we have no desire whatever to propose it for the

imitation of present generations (Leo XIII. Enc. ‘Aeterni

Patris’). And let it be clearly understood above all things

that the scholastic philosophy we prescribe is that which the

Angelic Doctor has bequeathed to us, and we, therefore,

declare that all the ordinances of our predecessor on this

subject continue fully in force, and, as far as may be

necessary, we do decree anew and confirm and ordain that they

be by all strictly observed. In seminaries where they may have

been neglected let the Bishops impose them and require their

observance, and let this apply also to the superiors of

religious institutions. Further, let professors remember that

they cannot set St. Thomas aside, especially in metaphysical

questions, without grave detriment.

"On this philosophical foundation the theological edifice is

to be solidly raised. Promote the study of theology, venerable

brethren, by all means in your power, so that your clerics on

leaving the seminaries may admire and love it, and always find

their delight in it. For in the vast and varied abundance of

studies opening before the mind desirous of truth everybody

knows how the old maxim describes theology as so far in front

of all others that every science and art should serve it and

be to it as handmaidens. …

"With regard to profane studies, suffice it to recall here

what our predecessor has admirably said: ‘Apply yourselves

energetically to the study of natural sciences: the brilliant

discoveries and the bold and useful applications of them made

in our times, which have won such applause by our

contemporaries, will be an object of perpetual praise for

those that come after us’ (Leo XIII. Alloc., March 7, 1880).

But this do without interference with sacred studies, as our

predecessor in these most grave words prescribed: ‘If you

carefully search for the cause of these errors, you will find

that it lies in the fact that in these days, when the natural

sciences absorb so much study, the more severe and lofty

studies have been proportionately neglected; some of them have

almost passed into oblivion, some of them are pursued in a

half-hearted or superficial way, and, sad to say, now that

they are fallen from their old estate, they have been

disfigured by perverse doctrines and monstrous errors (loco

cit.). We ordain, therefore, that the study of natural

science in the seminaries be carried on under this law.’

"II.

All these prescriptions and those of our predecessor are to be

borne in mind whenever there is question of choosing directors

and professors for seminaries and Catholic Universities.

Anybody who in any way is found to be imbued with modernism is

to be excluded without compunction from these offices, and

those who already occupy them are to be withdrawn. The same

policy is to be adopted towards those who favor modernism,

either by extolling the modernists, or excusing their culpable

conduct, by criticizing scholasticism, the Holy Father, or by

refusing obedience to ecclesiastical authority in any of its

depositories; and towards those who show a love of novelty in

history, archaeology, Biblical exegesis, and finally towards

those who neglect the sacred sciences or appear to prefer them

to the profane. In all this question of studies, venerable

brethren, you cannot be too watchful or too constant, but most

of all in the choice of professors, for as a rule the students

are modeled after the pattern of their masters. Strong in the

consciousness of your duty, act always prudently, but

vigorously.

"Equal diligence and severity are to be used in examining and

selecting candidates for holy orders. Far, far from the clergy

be the love of novelty. God hates the proud and the obstinate.

For the future the doctorate of theology and canon law must

never be conferred on anybody who has not made the regular

course of scholastic philosophy, if conferred, it shall be

held as null and void. The rules laid down in 1896 by the

Sacred Congregation of Bishops and Regulars for the clerics,

both secular and regular, of Italy, concerning the frequenting

of the universities, we now decree to be extended to all

nations. Clerics and priests inscribed in a Catholic institute

or university must not in the future follow in civil

universities those courses for which there are chairs in the

Catholic institutes to which they belong. If this has been

permitted anywhere in the past, we ordain that it be not

allowed for the future. Let the Bishops who form the governing

board of such Catholic institutes or universities watch with

all care that these our commands be constantly observed.

{476}

"III.

It is also the duty of the Bishops to prevent writings

infected with modernism or favorable to it from being read

when they have been published, and to hinder their publication

when they have not. No book or paper or periodical of this

kind must ever be permitted to seminarists or university

students. The injury to them would be equal to that caused by

immoral reading—nay, it would be greater, for such writings

poison Christian life at its very fount. The same decision is

to be taken concerning the writings of some Catholics, who,

though not badly disposed themselves, but ill instructed in

theological studies and imbued with modern philosophy, strive

to make this harmonize with the faith, and, as they say, to

turn it to the account of the faith. The name and reputation

of these authors cause them to be read without suspicion, and

they are, therefore, all the more dangerous in preparing the

way for modernism.

"To give you some more general directions, venerable brethren,

in a matter of such moment, we bid you do everything in your

power to drive out of your dioceses, even by solemn interdict,

any pernicious books that may be in circulation there. …

"IV.

But it is not enough to hinder the reading and the sale of bad

books: it is also necessary to prevent them from being

printed. Hence, let the Bishops use the utmost severity in

granting permission to print. Under the rules of the

Constitution ‘Officiorum,’ many publications require the

authorization of the ordinary, and in some dioceses it has

been made the custom to have a suitable number of official

censors for the examination of writings. We have the highest

praise for this institution, and we not only exhort, but we

order that it be extended to all dioceses."

Pope Pius X.,

The Doctrines of the Modernists

(American Catholic Quarterly Review, October, 1907).

See (in this Volume)

TYRREL, FATHER GEORGE.

PAPACY: A. D. 1907-1909.

Revision of St. Jerome’s Latin Translation of the Bible,

known as "the Vulgate."

"In May, 1907, an announcement was made of the Pope's

intention to revise the Latin Bible, and the work has already

made such progress that the time has come to record not only

the main lines upon which the revision is being carried out

but also the actual completion of its preliminary

preparations. … Pius X. … offered the honourable though costly

and arduous task to the learned Order of the Benedictines, by

whom it was accepted. A commission of revision was appointed,

with Abbot Gasquet, the President of the English Benedictines,

as its head, and the International College of the Order at San

Anselmo in Rome was chosen as the headquarters of their work.

It is here that Abbot Gasquet and his fellow-workers have

already made a good start upon the vast labour which their

Order has undertaken.

"The object of the Commission, according to the Pope’s

definite instructions, is to determine and restore as far as

possible the original text of St. Jerome’s Latin translation

made in the fourth century. How far St. Jerome’s translation

represents the Hebrew or Greek is another question which may

be the subject some day for future criticism and another

commission. … Pius X. has made it clear to the Commission that

he desires their work of revision to be conducted on the most

modern and scientific lines, and that neither money nor labour

should be spared to make it as thorough as possible. An

exhaustive search will be made through all the libraries of

Europe in the hope of finding hitherto unrecognized

manuscripts of the Vulgate. Already there are 15 collaborators

at work in different centres, collating the best-known and most

important manuscripts with the Clementine text, while another

commission, with its assistants, is making a thorough

examination of the libraries and cathedral archives of Spain

in search of fresh material. …

"The method of work is as follows. For the purpose of

collation copies of the Clementine text have been printed;

each page being left blank for two-thirds of its surface, the

text being printed on the remaining third with no capital

letters, no stops, no word divided, so as to resemble

manuscript as far as possible. When a reviser wishes to

collate any manuscript he has only to correct this print like

an ordinary proof-sheet and so reproduce every difference of

the manuscript before him.

"The printing of these copies of the Vulgate, which are to

form the basis of the collations, with the preparation of the

texts and correction of proofs—no light matter—has been the

work of the first year. Three hundred and sixty copies have

been printed in all, one hundred upon the best hand-made

paper, two hundred upon ordinary book paper, and sixty upon

thin paper for the purpose of postage abroad. The Pope himself

has defrayed the rather heavy cost of this production. Besides

the printing of this Bible considerable progress has been made

during the past year with the preparation of a hand list of

all the Latin Biblical MSS. in the libraries of Europe, which,

when completed, will be of great use to the revisers. As the

collators finish their work in the various libraries or

archives where Biblical manuscripts are found, they send their

annotated copies to San Anselmo, where they are bound up and

added to a collection which, when complete, will form a vast

library of all the different versions of the Bible. Seven

important collations have already been made, and at the

present rate of work the number of these Volumes will increase

very rapidly."

Rome Correspondence of the London Times,

July 21, 1909.

PAPACY: A. D. 1908.

The new Apostolic Constitution of the Curia.

A change of far-reaching and great importance in the

ecclesiastical constitution of the Roman Church was decreed by

Pope Pius X. this year, by the promulgation of a new Apostolic

Constitution of the Curia. It reorganized the numerous

Congregations or departments of the Vatican Government which

had exercised the judicial functions of the Curia for some

generations past. The Pope now restores these functions to an

ancient ecclesiastical court, the Rota, which had fallen out

of use. The Rota is constituted as an international court,

before which questions between priest and bishop, bishop and

diocese, and the like, will have their hearing, and from which

there is appeal to a tribunal of last resort, the Segnatura,

composed of Cardinals alone.

{477}

The reorganization of the Congregation of the Propaganda by

this new Constitution removes from that body the

ecclesiastical jurisdiction it has exercised heretofore over

the Church in Great Britain, Holland, the United States,

Canada, and some other countries, thus taking them out of the

Roman category of missionary lands.

PAPACY: A. D. 1908.

The situation of the Church in France.

No Organization that can hold Property.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1908.

PAPACY: A. D. 1909.

Increased Participation by Catholics in the Italian Elections.

Their Gain of Seats in Parliament.

See (in this Volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

PAPACY: A. D. 1909.

Church Movement of Agricultural Labor Organization.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.

PAPACY: A. D. 1909.

Demonstration against the Religious Orders in Portugal.

See (in this Volume)

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909.

PAPACY: A. D. 1909 (April).

The Beatification of Joan of Arc.

The ceremony of the Beatification of Joan of Arc was performed

at St. Peter’s, in Rome, on the 18th of April, 1909.

Proceedings which began about ten years before were brought by

this ceremony to the end of their first stage, beyond which

they must still be continued for possibly many years, before

the Canonization of "the Maid" as a Saint becomes complete.

The question of the Beatification had been under consideration

in the Congregation of Rites for several years. The grounds on

which that question is decided, in every case, were explained

by The Catholic Union and Times, in connection with its

account of the ceremony now referred to, as follows: The

Congregation of Rites "may decide that the life of the person

was a very worthy and very holy one, but they require much

more than that. It must be proved to their satisfaction that

‘miracles’ have been performed. The Congregation of Rites

requires evidence of not fewer than three miracles. In the

case of ‘miraculous cures’ it must be shown that doctors have

pronounced the cases hopeless, or that diseases have been

cured which doctors call incurable. Usually the report

contains particulars of a number of ‘miracles,’ from which the

Congregation of Rites may make a selection. The three chosen

among those attributed to Joan of Arc relate to the curing of

nuns belonging to different communities, who are said to have

obtained relief from their diseases by her intercession. One

of these nuns had suffered for years from cancer and was on

the point of death when, it was claimed, she was instantly

cured by a prayer of Joan of Arc. When the Congregation of

Rites has been satisfied as to the authenticity of three

miracles they prepare their report, which is submitted to the

Pope, who considers it. There is then a gathering at the

Vatican, to which the public is admitted. Cardinals and

bishops are present, and a lawyer of the papal court reads out

the decision. After this, the ceremony of beatification

generally takes place within a few months."

In January, 1910, it was announced in Paris that the

ecclesiastical process for the Canonization would begin on

February 9.

PAPACY: A. D. 1909 (May).

Vote in British House of Commons for removal of remaining

Catholic Disabilities.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D). 1909 (MAY).

----------PAPACY: End--------

PAPER TRUST.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES:

A. D. 1901-1906, and 1909.

PARAGUAY: A. D. 1901-1906.

Participation in Second and Third International

Conferences of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

PARAGUAY: A. D. 1902.

A nearly bloodless Revolution.

Deposition of President Aceval.

Elevation of the Vice-President.

The following, translated from the Montevideo (Uruguay)

Dia, of January 10, 1902, appears in the annual report

of "Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United

States," 1902, as transmitted by the United States Minister to

Uruguay, and is probably an authentic account of the

revolution described:

"Yesterday, at 10 o'clock in the morning, a revolutionary

movement occurred in Asuncion del Paraguay, without bloodshed,

without noise of arms, which immediately resulted in the

imprisonment of the President of the Republic, Dr. Emilio

Aceval, in the artillery barracks. A strange case—the chief

magistrate of Paraguay has fallen, at least for the moment, on

account of a revolution, inspired and carried into practice by

two of his own ministers, Colonel Juan Antonio Escurra and

Señor Fulgencio Moreno, who, although belonging to the same

Colorado party as the President, differ in opinion at present,

the former considering that a radical policy should be adopted

against the liberals or civic accordists, Dr. Aceval not

sharing this opinion, but being in favor of conciliatory

measures, although this did not win for him the help of his

traditional adversaries, who looked unfavorably on him, as is

usually the way with those belonging to an opposite party."

In his note transmitting Montevideo newspaper reports,

Minister Finch wrote of the occurrence: "It was, as will be

seen, a bloodless affair; but out of it grew a discussion in

the Paraguay Congress which was followed by shooting, one

person being killed and several wounded."

PARAGUAY: A. D. 1904.

Successful Revolution.

The beginning of a successful revolution was reported to

Washington by the American Consul at Asuncion, in a despatch

dated August 11, 1904, as follows: "I beg to confirm my

telegram of to-day, stating that a revolution has broken out

in this republic. … Revolutionary forces on the river and

those of the Government have fought. … The Government forces

were defeated, the Minister of the Interior, who led the

forces, being taken prisoner. The state of siege as declared …

places the entire country under military laws, and the

Government, is amassing a large number of troops to suppress

the revolution. It is impossible at present to say whether it

will be of long or short duration. The revolutionary forces

are proceeding up the river in boats, and the Government has

placed or erected defenses along the river near the capital.

{478}

"Upon inquiries as to the cause of this revolution I am

informed that the opposition to the Government is that the

party in power is endeavoring to exclude entirely the liberal

element from participation in the administration of affairs,

assigning that said party, which is in power, which is

denominated ‘Colorados,’ have not sufficient persons prepared

for the administration of the Government. On the other hand,

the ‘Colorados’ assign that the revolution is due to ambitious

persons who form an opposition and are classed under the name

‘Azul,’ colorados meaning ‘reds’ and azul ‘blues.’"

It was not until four months later that the Consul could

announce the return of peace, secured by the triumph of the

revolution. The president, Colonel Ezcurra, was compelled to

resign, and Señor Juan Gauna was elected in his place; the

army was reorganized; a general amnesty was proclaimed.

PARDO, PRESIDENT JOSE.

See (in this Volume)

PERU.

PARKER, Alton B.:

Nominated for President of the United States.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).

PARKER, Edward Wheeler:

On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

PAROLE SYSTEM.

See (in this Volume)

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

PARSONS, CHARLES A.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: TURBINE ENGINE.

PARTIES:

Agrarian Socialists.

See (in this Volume)

FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

PARTIES:

Anti-Revolutionnaire.

See (in this Volume)

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.

PARTIES:

Azul.

See (in this Volume)

PARAGUAY: A. D. 1904.

PARTIES:

Blues (Conservatives).

See (in this Volume)

COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.

PARTIES:

Boshin Club.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

PARTIES:

Cadets.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

PARTIES:

Catholic Peoples’ Party.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.

PARTIES:

Center, or Centrum.

See

GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

PARTIES:

Centro Catolico.

SEE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

PARTIES:

Christian Workmen.

See (in this Volume)

FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

PARTIES:

Christlijk.

See (in this Volume)

NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.

PARTIES:

Civilistas.

See (in this Volume)

PERU.

PARTIES:

Clerical.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1903, and 1906;

BELGIUM: A. D. 1904;

GERMANY: A. D. 1906, and 1908-1909.

PARTIES:

Colorados.

See (in this Volume)

PARAGUAY: A. D. 1902, and 1904.

PARTIES:

Confederates.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (January-May).

PARTIES:

Conservatives.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1906, and 1908-1909.

PARTIES:

Conservative-Unionist.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906, 1909 (April-December), and 1910.

PARTIES:

Continental.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),

AND 1908 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:

Constitutional Democrats.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

PARTIES:

Daido Club.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

PARTIES:

Democratas.

See (in this Volume)

PERU.

PARTIES:

Democratic.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES; A. D. 1904 (MAY-NOVEMBER),

and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:

Democristiana.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.

PARTIES:

Democratique and Gauche Democratique.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

PARTIES:

Doshi-shukai.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).

PARTIES:

Fabian Society.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

PARTIES:

Fedakiarans.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

PARTIES:

Federal Party, Filipino.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901, and 1907.

PARTIES:

Free Traders.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.

PARTIES:

Independents.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

PARTIES:

Independent Labor.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

PARTIES:

Independistas.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

PARTIES:

Inmediatistas.

See (in this Volume)

Philippine Islands: A. D. 1907.

PARTIES:

Intransigentes.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

PARTIES:

Kossuth Party, or Independence Party.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903.

PARTIES:

Labor Party.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904, and after;

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903, and 1905-1906; also

SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.

PARTIES:

League of Liberation.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

PARTIES:

Liberal-Conservative Separatist.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.

PARTIES:

Liberals.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1906, and after;

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906, 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER), and 1910;

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (January-May).

PARTIES:

Miguelistas.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.

PARTIES:

Moderates.

See (in this Volume)

LONDON: A. D. 1909 (March);

DENMARK: A. D. 1901, and

CUBA: A. D. 1906, and after.

PARTIES:

Moderate Republicans.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

PARTIES:

Nacionalistas.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

PARTIES:

National Liberty.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER ).

PARTIES:

Nationalists.

See (in this Volume)

France: A. D. 1906.

PARTIES:

Octobrists.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

PARTIES:

Old Finns.

See (in this Volume)

FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

PARTIES:

Peoples, or Populist.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:

Progresistas.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907,

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

PARTIES:

Progressists.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1906;

JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

PARTIES:

Progressives.

See (in this Volume)

LONDON: A. D. 1909 (MARCH);

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.

PARTIES:

Prohibition.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),

and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:

Protectionists.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRALIA: A.D. 1903-1904, and after.

PARTIES:

Radicals and Radical Socialists.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

PARTIES:

Ralliés.

See (in this Volume)

RALLIÉS.

PARTIES:

Regeneradors.

See (in this Volume)

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

PARTIES:

Republican.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MAY-NOVEMBER),

and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:

Rikken Seiyu-kai, or Seiyu-kai.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1902 (AUGUST); 1903 (JUNE), and 1909;

See in Volume VI.,

JAPAN: A. D. 1900.

PARTIES:

Sinn Fein.

See (in this Volume)

IRELAND: A. D 1905.

{479}

PARTIES:

Social Democrats.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA A. D. 1905-1907;

GERMANY: A. D. 1903;

DENMARK: A. D. 1906;

SOCIALISM: GERMANY,

SOCIALISM: FRANCE,

SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.

PARTIES:

Social Revolutionists.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

PARTIES:

Socialist, and Socialist Labor.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),

and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:

Socialists, Radical.

Socialists, Independent.

Socialists Unified.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

PARTIES:

Sons of Liberal Ottomans.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

PARTIES:

Union Republicaine.

See (in this Volume)

France: A. D. 1906.

PARTIES:

Yellows (Liberals).

See (in this Volume)

COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.

PARTIES:

Young Egypt.

See (in this Volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

PARTIES:

Young Finns.

See (in this Volume)

FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

PARTIES:

Young Turks.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

PARTIES:

Yushin-kai.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

PARTIES:

Zayistas.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.

PARTY REFORMS, Political.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

PASSAY, FREDERIC.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

PASSIONISTS:

Forbidden to Teach in France.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

"PASSIVE RESISTANCE," OF ENGLISH NONCONFORMISTS TO THE

EDUCATION ACT OF 1902.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902, AND 1909 (MAY).

PASTEUR, Louis:

Pronounced by Popular Vote to be the Greatest Frenchman

of the Nineteenth Century.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.

PATENTS OF INVENTION: GREAT BRITAIN: A. D. 1907.

Patents and Designs Act.

A requirement of the manufacture of patented articles in the

United Kingdom, introduced in an Act of the British Parliament

passed and approved in August, 1907, which came into force

August 28, 1908, seriously changed the operation of patents

issued to foreigners. It is contained in the following

sections:

"27.—(1) At any time not less than four years after the date

of a patent and not less than one year after the passing of

this Act, any person may apply to the comptroller for the

revocation of the patent on the ground that the patented

article or process is manufactured or carried on exclusively

or mainly outside the United Kingdom.

"(2) The comptroller shall consider the application, and, if

after enquiry he is satisfied that the allegations contained

therein are correct, then, subject to the provisions of this

section, and unless the patentee proves that the patented

article or process is manufactured or carried on to an

adequate extent in the United Kingdom, or gives satisfactory

reasons why the article or process is not so manufactured or

carried on, the comptroller may make an order revoking the

patent either—(a) forthwith; or (b) after such reasonable

interval as may be specified in the order, unless in the

meantime it is shown to his satisfaction that the patented

article or process is manufactured or carried on within the

United Kingdom to an adequate extent: Provided that no such

order shall be made which is at variance with any treaty,

convention, arrangement, or engagement with any foreign

country or British possession.

"(3) If within the time limited in the order the patented

article or process is not manufactured or carried on within

the United Kingdom to an adequate extent, but the patentee

gives satisfactory reasons why it is not so manufactured or

carried on, the comptroller may extend the period mentioned in

the previous order for such period not exceeding twelve months

as may be specified in the subsequent order.

"(4) Any decision of the comptroller under this section shall

be subject to appeal to the court, and on any such appeal the

law officer or such other counsel as he may appoint shall be

entitled to appear and be heard."

Twelve months after the Act became effective the London

Times gave the following account of its working:

"During the year which has elapsed since Section 27 came into

force, 69 applications for revocation of foreign patents have

been made to the Comptroller-General. In 10 cases only were

patents revoked by that official. In four of these cases the

patentees appealed to the High Court, and in two cases

relating to improvements in electric arc lamps, the decision

of the Comptroller-General was reversed, evidence having been

adduced which was not placed before the Comptroller-General,

the effect of which was to show that the patented process was

being adequately carried on in this country. The two other

appeals to the High Court were unsuccessful, so that the

number of patents finally revoked was eight. Those revoked

related to the following articles or processes:—Artificial

stone slabs and tiles (two patents), sewing-machines,

umbrellas, adhesive stays or fastening straps used in

box-making, the lubrication of gig-mills, a steam motor-car,

and locks. In another case, that of a patent connected with

the manufacture of china clay, the Comptroller-General made a

conditional order of revocation.

"It is too early, as yet, to say whether this new power of

revocation conferred by the Act of 1907 is likely to have any

appreciable effect in reducing the number of foreign patents

taken out in this country. In the first seven months of this

year there were 17,869 such patents applied for—an increase of

1566 as compared with the corresponding period of 1908, though

only an increase of 319 upon the larger figures for the first

seven months of 1907. Sixteen fewer patents were taken out in

1909 by American subjects than in 1908, and 331 fewer than in

1907. The decrease in German patents has been consistent—2000

in 1907, 1822 in 1908, and 1735 in 1909, and the same may be

said of Austrian patents—253, 234, and 192 respectively.

French patents, which were 620 in 1907 and 670 in 1908,

decreased to 560 in 1909.

PATENTS:

Pan-American Convention.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

PAULHAN, M.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

PAUPERISM.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY.

PAWLOW, Ivan PETROVIE.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

PAYNE, HENRY C.:

Postmaster-General.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

{480}

PAYNE-ALDRICH TARIFF.

See (in this Volume)

TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

PEACE.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST.

PEACE, International:

Awards for the Promotion of.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

PEACE CONFERENCE AT THE HAGUE, The Second International.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

PEACE TREATY, BOER-BRITISH.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

PEACE TREATY OF PORTSMOUTH.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

PEARY, Robert E.:

Exploration and Discovery of the North Pole.

See (in this Volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION: ARCTIC.

PEASANT INSURRECTION IN THE BALTIC PROVINCES.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

PEASANTRY, CONDITION OF RUSSIAN.

See (in this Volume)

Russia: A. D. 1901-1904, 1902, 1904-1905, 1905, and 1906.

PECANHA, Nilo:

President of Brazil.

See (in this Volume)

BRAZIL: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).

PEKING: A. D. 1902.

Return of the Imperial Court.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1902.

PEKING-KALGAN RAILWAY.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: CHINA.

PELLAGRA.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH: PELLAGRA.

PENNA, DR. ALFONSO MOREIRA:

President of Brazil.

See (in this Volume )

BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.

PENNA, DR. ALFONSO MOREIRA:

Sudden death.

See (in this Volume)

BRAZIL: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).

PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1906.

Reform Legislation.

The popular revolt of 1905 in Philadelphia against the

intolerable rottenness of municipal government under the

dominant party "machine" had prompt effects in the State.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

"When the election, last November, and still more the reports

made by working politicians in the best organized and informed

machine in the land, showed that these classes wanted a

change, the machine and its leaders changed instantly. A

pliant governor was as prompt to call the Legislature in extra

session as he had been to find reasons for the vilest excess

of the political plunderers of the State. The same Legislature

as before met, and in a brief session passed every measure for

which reformers had been asking in vain for twenty-five

years,—two of them in more drastic form than any one had yet

proposed. Save that the Corrupt Practices Act is more precise

and severe than any yet passed, except in Connecticut, and the

separation and protection of the civil service of Philadelphia

more complete than has yet been enacted for an American city,

the new legislation follows the general trend of such measures

in other States."

Review of Reviews,

April, 1906.

PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1906-1908.

Frauds in the Construction of the new State Capitol.

On the 4th of October, 1906, the new State House at Harrisburg

was dedicated with imposing ceremonies, honored by the

President of the United States as the principal speaker of the

occasion. The State of Pennsylvania was then indulging more

pride in the supposed honesty and economy with which it had

been built than in the splendor it displayed; for announcement

was made that the Commission charged with the work had saved

about 10 per cent of the $4,000,000 appropriated for it. Very

quickly, however, there came an humiliation of that honorable

pride. Complete accountings showed that, while the naked

structure of the building had cost but $3,600,000, a monstrous

expenditure of more than $9,000,000 for alleged decoration and

furnishing had been added to that sum, by the most audacious

"graft," perhaps, that is recorded, even in the national

history which included the exploits of the Tweed Ring. The

arts of sculpture and painting in the decoration were dealt

with most frugally; but royal emoluments went to gas-fitters

and cabinet makers and their kind,—$2,000,000 for example, for

the equipment of the building with chandeliers. For woodwork

in one suite of rooms, which cost the contractor $16,089 the

State had paid $94,208. For another, he had received $62,486,

on an expenditure by himself of but $6,145.

The investigation of these monstrous frauds, in the fruits of

which many people must have shared, resulted in the arrest of

fourteen men. The arrests were made in September, 1907, and

the accused were released on bail. In the following March four

were convicted of defrauding the State, namely J. H.

Sanderson, a contractor, W. P. Snyder, former Auditor-General

of the State, W. L. Mathues, former State Treasurer, and J. M.

Shumaker, former Superintendent of Public Grounds and

Buildings. The execution of the sentence was suspended pending

an appeal.

Sanderson and Mathues died (of nervous breakdown, it was

said), while the appeal was pending. The conviction of Snyder

and Shumaker was confirmed finally on the 7th of March, 1910,

and their sentence to two years of imprisonment went into

effect. At the same time suits were instituted by the State

against all parties connected with the frauds, to recover some

$5,000,000, estimated to be the amount of plunder taken.

Meantime, seven in all of the alleged participants in the

conspiracy of fraud had died.

PENOLOGY.

See (in this Volume)

CRIME.

PENSIONS, FOR OLD AGE AND INFIRMITY.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF.

PENSIONS:

Military.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1902.

PENSIONS:

United States: For Teachers.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

PENSIONS:

For Railway Employees.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR REMUNERATION: PENSIONS.

PEONAGE:

In the United States.

The following extracts are from three reports of an official

investigation of practices of peonage, conducted by the

Assistant Attorney-General of the United States, Mr. Charles

W. Russell, in 1906-1907:

"Under the criminal law as now in force the offense of peonage

may be defined as causing compulsory service to be rendered by

one man to another on the pretext of having him work out the

amount of a debt, real or claimed. That is Mexican peonage

proper, as defined by our highest court in the Clyatt case

(197 U. S., p. 207). But, as fully explained in my report of

October, 1907, and January, 1908, where there is no

indebtedness either real or claimed, a conspiracy to

cause compulsory service of citizens of the United

States is punishable; and so, also, according to the only

court that has directly passed upon the question, is the

carrying or enticing any person from one place to another in

order that he may be held in compulsory service.

{481}

"I use the words ‘compulsory service’ as equivalent to the

constitutional phrase ‘involuntary servitude’ because the

Supreme Court so treats them in the Clyatt case, and I say

that a mere claim of debt is sufficient because several

inferior courts have so decided, and because in the Clyatt

case the indictment, to which no objection seems to have been

made, alleged a mere claim of indebtedness."

For an illustration of peonage, Mr. Russell cites the

following from evidence produced at the trial of a case

occurring in Alabama which he took part in:

"It was proven that Harlan, the manager, had headquarters at

Lockhart, where the mill was; that in his back yard were kept

what were called bloodhounds—man-trailing dogs; that the

object of keeping these was to send after escaping men; that

they were so used, and men chased and brought back, one of

them tied on the hind part of a buggy; that one of the men,

the Bulgarian Jordmans, was unmercifully kicked and beaten by

Gallagher for wandering off a few yards, his sore shins being

exhibited to the jury as part of the evidence; that by means

of telegraph, railroad, and telephone, a justice of the peace,

and a deputy sheriff, the force of men were hemmed in so that

escape was almost impossible; that the foremen constantly

carried pistols and often made threats; that a rope was placed

around the neck of one foreigner and thrown over a beam as an

object-lesson to others and to frighten him, and that all this

went on systematically'. …

"I have no doubt, from my investigations and experiences, that

the chief support of peonage is the peculiar system of State

laws prevailing in the South, intended evidently to compel

service on the part of the workingman.

"It is hoped that an enlightened self-interest and the demand

for labor made necessary by the expansion of old industries

and the introduction of new will lead to the amendment or

repeal of the State laws which are the chief support of

peonage practices.

"These State laws take various forms and are used in various

ways to uphold peonage and other kinds of involuntary

servitude. Some of them are vagrancy laws, some contract labor

or employment laws, some fraudulent pretense or false promise

laws, and there are divers others. Some few of those in

question, such as absconding debtor laws, labor enticing, and

board-bill laws, were not originally passed to enslave

workmen; but in view of the use to which they are put, need

amendment in order that they cannot be so abused.

"These laws are used to threaten workmen who, having been

defrauded into going to an employer by false reports as to the

conditions of employment and the surroundings, naturally

become dissatisfied as soon as they find how they have been

defrauded. They are used before juries and the local public to

hold the peons up as law-breakers and dishonest persons

seeking to avoid their ‘just obligations’ and to convince

patriotic juries that the defendants accused of peonage should

not be convicted for enforcing, still less for threatening to

enforce, the laws of their State.

"Until we began our work in October, 1906, the chief supply of

peons came from the slums—i. e., foreign quarters of New

York, and from Ellis Island, through the operations of

licensed labor agents of New York. These were reaping a rich

harvest from the price per head for laborers supplied to

employers at a distance, and the temptations to fill all

orders and outdo rival agents by a total disregard of truth

and honesty in dealing with both laborer and employer was too

great for a number of these brokers."

PEPPER, CHARLES M.:

Delegate to Second International Conference of American

Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

PERDICARIS, ION:

Ransomed from a Moorish Brigand.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

PEREIRA, JOSE HYGINO DUARTE:

Vice-President of Second International Conference

of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

PERRY, COMMODORE MATTHEW CALBRAITH:

Monument in Japan to commemorate his Advent there in 1853.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1901 (JULY).

----------PERSIA: Start--------

PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

Beginnings of the Revolutionary Movement,

in the Life of Shah Muzaffer-ed-Din.

The Taking of "Bast," and its effect.

he Extortion of a Constitution and Election of

a Representative Assembly.

Death of the Shah.

The following account of conditions and events which opened,

attended and followed the late constitutional revolution in

Persia have been derived, partly from official correspondence

of the period, between the British Legation at Teheran (or

Tehran) and the Foreign Office at London, as published in Blue

Book Cd. 4581, 1909, and partly from letters and despatches to

the leading journals of London and New York.

The Shah, Muzaffer-ed-Din, who came to the throne in 1896, on

the assassination of his father, Nâsr-ed-Din (see, in Volume

VI. of this work, PERSIA), was credited with a desire to

reform the government of his kingdom, and made considerable

effort to that end in the early years of his reign; but the

adverse forces controlling his court were too strong for him,

and he seems to have yielded to them completely at last. He

was surrounded by a corrupt ring which lived on the spoils of

government, and piled debt upon debt. Under the last of the

Grand Viziers (Atabegs, or Atabeks) who ruled Persia in his

name before the outbreak of revolution, "governments were put

up for sale, grain was hoarded and sold at extortionate

prices, the Government domains were stolen or sold for the

benefit of the conspirators, rich men were summoned to Teheran

(or Tehran) and forced to disgorge large sums of money,

oppression of every sort was countenanced for a consideration;

the property, and even the lives, of all Persian subjects were

at their mercy.

{482}

Finally, there was every reason to believe that a conspiracy

was on foot to dethrone the foolish and impotent Shah and to

oust the Valiahd [heir to the throne]. In their place was to

be put the Shooa-es-Sultaneh, the Shah’s younger son, who was

a by-word even in Persia for extortion and injustice. The

policy of the Atabeg and his friends had thus aroused the

opposition of all classes in Persia: of the few more or less

patriotic statesmen, who knew to what a goal the country was

being led; of the priests, who felt that their old power and

independence would perish with that of their country; and of

the great mass of the population and the mercantile classes,

who were the daily victims of the tyranny of their oppressors.

In December [1905] the storm broke. The Governor of Tehran,

without any just cause, ordered an aged Seyed to be cruelly

beaten. A large number of the prominent Mujteheds took ‘bast’

[refuge] in the shrine of Shah Abdul Azim, near the capital."

The "taking of ‘bast,’" or refuge, in some sanctuary or other

place of protection, is an old Persian mode of political

protest or demonstration, to command attention to public

discontents. In 1848 the chief persons of the Empire had taken

refuge with the English and Russian Legations in order to

obtain the exile of a tyrannical Minister, Mirza Aghassi, and

since then it had been the custom of persons who had

grievances against their own Government to take refuge under

the shelter of a foreign Legation. The "Mujteheds" mentioned

in the above quotation as having resorted to this expedient in

December, are the higher and more influential of the

Mohammedan priests in Persia, distinguished from the Mullahs

or common priests, whose ranks are open to any believer who

can read the Koran and who assumes to interpret its laws.

The Government used vain endeavors of bribery and intimidation

to break up the "bast" at the shrine of Shah Abdul Azim. The

refugees had stirred up the whole country by a published

statement of grievances, appealing to the patriotism of the

people, and the Shah surrendered to the effect produced. He

made promises of a grant of popular representation, and of

administrative reforms. By the end of January a promising

state of affairs seemed to have been brought about. "The

refugees were brought back to Tehran in the Shah’s own

carriages, escorted by an enthusiastic crowd." But dissensions

between the popular leaders and the Mujteheds soon arose. "No

definite step was taken to give effect to the Shah’s promises,

except a vague letter promising Courts of Justice and a new

Code, and the appointment of a Council to consider the whole

question of reforms. In this Council it soon became evident

that the Government could control the leaders of the reform

movement, and that the sympathies of the great Mujteheds were

not heartily with the popular movement. All was outwardly

quiet in Tehran, but in the provinces the people of Shiraz and

Resht had taken violent measures to prevent the reappointment

of the Shah’s sons as their Governors, and the movement in

both cases was successful. In the capital itself the streets

and the bazaars were quiet, but every day sermons were

preached in the mosques, in which, as one of the popular party

said, ‘What we hardly dared to think a year ago was openly

spoken.’ The best-known preacher of Tehran, a Prince of the

Imperial house, preached every Friday against the tyrannies

and corruption of the Government. An order for his expulsion

was issued. The chief Mujteheds, incited by the people,

pressed the Government to withdraw the measure, and the

Government had to yield."

In the middle of May the Shah had a paralytic stroke and was

removed to the country. For some weeks there was a lull in the

popular agitation. Then, early in July, the principal

Mujteheds were roused by the conduct of the Grand Vizier to a

fresh preaching of revolt. On the 11th the Vizier ordered the

arrest of one of the preachers; a crowd of people attempted to

rescue him, and was fired on by the troops. General rioting in

the capital ensued, with victory, for a time, on the side of

the people; but in the end the Government appeared to have won

the day. "The town was in the hands of the troops. The popular

leaders had fled. The Shah was in the hands of their

opponents. For the popular party the outlook was a grave one."

In these circumstances the leaders had recourse again to the

"bast," and this time in a Foreign Legation.

"On the evening of the 9th fifty Mullahs and merchants

appeared at the Legation and took up their quarters for the

night. Their numbers soon increased, and on the 2nd September

there were about 14,000 persons in the Legation garden. Their

conduct was most orderly. The crowd of refugees was organized

by the heads of the guilds, who took measures to prevent any

unauthorized person from entering the Legation grounds. Tents

were put up and regular feeding places and times of feeding

were provided for. The expense was borne by the principal

merchants. No damage of a wilful character was done to the

garden, although, of course, every semblance of a bed was

trampled out of existence, and the trees still bear pious

inscriptions cut in the bark. Colonel Douglas, the Military

Attache, kept watch over the Legation buildings, but no watch

was needed. Discipline and order were maintained by the

refugees themselves.

"The Government sent answers to the popular demands, which

they requested Mr. Grant Duff to read to the people. The

Government communications were received with derision. At last

there appeared to be no other resource than a personal appeal

to the Shah. The people stated firmly that unless their

demands were granted they would remain in the Legation, as it

was their only place of safety, and they maintained that until

the Shah knew what was the real situation their requests would

never receive due consideration. Mr. Grant Duff obtained the

consent of His Majesty’s Government, and announced to the

Minister for Foreign Affairs that he demanded an audience. An

audience was fixed for the 30th July. The audience, however,

never took place. The Commander of several of the Tehran

regiments, on whom the Minister of the Court and the Grand

Vizier chiefly depended, made the fatal announcement that his

troops would not serve against the people, and that they were

on the point of themselves taking refuge in the British

Legation. The Court party yielded. The Sadr Azam [Grand

Vizier] resigned, and the Azad-ul-Mulk, head of the Kajar

tribe [the tribe of the imperial dynasty], proceeded to Kum in

order to inform the refugee Mullahs that the Shah had granted

their demands for a National Assembly and for Courts of

Justice.

{483}

"The chief difficulty which then confronted Mr. Grant Dull was

that the people had entirely lost confidence in their own

Government, and declined to treat with them except through the

British Representative. When the Government made the

announcement of the projected reforms, the people answered

that they would not accept the promise of the Government

unless it was confirmed and guaranteed by the Government of

the King of England. This was naturally impossible. Acting

under instructions, Mr. Grant Duff informed the refugees that

he could do no more for them, and entirely declined to

guarantee the execution of the Shah’s Decrees. The Government

then attempted to come to an arrangement direct. It failed.

The popular leaders rejected the Shah’s Decrees as vague or

inadequate, and where posted up in the city they were torn

down and trampled on. In this extremity the Government again

appealed to Mr. Grant Duff and begged him for his assistance.

At his suggestion a meeting took place at the residence of the

new Grand Vizier, the late Minister for Foreign Affairs,

between the Government and the popular leaders. After a long

discussion, at which Mr. Grant Duff took no part except when

questioned, an agreement was arrived at, and an amended

Rescript published which definitely promised a National

Representative assembly [in the Persian language a Mejlis or

Medjliss] with legislative powers. The Rescript was read out

in the British Legation to the assembled refugees and was

received with enthusiasm. … On the night of the 16th the

Mujteheds returned amid popular plaudits, and on the 18th a

grand meeting was held in the Palace precincts as a sort of

earnest of the National Assembly."

The Court party, however, had only suffered an appearance of

defeat. It spent the next week "in gradually paring down all

the Shah’s promises, and in the production of a Rescript in

which the original project of the Constitution was hardly

recognizable. The late Grand Vizier, who had lingered in the

neighborhood, suddenly returned to his country seat near the

Shah’s residence, and the Shah absolutely refused to sign the

Regulations for the Assembly. The popular excitement was

intense. Notice was served on Mr. Grant Duff that the people

would again take refuge in the Legation, if necessary, by

force. About twenty-five of the leaders actually did take up

their quarters there. It seemed as if the disturbances were

about to break out anew." But now the Russian Minister came

into cooperation with Mr. Grant Duff, in representations to

the Shah that overcame the evil influences by which he was

swayed. Regulations for the election of delegates to the

Assembly were now signed; but fresh difficulties arose from

the refusal of provincial governors to carry them out. These

in turn were overcome and the elections were held. "Meanwhile

it had been decided, in order to avoid delay, that the Tehran

Members of the Council should meet at once, without waiting

for the provincial Delegates, and the first session of the new

Assembly was opened [October 7, 1906] by the Shah himself, in

the presence of the priests, the Court, and the foreign

representatives. … The provincial Members arrived one by one

as they were elected, and as yet there are many vacant places,

the provinces not showing much alacrity in electing their

Members. The Assembly soon showed its power. It refused

absolutely to consent to the Anglo-Russian advance [of a

preferred loan] on the ground that the public revenues ought

not to be pledged to foreigners. It announced its intention of

instituting reforms, especially in the finances of the

country, and of providing itself the necessary funds for

carrying on the Government by founding and endowing a National

Bank. But, before taking any steps of this nature, it insisted

on having a signed Constitution. A Committee was nominated to

consider the terms of the Constitution, and, in consultation

with a Committee named by the Government, a Constitution was

drawn up and submitted to the Chamber." It did not satisfy the

popular demand and scenes of confusion followed; but in the

end it was amended and approved, and, on the 1st of January,

1907, the important instrument, ratified by the Shah and by

the Valiahd—the heir to the crown—was delivered to the

Assembly and received with joy. One week later, on the 8th of

January, the Shah died.

The text of the Constitution, as translated for communication

to the British Government, is given in this Volume under the

heading—CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA.

PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (January-September).

The new Shah, Mohammed Ali.

His evil surroundings.

Hostility between him and the Assembly.

Prime Ministry of Atabeg-i-Azam.

The Government without money.

Inaction of the Assembly.

Discouragement of the Atabeg.

His assassination.

The new Shah, who assumed the crown under the name or title of

Mohammed Ali Shah, professed acquiescence in the

constitutional change which the nation had forced his father

to accept; but those who knew him appear to have expected that

he would act a perfidious part. That improved conditions in

the country were far from settled became apparent very soon.

As early as the 30th of January, Sir C. Spring-Rice, who had

succeeded Mr. Grant Duff as the diplomatic representative of

Great Britain, wrote to his Government: "I regret to state

that the prospects of a good understanding between the Shah

and the popular party are still remote. The entourage   of the Shah, especially his father-in-law, the

Naib-es-Sultaneh, is personally interested in the continuance

of the existing abuses; and their influence has certainly made

itself felt to a regrettable extent, and has led to increasing

agitation against the Shah himself. On the other hand the

action of the popular Assembly has not been such as to lead to

conciliation."

The precariousness of the situation in the country, the

paralysis of government and the prevalence of disorder during

a number of months following, may be indicated sufficiently by

a few passages from the despatches of Sir C. Spring-Rice and

Mr. Charles M. Marling, Charge d’Affaires to the British

Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Sir Edward Grey:

{484}

February 27, 1907.   "It is clear that a national movement of a semi-political and

semi-religious character does exist and is spreading. The

great Mujteheds of Kerbela are now entering on the scene, and

delegates are being sent out from the capital to the provinces

to preach the principles of liberty. Patriotism, of a

distinctive Persian type, has always been the characteristic

of the Shiite believers. The present Shah of Persia has no

religious status, and, in the view of the religious leaders,

no fundamental right to the allegiance of the Persians, whose

real chief is no living King, but the twelfth Imam, the coming

Messiah, even now present on the earth, though unseen. The

patriotism of the Shiite does not therefore centre in the

person of the Kaliph, but is, or can be, of a highly

revolutionary character."

May 23.   An "important question has arisen in relation to an addition

to the Constitution, guaranteeing equal treatment for all

Persian subjects, irrespective of their creed. The mullahs

protested. Of the three great Mujteheds, only one—Seyid

Mohamed—declared in favour of it. The others, supported by a

large body of the clergy, maintain that Mussulman law must be

enforced in a Mussulman country. The clerical world is divided

on the subject. A large number of the priests, headed by Seyid

Mohamed and the popular preacher Sheikh Jamal-ed-Din, declare

openly that the law of Mahommed is a law of liberty and

equality, and that those who say otherwise are traitors to

their country and unworthy of their religion. The

representative of the Parsees informs me that he has great

hopes that a decision will be taken favourable to toleration;

but the matter is still in suspense."

"The Atabeg-i-Azam [about whom something will be told below]

arrived at Tehran the 26th April, and was formally appointed

President of the Council of Ministers and Minister of the

Interior on the 2nd May. He proceeded to the National Assembly

on the 4th May, accompanied by his whole Cabinet, and made a

statement of policy."

"The tone of the local press is getting more and more

democratic, and new papers are constantly appearing. There are

at present nearly thirty papers published in Tehran alone,

including several dailies. Papers are also published in nearly

all the provinces, and a Persian paper of a very anti-dynastic

tone is published at Baku and widely circulated in Persia.

Anonymous pamphlets are also widely spread in Tehran as

before. A number of them are printed at Baku, and are

remarkable for their inflammatory character. The Tehran

pamphlets are chiefly directed against the Atabeg-i-Azam and

the Government."

June 18.   "The financial condition of the Government is, if possible,

worse than ever. The police of the capital are on strike; it

has been found almost impossible to scrape together money

enough to induce the Tehran troops to leave for the scene of

the rebellion."

"The Government would, if it dared, borrow abroad to meet its

present liabilities. But, in view of the popular sentiment, it

does not resort to a foreign loan. It appeals to the Assembly

for help, in the form of subscriptions to the proposed

National Bank. The answer it receives is that the people will

subscribe as soon as the rich nobles, who are known to have

large sums of money, show the way. This the rich refuse to do.

As to raising money by taxation, the Assembly appears to be

convinced that as soon as the Government has any money in hand

it will use it for the destruction of the Medjliss. Any

effective control of expenditure is regarded as quite out of

the question. The exasperation against the Shah is rapidly

increasing."

"There is a considerable difference between the north and the

south. In the south the popular movement has an almost

farcical character; it turns on personal or pecuniary

questions. In the north there appears to be a more or less

definite political aim and a keen sense of patriotism. So far

there is no sign of an anti-foreign outbreak."

July 19.   "The general condition of the whole country is undoubtedly

bad, and is probably slightly worse than last month. The

disturbances at Tehran have been chiefly brought about by

artificial means to serve the purposes of the reactionaries.

There seems, however, no reason to regard it as dangerous,

though the Government has every appearance of being bankrupt,

and artificial demonstrations are of daily occurrence. There

is so far no reason to fear an outbreak and consequent danger

to foreign lives or property."

August 15.   "The Assembly still continues to sit, and it celebrated the

anniversary of the grant of the Constitution amid great scenes

of popular enthusiasm. But it has done, and is doing, nothing

of practical value. Its proceedings are disorderly, and it

comes to no decision. The covert opposition of the Shah and

his friends is conducted with considerable skill through a

section of the priestly party, who are heavily subsidized.

They have obtained some measure of success, and the

reactionary forces show a considerable amount of vigour. But

the popular leaders are not seriously afraid of these enemies,

and confidently maintain that the restoration of autocracy in

Persia is now impossible. The chief enemies of the Assembly

are its own members."

"The Atabeg is in a state of great depression, is afraid for

his life, distrustful of the Shah, and professes that he is

anxious to resign. He is useful as a man holding a middle

position between Shah and people, and possessing great

experience and knowledge of the country, but he is quite

incapable of organizing or administering a Government or of

carrying out any thorough-going reform."

September 13.   "On the evening of the 30th ultimo the Atabeg called on me and

talked at length on the political situation. The general tenor

of his observations was that the Shah would withdraw his

opposition, the Medjliss would work with the Government, and

that very shortly the Government would be able to put an end

to the disorder which reigned in the country. I never saw him

in better spirits.

"The next day [August 31] the Atabeg and the Ministers

repaired to the Palace and requested the Shah to accept their

resignations unless he would solemnly pledge himself to

cooperate with the Government and the Medjliss. They obtained

the promise in writing, and repaired in a body to the

Assembly. The proceedings of the Assembly on that day were on

the whole harmonious and satisfactory. The Atabeg read the

Shah’s statement, and explained that the Government and the

Assembly would now be able to proceed to the serious work of

reform. There was some opposition, but it was overruled. The

majority of the Members showed their sympathy with the

Government.

{485}

"The Atabeg left the Assembly accompanied by the principal

Mujtehed, Seyed Abdullah. They reached the outer door of the

Palace inclosure, and had just parted when the Atabeg was shot

and killed. One of his assailants was captured, but wounded

his captor and escaped; another, finding himself surrounded,

shot himself. …

"For some time lately rumours have been spread abroad through

the local press and by word of mouth to the effect that the

Atabeg was in secret collusion with the Shah, for the

overthrow of the Assembly and the sale of the country to

Russia. Statements to this effect reached me from Members of

the Assembly. There can be no doubt as to the genuineness and

intensity of the feeling against the Atabeg. A French doctor,

who attended one of the assassins some time before the murder,

assured Mr. Churchill that he and his friends were quiet and

respectable persons of the middle class, imbued with the

strongest feeling of patriotism, and ready to devote their

lives to the service of their country. The attacks on the

Atabeg had lately gained in virulence, and had attracted

universal attention. … Popular sentiment approved the murder,

and the assassins were regarded as saviours of their country.

The streets of Tabreez were illuminated. The result of the

Atabeg’s murder is for the time to disorganize the whole

system of government."

In a recent book on Persia, by W. P. Cresson, the writer, an

American, who had visited the country during the final

Ministry of the Atabeg Azam, and had talked with him,

describes him with admiration, having been especially

impressed with his liberality of views and his knowledge of

European and American affairs. In his periods of exile from

Persia (which occurred several times in the course of his

public life) he had visited both Europe and America and

studied them well.

PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (August).

Convention between Great Britain and Russia relative to Persia.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

PERSIA: A. D. 1907-1908 (September-June).

A series of Political Overturnings.

The Shah deserted.

Temporary Supremacy of the Assembly.

Nasr-ul-Mulk Premier.

Addition to the Constitution.

The Shah’s attempted Coup d’État and failure.

Attempted Assassination of the Shah.

His successful second Coup d’Etat.

The Assembly dispersed and its dissolution proclaimed.

New Elections promised.

The assassination of the Atabeg Azam was followed soon by a

strange series of overturnings in the political situation,

outlined, and but slightly explained in the following excerpts

from despatches of the British Legation at Tehran:

September 13, 1907.   "A deputation recently called on the Mushir-ed-Dowleh [former

Grand Vizier] and asked him to take office. He refused unless

he was provided with money. He said that he would not take the

dangerous responsibility of accepting a foreign loan, and that

unless the Persian people supplied the funds necessary to

carry on the Government, or consented to the Government

finding funds elsewhere, all government would be shortly

impossible."

October 2.   "Shah has been solemnly informed by a Committee composed of

Princes, high military and civil officials, and great

landlords, and including all the reactionaries of prominence,

that, unless he maintains the Constitution and works with the

Medjliss their support will be withdrawn from the throne. The

usual reassuring answer was returned by His Majesty. The

Minister for Foreign Affairs, whose position is very

precarious owing to the strike in his own Department, is

opposed to them, but the head of the new Government has

promised them support. The members of the Committee yesterday

took a solemn oath of fidelity to the Constitution in the

Assembly, where they had repaired for the purpose. Excepting

support of the Minister for Foreign Affairs the Shah is now

practically isolated, though he is supposed still to entertain

reactionary views."

October 3.   "Saad-ed-Dowleh has been dismissed from post of Minister for

Foreign Affairs."

October 10.   "The Mushir-ed-Dowleh died very suddenly on the evening of

the 13th September.

"On the 27th September the Princes and civil and military

officials of note, who had up till then formed the reactionary

party, presented an ultimatum to the Shah declaring their

adhesion to the Constitution and the National Assembly, and

threatening to sever all connection with the throne should His

Majesty not cooperate with the National party. … There was

little on the surface to indicate the sudden volte-face   of the reactionaries. The chief cause must undoubtedly be

reckoned to be fear. The murder of the Atabeg … and the

suspicion that the sudden death of Mushir-ed-Dowleh was not

due to natural causes, had unquestionably produced a very deep

effect. …

"The result of the first year’s work of the Assembly has been

on the whole rather negative, but at least it has succeeded in

asserting its will against the influence of the Shah and

clergy, and has now a reasonable prospect of being able to

start on the path of reconstruction."

October 25.   "New Ministry has been formed under presidency of

Nasr-ul-Mulk, reappointed Minister of Finance. Most important

members are Mushir-ed-Dowleh, son of the late

Mushir-ed-Dowleh, Foreign Affairs; Sanied-Dowleh, Interior;

Mukhber-es-Sultaneh, Justice."

November 27.   "I have the honor to transmit to you herewith a full

translation of the text of the Constitutional Law as passed by

the National Assembly and signed by the Shah on the 8th of

October.

[This addition of articles to the Constitution signed by the

Shah on the 30th of December, 1906, will be found, in this

Volume, appended to that instrument, under CONSTITUTION OF

PERSIA.]

The Law reduces the Sovereign to practical impotence, but by

far its most important part is that defining the powers of the

Tribunals. Articles 71 and the succeeding Articles, though

ambiguously worded, intentionally so, will, if carried into

execution, deal a deadly blow at the judicial powers of the

Mollahs."

{486}

December 15.   "Disorders are threatening here. Violent speeches, denouncing

the Shah and demanding the exile of the Shah’s Chief Adviser

and Agent, Saad-ed-Dowleh and Amir Bahadur Jang, were made

yesterday at a popular meeting at the principal mosque. The

Ministry has resigned, but the Shah refuses to accept

resignation. This morning an excited crowd gathered outside

the Assembly, but was dispersed by armed men sent by the

Shah."

December 15.   "Ala-ed-Dowleh, who was sent to the Palace by the Assembly

with a message, and another brother of President of Assembly

were arrested by the Shah at 3 o’clock this afternoon. Shah

sent for Prime Minister at 5 p. m., put chains on him, and

threatened to kill him five hours after sunset. I have sent to

demand assurances for Nasr-ul-Mulk’s safety from the Palace,

and am requesting co-operation of Russian Minister."

December 16.   "Nasr-ul-Mulk is exiled, and leaves for Resht to-day. As he

fears Shah will attempt his life on the way, he begged me to

send a member of the Legation with him, as was done when the

late Atabeg was sent to Kum in 1897. This, I said, I was for

the moment unable to do. I am, however, sending two gholams.

On his arrest the Assembly dispersed, and the Anjumans, on

which its real power rested, remained inactive. The other

Ministers have all resigned. They were summoned to the Palace

and were practically under arrest there till they also left

the Palace when Nasr-ul-Mulk was released by my demand on his

behalf. … Armed partisans of Shah have occupied principal

square since midday yesterday. For the present his coup d’état

seems to be successful. The Committees are collecting armed

round the Assembly this morning. There is no sign of danger to

Europeans, and there has been as yet no fighting."

December 17.   "More armed ruffians are being brought into the town and are

congregating in Cannon Square, supported by troops and guns. …

Round the Medjliss building the Anjumans [popular

associations] are again assembling armed."

December 18.   "No Government has been formed. The popular party is acting

strictly on the defensive, and the Committees are still

guarding the Assembly. The Shah last night conceded the

Assembly’s demands, which are moderate."

December 22.   "Russian Minister and I have just come back from the Palace.

He laid the situation before the Shah with the utmost

frankness, and the strongest assurances that he would respect

and uphold the Constitution were given us by His Majesty.

Steps are now being taken by us to let the Constitutionalists

understand that it is incumbent upon the two Legations to see

that the Shah observes the pledges he has given us."

December 31.   "Meantime [after the interview, above reported, with the

Shah], the general situation had become more threatening. The

Tabreez Anjuman [local assembly or Committee] had succeeded in

circulating throughout Persia the threat of deposing the Shah,

and the larger cities, where the idea of constitutional

government has taken root, appeared to be greatly excited.

Telegrams promising armed support against the Shah had been

received from Shiraz, Ispahan, Resht, Kazvin, Kerman, and

Meshed, and signs of sympathy had come in from other quarters.

In Tehran itself, despite unmistakable signs that the Shah

must yield, as he did late in the afternoon, the excitement

against His Majesty was, if anything, more marked."

"It has been difficult to find a method of conveying the

Shah’s guarantee in a manner agreeable to the susceptibilities

of the Assembly. However, on Friday Mushir-ed-Dowleh furnished

M. de Hartwig with a rough draft of a declaration which we

might each communicate to the President of the Assembly, and

taking this as the basis we prepared a letter in French."

January 2, 1908.

"Although Tehran is now relatively quiet, and the provinces

have been much less affected than might reasonably have been

apprehended by the knowledge of what was happening at the

capital, I fear that relief is only temporary, and that Persia

is drifting nearer and nearer to complete anarchy. The

struggle between the Shah and his people has resulted in a

complete victory for the latter, but I am not sanguine that

the prospects of the establishment of constitutional

government on a durable basis have been much improved thereby.

For the moment, indeed, the Shah has been completely cowed,

and is now retired into the Anderoon [harem]."

January 29.   "In the early days of the month, though externally the town

was quiet enough, it seemed as though another crisis might

occur. The Shah, after a few days’ comparative inactivity,

recommenced his campaign against the Assembly."

February 28.   "The Shah, who had not been out of the Palace since he paid

his state visit to the National Assembly on the 12th November,

1907, was proceeding at 3 p. m. to his country seat at

Dochantapeh when a determined attempt was made on his life.

The procession was formed of a motor-car in front and a

carriage behind, with the usual escort of horsemen and running

footmen. A little way past the house of the Manager of the

Imperial Bank, and before reaching that of the Zil-es-Sultan,

a fusillade was opened on the motor-car, in which it was

supposed the Shah rode, by some persons from the adjoining

roofs, who evidently could not see into the vehicles from

their elevated position. Two bombs were then thrown at the

motor-car completely shattering it, and killing two persons

and wounding about seven others. The Shah, who was seated in

the carriage behind the motor-car, immediately emerged and

took refuge in a neighboring house."

April 24.   "While … the general condition of Persia has been more

tranquil, at the capital all the indications show but too

clearly that the struggle between the Shah and the Enjumens

[Committees or Associations] has lost none of its bitterness.

I say advisedly the Enjumens, for in the last trial of

strength, in which the Shah was again worsted, the Assembly

played a very small part indeed."

May 21.   "The condition of the country is going from bad to worse, and

the feeble Government is absolutely unable to do anything to

restore a decent degree of order, and even if money were

forthcoming, it is in the last degree improbable that without

foreign assistance any serious measure of reform can be

undertaken."

{487}

June 8.   "On Saturday morning, the 6th June, an apparent reconciliation

between the Shah and the popular party took place, but the

next morning it was reported to His Majesty that a telegram

had been sent to Zil-es-Sultan [one of the royal princes, and

an aspirant to the throne] at Shiraz by the Eujumens asking

him to come to Tehran and assume the Regency. The same evening

the Zil’s eldest son, also Serdar Mansur, Ala-ed-Dowleh, and

Azad-ul-Mulk, the Head of the Kajar tribe [the imperial tribe]

who took part in the agitation last week, were arrested by the

Shah."

June 23.   "About 6 o’clock this morning twenty Cossacks were sent by the

Shah to arrest eight persons who were in the mosque adjoining

the Assembly House. The demand for the surrender of these

persons met with a refusal, and a shot was fired from the

mosque. Fighting then started, and is still continuing. The

number of people killed is said to be large. Guns are being

used by the Shah’s troops."

June 23.   "The Assembly building and the mosque have been cleared by the

Shah’s forces, and the meeting-place of the Azerbaijan Enjumen

has been destroyed. The Shah has arrested the Chief Mujtehed,

Seyyid Abdullah, the Sheikh-ul-Reis, and some ten other

alleged leaders of popular party. The Cossack Brigade has lost

forty men. The loss on the other side is said to be very

small, but the exact number is unknown. A state of siege has

been proclaimed and the Enjumens have dispersed. Some shops

and houses, including that of the Zil-es-Sultan, and the

Assembly building, have been pillaged."

June 25.   "The first shot was undoubtedly fired by the people in the

mosque and Assembly, among whom some Deputies were included. I

believe that every preparation had been made to clear the

mosque by force if this proved necessary. In any case, the

Shah had reasonable ground for taking strong measures, as the

attack was made by the popular party on the troops. …

"Efforts are being made to catch Deputies, and several,

including the President of the Assembly, have already been

arrested. The Enjumens seem to be cowed; their supporters are

falling away, and the Shah has complete mastery. Yesterday

morning two prisoners were strangled at the Shah’s camp, and

there are about thirty persons, other than Deputies, under

arrest. There are now in the Legation fifty refugees.

"There has been fighting in Tabreez between the popular party

and the Shah’s partisans. There is no sign from the other

provinces, and the Zil-es-Sultan is trying to dissociate

himself from the agitation."

June 26.   "A Proclamation stating that the present Assembly is dissolved

has been issued by the Shah. Proclamation announces that new

elections will be held in three months, and a Senate will be

formed."

PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

Final Hostilities between the Shah and the Supporters

of the Constitution.

Tabriz the Center of a Revolutionary Movement.

Entrance of the Bakhtiari into the Struggle.

Siege of Tabriz and its Relief by the Russians.

Capture of Teheran by the Nationalists and Bakhtiari.

Deposition of the Shah.

A child enthroned.

The occurrences of June, narrated above, were at the beginning

of the final outbreak of hostilities between the partisans of

the Shah and the supporters of the Constitution, which soon

ran into actual civil war.

When the Shah had established his authority at Teheran, Tabriz

became the center of popular opinion on the side of the

Constitutionalists, or Nationalists, and the main seat of

their strength. Fighting began there on the 23d of June,

simultaneously with the conflict at Teheran, and continued

intermittently and indecisively throughout July and August, at

the end of which time the Nationalists were said to be 10,000

strong. On the 24th of September the Royalists began a

bombardment of the town, with five guns, to which the

Nationalists responded vigorously with four. October 10th the

Nationalists assumed the offensive, attacking the camp of the

besiegers, routing their cavalry, and securing possession of a

desirable bridge.

On the 24th of September, under pressure from the

representatives of Great Britain and Russia, the Shah decreed

that a Mejlis (National Assembly) "composed of religious and

proper persons, will, by the help of God and the favor of the

12th Imam, be convoked by us for the 19th Shavval"—that is,

November 14—and that a law of elections should be made known

by October 27. The latter date passed without producing the

promised election law and no elections followed in November;

but on the 8th of the latter month the Shah’s partisans

organized a "demonstration" at Teheran against the

Constitution, on the strength of which the mendacious

sovereign replied to British and Russian remonstrances against

his faithlessness by saying that "a large section of the

population regarded a constitutional regime as contrary to

their religion." Presently, on the 22d of November, he issued

a rescript proclaiming that the Ulema had declared such an

institution as a Parliament to be contrary to Islam and

therefore he would not convoke it.

Early in 1909 the revolt first organized at Tabriz became rife

in many parts of the nominal Empire of the Shah, both north

and south. On the 25th of January The Times of India,

published at Bombay, where commercial and political interests

in Persian affairs are equally keen, described the situation

then existing as follows: The "news from Persia is extremely

grave, because it indicates the collapse of the Shah’s

authority from north to south. The Anjumans [Enjumens—a term

which seems to be applied to local assemblies and to all

political associations alike] of Astrabad and Lahidjan have

repudiated the present regime. This means that the Caspian

littoral is being lost to the Shah. What is of even greater

consequence is that the spread of the revolt to Lahidjan may

mean the cutting off of the trade with Teheran via Resht,

which is now the principal route open to traffic. Then in the

far south, almost on the Gulf littoral, the Nationalists of

Laristan have thrown off all semblance of the Shah’s

authority. Recently it was stated that the Bakhtiaris had

risen in revolt, and had looted Isfahan. It was not to be

expected that the Lars, of which the Bakhtiaris are an

offshoot and who enjoy a modified independence, would remain

quiescent under these conditions. Reuter is however in error

in stating that these tribal fights ‘are interrupting’

communications between Bushire and Shiraz.

{488}

These have been interrupted for many months, and as we stated

on Friday, the muleteers who usually ply between Bushire and

Shiraz some time ago removed their animals to the

Resht-Teheran road. The insecurity of this route is

illustrated by the fact that the Derya Begi, the fount of

Persian dignity at Bushire, was held up and robbed on his way

from Teheran to his charge on the coast. All these straws

point to the rapidity with which anarchy is spreading."

The Bakhtiari referred to in this account of affairs, and who

now began to bear an important part in the Persian

revolutionary conflict, are a semi-independent and nomadic

tribe, occupying the region of the mountains which bear the

same name, in western Persia, within the provinces of Luristan

and Khuzistan. They claim, it is said, by descent from the

Bactrians of remote antiquity, to represent the purest blood

of ancient Iran. In connection with recent disturbances, they

began to be mentioned in June, 1907. The head of one faction

among them, Semsam-es-Sultaneh, had then been removed by the

Persian provincial governor from the post of Ilkhani (a title

surviving from the Mongol conquest of the 13th century,—see

PERSIA: A. D. 1258-1393, in Volume IV. of this work), and his

supporters were reported to be "out in every direction

attacking caravans." The only mention of them in the following

months was as pestilent bandits in the Ispahan quarter,

holding the roads and breaking up commerce and travel; but

they came at last into Persian history as allies of the

Nationalists in the struggle for Constitutional Government.

Press reports from Tabriz in February were to the effect that

the Shah’s forces, estimated at 12,000 in number, had closely

invested the town; that the besieged Nationalists were

provisioned for two months, and were making sorties daily.

Also that Resht was full of armed Caucasian revolutionaries.

At the middle of March a correspondent of the London

Times made his way from Teheran to Resht, and found

that the revolutionary movement there was entirely "exotic."

"If the Caucasian element was removed," he wrote, "nothing

would remain. One can estimate fairly accurately that there

are about 600 men under arms in the town and on the road. It

is said that 5 per cent. of these are Persians. This morning I

watched the departure of a contingent of men for the front.

Greeks, Kurds, Armenians, Tartars, Russians—all the Caucasian

peoples were represented, but not a single man of the race for

the advancement of whose cause these men have taken arms."

This correspondent was led to suspect, as others have done,

that the religious movement in Persia known as "Babism" (see,

in Volume I. of this work, under BAB) had much to do, in a

secret way, with the existing revolutionary undertaking.

"Those who are in a position to judge." he said, "estimate the

present proportion of Babis in the population of Persia at

from 10 to 30 per cent. I have, indeed, heard the Persians

estimate it as high as 50 per cent."

Before the end of March the Nationalists were in control of

the ports of Bender Abbas and Bushire on the Persian Gulf. On

the 30th of March the following went to the London

Times from Teheran: "In spite of numerous defections to

the Nationalist side during the last fortnight, the situation

at Teheran remains practically unaltered. The Cossack Brigade

is still the premier factor, and there seems no reason to

doubt either its allegiance to the Shah or its ability to deal

with any element of disturbance likely to arise in the

capital. The bazaars remain partially closed, but the business

of the town proceeds without interruption.

"From outside there is nothing to apprehend for the present.

The Bakhtiari have made no sign, though their position has

been rendered materially more secure by the recent espousal of

Nationalism by the most notable family at Shiraz. From Resht

the revolutionaries continue to launch remonstrance, warning,

and anathema at the Shah, but they are too wise to march on

the capital without a lead from elsewhere.

"To-day’s news from Tabriz indicates that the situation of the

town is extremely grave. A section of the Nationalists

advocate negotiating with the besiegers, but Satar Khan has

decided to continue his resistance. The stores of food are to

be appropriated for the fighting men, and when the stock

remaining is exhausted the inhabitants will have no

alternative but to leave the town and run the gauntlet of the

Shah’s lambs."

The Cossack Brigade referred to in the despatch above was a

body of Persian Cossacks which had been for some time past in

the service of the Shah, under the command of a Russian

officer, Colonel Liakhoff. In the House of Commons, on the

24th of March, the British Secretary for Foreign Affairs was

sharply questioned as to this employment of a Russian officer,

and the alleged employment of others, in the Shah’s service,

and asked whether they were serving the Shah or the Tsar. In

reply he said: "It may be that in the events of the

summer—what is called the coup d’État—Colonel Liakhoff, the

Russian officer in command of the Persian Cossacks, who had

been lent to the Shah for the purpose, I understand, of

disciplining that body of Persian Cossacks, to provide a

bodyguard for the Shah, and in case of need to preserve order

in Teheran—it may be that he exceeded the limit of those

purposes. If he did so I am convinced that it was not by the

instructions, on the authority, or with the approval of the

Russian Government; and since the coup d’Etat there has been

no question, according to reports which we have received, that

the Russian officers who remained in the service of the Shah

have kept within the limits of the purposes for which they

were lent to the service of the Shah, and have not taken part

in anything that could be called political encounters in

Persia. If Colonel Liakhoff exceeded the limits in Teheran, he

acted directly under the Government of the Shah, and the

question whether the Russian Government approve or disapprove

his action is one between himself and them, and is not a

matter on which we are called upon to express an opinion."

On the 5th of April it was reported that the sufferings of

Tabriz "are increasing daily, and it is undoubted that a great

tragedy is approaching. If Tabriz holds out, thousands must

die of starvation, while, if it falls, probably tens of

thousands will be massacred." A fortnight later, on the 20th.

the Shah yielded to the insistence of the British and Russian

Legations that he should allow an armistice at Tabriz of six

days and the importation into the town of sufficient food for

that period.

{489}

Meantime a detachment of Russian Cossacks, under General

Snarsky, had crossed the frontier into Persia, and was

marching to Tabriz with supplies. This Russian relief

expedition, approved by the British Government, reached the

beleaguered city without resistance on the 30th, and its

presence brought the conflict at that point to an end. A

correspondent of The Times, who had been in Tabriz

throughout the siege, taking some leadership in the defence

(in company with a teacher attached to the American Mission’s

high school, Mr. Baskerville, who met death in the fighting)

and who gave, two months later, a graphic narrative of the

experience, said in concluding it:

"Tabriz was ultimately saved by the coming of the Russians.

Their entry into the town was the direct cause of the opening

of the roads, the dispersal of the disappointed armies of the

Shah, the promulgation of the Constitution, and the

appointment of a Constitutionalist Ministry. It saved Tabriz

from a surrender which could not otherwise have been delayed

for three days longer, and thereby it averted the complete

collapse of the Constitutional movement."

With victory at Tabriz snatched from him, the Shah ostensibly

threw up his hands. On the 5th of May it was announced that he

had "signed an Imperial rescript acknowledging that the

disorderly condition of the country imposed the necessity of

taking measures to reorganize the administration. The rescript

recognizes that this can only be secured through the

constitutional principle, and his Majesty fixes July 19 for

the election of a representative Assembly, for the formation

of which electoral laws will soon be promulgated."

This revival of promises failed, however, to arrest the

revolutionary movement. On the 7th of May the Nationalists

expelled a royal force from Kazvin—less than a hundred miles

from Teheran—and declared their intention to march on Teheran.

"They are well-armed and well-mounted," said a correspondent

who came from Kazvin, "and possessed of plenty of money. Their

commander, a Sipahdar, and his second in command, an Afghan,

are now at Kazvin, and everything points to the possibility of

early action. The Bakhtiari, who have assembled at Ispahan and

number 3,000, also declare their intention of marching on

Teheran."

Of the Sipahdar, who now becomes the fighting leader of the

Nationalists, a writer in the New York Evening Post   relates that "when a merchant in Tabriz, he offered the

government his services in wiping out the brigands who scoured

the provinces, and, selecting a picked band, went out to fight

fire with fire, by the same methods of terrorizing that the

robbers had employed. As a result, he made the provinces safe,

at least."

Pressed by the Russian Legation to withdraw from Kazvin,

pending the fulfilment of the Shah’s promises, the Sipahdar,

commanding there, declared that he could not control his men.

The situation was complicated by the presence of the Russians

at Tabriz. As The Times correspondent wrote: "The

perfectly unambiguous declaration by Russia that her troops

will be withdrawn from Tabriz the moment order is restored and

danger to Europeans is past is valueless in the eyes of

Persians while the troops are there."

The framing of a new electoral law, to the satisfaction of an

electoral committee of the Nationalists, was finished on the

6th of June, and the Shah’s signature to it was expected in a

few days. High hopes were placed on the coming of

Nasr-ul-Mulk, the exiled statesman at Paris, who had been

solicited to accept the Prime Ministry, and who seemed slow to

take the proffered honor. But the wrecked structure of

constitutional government could not so easily be set in

motion. The revolutionaries at Kazvin became threatening

again, and were in motion toward Teheran before the end of

June, while the Bakhtiari began a simultaneous advance. On the

29th of June the Russian Government issued orders "to assemble

a considerable force at Baku, to be held in readiness in case

of a coup de main against the Persian capital."

Meantime the new electoral law had been signed, but not

promulgated, "owing to the prevailing excitement," it was

said.

On the 3d of July the Russian Government addressed a Circular

Note on the situation in Persia to the Governments of foreign

Powers, saying, in part:

"The Imperial Government, on consideration of the position of

affairs, has come to the conclusion that the principle of

absolute non-interference in the internal affairs of Persia

and in the conflict between the Shah and the Persian people

must remain, now as formerly, the basis of its policy in

Persia. In this connexion we could not leave out of sight the

fact that in the event of the Bakhtiari and revolutionaries

entering Teheran the Russian and other European Legations and

European institutions and subjects, as well as our road from

Enzeli (on the Caspian Sea) to Teheran, might find themselves

in an extremely dangerous position, and the more so because,

according to information which has reached us, the only

Regular troops at the Shah’s disposal consist of the Persian

Cossack Brigade, which is at present so weakened that it is

scarcely in a condition to maintain order in Teheran.

"This circumstance imposes upon the Imperial Government the

moral obligation to take all measures in order that, in case

of necessity, it may be possible to render effective aid to

the above-mentioned (European) establishments and subjects and

to ensure unrestricted traffic between Teheran and Enzeli in

all circumstances. It has, therefore, been decided to send a

force from Baku to Enzeli consisting of one regiment of

Cossacks, one battalion of Russian infantry, and one battery

of artillery. The force will not advance beyond Kazvin (86

miles from Teheran), and will ensure communication between

Kazvin and the Caspian Sea.

"The further advance of a portion of the force depends upon

the course of events. It can only ensue upon the demand of the

Imperial Legation in Teheran in the event of the dangerous

situation aforesaid arising."

{490}

The Russian and British Legations attempted mediation between

the Sipahdar and the Shah, to check the former’s advance, but

his demands made their intervention hopeless. The Shah’s

forces pushed out to intercept the on-coming revolutionaries,

encountered them on the 11th, 18 miles west of Teheran, and

fighting went on at a distance from the city for two days; but

forces which slipped between the defensive lines made their

way into the capital on the morning of July 13th, and there

was fighting in the streets until the 16th. The Shah then

sought refuge at the Russian Legation, and the Russian

officers of the Persian Cossacks, besieged in their barracks,

made terms with the Nationalist leaders.

Four days later the Persian situation was stated to the

British House of Commons by the Secretary of State for Foreign

Affairs, Sir Edward Grey, as follows:

"The Shah, after taking refuge in the Russian legation,

abdicated, and his son, Sultan Ahmed Mirza [a young child] has

been proclaimed Shah by the Nationalist Committee under the

regency of Azad-ul-Mulk, head of the Kajar tribe, pending the

convocation of Parliament. The commanders of the Fedai and

Bakhtiari, as temporary chiefs of the Persian Government, have

accepted the services of the Persian Cossack brigade under

their Russian officers, on condition that the latter are

completely under the orders of the Minister of War. This

arrangement was ratified at a meeting between the commanders

and Colonel Liakhoff. Teheran is quiet, and the Persian

Cossacks are already fraternizing with the Fedai. The Sipahdar

has been appointed Minister of War, and the Sirdar Assad

Minister of the Interior." Being asked if he would represent

to the Russian Government the undesirability of advancing

Russian troops to Teheran, Sir Edward added: "In view of the

declarations already made by the Russian Government as to the

circumstances under which alone Russian troops would be sent

to Teheran and in view of the fact that no troops have been

sent to Teheran during the recent troubles, in spite of the

fact that at one time some apprehension, which happily proved

to be unfounded, was expressed for the safety of Russian

subjects, such representations would be most uncalled for."

On the 17th the Provisional Government gave notice to the

Anglo-Russian legations of the selection of the new Shah, and

asked that he should be delivered to their keeping; whereupon,

wrote the Times correspondent, "M. Sablin announced the

request to the Shah, who replied that he thought his mother

would not consent. The Shah then took M. Sablin to his mother

and an affecting scene ensued. Both the mother and father

broke down at the thought of parting with their favourite son

and offered their second son in his place. M. Sablin replied

that the selection had been made by the people and that he had

no voice in the matter. The boy wept bitterly in sympathy with

his parents and declined to leave his mother. Finally their

Majesties were persuaded to agree. On receiving the Shah’s

assent, the necessary proclamation was immediately promulgated

and it was arranged that the Regent and a Nationalist

deputation would receive the little Shah.

"An interested crowd witnessed his departure this morning from

the custody of his natural guardians. During the morning

Sultan Ahmed wept bitterly at the prospect of becoming a King,

and it required a stern message to the effect that crying was

not allowed in the Russian Legation before he dried his eyes.

Then the little man came out bravely, entered a large

carriage, and drove off alone, escorted by Cossacks, Sowars,

and Persian Cossacks and followed by a long string of

carriages. At Sultanatabad he was met by the Regent and the

deputation and ceremoniously notified of his high position and

of the hope entertained by the nation that he would prove to

be a good ruler.

‘Inshallah, I will,’ replied the lad. Arrangements for the

Coronation will be made hereafter. In the meanwhile the little

Shah, who is guarded by a Bakhtiari, remains with his tutors

at Sultanatabad, where his mother is free to visit him."

At Teheran, affairs settled quickly into quiet, but disorders

were prolonged in various parts of the provinces, being

especially serious at Shiraz. The deposed Shah remained for

weeks at the Russian Legation, while negotiations with him for

a pension or allowance in return for his surrender of jewels

and money to the State went on, and the unhappy child who

occupied his palace had more sorrow than he.

Early in August Colonel Liakhoff returned to Russia and was

appointed to a regimental command. On the 1st of September a

general amnesty, with a few exceptions, was proclaimed by the

new government at Teheran. On the 9th of September the deposed

Shah left the shelter of the Russian Legation and journeyed,

with his queen, four younger children and several friends,

under Russian escort, to a residence in Russia, at Odessa,

which was his choice. Persia was still waiting for the able

and much trusted constitutionalist statesman, Nasr-ul-Mulk, to

return from his exile at Paris and accept the offered

premiership in the government; but on the 21st of September

the report went out that he had definitely declined the post.

He returned to Persia, however, in October. On the 11th of

October the Russian Government made known that it had decided

to withdraw the greater part of the troops it had been keeping

at Tabriz. A new Mejliss, for which the Regent had ordered

elections, was assembled on the 15th of November. On the 7th

of December the Mejliss unanimously approved the proposals of

the Government with regard to borrowing abroad and the

employment of Europeans in executive capacities for the

reorganization of the Finance Department. This, no doubt, will

improve the situation very greatly.

PERSIA: A. D. 1909 (January).

Destructive Earthquake in Luristan.

See (in this Volume)

EARTHQUAKES: PERSIA.

----------PERSIA: End--------

----------PERU: Start--------

PERU: A. D. 1899-1908.

Outline of History.

The leading events of Peruvian history are recorded in Volume

VI. of this work down to the election of President Eduardo de

Romaña, in 1899. "Romaña was a member of a prominent family of

Arequipa, and had been educated in England, at Stonyhurst. He

further had studied for, and taken a degree as, an engineer at

King’s College, London; and whilst he had not acquired much

experience in politics, he nevertheless successfully filled

the Presidential Chair throughout his term. He was alive to

the necessity for the development of the resources of the

country, and, fortunately, his administration was not

embarrassed by disturbances other than some small political

intrigues such as inevitably take place in a country which, as

Peru, was evolving a régime of civil government.

{491}

During this term there was some influx of North American

capitalists, who acquired important interests, in the copper

mines of Cerro de Pasco, and who commenced the construction of

a railway line thereto. … The presidency of Señor Romaña

uneventfully expired at its natural time; elections were held,

and Señor Manuel Candamo, who had already provisionally been

head of the State, was chosen as president in May, 1903.

Candamo had been successful in quieting political animosities

after the revolt against Caceres and in consolidating the

political situation. Peru now showed real evidences of

advancement. The old turbulent element was passing away; those

leaders who had placed purely personal ambition before the

true interests of their country had given place to the natural

talent and ability of the best citizens, whom the times were

calling to the front. Candamo’s rule promised well for the

country. He was surrounded by able men, among whom, as chief

cabinet minister, was Dr. Domingo Almenard, an upright lawyer.

The fiscal revenue was increased by taxes, against which there

were murmurings, but which the country was able to bear, and

the tax on tobacco was set apart for the construction of new

railways. Unfortunately, this able administrator, Señor

Candamo, continued but a short time in office, for he was

overtaken by illness, and died at Arequipa in May, 1904. This

event left the country under the temporary leadership of the

second vice-president, Señor Calderon, for the first

vice-president had died also. An election was at once called

according to law, the two candidates which were put forward

being Dr. Jose Pardo, son of the former president of the same

name, and Señor Nicolas Piérola, who had already been at the

head of the Government on two occasions. Rivalry between the

partisans of these two candidates became acute, and although

it was feared for a moment that some disturbance might occur,

good sense prevailed, and the elections proceeded without

interruption. Both contestants were good men—Piérola

representing the party known as the Democratas, whilst

Pardo headed the Civilistas. There were not very

radical differences of principle underlying these distinctions

of name; both were for civil government and for national

progress. Piérola had done good work during his former term,

whilst Pardo had the prestige of the good name and

administration of his father, the former president of

1872-1876, and was also held in esteem personally among the

best element of the country. The result of the election—held,

probably, more fairly than ever in Peru before—fell to Dr.

Pardo, who took the presidential scarf and office in

September, 1904, and who still guides the affairs of his

country in a manner which has won the esteem of the nation, in

a general sense.

Dr. Pardo’s Cabinet was formed of some of the most capable men

in the country, prominent among whom was the minister of

Finance, Señor Leguia, to whose work is largely due the

improved financial situation. At the present time—1908—the

best elements of Peru are in the ascendant."

G. Reginald Enock,

Peru: Its Former, and Present Civilization,

History and Existing Conditions,

chapter 9 (Scribner’s Sons, New York).

PERU: A. D. 1901.

Broad Treaty of Arbitration with Bolivia.

See (in this Volume)

ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL: A. D. 1901 (NOVEMBER).

PERU: A. D. 1901-1906.

Participation in Second and Third International Conferences

of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

PERU: A. D. 1903-1909.

Boundary disputes in the Acre region with Bolivia and Brazil.

See (in this Volume)

ACRE DISPUTES.

PERU: A. D. 1905.

Arbitration Treaties with Colombia and Ecuador.

In a message to the Peruvian Congress, July 28, 1906,

President Pardo communicated treaties of arbitration with

Colombia, one general in its nature, the other special for the

settlement of existing boundary questions. Of the latter the

message said:

"As in former treaties of the same character which have been

heretofore concluded with that Republic, the controversy is

submitted to the decision, to be based upon considerations of

equity, of His Holiness Pope Pius X. But as our question with

Colombia is connected with the one with Ecuador, it has been

agreed that the arbitration with Colombia shall only take

place after the termination of the one in which we are now

proceeding with Ecuador, upon the adjudication by the royal

Spanish arbitrator to Peru of territories which are likewise

claimed by Colombia."

PERU: A. D. 1906.

Decree for the Encouragement of Immigration.

See (in this Volume)

IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: PERU.

PERU: A. D. 1907.

Diplomatic Relations with Chile reëstablished.

The Tacna and Arica questions remaining open.

See (in this Volume)

CHILE: A. D. 1907.

PERU: A. D. 1908-1909.

Seating of President Leguia.

Attempted Revolutions defeated.

On the 27th of May, 1908, Augusto B. Leguia became President,

succeeding Dr. Pardo. Señor Leguia had previously been Premier

and Minister of Finance and Commerce; prior to which he had

been managing director of a great English sugar company in

Peru. A revolutionary movement had been attempted a few weeks

before, in which Dr. Augusto Durand and Isaias Piérola were

engaged, and which suffered defeat.

A year later, on May 29, a similar attempt was announced from

Lima, and ascribed to the same "agitators," who, said the

despatch, "made an assault upon the palace and seized

President Leguia. The army, however, remained loyal and came

to his support. The revolutionists were obliged to liberate

the President, who immediately took measures to put down the

movement. Within an hour, although firing was still heard in

the streets, President Leguia seemed to be master of the

situation. Many shots were exchanged between the troops and

the revolutionists and it is believed that the casualties will

be heavy."

This was contradicted a week later, so far as concerned Dr.

Durand. "It has been proved," said the later statement, "that

the revolutionary outbreak of last week was engineered

entirely by the followers of the Piérola brothers. A committee

of the Liberal party to-day visited President Leguia, and,

declaring that neither Dr. Durand nor José Oliva had taken

part in the movement, requested that these men be set at

liberty. The country is quiet."

----------PERU: End--------

PETER I., King of Servia: His Election.

See (in this Volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

{492}

PETIT, Archbishop Fulbert.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

PETROLEUM:

The Supply and the Waste in the United States.

See (in this Volume)

Conservation of Natural Resources.

PETROPALOVSK, SINKING OF THE.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-August).

PHAGOCYTES: THEIR DEPENDENCE ON OPSONINS.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.

PHILADELPHIA: A. D. 1905.

A Spasm of Municipal Reform.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

PHILADELPHIA: A. D. 1909.

Defeat of Reform.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

----------PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: Start--------

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS:

Gains to Spain from their Loss.

See (in this Volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1898-1908.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900-1902.

The Stamping Out of the Bubonic Plague.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

Second Report of the Second Philippine Commission.

Collapse of the Insurrection.

Peace in all but five Provinces.

Organization of Provincial Governments.

Native Appointments.

Central Civil Government.

Appointment of Governor Taft.

Filipino Members added to Commission.

Down to the capture of Aguinaldo, leader of the Filipino

insurgents, on the 23d of March, 1901, and his submission to

"the sovereignty of the United States throughout the

Philippine Archipelago," as announced in an address to his

countrymen on the 19th of April, the history of American rule

in those islands is recorded in Volume VI. of this work. The

Second Philippine Commission, with the Honorable William H.

Taft at its head, had entered on the performance of its

extensive legislative duties on the 1st of the previous

September, while the Military Governor continued to exercise

administrative powers. The Commission had begun the

organization of provincial and municipal governments, and the

establishing of a system of public schools, as related in the

Volume referred to. From its second report, covering ten

months and a half, ending on the 15th of October, 1901, the

following statements are drawn, to continue the outline of

principal events and most important affairs down to that date:

"The collapse of the insurrection came in May, after many

important surrenders and captures, including that of

Aguinaldo. Cailles, in Laguna, surrendered in June, and

Belarmino, in Albay, on July 4.

"There are four important provinces in which the insurrection

still continues, Batangas, Samar, Cebu, and Bohol. Parts of

Laguna and Tayabas adjoining Batangas in the mountain region

are affected by the disturbances in Batangas. In Mindoro also,

a thinly settled and almost unexplored island, there are

insurrectos. … Outside of the five provinces named there is

peace in the remainder of the archipelago. …

"The work of the commission since it began to legislate in

September, 1900, has been constant. … We have passed since our

last report, in addition to numerous appropriation bills, a

municipal code, a provincial law, a school law, a law

prescribing an accounting system, acts organizing the various

bureaus of the central government, acts organizing the courts,

an act to incorporate the city of Manila, a code of civil

procedure for the islands, and a new tariff act. …

"The general provincial law provides for a provincial

government of five officers—the governor, the treasurer, the

supervisor, the secretary, and the fiscal, or prosecuting

attorney. The governing board is called the provincial board,

and includes as members the governor, the treasurer, and the

supervisor. The prosecuting attorney is the legal adviser of

the board and the secretary of the province is its secretary.

The first function of the provincial government is to collect,

through the provincial treasurer, all the taxes, with few

exceptions, belonging to the towns or the province. Its second

and most important function is the construction of highways

and bridges and public buildings. Its third function is the

supervision, through the governor and the provincial

treasurer, of the municipal officers in the discharge of their

duties. Within certain limitations, the provincial board fixes

the rate of levy for provincial taxation.

"The governor has the power to suspend any municipal officer

found failing in his duty, and is obliged to visit the towns

of the province twice in a year, and hear complaints against

the municipal officers. … Under the act the offices are all to

be filled at first by appointment of the commission. The

governor holds his office until February, 1902, when his

successor is to be elected in a mass convention of the

municipal councilors of the towns of the province. The

secretary, treasurer, and supervisor after February next are

brought under the civil-service act, and all vacancies

thereafter arising are to be filled in accordance with the

terms of that act. The fiscal is appointed for an

indeterminate period, and is not subject to the civil-service

law. …

"The commission reached the conclusion that it would aid in

the pacification of the country; would make the members of

that body very much better acquainted with the country, with

the people, and with the local conditions, and would help to

educate the people in American methods, if the commission went

to the capital of each province and there passed the special

act necessary to create the provincial government and made the

appointments at that time. Accordingly, the commission visited

thirty-three provinces. …

{493}

"The policy of the commission in its provincial appointments

has been, where possible, to appoint Filipinos as governors

and Americans as treasurers and supervisors. The provincial

secretary and the provincial fiscal appointed have uniformly

been Filipinos. It will be observed that this makes a majority

of the provincial board American. The commission has, in

several instances, appointed to provincial offices former

insurgent generals who have been of especial aid in bringing

about peace, and in so doing it has generally acted on the

earnest recommendation of the commanding officer of the

district or province. We believe the appointments made have

had a good effect and the appointees have been anxious to do

their duty. …

"The central government of the islands established in

September, 1900, under the instructions of the President, with

a military governor as chief executive and the commission as

the legislative body with certain executive functions in

addition, continued until the 4th of July, 1901. At that time

Major General Adna R. Chaffee relieved Major-General MacArthur

as commanding general of this division and military governor.

By the order of June 21, previous, in all organized provinces

the civil executive authority theretofore reposed in the

military governor and in the commission was transferred on

July 4 to a civil governor. The president of the commission

was designated as civil governor. …

"By an order taking effect September 1, the purport of which

was announced the 4th day of July, there were added to the

commission, as a legislative body, three Filipinos, Dr. T. H.

Pardo de Tavera, Señor Benito Legarda, and Senor José

Luzuriaga. These gentlemen, the first two of them residents of

Manila and the last a resident of the island of Negros, had

been most earnest and efficient in bringing about peace in the

islands. Dr. Tavera was the first president of the Federal

party, had accompanied the commission in its trips to the

southern provinces, and was most useful in the effective

speeches which he delivered in favor of peace and good order

at every provincial meeting. Señor Legarda had been valuable

in the extreme to General Otis and to all the American

authorities by the wisdom of his suggestions, and the courage

and earnestness with which he upheld the American cause as the

cause most beneficial to his country. Señor José Luzuriaga was

a member of the first government of the island of Negros,

organized while there was insurrection rife throughout the

islands, as an independent government under the supervision of

a military governor, and was most active in preventing the

insurrection from gaining any foothold in that important

island. …

"The theory upon which the commission is proceeding is that

the only possible method of instructing the Filipino people in

methods of free institutions and self-government is to make a

government partly of Americans and partly of Filipinos, giving

the Americans the ultimate control for some time to come. In

our last report we pointed out that the great body of the

people were ignorant, superstitious, and at present incapable

of understanding any government but that of absolutism. The

intelligence and education of the people may be largely

measured by knowledge of the Spanish language. Less than 10

per cent of the people speak Spanish. With Spaniards in

control of these islands for four hundred years and with

Spanish spoken in all official avenues, nothing could be more

significant of the lack of real intelligence among the people

than this statement. The common people are not a warlike

people, but are submissive and easily—indeed much too

easily—controlled by the educated among them, and the power of

an educated Filipino politically ambitious, willing to plot

and use all the arts of a demagogue in rousing the people, is

quite dangerous. The educated people themselves, though full

of phrases concerning liberty, have but a faint conception of

what real civil liberty is and the mutual self-restraint which

is involved in its maintenance. They find it hard to

understand the division of powers in a government, and the

limitations that are operative upon all officers, no matter

how high. In the municipalities, in the Spanish days, what the

friar did not control the presidente did, and the people knew

and expected no limit to his exercise of authority. This is

the difficulty we now encounter in the organization of the

municipality. The presidente fails to observe the limitations

upon his power, and the people are too submissive to press

them. In this condition of affairs we have thought that we

ought first to reduce the electorate to those who could be

considered intelligent, and so the qualifications for voting

fixed in the municipal code are that the voter shall either

speak, read, and write English or Spanish, or that he shall

have been formerly a municipal officer, or that he should pay

a tax equal to $15 a year or own property of the value of

$250."

Report of the U. S. Philippine Commission,

from December 1, 1900, to October 15, 1901,

part 1, pages 7-20.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.

Report of Governor Taft.

Civil Government established in

all Christian Filipino Territory.

The Moros.

Destruction of the Carabao.

Cholera.

Ladrones.

The Native Constabulary.

"When our last report was submitted there was insurrection in

the province of Batangas, where the insurgent forces were

commanded by General Malvar, and in the adjacent provinces of

Tayabas and Laguna; in the province of Samar, where the

insurgent forces were commanded by General Lukban; in Cebu,

where the insurgent forces were under the insurgent leaders

Climaco and Maxilom; in Bohol, where the insurgent forces were

commanded by the insurgent leader Samson; and in the island of

Mindoro. Vigorous campaigns were begun in November and

December by General Bell, in Batangas, Laguna, Tayabas, and

Mindoro, by General Smith in Samar, and by General Hughes in

Cebu and Bohol. In November and December the insurgents in

Cebu and Bohol surrendered, and conditions of peace were so

completely established that the Commission soon after received

the province of Cebu from the military authorities, and by act

numbered 322, passed December 20, 1901, restored the civil

government in that province to take effect January 1, 1902; in

Bohol the province was delivered over to the Commission early

in 1902, and the commission, by act of March 3, 1902, restored

civil government there to take effect April 1, 1902. General

Lukban, in Samar, was captured in February, 1902, and the

entire force of insurgents in that island under General

Guevara surrendered in April following.

{494}

"By an act passed June 17, 1902, Number 419, the Commission

organized the province of Samar, and established civil

government there. In April of 1902, General Malvar surrendered

with all his forces in Batangas, and by act passed June 23,

1902, the Commission restored civil government to that

province to take effect July 4, 1902. By act Number 424,

enacted July 1, 1902, the province of Laguna was organized

into a civil government. This completed the organization of

all the provinces in which insurrection had been rife during

the latter part of 1901, except Mindoro. There were, in

addition, certain tracts of territory occupied by Christian

Filipinos that had not received civil government, either

because of the remoteness of the territory or the scarcity of

population." The report then details the measures by which

civil government was given to these tracts of territory, and

proceeds:

"The question what shall be done with respect to Mindanao is

one which has not been definitely decided, first, because so

much has had to be done with respect to the northern and

Filipino provinces, and, second, because at present there is

an unsettled condition in the Lake Lanao country. The

hostility to the Americans does not reach beyond the Lake

Lanao Moros. The Moros of the Jolo group, of Zamboanga, and of

the Rio Grande de Mindanao Valley are all quiet, and all

entirely willing to submit to American supervision. It is very

possible that an arrangement can be brought about by which the

Sultan of Jolo can be induced to part with such rights as he

claims to have in the Jolo Archipelago, and in this way

questions which now present very perplexing difficulties with

respect to ownership of privileges, rights, and lands may be

obviated. … I think it wiser on the part of the Commission to

postpone the consideration of the Moro question until we have

passed legislation to meet needs that are more pressing

throughout the northern part of these possessions of the

United States. For a great many years to come there will be no

question of popular government in the Moro country; the Moros

do not understand popular government, do not desire it, and

are entirely content with the control by their dattos.

Possibly far in the future the control by dattos will cease.

There is room for material and industrial development among

the Moros, and with their material improvement may come a

change in their political views. For the present, however, it

is necessary only to provide a paternal, strong, but

sympathetic government for these followers of Mohammed.

"The civil government has assumed responsibility for the

preservation of order and the maintenance of law throughout

the Christian Filipino territory of this archipelago at a time

when the material conditions are most discouraging and present

every conceivable obstacle to the successful administration of

the affairs of 6,000,000 or 7,000,000 people. The war of six

years since 1896 has greatly interfered with the regular

pursuit of agriculture, which is almost the only source of

wealth in the islands. Many years ago there was sufficient

rice raised in the islands not only to feed the people but to

export it to other countries. For a number of years before the

American occupancy rice had been imported. The area of

cultivation of the rice has been much lessened during the war

and many fields which were formerly tilled are grown now with

the cogon grass because of neglect.

"The greatest blow to agriculture has been the loss of the

carabao or water buffalo, upon which the cultivation of rice,

according to the mode pursued in these islands, is wholly

dependent. The war in some degree, and the rinderpest in a

much larger degree, have destroyed about 90 per cent of the

carabaos; and the natives—never very active in helping

themselves—have simply neglected the rice culture, so that

now the islands are compelled to spend about $15,000,000 gold

to buy food upon which to live. The carabao is not so

necessary in the cultivation of the sugar crop or in the

cultivation of hemp. …

"The cholera has swept over these islands with fatal effect,

so that the total loss will probably reach 100,000 deaths.

Whole villages have been depopulated and the necessary

sanitary restrictions to avoid its spread have interfered with

agriculture, with intercommunication, and with all business.

The ravages of war have left many destitute, and a guerrilla

life has taken away from many all habits of industry. With no

means of carrying on agriculture, which is the only occupation

of these islands, the temptation to the less responsible of

the former insurgents after surrender to prey upon their

neighbors and live by robbery and rapine has been very great.

The bane of Philippine civilization in the past was ladronism,

and the present conditions are most favorable for its growth

and maintenance. … Many who were proscribed for political

offences in the Spanish times had no refuge but the mountains,

and being in the mountains conducted a free robber life, and

about them gathered legions not unlike those of the Robin Hood

days of England, so that they attracted frequently the

sympathy of the common people. In the Spanish days it was

common for the large estate owners, including the friars, to

pay tribute to neighboring ladrones. Every Tagalog province

had its band of ladrones, and frequently each town had its

recognized ladrone whom it protected and through whom it

negotiated for immunity. …

"The insurrection is over. It is true that the ladrones,

though they live on nothing but cattle and rice stealing, and

never attack American soldiers, and prey only upon their own

people, do masquerade as insurrectos; but they recognize no

authority and have no characteristics other than those of

banditti. They have stirred up in some of the provinces the

organization of so-called secret societies for the purpose of

securing agencies with which successfully to conduct their

robbery and to sell the fruits of it. … The picture that I

have given of the depressed condition of agriculture, and the

tendency to ladronize in the Tagalog provinces and in some of

the Visayan provinces, does not apply to those provinces in

which hemp is the chief product. They are wealthy and

prosperous."

Report of Governor W. H. Taft

(Report of the Philippine Commission, 1902, part 1).

{495}

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.

Padre Aglipay’s Secession from the Roman Catholic Church.

Organization of the Independent Filipino Catholic Church.

"Gregorio Aglipay is an Ilocano, and was an ordained priest of

the Roman Catholic Church in these islands before the

insurrection. During the insurrection he continued his

priestly functions at Mabolos and took such action as to bring

him into conflict with the hierarchy of the Church. What the

merits of this controversy were I do not know. Subsequently he

assumed the leadership of the insurrecto forces in Ilocos

Norte and carried on a very active campaign in the mountains

of that province. He was one of the last of the leaders to

surrender with his forces in North Luzon. Since his surrender

he has been quite active in spreading propaganda among the

native priests against the so-called Friar domination of the

church in these islands. The definite refusal of the Vatican

to withdraw the Spanish friars from the islands was made the

occasion for the formation of the Independent Filipino

Catholic Church. Actively engaged with Aglipay in this

movement was Isabelo de los Reyes, the former editor of an

insurrecto paper, published in Madrid, called Filipinas ante

Europa, and an agitator of irresponsible and irrepressible

character. … Padre Aglipay has secured the active and open

cooperation of a number of native priests, 15 of whom he has

appointed bishops, himself having the title of archbishop. He

has held mass in many different places in and about Manila;

his services have attracted large gatherings of people. …

"In order to prevent constant recurrence of disturbances of

the peace I have had to take a firm stand with the leaders of

the movement by impressing upon them that forcible

dispossession of a priest of the Roman Catholic Church, for

years in peaceable possession of the church and the rector’s

house, is contrary to law, and would be prevented by the whole

police power. The leaders of the movement assure me that they

have no desire to violate the law and wish to keep within it,

but that their followers at times are hard to control. I have

said to them that if they claim title to the churches they may

assert it through the courts, and if successful will secure

not only the confirmation of their title but actual

possession. …

"I have taken occasion to say, whenever an opportunity

occurred, that the insular government desired to take no part

whatever in the religious controversies thus arising; that it

would protect Father Aglipay and his followers in worshiping

God as they chose just as it would protect the Roman Catholic

Church and its ministers and followers in the same rights. But

that, if the law was violated by either party, it would become

the duty of the government to step in and restrain such

lawlessness."

Governor Wm. H. Taft,

Report, 1902, pages 39-40.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902-1903.

Governmental Purchase of the Friars’ Lands.

"As early as 1898, the Peace Commission, which negotiated the

treaty of Paris, became convinced that one of the most

important steps in tranquilizing the islands and in

reconciling the Filipinos to the American Government would be

the governmental purchase of the so-called friars’

agricultural lands in the Philippines, and the sale of these

lands to the tenants upon long, easy payments. … The Secretary

of War and the President concurred in the recommendations of

the Commission. Accordingly in May, 1902, the writer, as civil

governor of the Philippine Islands, was directed by the

Secretary of War to visit Rome and to confer with the Pope or

such agents as he might designate in respect to the question

of buying the friars’ agricultural lands and other questions

of a similar character which were pending between the Roman

Catholic Church and the Government. The negotiations which

were had on this subject in Rome were set forth in the

correspondence published by the Secretary of War in his report

to Congress for last year. In a word, the Pope approved the

purchase of the agricultural lands of the three great

religious orders that owned agricultural lands in the islands

and appointed an apostolic delegate with as full powers as he

could be invested with to bring about this result. …

"In order to determine the value of the estates, the

representatives of the various companies and other interests

were invited to attend a hearing, when various witnesses were

called to testify. The apostolic delegate was also present. …

"In accordance with the agreement reached in Rome, I sent to

the apostolic delegate a request for a statement of the exact

interests retained by the religious orders in the Philippines

in the lands which were the subject of negotiation. No formal

answer to this letter was ever received, but informally it was

stated to me by the delegate that the authorities in the

Philippines had informed him that they had so disposed of

their interests that they were unable to make a statement of

what their interests were, if any. The value of the lands, as

estimated according to the statements of the agents of the

companies, aggregated a sum between thirteen and fourteen

millions of dollars gold. The estimate of Villegas, the

surveyor employed by the Commission, showed the valuation of

the lands to be $6,043,000 gold, if his value in Mexican

should be reduced to gold at the rate of two to one, which was

the gold rate about the time of his survey and classification,

though the Mexican dollar fell considerably after that.

Considering the bad conditions which prevailed in agriculture,

the loss of cattle, the dispute concerning title, and the

agrarian question that must always remain in the management of

these estates and embarrass the owner, I considered—and I

believe the Commission generally agreed with me—that

$6,043,000 gold was a full price for the lands. The sum,

however, was scouted by the persons representing the owners,

and there appeared to be very little prospect of reaching an

agreement. …

"Not discouraged, however, by circumstances that seemed most

discouraging, the apostolic delegate bent his energies to

bringing the parties to a settlement. After some negotiation

the delegate first stated that he thought he could arrange a

sale for $10,500,000 gold. I told him there was no hope of

bringing about a purchase at that figure. … Then followed a

long and protracted discussion between the parties who were to

be the venders as to how this sum should be divided, and there

was much difficulty in arriving at a solution—so great a

difficulty, indeed, that I was informed that unless $7,770,000

was paid there was no hope of reaching an agreement. With the

approval of the Secretary of War and the Commission, I replied

that $7,543,000 was our ultimatum, and that we would not give

more than that, and this was ultimately the basis upon which

the price was fixed."

Report of the Civil Governor of the Philippine Islands,

William H. Taft

(Fourth Report of the Philippine Commission).

{496}

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1905.

Report of Committee on Methods of Dealing with the Sale and

Use of Opium.

See (in this Volume)

OPIUM PROBLEM.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1906-1907.

Resignation of Governor Ide.

Appointment and Inauguration of Governor Smith.

Complete Tranquility in the Islands.

Change in the Constitution of Provincial Boards.

"On September 20, 1906, the resignation of the Honorable Henry

Clay Ide as governor-general became effective, and on that

date the Honorable James F. Smith was inaugurated as

governor-general of the Philippine Islands. … Since April of

this year complete tranquility has prevailed in every part of

the archipelago, inclusive of the Moro province. In 21 of the

provinces peace has reigned supreme during the entire year. In

Bataan and Batangas there was some disturbance of the public

order, caused in the case of the first-named province by the

escape of some provincial prisoners, and in the second by the

operations of six or seven brigands near the boundary line of

the provinces of La Laguna and Tayabas. All of the escaped

prisoners and all of the bandits with the exception of two in

each party have been captured. …

"The convention of provincial governors held in Manila in

October, 1906, recommended that the then existing law

providing that provincial boards shall be composed of a

provincial governor elected by the municipal councilors and

vice-presidents of the various municipalities of the province

and a provincial treasurer and a third member appointed by the

executive be so amended as to permit of the election of the

provincial governor and third member by direct vote of the

people. This recommendation was submitted to the Secretary of

War, and on receiving his approval thereof the provincial

government act was amended accordingly. This innovation in the

constitution and selection of provincial boards has been an

advantage both to the insular and to the local government. On

the one hand it has removed all cause for friction between the

provincial governor elected by the people and the two members

of the board named by the executive. On the other it has

imposed upon the provincial governor and the third member the

responsibility for the well-being of the province and has

removed from the insular government much of the responsibility

for conditions purely of local concern."

Report of the Philippine Commission,

December 31, 1907

(Abridgment, Message and Documents, 1907, pages 799-807).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

The Philippine Election Law.

Election of a Popular Assembly.

Political Parties participating in it.

The first meeting of the Assembly.

Presence of Secretary Taft.

His account of the Assembly and of the Parties

represented in it.

"In January, 1907, the Philippine Commission passed the

Philippine election law. In framing this law the election

codes of Massachusetts, New York, the District of Columbia,

and California were consulted and features adopted from each,

modified in such a way as to meet insular conditions and to

avoid the mistakes and abuses that have arisen in some

provincial and municipal elections in the islands. The aim has

been to provide a law sufficiently explicit and not too

complicated for easy comprehension. Every effort has been made

to afford the necessary safeguards and machinery to insure

purity, secrecy, certainty, and expedition, without causing

too great a drain upon the resources of municipal and

provincial governments. The prominent features of this law as

amended are the division of those provinces not inhabited by

Moros or other non-Christian tribes into 78 assembly

districts, each province to constitute at least one district

and the more populous being divided into more districts, in

the ratio of 1 to every 90,000 of population and major

fraction thereof remaining. In accordance with this

apportionment there will be 80 delegates, two of whom will

represent the city of Manila, which is considered as a

province, within the meaning of the act of Congress, and

divided into two districts."

Report of the Chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs,

October 31, 1907

(Abridgment, Message and Documents, 1907, page 781).

"On the 28th of March, 1907, the Commission by resolution,

unanimously adopted, certified to the President that for two

years following the publication of the census of the islands a

condition of general and complete peace had prevailed and then

existed in the territory of the islands not inhabited by Moros

or other non-Christian tribes. … By virtue of this certificate

and in accordance with the provisions of the act of Congress of

July 1, 1902, the President on March 28, issued a proclamation

directing the Philippine Commission to call a general election

for the choice of delegates to a popular assembly. Accordingly

on the 30th of March, 1907, the Commission passed a resolution

ordering that an election be held for delegates on July 30 and

directing the governor-general to issue a proclamation

announcing the election for that date. The proclamation was

issued on April 1. By a strange coincidence the day of the

month fixed for holding the election was the same as that on

which the first legislative body in America, the house of

burgesses, met in the year 1619. Under the general election

law the delegates to the assembly elected at the elections

held on July 30th, 1907, and seated by the Philippine

assembly, will serve until January 1, 1910. Subsequent

elections for delegates will be held on the first Tuesday

after the first Monday in November, 1909, and on the first

Tuesday after the first Monday in November in each

odd-numbered year thereafter, delegates to take office on the

1st day of January next following their election and to hold

office for two years, or until their successors are elected

and qualified.

"The basis of representation in the Philippine assembly is one

delegate for every 90,000 of population and one additional

delegate for a major fraction thereof: Provided, however, that

each Christian province shall be entitled to at least one

delegate and that the total number of delegates shall at no

time exceed 100. Provinces entitled to more than one delegate

are divided into districts. The law declares Manila to be a

province within the meaning of the act of Congress authorizing

the assembly, and, it is allowed the same representation as

other provinces. Thirty-four provinces are represented in the

Philippine assembly, which is composed of 80 members.

{497}

"The act of Congress requires that delegates to the assembly

shall be qualified electors of the election district in which

they may be chosen, 25 years of age, and owing allegiance to

the United States. The act of Congress prescribes that the

qualifications of electors shall be the same as those

prescribed for electors in municipal elections under laws in

force at the time of the passage of the Congressional

enactment. As the municipal election laws in force at the time

of the passage of the act of Congress have undergone some

change in regard to the qualifications of electors, the

strange anomaly is presented of having certain

qualifications exacted from municipal and provincial officials

which are not required for delegates to the assembly. One of

the results is that felons, victims of the opium habit, and

persons convicted in the court of first instance for crimes

involving moral turpitude, but whose cases are pending on

appeal, are not eligible for election to any provincial or

municipal office, but may become delegates to the assembly.

"As announced by provincial governors the elections for

assemblymen held on the 30th of July, 1907, resulted in the

election of 32 Nacionalistas, 4 Independistas, 7

Inmediatistas, 16 Progresistas, 20 Independents, and 1 Centro

Catolico. The total number of voters registered for the

assembly elections was 104,966. The number of voters

registered for the provincial and municipal elections will be

very much larger than that for the assembly elections. The

difference in registration and votes cast at the two elections

seems to show with considerable certainty that there was far

more interest in the elections for provincial and municipal

officials than there was in the election for assemblymen. …

"The delegates to the Philippine assembly, in accordance with

the call of the governor-general as prescribed by the act of

Congress, met at the Grand Opera House in the city of Manila

on the 16th day of October at 9 o’clock A. M."

Report of the Philippine Commission,

December 31, 1907

(Abridgment, Message and Documents, 1907, pages 810-811).

The Honorable William H. Taft, United States Secretary of War,

former Governor-General of the Philippine Islands, made the

long journey to the Islands on this occasion for the purpose

of opening the meeting of the Assembly and personally

inspecting the state of affairs. After returning, in the

following December, he made an extended report to the

President, in which he discussed the character of the Assembly

and of the parties represented in it at considerable length.

Recurring to the formation of the first political party that

arose in the Islands after they came under the control of the

United States, he said of it:

"It is a mistake to suppose that the war by the Filipinos

against the Americans had the sympathy of all the Filipinos.

On the contrary, there were many intelligent and conservative

men who favored American control and who did not believe in

the capacity of their people immediately to organize a

government which would be stable and satisfactory, but in the

face of a possible independence of the Islands, they were

still. Upon Mr. McKinley’s second election many of these

persons reached the conclusion that it was time for them to

act. Accordingly, they formed the Federal Party, the chief

platform of which was peace under American sovereignty and the

acceptance of the American promises to govern the Islands for

the benefit of the Filipinos and gradually to extend popular

self-government to the people. The Federal Party received

accessions by thousands in all parts of the Islands and in

every province, so that the Commission was enabled during the

year 1901, and under the auspices, and with the aid of, the

Federal Party, to organize civil government in some 32 or 33

provinces, or in substantially all of them. … The main purpose

and principle of the party was peace under the sovereignty of

the United States. In drafting a platform its leaders had

formulated a plank favoring the organization of the Islands

into a Territory of the United States, with a view to its

possibly becoming a State. From this plank it took its name.

In the first two or three years after its successful effort to

bring on peace, many prominent Filipinos having political

ambition became members, and in the gubernatorial elections

the great majority of governors elected were Federals. And so

substantially all who filled prominent offices in the

government by appointment, including the judges, were of that

party. Then dissension arose among prominent leaders and some

withdrew from the party. The natural opposition to a

government party led to the organization of other parties,

especially among those known as Intransigentes

[Irreconcilables]. The Federal Party had founded an organ, the

Democracia, early in its existence. The opponents of the

government looking to immediate independence founded a paper

called the Renacimiento. The latter was edited with especial

ability and with a partisan spirit against the American

Government.

"For two years before the election of the Assembly the

Filipinos who sympathized with the Renacimiento were

perfecting their organization to secure a majority in the

assembly. Many groups were formed, but they all were known as

the Partido Nacionalista. There was some difference as to

whether to this title should be added the word ‘inmediatista,’

but the great majority favored it. The party is generally

known as the Nacionalista Party. During much of these same two

years, the Federal Party was dormant. …

"Some six months before the elections, there sprung from the

ashes of the Federal Party a party which, rejecting the

statehood idea, declared itself in favor of making the

Philippines an independent nation by gradual and progressive

acquisition of governmental control until the people should

become fitted by education and practice under American

sovereignty to enjoy and maintain their complete independence.

It was called the Partido Nacionalista Progresista. It is

generally known as the Progresista Party. …

{498}

"The campaign in the last two or three months was carried on

with great vigor. The Nacionalistas had the advantage of being

understood to be against the government. This, with a people

like the Filipino people, who had been taught to regard the

government as an entity separate from the people, taxing them

and prosecuting them, was in itself a strong reason for

popular sympathy and support. The Progresistas were denounced

as a party of office-holders. The government was denounced as

extravagant and burdensome to the people. In many districts

the Nacionalista candidates promised that if they were

returned immediate independence would follow. There were quite

a number of candidates in country and remote districts where

the controversy was not heated who did not declare themselves

on the main question, and maintained an independence of any

party. They were known as Independientes. Then, there were

other Independientes who declared themselves independent of

party, but in favor of immediate independence.

"The total vote registered and cast did not exceed 104,000,

although in previous gubernatorial elections the total vote

had reached nearly 150,000. The high vote at the latter

elections may be partly explained by the fact that at the same

elections town officers were elected, and the personal

interest of many candidates drew out a larger number of

electors. But the falling off was also in part due, doubtless,

to the timidity of conservative voters, who, because of the

heat of the campaign, preferred to avoid taking sides. This is

not a permanent condition, however, and I doubt not that the

meeting of the assembly and the evident importance of its

functions when actually performed will develop a much greater

popular interest in it, and the total vote will be largely

increased at the next election.

"I opened the assembly in your name. The roll of the members

returned on the face of the record was called. An appropriate

oath was administered to all the members and the assembly

organized by selecting Señor Sergio Osmeña as its speaker or

presiding officer. Señor Osmeña has been one of the most

efficient fiscals, or prosecuting attorneys, in the Islands,

having conducted the government prosecutions in the largest

province of the Islands, the province and Island of Cebu. He

was subsequently elected governor, and by his own activity in

going into every part of the island, he succeeded in enlisting

the assistance of all the people in suppressing ladronism,

which had been rife in the mountains of Cebu for thirty or

forty years, so that to-day there is absolute peace and

tranquillity throughout the island. He is a young man, not 30,

but of great ability, shrewdness, high ideals, and yet very

practical in his methods of dealing with men and things. The

assembly could have done nothing which indicated its good

sense so strongly as the selection of Senor Osmeña as its

presiding officer. …

"As a shibboleth—as a party cry—immediate independence has

much force, because it excites the natural pride of the

people; but few of their number have ever worked out its

consequences, and when they have done so they have been

willing to postpone that question until some of the immediate

needs of the people have been met. I may be wrong, but my

judgment is that the transfer of real power, by giving to the

people part of the legislative control of the Christian

provinces, sobers their leaders with the sense of

responsibility and teaches them some of the practical

difficulties of government I do not for a moment guarantee

that there will not at times be radical action by the

Assembly, which cannot meet the approval of those who

understand the legislative needs of the Islands, but all I

wish to say is that the organization and beginning of the life

of the Assembly have disappointed its would-be critics and

have given great encouragement to those who were responsible

for its extension of political power."

Special Report of William H. Taft, Secretary of War,

to the President on the Philippines, January 23, 1908

(60th Cong. 1st Session, Senate Doc. No. 200).

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1909.

Change in the Governor-General’s Office.

General James F. Smith was succeeded as Governor-General

by the Vice-Governor-General, Mr. W. Cameron Forbes, in

November, 1909.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1909.

Philippine Tariff Act.

A special Message, transmitting a Philippine Tariff Bill

recommended by the Secretary of War, was sent to Congress,

April 14, by President Taft. "This measure," wrote the

President, "revises the present Philippine tariff, simplifies

it and makes it conform as nearly as possible to the

regulations of the customs laws of the United States,

especially with respect to packing and packages. The present

Philippine regulations have been cumbersome and difficult for

American merchants and exporters to comply with. Its purpose

is to meet the new conditions that will arise under the

section of the pending United States tariff bill which

provides, with certain limitations, for free trade between the

United States and the islands. It is drawn with a view to

preserving to the islands as much customs revenue as possible

and to protect in a reasonable measure those industries which

now exist in the islands.

"The bill now transmitted has been drawn by a board of tariff

experts, of which the insular collector of customs, Colonel

George R. Colton, was the president. The board held a great

many open meetings in Manila, and conferred fully with

representatives of all business interests in the Philippine

Islands. It is of great importance to the welfare of the

islands that the bill should be passed at the same time with

the pending Payne bill, with special reference to the

provisions of which it was prepared."

The Bill was passed, but certain tobacco interests secured an

important amendment in their favor.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1909 (November).

Success of the Nationalists in the Election.

"Practically complete returns from the recent election

indicate that the Assembly will be composed of sixty

Nationalists, fifteen Progressists, and five Independents. The

Nationalists also gained four provincial Governors over the

number elected by that party at the last election. Similar

gains in other offices have been made by the Nationalists.

Some of the returns are still missing, but they are not likely

to make any material change in the figures given."

Press Report from Manila,

November 5, 1909.

----------PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: End--------

PICKETING:

The Labor Strikers’ Right.

Its limit.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (MARCH).

PICQUART, GENERAL.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

PIEROLA, NICOLAS.

See (in this Volume)

PERU.

PINCHOT, GIFFORD:

Chief of the United States Forest Service.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

PINCHOT, GIFFORD:

On Threatened Water Power Trust.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

{499}

PIOUS FUND QUESTION.

Its Decision by the Hague Tribunal.

See (in this Volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1902 (MAY).

PITTSBURG: A. D. 1906-1908.

Under a Reforming Mayor.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

PITTSBURG: A. D. 1907.

Enlargement and Rededication of the Carnegie Institute.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

PITTSBURG: A. D. 1907-1908.

The Pittsburg Survey.

A remarkable Investigation of Living Conditions.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.

PIUS X., POPE.

See (in this Volume)

PAPACY.

PLAGUE, Bubonic.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH.

"PLAN OF CAMPAIGN," THE.

See (in this Volume)

IRELAND: A. D. 1907.

PLATT AMENDMENT.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902.

PLAYGROUND MOVEMENT, THE.

The first convention of the Playground Association of America,

held at Chicago in June, 1907, was a very notable gathering,

in the character of the men and women assembled,—in the

quality of the discussion they gave to the subject of

child-development by wholesome play,—in the spirit imparted to

it by the wonderful exhibit that Chicago could make of

achievement in this new civic undertaking, and in the great

impetus it gave to the playground movement throughout the

country. The proceedings and incidents of the convention were

reported very fully in the August number of Charities and

Corrections that year.

"From one article, ‘How They Played at Chicago,’ by Mr. Graham

Romeyn Taylor, we learn that in connection with the convention

there was held a festival of sport and play, in which from

first to last ‘the play spirit was ascendant.’ More than 5000

persons participated, and among them were President Gulick, of

the national association, and Dr. Sargent, of Harvard. The

play spirit, says he, captivated every one. ‘Play, according

to students of it, means not only a good time, but from the

child’s point of view it is serious business: moreover, it has

vital significance in educational development.’ This meeting,

he claims, marks the transition of playground activity from a

more or less sporadic and disconnected series of efforts in

our larger cities to a firmly established and well organized

national movement. A better understanding of the playground

issue means better citizenship and community-life.

"President Roosevelt, honorary president, had requested that

delegations be sent to this convention from many cities, ‘to

gain inspiration from this meeting, and to see the magnificent

system that Chicago has erected in its South Park section,—one

of the most notable civic achievements of any American city.’

They came, and returned to their home cities with photographs

of the playgrounds and recreation centers in Chicago. On these

the city of Chicago has expended during the last four years

$6,500,000, and has recently appropriated $3,000,000

additional. Moreover, it has authorized $1,500,000 for similar

facilities for children on the north and west sides as well.

Each center costs about $30,000 annually. These centers

recognize that human needs transcend all other things, and

tend to develop a social spirit that one day must permeate our

commingled races."

American Review of Reviews,

September, 1907.

"According to the new Year Book [for 1910] of the Playground

Association of America, 336 municipalities in the United

States are maintaining supervised playgrounds. The actual

number of playgrounds operated in 267 of these cities last

year was 1,535. About 56 per cent. are in the area of greatest

density of population, in the North Atlantic States. The

number of cities in those States maintaining playgrounds is

149, and the number of playgrounds established in 123 of them

is 873. Massachusetts has led in the movement.

"In about 49 per cent. of the cities operating public

playgrounds, the managing authority, wholly or in part, is the

city itself, which is working through its board of education,

its park department, or other municipal bureau—or by

combining the activities of two or more departments. In

fifteen cities the Mayors have appointed special commissions,

organized, as city departments for the administration of

playgrounds, which are no longer left to the philanthropist.

"In fifty-five of the larger cities, local playground

associations have been established, and many of the smaller

towns have organized committees that will be converted into

permanent organizations. Churches, women’s clubs, Young Men’s

Christian Associations, Associated Charities, and

public-spirited men and women have contributed their help.

"An index of the interest in the movement is afforded by a

survey of figures representing the yearly expenditures for

sites, equipment, and the maintenance of playgrounds. In many

cases specific information on this point is not available, but

184 cities have sent reports stating definitely what it costs

them to operate their grounds. The total amount expended in

the year by these 184 cities is $1,353,114. In 18 per cent, of

the cities the amount of money set apart for playgrounds was

appropriated entirely by the municipality, while in 23 per

cent. the cities combined with private organizations."

New York Evening Post,

January 5, 1910.

In England, or in London, at least, the movement has been set

on foot by an "Evening Play Centres Committee," of which Mrs.

Humphry Ward is Chairman. The object of the Committee, as

stated by Mrs. Ward, is "to open the school buildings in

winter for play, exercise, and handwork, as an alternative to

the streets, to children after school hours; and in summer to

organize the playgrounds, as is now so largely done in America

and Canada"; but thus far its success appears to have been

mostly in the opening of indoor play centres for evening

entertainment.

PLAZA, GENERAL LEONIDAS:

President of Ecuador.

See (in this Volume)

ECUADOR.

PLEHVE, M. V. de:

Defence of Russian Measures in Finland.

See (in this Volume)

FINLAND: A. D. 1901.

PLEHVE, M. V. de:

Russian Minister of the Interior.

His atrocious administration.

His assassination.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

PLURAL VOTING, BELGIAN.

See (in this Volume)

BELGIUM: A. D. 1902 and 1904.

See in Volume VI.,

BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

See in Volume I.,

CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM.

{500}

POBIEDONOSTZEFF, CONSTANTINE:

On Russian Discontent.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1902.

POBIEDONOSTZEFF, CONSTANTINE:

Resignation.

See (in this Volume)

Russia: A. D. 1904-1905.

POBIEDONOSTZEFF, CONSTANTINE:

Death, March 23, 1907.

POGROMS: Massacres.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

POLAR EXPLORATION: Arctic: A. D. 1901-1910.

Three Expeditions of Commander Peary.

His Final Triumph.

The astounding Imposture of Dr. Cook, Pretender to an

attainment of the Pole a Year in Advance of Peary.

Other Arctic Explorations of the Decade.

When the record of Polar Exploration was closed in Volume VI.

of this work, on its going to press in the spring of 1901,

Commander Robert E. Peary had been working within the Arctic

Circle for three years, with no respite, and the Peary Arctic

Club was sending a vessel, the Erik, to make inquiries

about him. He was found to have proved that Greenland is

surrounded by water at the north, and to have further

undertakings in hand. He remained another year, in the course

of which he made the nearest approach to the Pole that had yet

been accomplished, going directly north from Cape Hecla and

reaching latitude 84° 17'. Returning to the coast, he was met

and brought home, after an absence of four years. In July,

1905, he sailed northward again, equipped with a vessel, the

Roosevelt, built expressly for his use. After

wintering on the north coast of Grant Land, he started once

more with sledges and dogs toward the Pole, and this time

pressed his way to 87° 6' of latitude, or within a little more

than 200 miles of the Arctic hub. Then he was forced to turn

back, with scant supplies, killing his dogs for food. Once

more, in July, 1908, Commander Peary set his face Arcticward,

on the staunch Roosevelt, with two scientific

companions, and equipped himself at Etah with Eskimos and dogs

for another journey across the ice-fields, from some point on

the Grant Land coast.

Two expeditions were fitted out in 1901 and 1903, by Mr.

Ziegler, of New York, the former under Evelyn B. Baldwin, the

latter under Anthony Fiala. The latter reached latitude 82°

13', remaining in the Arctic regions until the summer of 1905.

In June, 1903, Captain Roald Amundsen, of Norway, sailed from

Christiania in the small sloop Gjoa, beginning a voyage which

carried him entirely through the Northwest Passage from Baffin

Bay to Bering Strait and which occupied three years. Much of

that time, however, was devoted to studies and searches of

great value in determining the location of the Magnetic Pole.

In 1905 the ranks of the Arctic explorers were joined by the

Duke of Orleans, who sailed from Christiania in May, in the

Belgica, commanded by Lieutenant de Gerlache. In 1907, Mr.

John R. Bradley, of New York, supplied Dr. Frederick A. Cook

with equipments for an attempt to reach the North Pole, and

accompanied him in a schooner yacht to Annatok, a little north

of Etah, in North Greenland, where the Doctor, with one white

man, Rudolph Francke, were landed, with their supplies, to

begin the undertaking. Several attempts were made in

successive years by Mr. Walter Wellman to make the journey to

the Pole from Spitzbergen by a dirigible airship. Each of

them, down to 1909, was frustrated by misfortunes of

circumstance or weather. A tragically ended survey of the

northeast coast of Greenland was accomplished in 1906-1907 by Dr.

Mylius Erichsen and Lieutenant Hagen-Hagen, who perished while

groping their way southward in the growing darkness of the

approaching winter. These fill out the important items of the

record of Arctic exploration, since April, 1901, down to the

1st of September, 1909.

On that day the whole world was startled and excited by a

message, flashed first to Lerwick, in the Shetland Islands,

from a passing Danish steamer, the Hans Egede, and thence to

all corners of the earth, saying:

"We have on board the American traveller, Dr. Cook, who

reached the North Pole April 21, 1908. Dr. Cook arrived at

Upernivik (the northernmost Danish settlement in Greenland, on

an island off the west coast) in May of 1909 from Cape York

(in the northwest part of Greenland, on Baffin Bay). The

Eskimos of Cape York confirm Dr. Cook’s story of his journey."

The next day brought a cabled announcement from Dr. Cook

himself, to the New York Herald, briefly telling of his

triumph, "after a prolonged fight against famine and frost,"

and describing the emotions with which he had found himself at

the goal which so many had striven vainly to attain. "What a

cheerless spot," he moralized, "to have aroused the ambition

of man for so many ages! An endless field of purple snows. No

life. No land. No spot to relieve the monotony of frost. We

were the only pulsating creatures in a dead world of ice."

Two days later the hero was landed at Copenhagen, and all the

excited world devoured graphic descriptions of his reception

by the enthusiastic Danes: by the Crown Prince, who hastened

to welcome him before he had stepped from the ship; by the

crowds who cheered him; by the King, who dined him; by the

University of Copenhagen which awarded him an honorary degree,

and whose faculty he made happy and proud by the promise that

it should be the first to examine the record of his

observations and the proofs in general that he had reached the

Pole.

Two more days passed, and then the climax of this world-spread

excitement and astonishment was marked by another

radio-electric flash of news out of the Arctic North,—this

time from the American North,—proclaiming another conquest of

the icy fortress of the Pole. It spoke "to the Associated

Press, New York," from "Indian Harbor, via Cape Ray, Nova

Scotia," saying: "Stars and Stripes nailed to North Pole.

Peary." It reached New York a little after noon of September

6th, and before night, everywhere, people in all languages

were asking each other: "Is it possible that two men have

suddenly done what none have been able to do before?"

{501}

Other messages from Commander Peary which soon followed the

first one fixed the date of his attainment of the Pole as

having been April 6, 1909,—being fifteen days less than a year

after Dr. Cook claimed to have planted the American flag at

the same spot. They brought angry denunciations, too, of

Cook’s pretension, which Peary had learned of from the

Esquimaux in the North. "Cook’s story," he said in one

despatch, "should not be taken too seriously. The two

Esquimaux who accompanied him say he went no distance north

and not outside of land. Other members of the tribe confirm

their story." In another he declared: "Cook has sold the

public a gold brick." Dr. Cook, meantime, gave out expressions

as to Peary’s achievement very different in temper and tone.

He had no doubt that Commander Peary had reached the Pole; but

he, Cook, had been fortunately the first to enjoy the

favorable conditions which gave success to them both. His

magnanimity, his coolness, his easy self-confidence, in

contrast with Peary’s words and bearing, won public admiration

and sympathy, and the majority in most communities inclined

strongly, for a time, to the judgment that both explorers had

done what they said they did, but that Cook, in character, was

the more estimable man. When he arrived in New York, on the

21st of September, that city gave him almost as wild a hero

worship as Copenhagen had done. Commander Peary was then just

landing at Sydney, Nova Scotia, and it was some weeks before

he would proceed to New York, or put himself at all in the way

of receiving any public demonstrations of honor.

But grounds of skepticism as to Dr. Cook were acquiring a

rapid multiplication. When he published his story in detail,

or told it in lectures, it started questions which people

having critical knowledge insisted that he must answer if he

could; but he made no attempt. He was in no haste to produce

the records which he had insisted would prove his claims

beyond a doubt. He required weeks of time to prepare them for

examination, and they must go to the University of Copenhagen

before any other tribunal of science could see them.

Meanwhile, he was harvesting large gains from lectures and

newspaper publications, and seemed more interested in that

pursuit than in the vindication of his questioned honor.

Hence, suspicion of him grew, until it made itself heard and

felt at last with a force which drove the Doctor to put his

professed proofs in shape and send them by the hand of his

secretary, Mr. Lonsdale, to Copenhagen. Before they reached

their destination he, himself, disappeared mysteriously from

public view, nervously shattered, it was said, and seeking

some hidden place of refuge abroad. Reports of him from

various places in both Europe and South America have not been

verified, and his whereabouts are still (March, 1910) a

mystery.

On the 21st of December the report of the scientific committee

of Copenhagen University, to which the records forwarded by

Dr. Cook were submitted, was made public by the University

Council. "The report, which was sent in by the committee on

December 18, states that the following papers were submitted

to it for investigation:—

"1. A type-written report by Mr. Lonsdale on Dr. Cook’s Arctic

voyage, consisting of 61 folios.

"2. A type written copy of 16 folios, made by Mr. Lonsdale,

comprising the note-books brought back by Dr. Cook from his

journey and covering the period from March 18 to June 13,

1908, stated to have been written on the way from Svartevaag

to the Pole and back until a place west of Heibergsland was

reached. …

"The committee points out as a result of its investigations

that the aforementioned report of the journey is essentially

identical with that published some time ago in the New York

Herald, and that the copy of the note-books did not

contain astronomical records, but only results. In fact, the

committee remarks that there are no elucidatory statements

which might have rendered it probable that astronomical

observations were really taken. Neither is the practical side

—namely, the sledge journey—illuminated by details in such a

way as to enable the committee to form an opinion. The

committee therefore considers that from the material submitted

no proof can be adduced that Dr. Cook reached the North Pole.

"The council of the University accordingly declares as a

result of the committee’s report that the documents submitted

to Copenhagen University contain no observations or

explanations to prove that Dr. Cook on his last Polar journey

reached the North Pole."

That Commander Peary had accomplished at last the object of

his indomitable striving was never in doubt. His own testimony

to the fact had sufficed from the beginning, and the decision

rendered on the 3d of November by a committee of the National

Geographic Society, which examined the records of his march to

the Pole, added nothing to the public belief. But his laurels

had been lamentably blighted by the atmosphere of scandal,

wrangle, and disgust with which Cook’s monstrous imposture had

vulgarized the whole feeling that attended the exploit.

The incidents of the final Peary expedition, from start to

finish, were summarized by the Commander in a message from

Battle Harbor to the London Times, September 8, as

follows:

"The Roosevelt left New York on July 6, 1908. She left

Sydney on July 17th; arrived at Cape York, Greenland, on

August 1st; left Etah, Greenland, on August 8th; arrived at

Cape Sheridan, Grant Land, on September 1st, and wintered at

Cape Sheridan. The sledge expedition left the Roosevelt   on February 15th, 1909, and started north of Cape Columbia on

March 1st. It passed the British record on March 2d; was

delayed by open water on March 2d and 3d; was held up by open

water from March 4th to March 11th; crossed the 84th parallel

on March 11th and encountered an open lead on March 15th;

crossed the 85th parallel on March 18th; crossed the 86th

parallel on March 22d and encountered an open lead on March

33d [23d?]; passed the Norwegian record on March 23d; passed

the Italian record on March 24th and encountered an open lead

on March 26th; crossed the 87th parallel on March 27th; passed

the American record on March 28th and encountered a lead on

March 28th; held up by open water on March 29th; crossed the

88th parallel on April 2d; crossed the 89th parallel on April

4th, and reached the North Pole on April 6th.

"On returning we left the pole on April 7th; reached Camp

Columbia on April 23d, arriving on board the Roosevelt   on April 27th. The Roosevelt left Cape Sheridan on July

18th, passed Cape Sabine on August 8th, left Cape York on

August 26th and arrived at Indian Harbor.

"All the members of the expedition are returning in good

health except Professor Ross G. Martin, who unfortunately

drowned on April 10th, 45 miles north of Cape Columbia, while

returning from 86 degrees north latitude in command of a

supporting party."

{502}

POLAR EXPLORATION: Antarctic:

English, German, Swedish, and Scottish Expeditions.

The Successes of Lieutenant Shackleton.

When the account of Polar Exploration in Volume VI. of this

work was closed, in April, 1901, several expeditions to the

Antarctic region were reported as being under preparation, in

England, Germany, and Sweden. The English expedition, for

which the ship Discovery was being fitted out, sailed

on the 6th of August, 1901, under the command of Captain

Robert F. Scott, with Lieutenant Ernest H. Shackleton of the

British Navy as second in command. Its object was a further

exploration of the great mountainous region named Victoria

Land, which Captain James Ross had discovered half a century

before. This coast the Discovery reached in January,

1902, and followed it southward, to and beyond the Erebus

volcano, skirting the Great Ice Barrier which stretches far

eastward, seeming to forbid a penetration of the frozen

territory it hems in. In this survey the British explorers

reached an unvisited section, which they named King Edward

Land. They wintered that year near Mount Erebus, pushing

sledge expeditions southward over the snow fields, finding a

more upheaved and broken surface of land, less ice-capped,

than is the common feature of the Arctic polar zone. In the

longest of these sledge-trips the latitude of 82° 17' S. was

attained,—far beyond any previous approach to the southern

pole, but still more than 500 miles from that goal. Through a

second winter the Discovery was held fast in the ice,

with considerable sickness among officers and men,

notwithstanding which important additions to their survey of

the region were made. In January, 1904, they were reached by

two relief ships, and escaped from the ice in the following

month, arriving at New Zealand not long after.

The German expedition commanded by Dr. Drygalski, left Kiel

August 11, 1901, borne by the steamer Gauss, built

specially for battling with ice. In January, 1902, it took on

stores at Kerguelen Island, and proceeded thence to a point in

the Antarctic Circle far eastward of that chosen by the British

explorers, being within the region of the discoveries made by

Captain Wilkes, about sixty years before, and indefinitely

named Wilkes Land. It was the purpose of Dr. Drygalski to

establish a station on the section of this unexplored

territory known as Termination Land and from thence make

thorough surveys. He failed, however, to find the supposed

land in its expected place, and was unfortunately frozen in

for a year, with sledge expeditions baffled by the violence of

winter storms. In geographical exploration the Gauss   party seem to have accomplished little, but they made rich

collections of scientific data. As soon as they were freed

from the ice they received orders from Berlin to return home.

The Swedish expedition, under Dr. Otto Nordenskjöld, left

Europe in October, 1901, in the ship Antarctic,

destined for Graham Land, south of the South American

continent. There, on the east coast of that land, in Admiralty

Inlet, Dr. Nordenskjöld established winter quarters in

February, 1902, and the Antarctic was sent to South

America, to return thence some months later.

A Scottish expedition, under Dr. W. S. Bruce, in the steamer

Scotia, was sent out in October, 1903, for special

oceanographic investigations in Weddell Sea,—south of the

Atlantic Ocean.

All previous Antarctic explorations were eclipsed, in 1908-1909,

by that of Lieutenant Shackleton, commanding the barkentine

Nimrod, a converted whaling vessel, much smaller than the

Discovery, on which Lieutenant Shackleton had

accompanied Captain Scott to the same region some years

before. The Nimrod sailed from England in July, 1907, and from

New Zealand on New Year Day, 1908, going to the same section

of the Arctic Circle that the Discovery had sought.

Winter quarters were established at a point about twenty miles

north of the spot where Scott and Shackleton had wintered in

1902-1903. One of the first achievements of the party was the

ascent of Mount Erebus by six of the scientists of the

expedition, who began their difficult climb on the 5th of

March. Caught in a blizzard on the second day of their

undertaking, they had to lie in their sleeping bags for thirty

hours; but they made their way to the summit and looked down

into the live fire of the crater. The party making this ascent

were Lieutenant Adams, R. N. R. (geologist). Sir Philip

Brocklehurst (surveyor and map maker), Professor David, of

Sydney University, Mr. A. Forbes Mackay, assistant surgeon,

Mr. Eric Marshall, surgeon and cartographer, and Mr. Marson a

scientist of Adelaide. Early in the spring the sledging

journeys were begun.

Speaking at a reception given to him by the Royal Geographical

Society, on his return to England in June, 1909, Lieutenant

Shackleton gave a brief account of the most important of these

journeys, led by himself, with Lieutenant Adams, geologist,

Surgeon Eric Marshall, and a third companion named Wild. The

march of the party was directly toward the Pole:

"On December 3 they climbed a mountain 4,000 feet high, and

from its summit saw what they believed to be a royal road to

the Pole—an enormous glacier stretching southwards. There was

only one pony left at this time, and, taking this animal with

them, they started the ascent of the glacier, which proved to

be seamed with crevasses. Progress became very slow, for

disaster threatened at every step. On December 7 the remaining

pony was lost down a crevasse, very nearly taking Wild and a

sledge with it. Finally the party gained the inland plateau,

at an altitude of over 10,000 feet, and started across the

great white snow plain towards the Pole.

"They were short of food, and had cut down their rations to an

absolute minimum; the temperature at the high altitude

was extremely low, and all their spare clothing had been

deposited lower down the glacier in order to save weight. On

January 6, [1909], they reached latitude 88' 8" south [88°

8'?], after having taken the risk of leaving a depot of stores

on the plateau, out of sight of all land. Then a blizzard

swept down upon them, and for two days they were unable to

leave their tent, while, owing to their weakened condition and

the intense cold, they suffered from frostbite even in their

sleeping bags. When the blizzard moderated on January 9 they

felt that they had reached their limit of endurance, for their

strength was greatly reduced and the food was almost done.

They therefore left the camp standing, and pushing on for five

hours, planted Queen Alexandra’s flag in 88' 23" south [88°

23'?], took possession of the plateau for the King, and turned

their faces north again.

{503}

"Mr. Shackleton described the difficulties of the journey back

to the coast, when the men were desperately short of food and

nearly worn out, and attacks of dysentery added to their

troubles. … One day on the Barrier they were unable to march

at all, being prostrated with dysentery, and they reached each

depot with their food finished. On February 23, however, they

reached a depot prepared for them by a party from the ship,

and on March 1 Mr. Shackleton and Wild reached the

Nimrod. Mr. Shackleton at once led a relief party back

to get Adams and Marshall, the latter having been unable to

continue the march owing to dysentery, and on March 4 all the

men were safe on board."

"Lieutenant Shackleton has essentially solved the problem of

the position of the South Pole," said the London Times   in comments on the expedition; "he may be said, indeed, to

have been actually within sight of it on a dreary plateau some

10,000 ft. above sea level. He has been as successful in

solving the problem of the South Pole as Nansen was in solving

that of the character of the ocean which surrounds the North

Pole."

An expedition to complete what Lieutenant Shackleton came so

near to accomplishing is being prepared in Great Britain, with

intention to sail in July, 1910. It will be commanded by

Captain Scott, of the expedition of 1901. The British

Government contributes $100,000 to the cost. American and

German expeditions are also being prepared.

POLES, THE: Germany: A. D. 1902-1908.

Measures for Germanizing the Polish Provinces of Prussia.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (MARCH-MAY), 1906-1907, and 1908.

POLES, THE: Russia: A. D. 1904-1905.

Revolutionary Disturbances in.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

POLES, THE: A. D. 1906.

Their Present Condition.

"The Polish question … resolves itself into a struggle between

the local Russian Government, the Patriot, and the Socialists.

The local Government though harassed and worried by the

Socialists, is secure from any great disaster until the latter

have won over all the troops, or the Russian soldier forgets

his hatred for the Pole. The Socialists, well organised and

energetic, are carrying out their programme with a tenacity

which would be astonishing were it not for the fact that the

Jewish element predominates in their ranks.

"The Polish Patriot seems to be in the worst case of all; for

his hopes are centred on the programme of a party which is

without efficient leaders and without the slightest chance of

obtaining its demands from the existing Russian Government.

The one ray of light on his political horizon is the fact that

liberal Russia has expressed sympathy for his wrongs, and

promised to redress them as soon as circumstances will allow,

but even the most sanguine Patriot admits that his new ally

has many battles to win before this promise can be fulfilled.

Meanwhile, he is engaged in an unequal struggle with the

Socialists and their allies, the anarchists."

B. C. Baskerville,

The Present Condition of Poland

(Fortnightly Review, October, 1906).

POLK, Van Leer:

Delegate to Third International Conference of

American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

POLLARD PLAN, OF JUDICIAL DEALING WITH DRUNKARDS.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM: INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS.

POLTAVA PROVINCE, Peasant Doings in.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904, and 1902.

POOLING, OF RAILWAY RATES.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.

POOR LAWS, WORKING OF THE ENGLISH.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY.

POPES.

See (in this Volume and Volume IV.)

PAPACY.

PORT ARTHUR: A. D. 1904-1905.

Siege and Capture in the Russo-Japanese War.

See(in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-July) and (February-August);

also A. D. 1904-1905 (May-January).

PORTER, HORACE:

Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

PORTER, HORACE:

Search for and Recovery, at Paris, of the Remains

of John Paul Jones.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).

PORTLAND, OREGON: A. D. 1905.

The Lewis and Clark Exposition.

"The Lewis and Clark Centennial and American Pacific

Exposition and Oriental Fair" (to give its full of fecial

title), conducted at Portland from the beginning of June until

the middle of October, 1905, in commemoration of the first

exploration of the American Continent from the Mississippi to

the Pacific, was one of the most interesting and attractive of

the undertakings of its kind in the last decade. Specially as

an exhibit of the wonderful natural resources of the great

Northwest, and of the more wonderful rapidity of their

exploitation, it seemed wholly satisfying to all who visited

it. The reclamation work of the United States Government,

shown elaborately by models and otherwise in the Irrigation

Building of the extensive national exhibit, afforded a feature

of uncommon attractiveness. The associated Forestry Building,

with its walls of mighty logs and its grand pillars of firs

and cedars, six and seven feet in diameter, was a piece of

unique architecture that drew all eyes. "The Oregon

Cathedral," it came to be called. In metals, minerals, fruits

and grains, the wealth of the Northwest was astonishingly

displayed; and the Japanese from the farther side of the

Pacific made the most of the opportunity to spread their

artistic wares before American buyers.

The scenic setting of the Exposition grounds, on the border of

a lake and with a background of hill rising from Willamette

River, was a theme of praise in all reports of it.

{504}

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901-1905.

Change of Qualifications for the Elective Franchise.

The fundamental provisions of the Act of Congress, approved

April 12, 1900, under which the government of Porto Rico as a

dependency of the United States was organized, will be found

in Volume VI of this work.

See

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (APRIL).

The Act has received amendment since, making one important

organic change. The Executive Council which it created was

authorized to fix the qualifications of voters for the first

election of a Legislative Assembly. The suffrage in that

election, held in 1900, was conferred by the Council on every

male citizen of twenty-one years, resident in the island for

one year and for six months in his municipal district, "who is

able to read and write, or who, on September 1, 1900, owned

real estate in his own right and name, or who on said date was

a member of a firm or corporation or partnership, or who on

September 1, 1900, owned personal property in his own right or

name not less in value than twenty-five dollars." The results

of the election held under that rule, and a brief summary of

the doings of the Legislative Assembly at its first session,

which opened on the 3d of December, 1900, and closed on the

31st of January, 1901, are given in Volume VI.

"At its second session, in 1902, the Legislative Assembly

availed itself of the power given to it by the organic act and

passed a law for the government of future elections. This act

followed closely the provisions of the orders that had been

issued by the executive council. The system created is similar

to that in the American States which have adopted the

Australian ballot. As regards the franchise, the only change

made was that the provision which gave the right to vote to

persons owning personal property to the value of twenty-five

dollars was dropped and in its place was substituted the

provision conferring the franchise upon those persons meeting

the conditions as regards age and residence who on the day of

registration are able to produce to the board of registry tax

receipts showing the payment of any kind of taxes for the last

six months of the year in which the election is held. The law

also provided that all persons who were registered during the

year 1900 would not be required to register anew or have to

meet the new requirements of the law. This was the law under

which the second election in 1902 was held. In 1904 the law

underwent a very important alteration as regards the

qualifications for the enjoyment of the electoral franchise.

By this new law the three conditions—ability to read and

write, ownership of real estate, or payment of taxes—any one

of which qualified a male citizen of Porto Rico who had

resided in the island one year and in the district in which he

offered to register for six months immediately preceding, to

vote, were until July 1, 1906, wiped out, leaving only the

conditions regarding sex, age and residence to be met in order

to qualify a voter. After that date the additional

qualification of being able to read and write must be met. The

result of this amendment to the law is to provide for

universal manhood suffrage until July 1, 1906, after which no

new name can be added to the registration list unless its

owner is able to read and write. Those persons, however, who

are properly registered before that date are not required to

offer themselves for registration, but continue to enjoy the

full rights of the franchise."

W. F. Willoughby,

Territories and Dependencies of the United States.

page 95 (Century Company, New York, 1905).

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1905.

Extension of Local Government asked for.

A convention of municipal delegates, chosen by the elective

municipal councils of the island, assembled at San Juan in

July, 1905, formulated a request to the Government of the

United States for a broadening of the fundamental law of 1900,

which "would largely transfer the control of the local

government to their own people. The Governor would remain a

Presidential appointee, but the appointments by the Governor

would be subject in many cases to revision by a locally

elected Senate, except the courts, which would remain as now,

for the most part, under our direct control. In other words,

the legislative, and largely the administrative functions,

subject to the limitations of the Organic Act, would be

exercised by the Porto Ricans. The courts, of our own

choosing, would construe limitations on these powers, and the

Governor, with his police and militia, would be solely

responsible for order and the lawful execution of lawful

mandates."

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1906.

Visited by President Roosevelt.

His account of it.

"On November twenty-first I visited the island of Porto Rico,

landing at Ponce, crossing by the old Spanish road by Cayey to

San Juan, and returning next morning over the new American

road from Arecibo to Ponce; the scenery was wonderfully

beautiful, especially among the mountains of the interior,

which constitute a veritable tropic Switzerland. I could not

embark at San Juan because the harbor has not been dredged out

and cannot receive an American battle ship. I do not think

this fact creditable to us as a nation, and I earnestly hope

that immediate provision will be made for dredging San Juan

Harbor.

"I doubt whether our people as a whole realize the beauty and

fertility of Porto Rico and the progress that has been made

under its admirable government. …

"I stopped at a dozen towns all told, and one of the notable

features in every town was the gathering of the school

children. The work that has been done in Porto Rico for

education has been noteworthy. The main emphasis, as is

eminently wise and proper, has been put upon primary

education; but in addition to this there is a normal school,

an agricultural school, three industrial and three high

schools. Every effort is being made to secure not only the

benefits of elementary education to all the Porto Ricans of

the next generation, but also as far as means will permit to

train them so that the industrial, agricultural and commercial

opportunities of the island can be utilized to the best

possible advantage. It was evident, at a glance, that the

teachers, both Americans and native Porto Ricans, were devoted

to their work, took the greatest pride in it, and were

endeavoring to train their pupils not only in mind, but in

what counts for far more than mind in citizenship—that is, in

character.

"I was very much struck by the excellent character both of the

insular police and of the Porto Rican regiment. They are both

of them bodies that reflect credit upon the American

administration of the island. The insular police are under the

local Porto Rican government. The Porto Rican regiment of

troops must be appropriated for by the Congress. I earnestly

hope that this body will be kept permanent. There should

certainly be troops in the island, and it is wise that these

troops should be themselves native Porto Ricans. It would be

from every standpoint a mistake not to perpetuate this

regiment. …

{505}

"There is a matter to which I wish to call your special

attention, and that is the desirability of conferring full

American citizenship upon the people of Porto Rico. I most

earnestly hope that this will be done. I cannot see how any

harm can possibly result from it, and it seems to me a matter

of right and justice to the people of Porto Rico. They are

loyal, they are glad to be under our flag, they are making

rapid progress along the path of orderly liberty. Surely we

should now show our appreciation of them, our pride in what

they have done, and our pleasure in extending recognition for

what has thus been done by granting them full American

citizenship. …

"The Porto Ricans have complete and absolute autonomy in all

their municipal governments, the only power over them

possessed by the insular government being that of removing

corrupt or incompetent municipal officials. This power has

never been exercised save on the clearest proof of corruption

or of incompetence such as to jeopardize the interests of the

people of the island; and under such circumstances it has been

fearlessly used to the immense benefit of the people. It is

not a power with which it would be safe, for the sake of the

island itself, to dispense at present. The lower house is

absolutely elective, while the upper house is appointive. This

scheme is working well; no injustice of any kind results from

it, and great benefit to the island, and it should certainly

not be changed at this time. The machinery of the elections is

administered entirely by the Porto Rican people themselves,

the governor and council keeping only such supervision as is

necessary in order to secure an orderly election. Any protest

as to electoral frauds is settled in the courts."

Theodore Roosevelt,

Message to Congress

(Congressional Record, December 11, 1906).

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1908.

Ten Years of Progress.

"Ten years ago exports from Porto Rico to the United States

were valued at $2,414,356, while in the fiscal year ending

June 30, 1908, they were $25,891,261. The new figures show a

probable further increase for 1909. In 1898, less than

$3,000,000 worth of sugar was exported, and to-day shipments

are more than $14,000,000. In coffee, once the leading staple,

increase is also marked, although sugar now holds first place.

"Four hundred and thirty-five miles of macadamized roads, in

good repair, now make communication easy between San Juan and

Ponce and cities on the west coast. Two-thirds of the roads

have been built since the occupation. The railroad around the

island, projected by the Spanish, but delayed year by year, is

now built, and harbor improvements have been made in San Juan

and Ponce. More than a thousand public schools are educating

the Porto Rican children—and sometimes their parents. The net

public debt is now less than $3,000,000 or less than 21 per

cent. of the assessed valuation, and the bulk of this money

has been spent in public improvements."

Porto Rico Correspondent New York Evening Post,

March 27, 1909.

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1909.

Modification of the Fundamental Act.

In a special Message to Congress, May 10, 1909, President Taft

called attention to the failure of the Legislative Assembly of

Porto Rico to pass the usual appropriation bills, leaving the

government of the island without support after the 30th of the

next June. In his opinion, the situation indicated that the

United States had proceeded too fast in extending political

power to the Porto Ricans, and that the full control of

appropriations should be withdrawn from those "who have shown

themselves too irresponsible to enjoy it." He suggested,

therefore, an amendment of the fundamental act, known as the

Foraker Act, to provide that when the legislative assembly

shall adjourn without making the appropriation necessary to

carry on the government, sums equal to the appropriations made

in the previous year for the respective purposes shall be

available from the current revenues, and shall be drawn by the

warrant of the auditor on the treasurer and countersigned by

the Governor. Such a provision applies to the Legislatures of

the Philippines and Hawaii and "it has prevented in those two

countries any misuse of the power of appropriation." An

amendatory Act was passed in accordance with the President’s

suggestion.

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1909.

Change in the Governorship.

In September, 1909, Governor Regis H. Post resigned his

office, and was succeeded by Mr. George R. Colton, who had had

previous experience, both civil and military, in the

Philippines and in Santo Domingo. The Secretary of the island

underwent a change, also, Mr. Willoughby being called to

Washington to take the duties of Assistant Director of the

Census, and his place in Porto Rico being filled by Mr. George

Cabot Ward.

PORTSMOUTH, Peace Treaty of:

Circumstances and Text.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906.

At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco question.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

A "rotative" system of Party Government and its results.

King Carlos assumes dictatorial authority.

His Minister, Senhor Franco.

Murder of the King and Crown Prince.

Succession of King Manuel.

Recent Ministries.

For many years prior to 1906 Portugal had been governed by two

political parties, calling themselves the Regeneradors and the

Progressistas, who, it has been said, "relieved one another in

office, and in the spoils of office, at decent intervals, by a

tacit arrangement between their leaders." This regular

ministerial rotation led to the popular nickname of Rotativos,

applied to both parties, and significant of the contempt in

which they were held. The rotative system of party government,

"while ensuring a comfortable livelihood to a class of

professional politicians, was of no conspicuous benefit to the

country, and it was with a view to ending it that King Carlos

summoned Senhor João Franco, in May, 1906, to form a ministry.

Senhor Franco, who belonged to neither of the recognized

parties, set his hand zealously to the work of reform, but his

attempts to purge the Administration soon brought him into

conflict with powerful vested interests; and in May, 1907, the

politicians whose livelihoods he was reforming away united

against him in a policy of obstruction which made

Parliamentary government impossible.

{506}

He then dissolved the Cortes, and with the approval of the

King assumed the position of dictator. His work of reform

thenceforth proceeded apace. Drastic decrees, each aimed at

some abuse, followed one another with amazing rapidity. Strong

in the support of the King and of the best elements in the

country, execrated by the politicians whom he had spoiled, and

by the Press which he had done nothing to conciliate, he

continued on his headlong course, and at the end of January,

1908, he signed a decree practically amounting to a suspension

of civil liberties."

Lisbon Correspondence,

London Times.

A tragedy followed quickly. On the 1st day of February, 1908,

the King, Dom Carlos, and the Crown Prince, Luiz Felipe, as

they rode through the streets of Lisbon, with the Queen and a

younger son in the same carriage, and attended by an escort,

were attacked by a throng of assassins and killed. The younger

prince was wounded; the Queen escaped by a miracle, one of the

assassins having been shot at the instant his pistol was aimed

at her. The two princes fought bravely, and the Queen threw

herself in front of her husband, attempting vainly to shield

him.

Prince Manuel, whose wound was not serious, succeeded to the

throne; but "the shots that killed Dom Carlos and Dom Luiz on

February 1 swept away the dictatorship of Senhor Franco and

the whole fabric which he had built up at so much cost during

18 months. Within a few hours of the murder Senhor Franco

resigned, under pressure, it is said, and left the country,

declaring that he had done with politics for ever. From being

the saviour of his country, the admiration of all enlightened

men, both at home and abroad, he became a pariah. His

supporters became mute and his system vanished. From that day

to this his followers have had no more than three or four

seats in the Chamber, where they have remained voiceless and

without influence on the course of events.

"That a seemingly vulgar crime should have so disproportionate

an effect was strange, and no less strange was the attitude of

the country. Whether owing to the widely entertained suspicion

that the murderers of the King were the tools of more

important personages whom it would not be safe to discover, or

to the fear of a Republican rising felt by the moderate and

respectable members of the community, is still a matter of

opinion; the fact remains that society lost its nerve. No

burst of indignation, no adequate expression of sympathy for

the Royal Family was heard; no steps were taken to trace the

authors of the crime. … The disappearance of Senhor Franco

left the two old ‘rotativist’ parties in presence, the

Progressistas under Senhor Luciano de Castro, and the

Regeneradores under Senhor Vilhena, the recently elected

successor of the veteran Hintze Ribeiro. Compared to these,

neither the Republicans, whose strength was supposed to be

considerable in the country, nor the ‘dissident’

Progressistas, under Senhor Alpoim, were of any account as

Parliamentary factors. A coalition Government was formed on

March 4, under Admiral Ferreira do Amaral, consisting of two

Regeneradores, two Progressistas, and two so-called

Independents, personal adherents of the Premier, who resembled

him in having no marked political ideals or convictions. The

elections, which took place in April, returned 62

Regeneradores and 59 Progressistas, thus starting the

Government on its career with the handsome following of 121 in

a House of 155. The matters with which the Government had to

deal were mainly three—namely, the revision of the decrees

issued by Senhor Franco as Dictator, the question of the Civil

List and of the advances made by the nation to the Royal

Family, and electoral reform. The Civil List was successfully

settled, but little progress had been made with the remainder

of the programme when the first serious defection occurred.

During the recess the Government announced that the municipal

elections, which had been suspended by Senhor Franco in favour

of nominated councils, would be held again in November, a

decision bitterly attacked by Senhor Vilhena, who announced

that the Regeneradores could no longer support the Government.

The elections were duly held, and, owing to the deliberate

abstention of the Monarchist parties, the Republicans captured

unopposed every seat on the Lisbon council. The unpopularity

incurred by the Government on account of this unnecessary gift

to the common enemy brought about a Government crisis. Admiral

Amaral referred the matter to the Council of State, who, to

his great surprise and annoyance, advised the resignation of

the Government. The Premier and his two independents

accordingly retired, and the Cabinet was reconstituted under

Senhor Campos Henriques, who together with Senhor Wenceslao de

Lima, Minister of Foreign Affairs, continued to represent the

Regenerador party. The late Premier’s ‘Independents’ made way

for the Progressistas, who thus held five seats in the Cabinet

to two held by the Regeneradores. Senhor Vilhena, who had

brought about the fall of the late Government, was not offered

a seat in the new one, and he immediately resumed his

opposition; but on this occasion he only carried two-thirds of

his party with him, 22 members deciding to support the

Government. This defection of the Regeneradores under Senhor

Vilhena, the first serious indication of a return to the old

system of ‘rotativism,’ was shortly followed by that of the

late Premier and his ‘Independents,’ so that when the Cortes

met on March 1, [1909], the imposing Government majority of a

year before had dwindled to 10 or 15."

Then followed daily scenes of disorder and obstruction in

Parliament until Senhor Campos Henriques surrendered, at the

end of March. As The Times correspondent expressed it,

"as soon as the Opposition in the Lower House expressed its

impatience by a banging of desks, while its leader in the

House of Peers solemnly affirmed the ‘incompatibility’ of his

party with the Government, Ministers determined to avoid all

further unpleasantness by resigning." The resignation was

accepted by the King, and three party leaders in succession

made attempts in the next month to conduct the Government,

without success. Senhor Sebastiäo Telles held the reins for

three weeks, and then passed them to Senhor Wenceslao de Lima,

who framed up a nominally non-party Ministry on the 13th of

May. Senhor De Lima conducted the Government until the

following December, when, on the 19th, he resigned, and a

"Progressist Ministry" was formed, under Senhor Beirao.

London Times Correspondence of various Dates.

{507}

Writing from Lisbon on the 5th of January, 1910, the

Times correspondent said:

"It is the Republicans who alone seem to be making progress.

Their activities are unceasing, their newspapers the best

informed and most ably conducted, their meetings, held all

over the land, the most largely attended and most

enthusiastic. At the same hour as that of the Royal reception

on New Year’s Day the Republican municipality of Lisbon held a

like function, not only largely and most influentially

attended, but to the distinct diminution of the attendance in

the Royal Palace."

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909.

Demonstration against the Religious Orders.

The following despatch to the Press was sent from Lisbon

August 3, 1909:

"Freethinkers from all political parties in Portugal,

represented by a Liberal committee, to-day presented to the

Cortes a petition for the suppression of the religious orders

in Portugal and the abrogation of the existing laws against

freedom of conscience. This step was an outcome of the meeting

held in this city yesterday.

"The committee was accompanied to the Houses of Parliament by

an immense crowd, and some wild scenes ensued. Among other

things the petitioners asked for the abrogation of the recent

law permitting religious associations to acquire landed

property, a procedure which up to the present time has been

illegal. Senhor Camacho moved the consideration of the

subject, and when the motion was voted down the galleries

broke out in protestation. There was considerable violence on

the floor of the House. The Deputies engaged in a struggle in

which desks and chairs were overturned, and the Chamber had to

be cleared twice. The tumult was continued in the streets, but

without serious results."

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909.

Offer of Dom Miguel to renounce his Claim to the Throne.

Dom Miguel, son of the Dom Miguel who, from 1828 to 1833 held

the throne of Portugal in defiance of the rights of Maria da

Gloria, his elder brother’s daughter (see, in Volume IV.,

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1824-1889), had kept up his father’s

pretensions to the crown until the spring of 1909, when he

offered to renounce it, if permitted to live in Portugal as a

citizen. The permission was refused, for the reason that his

return, with that of a number of nobles of his party, "would

be regarded as a challenge to the rising tide of Liberalism."

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909 (April).

Earthquake in and around Lisbon.

See (in this Volume)

EARTHQUAKES: PORTUGAL.

PORTUGUESE AFRICA.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA: PORTUGUESE.

POSTAGE, BEGINNING OF INTERNATIONAL PENNY.

The postal treaty establishing two-cent or penny postage on

letters between Great Britain and the United States went into

effect October 1, 1909.

POSTAL SERVICE, IN CHINA.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1908.

POSTAL SERVICE STRIKE, IN FRANCE.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH-MAY).

POSTAL AND TELEGRAPHIC STRIKE, IN RUSSIA.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

----------POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: THEIR PROBLEMS: Start---

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:

Old Age Homes, in Vienna.

"In most towns there is a tendency, in this our day, to deal

more generously with destitute children than with destitute

men and women. In Berlin and New York, for instance, both

money and thought are lavished on the young whom the community

supports; while as for the aged, what is given to them is

given only of necessity. In Vienna it is otherwise; there the

arrangements for the relief of the old people are better—both

more carefully considered and more liberal—than those for the

relief of children, a fact that says more, perhaps, for the

hearts than for the heads of the authorities.

"If a man—or a woman—above 60 is without money wherewith to

provide for himself, or the strength to earn the money, he

applies to the Guardian of his ward for help. Then, if he has

a home to live in, and someone to take care of him, or is able

to take care of himself, he is granted out relief, a money

allowance if he can be trusted to spend it wisely, otherwise

relief in kind. Supposing, however, he is homeless, feeble and

‘alone-standing,’ he is sent to a Versorgungshaus, or old-age

home, if there is a vacant place there; and, if not, to a

small poor-house until there is.

"Versorgungshäuser are the distinctive feature of the Austrian

Poor Relief system so far as the aged are concerned. Already

in the days of Joseph II. Vienna had two if not more of these

homes, and at the present time it has six. One of them is

reserved exclusively for Citizens; another, that at Mauerbach,

is reserved for persons who, owing to their perverted notions

as to what is seemly, cannot be accorded the full liberty the

old people in the other homes enjoy. In all the six together

there is space for more than 6,000 inmates. As the

Versorgungshäuser are looked upon by classes and masses alike

as the homes of the aged poor, the place where they have a

right to be, no disgrace is attached to going there. …

"Although in Vienna much is done for the poor, the burden

entailed by Poor Relief is by no means overwhelming. In 1903

the full cost of indoor relief, outdoor relief and sick

relief, together with the cost of administration, was only

£942,870, and of this £250,672 was obtained from private

sources. At that time the town was providing 31,000 adults—old

men and women for the most part—with allowances ranging in

amount from 30 kronen to 6 kronen a month; it was maintaining

6,790 more in old-age homes and other institutions; and was

defraying the cost of the Asyl and workhouse. It was

supporting, or contributing to the support of, 10,260 children

who were either with their own relatives or were boarded out;

and was maintaining 3,246 in orphanages, etc. It defrayed the

cost of the 27,000 babies who passed through the Foundling

Hospital, and of the 19,085 children who were temporarily in

institutions. It also provided 77,000 boys and girls with

school books, and contributed generously to many private

philanthropic societies. Roughly speaking, the cost to the

town of Poor Relief in Vienna per head of the population is

8s. 4d."

Edith Sellers,

Poor Relief in Vienna

(Contemporary Review, December, 1900).

{508}

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:

Pensions, &c.: Denmark: A. D. 1907.

Old Age Pensions.

Some interesting details of the working of the Danish old-age

pensions system are contained in a British Consular report

issued in May, 1909. The latest available statistics show that

on March 31, 1907, 70,445 persons over 60 years of age were in

receipt of pensions, which amounted in the aggregate to

£451,000 [$2,255,000] for the financial year 1906-1907. The

number of pensioners on March 31, 1906, was 68,800, and the

amount distributed in the financial year 1905-1906, £420,444.

Both the number of pensioners and the average amount of the

pensions are increasing. The ages of the "principal"

pensioners (i. e., of the actual recipients of pensions

apart from wives and children dependent on them) were, on

March 31st, 1906, as follows:

60 to 65 years of age—3,173 men, 4,239 women;

65 to 70 years—5,831 men, 6,756 women;

70 years and over—13,974 men and 17,037 women.

About a quarter of the population over 60 years of age is in

receipt of pensions, the women especially availing themselves

of their benefits. The average amount distributed to each

"principal" recipient was £6 5s. in 1905-1906 and £6 11s. in

1906-1907.

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: England: A. D. 1908.

Old Age Pensions Act.

The Working of the Law.

Its Pitiful and Appalling Disclosures.

The Act of the British Parliament, "to Provide for Old Age

Pensions" (August 1, 1908), declares in its first section that

"the receipt of an old age pension under this Act shall not

deprive the pensioner of any franchise, right, or privilege,

or subject him to any disability." The second section defines

the "statutory conditions for the receipt of an old age

pension by any person" to be: the person must have attained

the age of seventy; must satisfy the pension authorities that

he has been a British subject and resident in the United

Kingdom for at least twenty years; that his yearly means, as

calculated under the stipulations of the Act, do not exceed

thirty-one pounds ten shillings. But, notwithstanding the

fulfilment of these statutory conditions, a person is

disqualified while he is in receipt of any poor relief, other

than medical or surgical assistance on the recommendation of a

medical officer, or relief rendered by means of the

maintenance of a dependent in an asylum, infirmary, or

hospital, or any relief that by law is expressly declared not

to be a disqualification for any franchise, right, or

privilege. Furthermore, any person is disqualified for the

receipt of an old age pension "if, before he becomes entitled

to a pension, he has habitually failed to work according to

his ability, opportunity, and need, for the maintenance or

benefit of himself and those legally dependent upon him:

Provided that a person shall not be disqualified under this

paragraph if he has continuously for ten years up to attaining

the age of sixty, by means of payments to friendly, provident,

or other societies, or trade unions, or other approved steps,

made such provision against old age, sickness, infirmity, or

want or loss of employment as may be recognized as proper

provision for the purpose by regulations under this Act, and

any such provision, when made by the husband in the case of a

married couple living together, shall, as respects any right

of the wife to a pension, be treated as provision made by the

wife as well as by the husband."

Disqualification exists, also, during detention in a lunatic

asylum; and not only during any penal imprisonment that has

been ordered "without the option fine," but for ten years

thereafter.

Specific rules are given in the Act for "calculating the means

of a person" who seeks the pension; and the rate of weekly

pension to be paid is proportioned inversely to such

ascertained means, as follows: "Where the yearly means of the

pensioner as calculated under this Act:

Do not exceed £21.,—5s. 0d.;

exceed £21, but do not exceed £23, 12s. 6d.,—4s. 0d.;

exceed £23 12s. 6d., but do not exceed £26 5s.,—3s. 0d.;

exceed £26 5s., but do not exceed £28 17s. 6d.,—2s. 0c2.;

exceed £28 17s. 6d., but do not exceed £31 10s.,—1s. 0d.;

exceed £31 10s., no pension."

The Act became operative on the 1st of January, 1909. At that

time the persons recommended for pensions, throughout the

Kingdom, numbered 490,028, with somewhat over 148,000 pending

claims. The original estimate, on the discussion of the

measure, had been that the eligible pensioners would not

exceed 500,000, and that the cost of the undertaking, to begin

with, would be about £6,000,000. It was evident, therefore,

before pension payments began, that these estimates were much

too low.

From Ireland it was reported by the Press on the opening day

of pension payments that "more than 4,000 persons will to-day

receive old-age pensions in the city of Dublin. Claims

continue to be received in large numbers, and the pension

authorities estimate that, inasmuch as the last census of the

city showed that there were 6,800 persons over 70 years of age

then alive, at least 1,200 eligible persons have not yet made

application. Yesterday afternoon it was stated that in all

5,600 claims had been lodged.

"Of the 209,000 claims lodged altogether in Ireland, it is

estimated that 50,000 will be disallowed, and that £30,000

weekly will be required to satisfy those which have been held

to be good. So far as Dublin is concerned, less than 90 per

cent, of the inhabitants who are over 70 years of age have

claimed pensions, so that the rural districts are responsible

for the larger percentage of claimants in Ireland as compared

with England and Scotland."

From Scotland it was reported that "in Glasgow, the number of

persons of 70 years and over is 13,160, and fully half of

those made claims. A rough estimate places the number of full

pensions granted at about 5,550. In addition, a number of

allowances of the smaller amounts, ranging from 4s. to 1s.,

have been made."

In London, on the 1st of January, 1908, there had been 39,043

claims considered, of which 36,108 were allowed. Of these,

31,327 were for 5s., 1,701 for 4s., 1,827 for 3s., 797 for

2s., and 456 for 1s.

{509}

Speaking in Parliament on the 1st of March, with deep feeling,

of the working of the Pension Act and of the revelation of

poverty it had made, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr.

Lloyd-George, said: "The pension officers, especially in

Ireland, had been appalled at the amount of undisclosed

poverty, and that was why he was not disposed to criticize too

harshly the administration of the Act in that country, even if

it had resulted in addition of a considerable sum to the

estimate of the Government. The details of poverty in Ireland

were perfectly horrifying. It was a disgrace to any civilized

country that reasonable human beings should be allowed to live

under such conditions. But the same condition of things was

found in Great Britain also in many cases. He made a special

point of investigating the matter, and pension committees and

pension officers all told the same story of people facing

poverty and privation for years with resignation, fortitude,

and uncomplaining patience, and all asked the same question

and asked it in vain—How on earth could those poor people have

managed to keep body and soul together on such slender

resources? They had not understated their resources; on the

contrary, there were cases in which they had overstated them

from a feeling of pride.

"What struck one in such cases was how the people had fought

against the horror of the Poor Law. There were 270,000 people

over 70 years of age in receipt of Poor Law relief. The

Old-Age Pensions Act had disclosed the presence in the

community of over 600,000 people the vast majority of whom

were living in circumstances of great poverty, and yet

disdained the charity of the Poor Law."

In the report of the Local Government Board for 1908, the

inspector of poor-law administration in the eastern counties

of England reported a substantial decrease in pauperism during

the year, and attributed this mainly to the passing of the

Old-Age Pensions Act. Persons verging on the age of 70 were

doing everything possible to preserve their qualifications for

pensions, and their sons and daughters, in the hope that the

old folk will be able to stand alone, are maintaining them

till the pensions are due in order that they may not be

forfeited by parish relief.

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: France: A. D. 1909.

State Railway Servants Pensions.

In July, 1909, the Chamber of Deputies adopted a Bill for

pensioning the railway employees of the State which had

already passed the Senate. It applies to some 308,000 persons,

who will be pensioned in several classes at ages ranging from

50 to 60 years, and the estimated annual cost will exceed

$5,000,000. The Minister of Public Works, M. Barthou,

described the measure as an acknowledgment on the part of the

country of a debt which it owed to a deserving body of public

servants, who for the last 11 years had waited patiently for

the fulfilment of a promise and upon various trying occasions

during that period had not abused the confidence which had

been reposed in their good sense and public spirit.

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: France: A. D. 1910.

General Old-Age Pension Law.

A general measure for the pensioning of workmen in old age,

which had been pending in the French Parliament for nearly

three years, became law in April, 1910. Passed in the first

instance by the Chamber of Deputies in 1907, it was held in

the Senate, undergoing an extensive remodeling, until the 12th

of February, 1910, when that body gave it an unanimous vote.

In the Chamber of Deputies its exaction of compulsory

contributions from the wages of workmen to the pension fund

was opposed by a section of the Socialists, but supported by

the Socialist leader Jaures, as well as by the Briand

Ministry, and carried by a decisive vote on April 1st.

"Workingmen, domestic servants, clerks, and farm laborers to

the number of nearly 12,000,000, whose annual earnings are

below 3,000 francs, are placed under a system of compulsory

insurance. For the farmer and small proprietor whose income

ranges between 3,000 and 5,000 francs, an optional form of

insurance is provided. Of this class there are nearly six

million men and women in the country." In all, about

18,000,000 of the population of France are beneficiaries of

the Act.

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:

The German System of State-aided Pensions,

compared with other systems.

The following is from the report of a lecture on State-aided

Pensions for the Poor, given in London, on the 3d of February,

1909, by the Honourable W. P. Reeves, Director of the London

School of Economics and Political Science. It is an admirable

summary of facts that exhibit the working, down to the present

time, of the German system of working men’s insurance adopted

between 1883-1889.

See (in Volume IV. of this work)

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1883-1889.

See (in Volume VI. of this work)

GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900, in Volume VI.):

"The subject, said the lecturer, fell into three

groups—contributory pensions, free State universal pensions,

and free State limited pensions. Germany, France, and Belgium

afforded examples of the contributory pensions, and Denmark,

Australia, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom of the limited

free pensions. The universal free pensions were likely to

remain an ideal. The Belgian superannuation for the poor,

provided by voluntary contributions on the part of the insurer

and by State bonuses, had encouraged thrift, but it yielded an

average pension of only £3 a year. It could not, therefore, be

pronounced to be a success, and the State had recognized its

failure by inaugurating a system of free old-age pensions for

the utterly destitute. A similar superannuation scheme in

France, also maintained principally by voluntary

contributions, had only attracted 8 per cent. of the class for

which it was intended, and there, too, it had been found

necessary to introduce free old-age pensions. There was also a

voluntary system in Germany, but that was a kind of side show

to the great national system of insurance by compulsory

contributions. This latter system was a gigantic experiment,

and it really did deserve the name of national. Professor

Ashley had shown that of the 10,700,000 men who were insurable

under this scheme 8,857,000 actually were insured; and of the

5,800,000 women who were qualified to provide for pensions

4,524,000 were actually paying their contributions. The system

had been in operation for 26 years, and the amount paid out in

that time must have exceeded £300,000,000, while 70 or 80

million persons had been benefited by it from first to last.

The number of persons affected yearly by the system was

25,000,000; and in 1907 nearly £30,000,000 was spent in the

three divisions of the triple system—old age, sickness, and

accidents. He had only to deal with one division—old age and

infirmity. The accumulated funds in this division amounted to

about £70,000,000; and the amount paid out to the insurers in

1906 was nearly £8,300,000, and in 1907 £8,400,000. The

population liable to insure was about 14¼ millions, and the

number of pensions in force at the end of 1907 was 979,000.

{510}

"Under this German scheme the class compulsorily insured

consisted of men and single women earning less than £100 a

year. The funds were provided in equal contributions by

employers and employed—the principle underlying the system

being that of deferred wages. It was a question whether it was

encouraging thrift to withhold from such wage-earners 2 per

cent. of their wages. The State bore the cost of management,

and added to every pension a bonus of £2 10s. a year. For the

working of the system the wage-earners were divided into five

grades:

(1) Those who earn up to £17 10s. a year;

(2) those who earn any sum between £17 10s. and £27 10s.;

(3) those who earn any sum between £27 10s. and £42 10s.;

(4) those who earn any sum between £42 10s. and £57; and

(5) those who earn any sum between £57 and £100.

The lowest wage-earners paid seven-eighths of a penny per week

for their old-age pension, and the highest wage-earners about

2¼d. No special consideration was shown for a married man. The

five grades of pensions were:

(1) £5 10s. a year;

(2) £7;

(3) £8 10s.;

(4) £10; and

(5) £11 10s.

If the labourer died after subscribing for 200 weeks his wife

and children were entitled to receive what he had subscribed,

but nothing more.

"The lot of the widows and orphans was one of the black

features of the system. A married woman could not qualify for

an old-age pension. The amount of the weekly contribution was

fixed for ten years. In 1906 the receipts exceeded the

expenditure by £6,000,000; the cost of administration was only

£850,000. But that was only the minor part of the provision

made for elderly people in Germany. The main provision was

made under the head of infirmity or invalidity occurring

before the pension age—70. If the insurers, after having

subscribed for not less than four years, broke down and were

unable to earn wages, they were entitled to more generous

treatment. If curable they were cured in State sanatoriums and

received temporary sickness pensions. If incurable they

received a pension which was regulated by the number of years

they had subscribed, and varied from a minimum of £5

16s. in the lowest grade for four years’ subscriptions to £22

10s. in the highest grade for 50 years’ subscriptions. The

insurer began to pay his contributions at the age of 17, and

for an old-age pension he had to subscribe 50 weeks a year for

24 years—1,200 weeks in all. Though the system had not checked

Socialism or militant trade unionism, it had attained its real

purpose, for it had conferred an enormous boon upon the poor."

At the time when the remark quoted above, touching the

defective provision of the German law for widows and orphans,

was made, the Imperial Government was preparing to amend it.

The London Times of April 17, 1909, gave, in its

correspondence from Berlin, the account of a draft Bill, just

made public, which the Imperial Ministry of the Interior had

prepared for presentation to the Federal Council, the object

being to combine and coordinate "the seven compulsory

insurance laws of 1883 to 1899," together with certain

amendments and additions. "It is understood," wrote the

correspondent, "that the Bill will not reach the Reichstag

before the autumn of this year. Whereas many authorities …

have favored a thorough unification of the three systems of

invalidity and old age, accident, and sick insurance, the

immediate proposals of the Government would leave the three

systems separate and distinct, while codifying the law and the

regulations which are common to all branches of compulsory

insurance, and establishing a joint and threefold system of

higher administration." The main purpose of the bill was to

rectify that lack of proper provision for widows and orphans

which was noted above. "The need of solving this problem,"

said the correspondent, "is really the immediate occasion of

reform, and the proposed solution is the most important

feature of the reform scheme. An essential feature of the

tariff law of 1902 was the ear-marking—by the so-called Lex

Trimborn—for widows and orphans’ insurance of the surplus

revenue from the increased Customs duties on corn and cattle.

The Lex Trimborn takes effect on January 1, 1910, but the

surplus revenue is lacking. For the financial year 1906 there

was no surplus. For 1907 there was a surplus of about

£2,000,000. For the financial year 1908 there will be no

surplus, although £2,650,000 was estimated for. In these

circumstances the Government—while apparently still cherishing

the hope that, upon the average of a long period of years, the

revised tariff will do what was expected of it—proposes to

provide for widows and orphans insurance by a simple all-round

extension of the system of invalidity and old-age insurance.

That is to say, the ‘contributions’ of employers and employed

are to be raised, and an Imperial subsidy, of fixed amount,

without regard to the annual revenue from Customs, is to be

added to the contributions.

"It is at present proposed that the weekly 'contributions' to

invalidity and old-age insurance shall, in order to provide

funds for widows and orphans’ pensions, be increased—upon the

mean average of the contributions of the five classes of

wage-earners—by one-fourth, and that the Empire shall add a

subsidy of £2 10s. a year to each widow’s pension and a

subsidy of £1 5s. a year to each orphan’s pension."

In February, 1909, a Parliamentary Committee of the British

Trades Union Congress, composed of men representing the Labor

Party in Parliament, reported the results of a visit to

Germany which the Committee had made in the previous November,

to examine conditions in that country, especially with

reference to the operation of the state system of insurance.

In their report they said: "The State assistance has acted as

an incentive and encouragement to workmen to make additional

provision for themselves and families through their trade

unions and private sick clubs. This is especially the case in

invalidity and old age. It has always been the workman’s

complaint, as well as that of the organizations, that the

assistance obtainable under the workman’s insurance system is

quite out of proportion to the subscriptions paid, and quite

insufficient for the maintenance of the pensioner.

{511}

In this connexion, it is interesting to note that in 1907 the

'Free' or Socialist unions, with a membership of 1,866,000,

granted £174,000 in sick pay and £19,000 in invalidity pay;

the State subsidies to invalidity and old-age pensions

amounting in 1906 to £2,437,000. The insurance pensions are

continually increasing; and it is stated that the invalidity

pensions will eventually reach a maximum in the lowest

wages class of £9 5s., and in the highest one of £22 10s. The

funds accumulated in the hands of the Invalidity Pension

Offices amounted at the end of 1907 to about 70 million

pounds, and the workmen maintain that the time has now arrived

when either the pensions paid should be increased, or the

contributions levied decreased, as provided for by law."

"The members of the deputation were struck by the absence of

slums in the manufacturing quarters of the towns visited.

Nowhere did they see any quarter that could be classified

under the heading ‘slum.’ The cleanliness prevailing

throughout all the towns visited was also remarkable. No

beggars, feeble or emaciated men in tatters and rags were

encountered in the streets. Hundreds upon hundreds of

unemployed were seen by the deputation, but they seemed to

lack that dejection and absolute misery that is so frequently

met with in the streets of English towns.

"Workmen throughout Germany do not complain of any compulsory

deductions made by their employers from their wages for the

purpose of workmen’s insurances. Many of the largest employers

are favourably disposed towards these laws, and pay willingly.

On the other hand, probably the majority do complain of the

cost, although not opposed to the laws in principle."

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: Poor Laws: England: A. D. 1896-1906.

Report of Royal Commission.

Increasing Pauperism.

In December, 1905, a Royal Commission, composed of nineteen

men and women of distinguished ability and of special

qualifications for the service, was appointed in Great

Britain, "to inquire—(1) Into the working of the laws relating

to the relief of poor persons in the United Kingdom; (2) into

the various means which have been adopted outside of the Poor

Laws for meeting distress arising from want of employment,

particularly during periods of severe industrial depression;

and to consider and report whether any, and, if so, what

modification of the Poor Laws or changes in their

administration or fresh legislation for dealing with distress

are advisable."

After three years of laborious investigation, making "more

than 800 personal visits to unions, meetings of boards of

guardians, and institutions in England, Scotland, and

Ireland," as well as examining over 1300 witnesses, the

Commission submitted an elaborate report in February, 1909.

Its findings as to the present working of the poor-laws and

the relief-systems of the United Kingdom, and its

recommendations for reform, cannot be summarized with any

clearness in such space as can be given to the subject here;

but there is a startling significance in what it shows of the

increase of pauperism and of the public cost of poor relief in

late years.

It appears from the returns of the Local Government Board that

the mean number of paupers in 1906, 1907 and 1908, was at a

higher level than it had been for 31 previous years.

Excluding, however, these three especially bad years, it is

found that throughout the period 1896-1906 there were 24,000

more paupers than in the period 1888-1896, and 7000 more than

in the period 1880-1888. In discussing the report the London

Times remarks: "Further examination even diminishes the

meagre consolation these figures afford as to the results of a

generation of effort at reducing pauperism. Comparing the

period 1896-1906 with 1871-1880, there has been a decrease of

3.9 per cent. in the total number of paupers, but this

decrease has been accompanied by a large increase of male

pauperism and is due entirely to the large decrease in the

number of children, whose numbers have decreased by 18 per

cent., and a small reduction in the number of women, whose

numbers have increased by 2 per cent. The decrease in these

two classes so affects the total as entirely to conceal an

absolute increase of 18 per cent, in the number of male

paupers. Even in regard to the children, at any rate during

the last 15 years, the decrease has been almost wholly in

rural unions, and in the children of widows, and there has

been a general increase in the number of children of

able-bodied men.

"Further, so far as figures are available, they show a greater

proportionate increase in the number of paupers during the

working years of life than in the very young or the very old.

Taking only the able-bodied in health, we find that in the

period 1896-1906 in metropolitan unions the indoor paupers

have increased by 38 per cent. and the outdoor by 137 per

cent.; in urban unions the indoor by 24 per cent. and the

outdoor by 133 per cent.; and in the whole of England and

Wales the indoor by 21 per cent. and the outdoor by 49 per

cent. In London alone 15,800 more paupers are being maintained

than in the eighties, and the rate per 1,000 of the

population, which used to be below that for England and Wales,

has risen above it."

As for expenditure, it was some £8,000,000 in the year

1871-1872, and £14,000,000 in the year 1905-1906. Summing up

the general situation with regard to this expenditure, the

Commission says: "We find that, whilst the expenditure per

inhabitant has increased from 7s. ¼d. to 8s. 2£d. since

1871-1872, and is only 7£d. less than it was in 1834, the

expenditure per pauper has increased from £7 12s. 1d. to £15

12s. 6d. in the same period. The country is maintaining a

multitude of paupers not far short of the numbers maintained

in 1871-1902, and is spending more than double the amount upon

each individual. The increased expenditure has done little

towards diminishing the extent of pauperism. Such advance as

the nation has made has been accomplished at an enormous cost,

and absorbs an annual amount which is now equivalent to nearly

one-half of the present expenditure upon the Army. It may be

urged that the rate of pauperism has diminished from 31.2 per

1,000 in 1871-1879 to 22.2 per 1,000 in 1896-1905, and this is

certainly a matter for congratulation, but it has been the

result of the large increase in the population rather than of

any considerable reduction in the number of paupers."

{512}

This discouraging result has occurred notwithstanding the fact

that the nation is spending £20,000,000 more in education than

in 1831, and £13,000,000 more in sanitation and the prevention

of disease than in 1841; notwithstanding the fact "that money

wages in the nineties were 10 per cent. above those of the

eighties, and 30 per cent, above those of the sixties," and

notwithstanding the fact that "there has been a considerable

flow of the working classes from the lower paid occupations to

the higher paid industries."

The recommendations of the Commission include a scheme for a

permanent system of public assistance for the able-bodied,

which contemplates the establishment in every district of four

coöperating organizations:

(a) An organization for insurance against unemployment, to

develop and secure (with contributions from public funds) the

greatest possible benefits to the workmen from coöperative

insurance against unemployment;

(b) a labor exchange established and maintained by the Board

of Trade to provide efficient machinery for putting those

requiring work and those requiring workers into prompt

communication;

(c) a voluntary aid committee to give advice and aid out of

voluntary funds especially to the better class of workmen

reduced to want through unemployment;

(d) a public assistance authority representing the county or

county borough and acting locally through a public assistance

committee to assist necessitous workmen under specified

conditions at the public expense. The report adds that it must

be a fundamental principle of the system of public assistance

that the responsibility for the due and effective assistance

of all necessitous persons at the public expense shall be in

the hands of one, and only one, authority in each county and

county borough—viz., the public assistance authority.

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:

Small Holdings Act of Great Britain.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:

Starvation Poverty in India.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1905-1908.

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:

Underfed School Children:

Provision for Meals to them.

How it is done in Various Cities.

In March, 1905, the British Foreign Office undertook, at the

request of the Board of Education, to obtain information

regarding the methods adopted in the great Continental and

American cities for dealing with ill-fed school children. The

facts collected were tabulated and published subsequently in a

Parliamentary Paper (Cd. 2926-1906) from which the following

statements are derived:

Generally, in the larger cities of Western Europe, some system

was found to be in operation for feeding ill-fed children in

the schools. Commonly this is conducted unofficially, by

private charitable organizations, but sometimes in indirect

connection with the municipality, and frequently with help

from municipal funds. In Berlin, however, the municipality

takes on itself the responsibility of not only feeding but

clothing properly the necessitous children attending its

elementary schools. This made one of the functions of a

municipal department, the Städtisrhe Schuldeputation, which is

assisted by a "Society for Feeding Poor Children" in the

supplying of meals at the elementary school buildings of the

city. The committee which conducts the work of that auxiliary

society is appointed by the Government. As a rule, breakfasts

only are given in Berlin, and only during the winter months;

but four meals are supplied to such children as are thought by

the head-masters of the schools to require them. No steps are

taken to collect from parents any part of the cost of meals

furnished in the schools.

In Paris the organization which installs and conducts cantines

scolaires in schools belonging to the city, called the

Caisse des Écoles, is privately constituted, but

presided over by the mayor. This connects it with the

municipality, and in 1905 it had been receiving a municipal

subvention of 1,000,000 francs yearly for three years, but

this was not to be depended on as a permanent grant. It was

necessary for the Caisse des Écoles to seek voluntary

contributions. The City, however, undertakes to supply the

necessary accommodations and all utensils for the school

canteens, which are in operation throughout the year, every

day of the week, but generally for a noon meal only; though

soup is distributed in some arrondissements at the opening and

closing of school. All children are entitled to feed at the

canteen, but the meals are supplied gratis only to the

children of poor families. The others pay a small sum which

does not exceed 15 centimes (about 2 cents). In 1904 the total

cost of meals furnished at the school canteens was 1,461,305

francs, of which 359,093 francs was paid by parents, who buy

tickets for the purpose. All meals are supplied on the

presentation of tickets, and nothing shows whether the tickets

have been bought or received as gifts.

In Vienna meals for poor school children are provided by a

central Association, indirectly connected with the

municipality, the Burgomaster being its president, and

financial assistance being given to it from both imperial and

municipal funds. Dinners only are provided, on every week day

from November 16 to March 31, partly in the school buildings,

partly in certain restaurants and kitchens. As in Paris,

parents can buy tickets for these meals, but it is said to be

rarely done. The total cost is about $23,000 per year. Once a

year, in the autumn, the Association makes an appeal for

funds, and all classes of people respond, the Emperor giving

4,000 crowns and the Town Council voting 8,000.

Information on the subject was obtained by the British Foreign

Office from thirty-eight cities, in all, of Austria, Belgium,

Denmark, France, Germany, Holland, Italy, Norway, Sweden,

Spain, Switzerland, and the United States. Some systematic

provision, more or less adequate, for securing proper food to

the children of the schools by private or public organization,

was reported from more than thirty. The reports from New York,

Philadelphia, and Chicago, in the United States, showed less

undertakings in this direction than in any other cities of

considerable size.

{513}

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: In England:

Provision of Meals Act.

An order from the English Local Government Board on the

subject of providing food for underfed school children was

published on the 29th of April, 1905. It applied only to

children under sixteen who were neither blind, deaf or dumb,

and who were living with a father not in receipt of relief.

Application in each case must be made by school managers, or

by a teacher empowered by the managers, or by an officer

empowered by the education authorities. The relief might be

granted in the ordinary way or as a loan, the father being

allowed the opportunity of making the needful provision

himself. If he failed to do so, the poor-law guardians were

empowered to make it and to recover the cost, as if it were a

loan. In no case could the relief be given in money, or

continued on a single application for more than a month. Where

possible, arrangements should be made with local charitable

organizations for the issue of tickets for meals.

The above mentioned tentative order was followed, in the next

year, by the passage of an Act which authorizes any "local

education authority" in England and Wales to "take such steps

as they think fit for the provision of meals for children" at

any public elementary school, and for that purpose to

"associate with themselves any committee on which the

authority are represented, who will undertake to provide food

for those children." Such education authority may aid the

committee by furnishing necessary land, buildings, furniture

and apparatus, and necessary officers and servants; but, "save

as hereinafter provided, the authority shall not incur any

expense in respect of the purchase of food to be supplied at

such meals."

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: Unemployment: Belgium: A. D. 1900-1904.

Municipal Organizations of Insurance against Unemployment.

The Ghent System.

The following is abridged from a report on "Agencies and

Methods for Dealing with the Unemployed in certain Foreign

Countries," made to the British Board of Trade, in 1904, by

Mr. David F. Schloss:

During the last few years the Public Authorities of certain

Belgian towns and Provinces have organised a system, to which

the name of Insurance against Unemployment is given, and under

which the efforts of workmen to secure for themselves the

means of tiding over periods of unemployment are assisted by

the grant of subsidies provided out of public moneys, which

form a supplement to the sums derived from the contributions

of these work-people. This system is now in force at Ghent,

Brussels, Antwerp, Bruges, Liege, Malines, and Louvain, and in

the Provinces of Liege and Antwerp. In details it has been

varied somewhat in different places, but the general scheme is

the same, and it will be sufficient to give some account of it

as organized in Ghent, where it was first worked out.

The Unemployed Fund at Ghent was initiated as the result of

the recommendations made by a Special Commission on the

question of unemployment, which on April 10, 1900, presented a

Report, advising the creation of a Municipal Unemployed Fund

under the conditions specified in a set of rules, which they

submitted for consideration. The annual subvention to the Fund

by the City was fixed, for three years, at $4000. Expenses of

the administration of the Fund to be borne by the City.

Administration of the Fund to be entrusted to a committee of

ten citizens named by the municipal authority, but one half of

whom must be members of those organizations of workmen which

affiliate themselves with the Fund. The Fund may be augmented

by subscriptions, donations, moneys collected by fêtes, etc.

"The intervention of the Special Fund shall consist either

(a.) in providing a supplement to sums paid to their

members as unemployed benefit by workmen’s organisations, or

(b.) in supplementing any provision made by individual

thrift for the specific case of unemployment. The Special Fund

will supplement the unemployed benefits paid by workmen's

organisations by the payment of a subsidy, which may be equal

to, but shall not be greater than, the amount of such

benefits."

"Strikes and lock-outs, or the results attendant upon such

disputes, sickness and physical incapacity for labour shall in

no case give rise to the payment of an indemnity out of the

monies of the Unemployed Fund."

"All workmen’s organisations desiring that their members shall

participate in the subsidies provided by the Fund will be

required to send in each month a return showing the number and

amount of all payments on account of benefits made by them,

and to furnish every year their balance-sheet, also their

rules and regulations."

"Workmen not being members of any Trade Union which enjoys

participation in the Fund, are at liberty to join a Thrift

Fund specifically constituted to meet the case of

unemployment." By this rule, it will be seen, the scheme

provides, under distinct branches, for Trade Unionists and

non-Unionists.

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: England: A. D. 1905-1909.

Unemployed Workmen Act, and its operation.

In the summer of 1905 a Bill brought into Parliament by the

President of the Local Government Board, to provide for an

organization to assist unemployed workmen, was carried through

both houses with little opposition. It sought to bring about a

careful discrimination between workmen who were accustomed to

regular employment in ordinary circumstances, but temporarily

unemployed through circumstances beyond their control, and the

needy, on the other hand, who were proper objects of ordinary

Poor Law relief. Its provisions were for the former entirely,

and their purpose was to establish both local and central

bodies, which should organize and maintain labor exchanges and

employment bureaus, assist migration and emigration, and

acquire, equip, and maintain farm colonies; the latter to

operate continuously, for the training of persons to

agricultural pursuits, preparing them for emigration or for

permanent transfer from city to country life. The local bodies

contemplated were not empowered to provide work at public

expense. That power was entrusted discretionally to the

central bodies, which could draw on the rates for the purpose

to a limited extent. Voluntary contributions were to be looked

to in part for the necessary funds. The measure was decidedly

conservative and tentative.

A report on the applications for relief and the relief given

in England and Wales under this Act during the year ending

March 81, 1909, compared with the previous year, shows as

follows: The total number of applications received was

196,757, of which 49,239 were made to 29 committees in London,

and 147,518 to 95 committees in other parts of the country.

{514}

The applicants belonging to the general or casual labour class

(64,773) formed as in previous years by far the largest

section—47.4 per cent.—of the whole number. The building trade

ranked second with 23,047, or 16.9 per cent. of the total. The

engineering, shipbuilding, and metal trades accounted for

17,028, or 12.5 per cent., as compared with only 8.6 per cent,

in the previous year.

A Bill known as the "Right to Work" Bill came before the House

of Commons in April, 1909, with the endorsement of the trade

unions and the Labor Party. It was opposed by John Burns, the

former labor leader, but now speaking as President of the

Local Government Board and member of the Cabinet, who said:

"For three and a half years he had had intimate experience of

relief works, and he could not exaggerate the degradation of

the workmen, the demoralization of the honest labourer, the

extent to which money had been wasted and character impaired

by the relief works which he had had in the name of Parliament

to administer. Any member had only to take up the report of

any one of the distress committees to see that what the

minority report said had happened would increasingly happen so

long as these means of meeting unemployment were resorted to.

The amount of work would be disproportionate to the wages

paid, the wrong men would get the right work, and the best men

would be excluded, because modesty was a characteristic of

good workmanship and craftsmanship, and the worst men were

always in the front line when relief works were set on foot."

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: A. D. 1909.

Report of a Royal Commission.

The Royal Commission on the working of the English Poor Laws,

whose general report is referred to above, issued, in

September, 1909, a supplementary report on Unemployment. The

main ultimate conclusions of the Commission are the following:

"When we consider the remedies proposed for unemployment we

are convinced that they do not lie on the lines proposed by

the Unemployed Workmen’s Act, which has done nothing but

systematize Relief Works. These, whether national or

municipal, appear to us merely to intensify the evil as far as

the ordinary workmen are concerned. The great thing necessary,

we believe, is to obtain a general agreement as to the need of

regularizing labour. In this the Government and municipalities

ought to set a good example.

"It might be better, if any rate or State funds are to be

spent on the unemployed, that such aid should take the form of

supplementing trade union funds and give thereby a bonus on

thrift. Any such supplementation of trade union funds would

involve a Local Government Board audit, the control of the

expenses of management, and a separation of the war and

benefit funds. It is very doubtful whether it would be wise

for trade unions to accept State aid if it involved loss of

independence and an interference with their efforts to improve

wages. There is little doubt, however, that grants of this

kind would enormously increase their membership.

"In order to prevent the spread of the unemployed as a class

it is probable that drastic measures ought to be taken, such

as those recommended to check vagrancy. For the idle and

worthless who now form the noisy section of the unemployed it

might be necessary to establish semi-penal colonies. …

"The solution lies in a better organization of the workers and

more consideration from the employers. Better organization of

industry might at once relieve the workers and render trade

crises less acute by steadying the supply of labour.

"Differentiation of the unemployable from the willing workers

and better classification of paupers would enable us to

understand the extent of the problem and how far

reorganization of labour must be carried. Raising the

condition of the whole working class by better housing and

better wages will help to keep decent but unskilled workmen

from sinking.

"Every effort must be made to cut off the supply of unskilled

and unintelligent labour by training boys to enter regular and

permanent work."

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

The Labor Exchanges Act.

One of the most important of the recent enactments of the

British Parliament is the Labor Exchanges Act, which

encountered no serious opposition in either House. On

introducing the Bill in the House of Commons, May 19, 1909,

and in subsequent debate, Mr. Winston Churchill, President of

the Board of Trade, gave explanations of which the following

is a summary: It would divide the country into ten districts,

which would have among them between 30 and 40 first-class

labour exchanges, 45 second-class, and about 150 third-class

for the smaller centres. The central control would be

exercised by the Board of Trade, but it is intended that,

following the German example, there shall be in each principal

centre a local advisory committee composed of representatives

of workmen and of employers in equal numbers, with a permanent

official as chairman. It is hoped that, when permanent

buildings are secured, and the whole scheme is in working

order, the labour exchanges will become centres of industrial

life, in which employers and employed will learn to know one

another better, and to discuss in common questions now too

much regarded from different standpoints. These exchanges

cannot make work, they can only distribute what work is to be

had. They can hardly be expected to make head against the

large fluctuations of trade, which must be met by some

insurance scheme, which Mr. Churchill announced as being under

contemplation. But there are many irregularities of

distribution which labour exchanges can correct, and many

seasonal fluctuations producing much distress which they can

deal with to the great advantage alike of employers and

employed.

It was not contemplated that fees should be charged to men

applying to the labour bureaux, which were to be national

institutions. They would strive to find men for jobs and jobs

for men, and attention would be paid to the interests of the

men who had been waiting longest for work. For the present

domestic servants would not be brought within the operation of

the Bill. No compulsion would be exercised to induce

applicants to give evidence as to character, but of course a

man would have a greater chance of obtaining work if he could

give references and testimonials. In a strike the exchanges

would be absolutely neutral as between capital and labour, and

it would be clearly notified to all working men that there was

a dispute and they would be left to act as they thought fit.

{515}

The Bill became law in September. A highly favorable report of

its operation was made six months later by the Consul-General

of the United States at London, who stated that "on the

opening day nearly eighty exchanges were in operation and

thousands of applications for work were received. The

applicants mainly represented the better class of labor. On

the first day of the opening in Nottingham 557 workers and 120

employing firms registered. These were followed on the second

day by 580 workers and 87 firms. One of the employers alone

applied for sixty skilled hands, and though most of the

skilled hands were placed, the registered firms were not able

to fill all their vacancies."

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: Germany: A. D. 1909.

Experiments of Insurance.

Representatives from the municipal authorities of fifteen

German cities held a joint conference at Cologne in September,

1909, to discuss the best methods of combating unemployment.

One or two speakers advocated compulsory insurance against

unemployment; but the divergencies of opinion were so wide

that no conclusion was reached. Annual conferences on the

subject are to be held. A Press correspondent who reported the

meeting remarked that it confirms "the German official view

that the problem of insurance against unemployment is not ripe

for systematic solution. Upon the strength of the experience,

for example, of Strassburg and of Frankfurt, where the Ghent

system of subsidies is in operation, demands are frequently

made for the inauguration of an Imperial system of insurance.

Apart, however, from the fact that other problems—especially

widows and orphans insurance—have precedence, the Government

maintains that Imperial legislation is impossible because no

satisfactory scheme has been discovered."

Some account of the Ghent system, here referred to, will be

found above, under the subheading Belgium. Besides the German

cities mentioned as having introduced that measure of

insurance against unemployment, Cologne and Leipsic have been

operating an organization of similar insurance for some years.

As described in a report made in 1904 to the British Board of

Trade by Mr. David F. Schloss, on "Agencies and Methods for

Dealing with the Unemployed in certain Foreign Countries," the

organization in Cologne is as follows:

"The ‘City of Cologne Office for Insurance against

Unemployment in Winter’ was established in 1896. The object of

the Office is to provide, with the assistance of the Cologne

Labour Registry, an insurance against Unemployment during the

winter (December to March) for the benefit of male workpeople

in the Cologne district. In order to insure with the Office, a

man must be at least 18 years of age, must have lived for at

least a year in Cologne, and must not suffer from permanent

incapacity to work. He is required to pay a weekly premium,

payment of which must commence as from April 1, and must

continue for 34 weeks. The amount of the premium was

originally 3d. per week for both skilled and unskilled

workmen; in 1901 the rate of premium was fixed at 3d. for

unskilled and 4½d. for skilled men; in 1903 the rate was

raised to 3½d. per week for unskilled and 4¾d. per week for

skilled workmen. …

"In return for these payments the insured workman, if and when

out of work in the period named above, receives, for not more

than eight weeks in all, a daily amount, which is 2s. for each

of the first 20 days (nothing being paid for Sundays), and

then 1s. on each subsequent day. These payments begin on the

third weekday after the date on which the man has reported

himself as out of work. …

"No money is paid in respect of unemployment caused by illness

or infirmity, or by the man’s own fault, or by a trade

dispute."

At Leipsic the institution of insurance against unemployment

is on much the same lines, but differing in some details of

its rules. "The Leipsic Insurance Office was founded in April,

1903, with a guarantee fund of about £5000, provided by

benevolent persons, in addition to which it proposed to

receive annual subscriptions from members of the public. The

town authorities granted accommodation for the Office rent

free for three years. The system adopted was as follows: The

right to insure with this Office is confined to men of 16 but

not over 60 years of age, who have lived at Leipsic for at

least two years; the general meeting may, however, allow

residents in the suburbs of Leipsic to insure."

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:

Employers’ Labor Exchanges.

The Collieries Union, of colliery owners, in the Rhenish

Westphalian coal district, was reported, in October, 1909, to

have "decided to institute for the benefit of its members a

system of centralized labour exchanges modelled upon the

system which has existed for many years in the Hamburg iron

industry. The principal objects in view are to secure a steady

supply of permanent labour, to equalize a possible surplus of

labour in certain districts and a corresponding deficit in

others, and to prevent the habit on the part of miners of

applying for employment at several collieries simultaneously.

On the other hand, it is hoped that miners will be spared the

frequently fruitless search for work."

----------POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: End--------

PRAIRIE OIL AND GAS COMPANY.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.:

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

PREFERENTIAL TRADE:

Discussed at the Imperial Conferences of 1902 and 1907

in London.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1902 and 1907.

PRESS, The:

Revived Censorship in Russia.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.

PRESS CONFERENCE, The British Imperial.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).

PRETORIA:

Peace Negotiations.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

PREVENTION OF CORRUPTION ACT.

See (in this Volume)

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

PREVENTION OF CRIMES ACT, BRITISH.

See (in this Volume)

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

PRIMARY, DIRECT.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND: A. D. 1901-1902.

Census.

Reduced Representation in Parliament.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

PRITCHETT, Henry S.:

President of the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement

of Teaching.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

{516}

PRIZE COURT, CONTEMPLATED INTERNATIONAL.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907

(appended to account of Second Peace Conference

at The Hague).

PROBATION SYSTEM, THE.

See (in this Volume)

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: PROBATION.

PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:

Of Crime.

See (in this Volume)

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:

Of the Intoxicants.

See (in this Volume)

PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:

Of Labor and Capital.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION, LABOR PROTECTION,

AND LABOR REMUNERATION.

PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:

Of Municipal Government.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:

Of Poverty and Unemployment.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY.

PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:

Of Race.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS.

PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:

Of Railway Regulation.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS.

PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:

Of the Trusts (so-called).

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL.

PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:

Of War and Peace.

See (in this Volume)

WAR: PREPARATIONS FOR, AND REVOLT AGAINST.

PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:

Of Wealth.

See (in this Volume)

WEALTH.

PROFIT-SHARING.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR REMUNERATION.

PROGRESISTAS.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907; also

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

PROGRESSIVES.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.

PROHIBITION.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE.

PROTECTION, THE NEW.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR REMUNERATION: THE NEW PROTECTION.

PROTECTORATES, SOUTH AFRICAN.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1909.

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1902.

Measures for Germanizing the Polish Provinces.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (March-May), and 1908 (January).

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1904.

Denominational Education restored.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: PRUSSIA: A. D. 1904.

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1905.

Creation of a Government Bureau of Charities.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: PRUSSIA.

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

Defiance of Popular Demands for Suffrage Reform.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

A Comedy of Election Reform.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1907.

Statistics of Population.

Birth Rate and Death Rate.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1907.

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1908.

Disappointing Statement by Prince Bülow about Suffrage Reform.

Socialist Successes.

A surprising word from the King.

In January, Prince Bülow, as Minister-President of Prussia,

made a statement about suffrage reform which deeply

disappointed all friends of that movement. It was therefore

expected, when the Diet elections approached in June, that the

Prussian people would be awakened by a violent agitation in

favor of more liberal election laws, but nothing of the kind

happened. The Socialists, indeed, made this their chief issue,

and they carried a half-dozen districts, thus securing for the

first time a foothold in the Diet; and the Radicals, too, gave

out manhood suffrage as their watchword, but pressed it so

feebly as to awaken the suspicion that their demand was not

seriously meant.

"Nevertheless, the King’s speech from the throne in October

surprised the country by announcing that a reform of the

election laws was a fundamental necessity and would be

undertaken during the present session. This announcement

affected the country-squire element like tapping on a hornet’s

nest. The Conservative party immediately gave it to be plainly

understood that it would brook no tampering with the election

laws, the stronghold of its power."

W. C. Dreher,

The Year in Germany

(Atlantic Monthly, January, 1909).

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1908 (January).

More vigorous Germanizing of the Polish Provinces.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1908.

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1909-1910.

Rejection of proposed Reforms of the Elective Franchise.

The Offensive Bill of the following year.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: PRUSSIA.

----------PUBLIC HEALTH: Start--------

PUBLIC HEALTH: AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

Proposals of the Second International Conference of

American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

PUBLIC HEALTH: Army Sanitation:

By the Japanese.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905—at the end.

PUBLIC HEALTH: BUBONIC PLAGUE:

In India.

The bubonic plague, which began to terrorize the eastern

world, especially India, in the late years of the last century

(see PLAGUE, in Volume VI.), showed signs of abating in India

in 1900, but regained virulence in the following years, the

mortality from it in all India rising to about 560,000 in

1902, exceeding 842,000 in 1903, going beyond a million in

1904, and rising to 1,125,652 in the year from October 1,

1904, to September 30, 1905. Its worst ravages were in the

Presidency of Bombay and in the Punjab. In the Bombay

Presidency the victims of 1903 numbered 343,904; in the Punjab

they counted 210,493.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH: INDIA.

PUBLIC HEALTH: BUBONIC PLAGUE:

In the Philippines: How it was stamped out.

Full accounts of the successful campaign against bubonic

plague in the Philippines, in 1900-1902, are given in the

annual reports of the Philippine Commission. From that source

the main facts were summarized in the May number of the

National Geographic Magazine, 1903, as follows:

Bubonic plague was discovered at Manila on December 26, 1899,

and slowly but steadily increased in its ravages up to

December, 1901. "The deaths in 1900 numbered 199, and in 1901

reached a total of 432. The disease was at its worst each year

during the hot, dry months of March, April, and May, nearly or

quite disappearing during September, October, November, and

December. …

{517}

"On account of the important part which house rats are known

to play in the distribution of bubonic plague, a systematic

campaign was inaugurated against these rodents in Manila.

Policemen, sanitary inspectors, and specially appointed

rat-catchers were furnished with traps and poison, and both

traps and poison were distributed to private individuals under

proper restrictions. A bounty was paid for all rats turned

over to the health authorities, and stations were established

at convenient points throughout the city where they could be

received. Each rat was tagged with the street and number of

the building or lot from which it came, was dropped into a

strong antiseptic solution, and eventually sent to the

Biological Laboratory, where it was subjected to a

bacteriological examination for plague. During the first two

weeks, 1.8 per cent. of the rats examined were found to be

infected. This proportion steadily increased, reaching the

alarming maximum of 2.3 per cent. in October. At this time

numerous rats were found dead of plague in the infected

districts, and, in view of the fact that epidemics of plague

among the rats of a city in the past have been uniformly

followed by epidemics among human beings, the gravest

apprehension was felt, the rapid spread of the disease among

the rats after the weather had become comparatively dry being

a particularly unfavorable symptom.

"It was deemed necessary to prepare to deal with a severe

epidemic, and a permanent detention camp, capable of

accommodating fifteen hundred persons, was accordingly

established on the grounds of the San Lazaro Hospital. Hoping

against hope, the board of health redoubled its efforts to

combat the disease. The force of sanitary inspectors was

greatly increased, and under the able supervision of Dr.

Meacham their work was brought to a high degree of efficiency.

Frequent house-to-house inspections were made in all parts of

the city where the disease was known to exist. The sick were

removed to the hospital if practicable; otherwise they were

cared for where found and the spread of infection guarded

against.

"Plague houses were thoroughly disinfected, and their owners

were compelled, under the direction of the assistant sanitary

engineer, to make necessary alterations. Cement ground-floors

were laid; double walls and double ceilings, affording a

refuge for rats, were removed; defects in plumbing were

remedied; whitewash was liberally used, and, in general,

nothing was left undone that could render buildings where

plague had occurred safe for human occupancy. Buildings

incapable of thorough disinfection and renovation were

destroyed. Buildings in which plague rats were taken were

treated exactly as were those where the disease attacked the

human occupants. The bacteriological examination of rats

enabled the board of health to follow the pest into its most

secret haunts and fight it there, and was the most important

factor in the winning of the great success which was

ultimately achieved.

"With very few exceptions, there was no recurrence of plague

in buildings which had been disinfected and renovated. As

center after center of infection was found and destroyed, the

percentage of diseased rats began to decrease, and in January,

1902, when, judging from the history of previous years, plague

should have again begun to spread among human beings, there

was not a single case. In February, one case occurred. In

March, there were two cases, as against 63 in March of the

preceding year, and before April the disease had completely

disappeared. This result, brought about at a time when the

epidemic would, if unchecked, have reached its height for the

year, marked the end of a fight begun by the board of health

on the day of its organization and prosecuted unremittingly

under adverse conditions for seven months, with a degree of

success which has not been equaled under similar conditions in

the history of bubonic plague.

"During 1901, plague appeared at several points in the

provinces near Manila. Agents of the board of health were

promptly dispatched to the infected municipalities, and

radical remedial measures were adopted, including, in several

instances, the burning of infected buildings, the result being

the complete disappearance of plague in the provinces as well

as in Manila."

PUBLIC HEALTH: CANCER RESEARCH:

Mr. Barnato’s Bequest.

"We are reminded to-day that the late Mr. Harry Barnato

bequeathed a sum of money amounting to a quarter of a million

sterling for the establishment of a charity in memory of his

brother, Mr. Barney Barnato, and of his nephew, Mr. Woolf

Joel, both of whom died before him. We are now officially

informed that the trustees under Mr. Harry Barnato’s will have

determined to apply the bequest to the building and endowment

of an institution for the reception of cancer patients, and to

place its management under the control of the authorities of

the Middlesex Hospital, where special wards for cancer

patients have long been in operation, and where much has been

done in devising means for the alleviation of their

sufferings."

London Times,

August 9, 1909.

Mr. George Crocker, of California, who died in December, 1909,

bequeathed a fund amounting to about $1,500,000 to Columbia

University for the prosecution of researches into the cause,

prevention, and cure of cancer. Mr. Crocker, his wife, and his

father, Charles Crocker of California, all died of the

disease. Mr. Crocker had given $50,000 to Columbia for the

same purpose before his death. Mr. Crocker provided that,

should a cure for the disease be discovered, the money should

be devoted to other medical investigations, "with a view to

preventing and curing diseases and alleviating human

suffering." He stipulated further that no part of the fund

should be used for the erection of a building.

{518}

PUBLIC HEALTH:

The Committee of One Hundred.

Movement for a National Department or Bureau of Health.

A convincing paper read by Professor J. P. Norton, of Yale,

before the economic section of the American Association for

the Advancement of Science at its meeting in 1906, on the

economic advisability of a national regulation of public

health, led to the formation in 1907 of the Committee of One

Hundred, which has labored since that time to bring about the

creation of a Department or a Bureau of Public Health in the

Federal administration of Government. Under the presidency of

Mr. Irving Fisher, and with Mr. Edward T. Devine for its

secretary, the Committee, which includes many of the most

eminent men and women in the country, has awakened wide

interest in the proposition, enlisting a public support which

seems certain to give it success. When the subject came under

discussion in the American Association for the Advancement of

Science at its meeting of 1908, Professor William H. Welch,

the retiring President of the Association, described the

existing neglect of health as shameful, and pointed out that,

if existing hygienic knowledge were fully applied, the death

rate might be cut in two. As examples of what a Federal Health

Bureau might do he cited the work of Pasteur and Koch, whose

best work was done for the national governments of France and

Germany, though the benefits have been shared by all nations.

In America we lack even the statistics of disease except in a

limited area.

In his Message to Congress, December 6, 1909, President Taft

urged the institution of the proposed National Bureau of

Health very cogently, in these words: "For a very considerable

period a movement has been gathering strength, especially

among the members of the medical profession, in favor of a

concentration of the instruments of the national government,

which have to do with the promotion of public health. In the

nature of things, the Medical Department of the army and the

Medical Department of the navy must be kept separate. But

there seems to be no reason why all the other bureaus and

offices in the general government which have to do with the

public health or subjects akin thereto should not be united in

a bureau to be called the ‘Bureau of Public Health.’ This

would necessitate the transfer of the Marine Hospital Service

to such a bureau. I am aware that there is a wide field in

respect to the public health committed to the States in which

the Federal government cannot exercise jurisdiction, but we

have seen in the Agricultural Department the expansion into

widest usefulness of a department giving attention to

agriculture when that subject is plainly one over which the

States properly exercise direct jurisdiction. The

opportunities offered for useful research and the spread of

useful information in regard to the cultivation of the soil

and the breeding of stock and the solution of many of the

intricate problems in progressive agriculture have

demonstrated the wisdom of establishing that department.

Similar reasons, of equal force, can be given for the

establishment of a bureau of health that shall not only

exercise the police jurisdiction of the Federal government

respecting quarantine, but which shall also afford an

opportunity for investigation and research by competent

experts into questions of health affecting the whole country,

or important sections thereof, questions which, in the absence

of Federal governmental work, are not likely to be promptly

solved."

PUBLIC HEALTH:

The Hookworm Disease in the United States.

"In the Old World, hookworm disease was probably known to the

Egyptians nearly three thousand five hundred years ago, but

its cause was not understood until about the middle of the

nineteenth century, when it was shown to be due to an

intestinal parasite, Agchylostoma duodenale. Until 1893

no authentic cases of this disease were recognized as such in

the United States, but between 1893 and 1902 about 35 cases

were diagnosed. In 1902 it was shown that a distinct hookworm,

Ucinaria americana, infests man in this country, and

this indicated very strongly that the disease must be present

although not generally recognized. It is now established that

in addition to the few cases of Old World hookworm disease

imported into the United States we have in the South an

endemic uncinariasis due to a distinct cause, Uncinaria

americana. This disease has been known for years in the

South and can be traced in medical writings as far back as

1808, but its nature was not understood. Some cases have been

confused with malaria, others have been attributed to

dirt-eating.

"The hookworms are about half an inch long. They live in the

small intestine, where they suck blood, produce minute

hemorrhages, and in all probability also produce a substance

which acts as a poison. They lay eggs which cannot develop to

maturity in the intestine. These ova escape with the feces and

hatch in about twenty-four hours; the young worm sheds its

skin twice and then is ready to infect man. Infection takes

place through the mouth, either by the hands soiled with

larvae or by infected food. Infection through the drinking

water may possibly occur. Finally, the larvae may enter the

body through the skin and eventually reach the small

intestine.

"Patients may be divided into light cases, in which the

symptoms are very obscure; medium cases, in which the anemia

is more or less marked, and severe cases, represented by the

dwarfed, edematous, anemic dirt-eater. Infection occurs

chiefly in rural sand districts. … Economically, uncinariasis

is very important. It keeps children from school, decreases

capacity for both physical and mental labor, and is one of the

most important factors in determining the present condition of

the poorer whites of the sand and pine districts of the South.

"The disease is carried from the farms to the cotton mills by

the mill hands, but does not spread much in the mills;

nevertheless, it causes a considerable amount of anemia among

the operatives."-

Ch. Wardell Stiles, Ph. D.,

Report upon the Prevalence and Geographic Distribution

of Hookworm Disease

(Public Health and Marine Hospital Service of the

United States: Hygienic Laboratory, Bulletin No. 10).

In the autumn of 1909 Mr. John D. Rockefeller placed a fund of

$1,000,000 under the control of a Commission, to be used for

the eradication of the hookworm disease in the United States.

The fund is allotted in annual instalments of $200,000 each.

PUBLIC HEALTH: India: A. D. 1907-1908.

Mortality Statistics and Birth Rate.

According to statistics given in the "Statement Exhibiting the

Moral and Material Progress and Condition of India during the

year 1907-1908," in most provinces the birth-rates exceeded the

death-rates, but in the Punjab the death-rate exceeded the

birth-rate by no less than 21.3 per mille, mainly as a result

of the persistence of plague and the unusual prevalence of

other epidemics. The total number of deaths registered in the

Dependency was 8,399,623, compared with 7,852,330 in 1906.

This constituted a rise of the rate from 34.73 per mille to

37.18. The mean mortality per 1,000 for the quinquennium

ending 1906 was 33.96. The rate in the Punjab was no less than

62.1.

{519}

Throughout the country as a whole cholera was responsible for

1.81 deaths per mille, smallpox for 0.46, fevers for 19.76,

dysentery and diarrhoea for 1.25, and plague for 5.16. In the

previous year (1906) there was a most welcome decline in the

plague death-rate, which fell from 4.17 in 1905 to 1.33. But

in the year under review this malignant disease (which first

appeared in Bombay in 1896) was responsible for the record

number of 1,315,892 deaths. Happily in 1908 there was again a

very rapid decline of mortality, and the preliminary figures

for the year give a total of less than 150,000 deaths, this

being lower than in any year since 1900. The report shows that

plague has been curiously partial in its distribution, many

parts of the Dependency having almost entirely escaped its

ravages. It is shown that the civil hospitals and dispensaries

in India (2,514 in number) treated 412,425 indoor and no fewer

than 24,469,548 outdoor patients.

PUBLIC HEALTH: Japan: A. D. 1904-1905.

Army Sanitation in the War with Russia.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905--at the end.

PUBLIC HEALTH: Malaria:

A Lesson in Practical Hygiene from Italy.

Slowness in using the knowledge gained.

The following is from a letter by Dr. William Osier to the

London Times, dated at Rome, March, 3, 1909: "We owe

much to the Italians for their contributions to our knowledge

of the cause of malaria. Laveran’s great discovery was

promptly fathered by Marchiafava and Celli and Golgi, and it

was through their writings that we obtained the fullest

details of the nature and structure of the malarial parasite.

As an old student of the disease and deeply interested in the

practical problems of its prevention, one of my first visits

in Rome was to the Laboratories of Pathology and of Hygiene to

find out from the Directors, Marchiafava and Celli, the

progress of the battle. It was not enough to know the cause;

we had to know how it worked before effective measures could

be taken, and the demonstration by Ross of the transmission of

the disease by the mosquito at once put malaria on the list of

easily preventable infections. Just ten years ago the Italian

Society for the Study of Malaria was founded, and I was able

to get a full report of the work.

"In Professor Celli’s lecture-room hangs the mortality chart

of Italy for the past 20 years. In 1887 malaria ranked with

tuberculosis, pneumonia, and the intestinal disorders of

children as one of the great infections, killing in that year

21,033 persons. The chart shows a gradual reduction in the

death-rate, and in 1906 only 4,871 persons died of the

disease, and in 1907 4,160. This remarkable result has been

very largely due to the sanitary measures introduced by the

society. It has long been known that malaria disappears

‘spontaneously.’ The Fen country is now healthy; parts of

Canada, about Lakes Ontario and Erie, which were formerly

hotbeds of the disease, are now free. This cannot be

attributed altogether to cultivation and drainage. I know

places on the shores of the lakes just mentioned in which the

conditions today are identical with those which I remember as

a boy. The Desjardin Canal Marsh at the extreme western end of

Lake Ontario was a well-known focus of the disease. The marsh

remains, the mosquitoes are there; but a case of malaria is

almost as rare as in England. The disappearance is largely due

to the free use of quinine. The settlers early recognized the

important fact that malaria was a disease liable to recur, and

it became a common practice to take Peruvian bark every spring

and autumn for a year or two after an attack. This is a point

in prophylaxis which the work of the Italian Society has

brought into prominence. From the summary of the decennial

report just issued, the following paragraphs are of interest:

"‘The society has improved the prophylaxis of malaria, and has

introduced into practice the new mechanical measures based on

the defence of the habitation and the individual from the

bites of mosquitoes. This being a relatively expensive

procedure, the society has occupied itself chiefly with the

improvement of the anti-plasmodic prophylaxis—the

administration of quinine. For this purpose it has promoted

and defended legislation for the gratuitous distribution of

quinine to the poor and to all workers in malarial localities.

…

"‘The results have been that since 1902, when the law on State

quinine was promulgated, while the consumption of quinine has

been yearly increasing, the mortality from malaria has

diminished from about 16,000 to about 4,000 yearly; and in the

army, Custom House Offices, and in some communes where the new

laws have been better applied, the morbidity from malaria has

greatly diminished.’

"By these measures, and ‘by means of the agricultural and

agrarian transformation of the land and colonization, rather

than by the destruction of mosquitoes (a thing impossible to

be done by us on a large scale),’ Italy may be freed from the

scourge."

In a lecture at the Royal Institution, London, in May, 1909,

Major Ronald Ross, one of the most notable workers in this

field of sanitary science, spoke discouragingly of the

progress made in applying the knowledge gained. He said:

"The immediate success hoped for ten years ago had not been

attained. The battle still raged along the whole line, but it

was no longer a battle against malaria but against human

stupidity. Those who had taken part in it had reasoned and

been ridiculed; had given the most stringent experimental

proofs and had been disbelieved; had protested and been called

charlatans. … The few persons who had fought the fight and

failed were scarcely able to continue it, and if no stronger

influences could be excited the future of malaria prevention

in British dominions would certainly be as barren as the past

had been."

{520}

PUBLIC HEALTH: Panama Canal:

The Sanitation of the Canal Zone.

Extirpation of Malaria and Yellow Fever.

Report of Secretary Taft.

In the fall of 1905 Secretary Taft made a visit of inspection

to the Canal, and gave, on his return, an interesting account

of the conditions he found, in an address before the St. Louis

Commercial Club. On the work of Sanitation in progress, under

the direction of Dr. W. C. Gorgas, U. S. A., he gave the

following description: "When Judge Magoon [appointed Governor

of the Canal Zone] arrived upon the Isthmus, he found Dr.

Gorgas battling manfully against the yellow fever, but the

cases seemed to be increasing. Judge Magoon conceived the idea

that the fumigation which had been confined to two or three

houses might well be extended to all the houses in Panama, and

at considerable expense, and after procuring a large amount of

material, every house in Panama was fumigated once every two

weeks. To secure increased vigilance and popular assistance he

employed all [the respectable Panamanian physicians of Panama

as inspectors of the districts of that city, at annual

salaries of $1,200 a year. He also offered $50 reward for the

discovery of any case of yellow fever not reported. By methods

of this kind the native apathy, usually so great an obstacle

to successful sanitation in Spanish countries, was

neutralized.

"The plan of fumigation is as follows: Strips of paper are

placed across the windows, which ordinarily have no glass or

any netting in them, and then by the fumes either of sulphur

or pyrethrum every nook and cranny of the house is visited.

These gases are fatal or paralyzing to the mosquito. After

sufficient time has passed the house is opened, and then a

corps of health employees are set to work cleaning the house

and sweeping out the dead mosquitoes, which are found in great

numbers upon the floors. The mosquitoes are burned to avoid

further mischief. By these methods, for which Dr. Gorgas and

Governor Magoon are both to be credited with great praise,

yellow fever has been reduced to a point where during the last

month only three cases were reported, not one of these among

canal employees, and all originating many miles from the canal

line. The efforts to subdue the fever, instead of being

relaxed, are being continued. Square miles of woven-wire

netting with interstices so small as to prevent the entrance

of mosquitoes are spread about the piazzas of the houses of

all Americans and foreigners who come to live under the

auspices of the Canal Commission in the Isthmus. The windows

inside are also screened, and then mosquito-bars on the beds

are used as a third precaution. Whenever a case of yellow

fever is discovered, the patient is at once either removed to

the hospital and put under a woven-wire screen, or, if he

prefers to remain at home, the woven-wire screen is put over

him and an orderly placed in charge of him at his own

residence. In this way he is prevented from furnishing a

supply of the poison to the healthy mosquitoes, who, in turn,

by stinging, would bring it back to man. In other words, the

plan is to kill all the mosquitoes, well or ill, keep them as

much as possible from stinging man, and isolate every man with

yellow fever, not from his fellows, but from mosquitoes. …

Little by little, and facing discouragement after

discouragement, the two thousand employees of the sanitary

department are winning in this fight against disease, upon

which the whole success of the canal work depends. As Mr.

Stevens said to me, when I crossed the Isthmus with him this

month, ‘I take off my hat to the work which the sanitation

department has done in this Canal Zone.’"

A report to the London Times, in June, 1909, of

conditions on the Canal and in the Canal Zone, shows the

effectiveness with which this work of sanitation was done.

More arduous than the campaign against yellow fever, says the

writer, "was the campaign against malaria, a disease from

which 80 per cent. of the people were suffering to some

degree. This campaign consisted in warfare against mosquitoes

and in the administration of quinine, and the efforts in this

respect have also been highly successful. In 1906 the

proportion of canal employés treated for malaria was no

less than 821 in the thousand. In 1908 it had fallen to 282 in

the thousand. The general effect of sanitary measures may

best be judged from the death-rate among the tens of thousands

of canal employés. In 1906 it was 41.73 to the

thousand, and in 1908 it was only 13.01 to the thousand,

making the canal one of the most healthy industrial

establishments in the world."

PUBLIC HEALTH: PELLAGRA:

Lombroso’s Discovery of its Source.

Its now recognized Seriousness.

In 1872 Cesare Lombroso, the noted criminologist, "incurred a

great deal of odium for a discovery which proved to be of much

scientific and economic importance. He noted the fact that a

large number of the inmates of asylums were suffering from

pellagra, a curious disease, which first affected the

skin and afterwards attacked the brain and nervous system.

Lombroso discovered that the disorder was to be traced to a

poison contained in diseased maize, which the Lombardian

landowners were in the habit of doling out to the poor

peasantry. At a time when toxins were unknown, Lombroso

succeeded in extracting the poison from the maize and

infecting animals with it—quite in the manner of modern

bacteriologists. His discovery was received with much

derision; but a friend of Lombroso, M. Alfred Maury, reported

the facts to Berthelot, the Parisian chemist, who analysed the

poison and established the fact that the maize contained an

injurious substance resembling strychnine but differing from

it in important particulars. The validity of Lombroso’s

discovery was thus triumphantly established. He was not

satisfied with this initial success, but for several years

fought on the platform and in the Press for an improvement in

the economic conditions of the peasantry whereby the ravages

of the disease might be combated." In late years his work of

agitation on the subject has been continued by many others.

The disease is of recognized seriousness in Italy, France, and

latterly in the United States. In November, 1909, the American

Government appointed an official commission to investigate it.

PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS:

International Congresses.

The first International Congress for discussion and action on

the subject of Pure Food was assembled at Geneva in 1908, and

attended by about 600 persons. The second was held at Paris in

October, 1909, and much more largely attended.

PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS: United States: A. D. 1906.

Legislation at the end of a long struggle.

Bulletin No. 104 of the Bureau of Chemistry, Department of

Agriculture, entitled "Food Legislation during the year ended

June 30, 1906," introduces the text of National and State laws

enacted that year with the following remarks: "Food

legislation for the year ended July 1, 1906, is the most

important in the history of the United States. A Federal

pure-food bill in various forms has been before Congress

continuously for more than twenty years, and such a bill

became a law on June 30, 1906. On the same day, as part of the

appropriation bill of the United States Department of

Agriculture, in the sections providing for the Bureau of

Animal Industry, important legislation was enacted with

reference to the inspection of meat and meat food products."

{521}

The Federal Food and Drugs Act of June 30, 1906, enacts in its

first section "That it shall be unlawful for any person to

manufacture within any Territory or the District of Columbia

any article of food or drug which is adulterated or

misbranded, within the meaning of this Act; and any person who

shall violate any of the provisions of this section shall be

guilty of misdemeanor, and for each offense shall, upon

conviction thereof, be fined not to exceed five hundred

dollars or shall be sentenced to one year’s imprisonment, or

both such fine and imprisonment, in the discretion of the

court, and for each subsequent offense and conviction thereof

shall be fined not less than one thousand dollars or sentenced

to one year’s imprisonment, or both such fine and imprisonment,

in the discretion of the court."

The second section declares:

"That the introduction into any State or Territory or the

District of Columbia from any other State or Territory or the

District of Columbia, or from any foreign country, or shipment

to any foreign country of any article of food or drugs which

is adulterated or misbranded within the meaning of this Act,

is hereby prohibited"; and penalties are prescribed for

violations of the law, being a fine not exceeding $200 for the

first offense, and for the second offense a fine not to exceed

$300, or imprisonment not exceeding one year, or both, in the

discretion of the court.

Section 3 reads as follows:

"That the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of

Agriculture, and the Secretary of Commerce and Labor shall

make uniform rules and regulations for carrying out the

provisions of this Act, including the collection and

examination of specimens of foods and drugs manufactured or

offered for sale in the District of Columbia, or in any

Territory of the United States, or which shall be offered for

sale in unbroken packages in any State other than that in

which they shall have been respectively manufactured or

produced, or which shall be received from any foreign country,

or intended for shipment to any foreign country, or which may

be submitted for examination by the chief health, food, or

drug officer of any State, Territory, or the District of

Columbia, or at any domestic or foreign port through which

such product is offered for interstate commerce, or for export

or import between the United States and any foreign port or

country."

Section 4 prescribes the examination of specimens of food and

drugs in the Bureau of Chemistry, and section 5 relates to

prosecutions for violation of the Act. Sections 6, 7, and 8

define adulteration and misbranding, as follows:

"Section 6. That the term ‘drug,’ as used in this Act, shall

include all medicines and preparations recognized in the

United States Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary for internal

or external use, and any substance or mixture of substances

intended to be used for the cure, mitigation, or prevention of

disease of either man or other animals. The term ‘food,’ as

used herein, shall include all articles used for food, drink,

confectionery, or condiment by man or other animals, whether

simple, mixed, or compound.

"Section 7. That for the purposes of this Act an article shall

be deemed to be adulterated:

"In case of drugs:

"First. If, when a drug is sold under or by a name recognized

in the United States Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary, it

differs from the standard of strength, quality, or purity, as

determined by the test laid down in the United States

Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary official at the time of

investigation: Provided, That no drug defined in the

United States Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary shall be

deemed to be adulterated under this provision if the standard

of strength, quality, or purity be plainly stated upon the

bottle, box, or other container thereof although the standard

may differ from that determined by the test laid down in the

United States Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary.

"Second. If its strength or purity fall below the professed

standard or quality under which it is sold.

"In the case of confectionery:

"If it contain terra alba, barytes, talc, chrome yellow, or

other mineral substance or poisonous color or flavor, or other

ingredient deleterious or detrimental to health, or any

vinous, malt or spirituous liquor or compound or narcotic

drug.

"In the case of food:

"First.

If any substance has been mixed and packed with it so as to

reduce or lower or injuriously affect its quality or strength.

"Second.

If any substance has been substituted wholly or in part for

the article.

"Third.

If any valuable constituent of the article has been wholly or

in part abstracted.

"Fourth.

If it be mixed, colored, powdered, coated, or stained in a

manner whereby damage or inferiority is concealed.

"Fifth.

If it contain any added poisonous or other added deleterious

ingredient which may render such article injurious to health:

Provided, That when in the preparation of food products

for shipment they are preserved by any external application

applied in such manner that the preservative is necessarily

removed mechanically, or by maceration in water, or otherwise,

and directions for the removal of said preservative shall be

printed on the covering of the package, the provisions of this

Act shall be construed as applying only when said products are

ready for consumption.

"Sixth.

If it consists in whole or in part of a filthy, decomposed, or

putrid animal or vegetable substance, or any portion of an

animal unfit for food, whether manufactured or not, or if it

is the product of a diseased animal, or one that has died

otherwise than by slaughter.

"Section 8.

That the term ‘misbranded,’ as used herein, shall apply to all

drugs, or articles of food, or articles which enter into the

composition of food, the package or label of which shall bear

any statement, design, or device regarding such article, or

the ingredients or substances contained therein which shall be

false or misleading in any particular, and to any food or drug

product which is falsely branded as to the State, Territory,

or country in which it is manufactured or produced.

"That for the purposes of this Act an article shall also be

deemed to be misbranded:

"In case of drugs:

"First.

If it be an imitation of or offered for sale under the name of

another article.

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"Second.

If the contents of the package as originally put up shall have

been removed, in whole or in part, and other contents shall

have been placed in such package, or if the package fail to

bear a statement on the label of the quantity or proportion of

any alcohol, morphine, opium, cocaine, heroin, alpha or beta

eucaine, chloroform, cannabis indica, chloral hydrate, or

acetanilide, or any derivative or preparation of any of such

substances contained therein.

"In the case of food:

"First.

If it be an imitation of or offered for sale under the

distinctive name of another article.

"Second.

If it be labeled or branded so as to deceive or mislead the

purchaser, or purport to be a foreign product when not so, or

if the contents of the package as originally put up shall have

been removed in whole or in part and other contents shall have

been placed in such package, or if it fail to bear a statement

on the label of the quantity or proportion of any morphine,

opium, cocaine, heroin, alpha or beta eucaine, chloroform,

cannabis indica, chloral hydrate, or acetanilide, or any

derivative or preparation of any of such substances contained

therein.

"Third.

If in package form, and the contents are stated in terms of

weight or measure, they are not plainly and correctly stated

on the outside of the package.

"Fourth.

If the package containing it or its label shall bear any

statement, design, or device regarding the ingredients or the

substances contained therein, which statement, design, or

device shall be false or misleading in any particular:

Provided, That an article of food which does not

contain any added poisonous or deleterious ingredients shall

not be deemed to be adulterated or misbranded in the following

cases:

"First.

In the case of mixtures or compounds which may be now or from

time to time hereafter known as articles of food, under their

own distinctive names, and not an imitation of or offered for

sale under the distinctive name of another article, if the

name be accompanied on the same label or brand with a

statement of the place where said article has been

manufactured or produced.

"Second.

In the case of articles labeled, branded, or tagged so as to

plainly indicate that they are compounds, imitations, or

blends, and the word ‘compound,’ ‘imitation,’ or ‘blend,’ as

the case may be, is plainly stated on the package in which it

is offered for sale: Provided, That the term blend as

used herein shall be construed to mean a mixture of like

substances, not excluding harmless coloring or flavoring

ingredients used for the purpose of coloring and flavoring

only: And provided further, That nothing in this Act

shall be construed as requiring or compelling proprietors or

manufacturers of proprietary foods which contain no

unwholesome added ingredient to disclose their trade formulas,

except in so far as the provisions of this Act may require to

secure freedom from adulteration or misbranding."

There was never a harder fight in Congress than that by which

this victory was won, over knaveries that, were not ashamed to

insist on their right to swindle and poison the public by

adulterations and frauds. Nothing but a thoroughly roused

public feeling carried the measure through. The same feeling

impelled local legislation to the same end in thirty-two

States, during 1906, and 1907, all of which is set forth in

the Bulletin cited above and in another of the same series

(No. 112), published in two parts in the following year.

Writing in January, 1908, of what the Pure Food Law had

accomplished, the Chairman of the Food Committee of the

National Consumers League, Alice Lakey, said: "One of the most

important results of the Pure Food Law is the awakening of

many consumers to their responsibilities as buyers of food

products. They are studying labels and buying foods

accordingly. With an intelligent consuming public to purchase

goods, the Pure Food Law will in time accomplish its full

purpose. Perhaps no better phrase will then be found to

describe it than the recent utterance of the manager of one of

the most important food firms in the country. ‘The Pure Food

Law,’ he said, ‘passed by this Government, is the most

important law ever passed by any government.’"

PUBLIC HEALTH: United States: A. D. 1906.

The Packing-House Investigation.

One of the influences which forced the passage through

Congress of the pure food legislation of 1906 came from the

revelations in a report laid before the President on the 4th

of June that year, by two commissioners whom he had appointed

to investigate the conditions existing at the stockyards and

packing-houses of Chicago. In communicating the report to

Congress the President characterized its disclosures as

revolting, and it is certain that the whole public was

sickened by the pictures it drew of reckless filthiness

prevailing in the establishments where meats were prepared for

sale in the markets of the country and of the world. We shall

not attempt to reproduce them here.

The most important part of the report concerned the existing

methods of official inspection of meats. The commissioners

found it most rigorous where it is needed least, namely, at

the time of killing. It was while the meat was being handled,

and especially in its preparation for canning, that it

underwent the most pollution. The cans which received it

finally were allowed to bear labels stating that "the contents

of this package have been inspected according to the Act of

Congress of March 3, 1891. Quality Guaranteed." As a matter of

fact, all that had been inspected was the carcass of the

animal at the time of killing.

The further legislation, respecting inspections, which

supplemented the law quoted from above, was resisted with all

their power by the enormously rich meat-packing companies of

the country, who found strong supporters in Congress, but they

had to submit to defeat.

PUBLIC HEALTH:

The Sleeping Sickness in Africa.

"The most formidable enemy of both man and beast in tropical

Africa is the tsetse, species Glossina, a genus of

blood-sucking fly peculiar to that land, which carries a

minute parasite, the trypanosome, from the infected to the

healthy, resulting in the production of sleeping sickness,

or trypanosomiasis. When it is known that in the region lying

around Victoria Nyanza, Lake Tanganyika, and the Victorian

Nile over 400,000 human beings have succumbed to this fatal

malady since it appeared about ten years ago, its appalling

nature is apparent. Vast territories of thickly populated,

fertile country near the shores of these lakes, until the

advent of this terrible plague the homes of a happy, contented

people, are now almost depopulated, and thousands of little

villages have been swept away, their inhabitants victims of

this deadly pest.

{523}

"In appearance the tsetse fly bears a remarkable resemblance

to the ordinary house-fly, but is slightly larger, with longer

wings, which extend beyond its body and lap each other when at

rest like the blades of a pair of scissors. It is somber gray,

nearly black in color, almost like the honey-bee, and has a

prominent proboscis ensheathed in the palpi which project

horizontally in front of its head. The abdomen is marked by

four distinct yellowish bands, with a pale spot over the upper

segment. It is wonderfully active, and evades every attempt at

capture except in the cool of the morning or evening, when its

movements are sluggish and it can be caught in the hand. …

"Sleeping sickness has been known in Sierra Leone, in the

Congo, and on the west coast of Africa since the earliest

history of those lands. In 1870 a fossil tsetse fly (Glossina

morsitans) was discovered in Colorado, and the theory has been

advanced that the absence of wild horses on the American

continent was due to the ravages of the disease carried by

these flies.

"The malady was described as early as 1803, and later most

accurately by Livingstone, the great missionary explorer. He

also advocated arsenic in its treatment. This remedy, after

half a century of research and investigation, still retains

its place as the best one known for prolonging life. …

"The period of the incubation of the disease after the bite of

the infected fly varies from a month to several years,

depending upon the resisting power of the patient. In its

earlier stages the first noticeable symptoms are irregular

fever. … This stage may continue a year, or even longer.

"In the following stage the symptoms are due to the

trypanosomes reaching the cerebrospinal fluid, giving rise to

cerebral manifestations; drowsiness, stupor, dullness of

hearing, slowness in perception and of answering questions,

with incapacity for mental exertion, and somnolence, the

patient sometimes sleeping the entire day. This condition may

continue several years, during which time epileptiform

convulsions develop, with marked tremulousness of the muscles

of the face and tongue, the patient becoming maniacal and the

whole symptomatology resembling that of general paresis of the

insane. …

"Previous to 1901 sleeping sickness was unknown in Uganda. How

the present epidemic originated is not positively known. The

most generally accepted theory is that the soldiers of Emin

Pasha and their followers introduced it, as some ten thousand

of them settled in Busoga after the Sudan campaign. …

"The duration of the sleeping sickness in man is very

variable. Occasionally cases linger six or even eight years,

and until the expiration of this period they are constant foci

of infection.

"Recognizing the fatal nature of the disease, the various

nations whose territories are most seriously affected, notably

England, Germany, Portugal, France, and Belgium, appointed

commissioners, with competent assistants, to ascertain methods

for its control. The enormous amount of investigation and

research accomplished by these self-sacrificing men, among

whom may be mentioned Bruce, Koch, Hodges, Broden, Tullock,

Kopke, Martin, Hardy, and Kleine, two of whom forfeited their

lives in the work, entitles their names to be enrolled among

the benefactors of mankind."

Louis L. Seaman,

The Sleeping Sickness

(The Outlook, January 15, 1909).

PUBLIC HEALTH: Tuberculosis:

The Organized Warfare for its Eradication.

After the discovery of the all important fact that the most

destroying of the diseases of the human race, tuberculosis

(the dread "consumption" of the older-fashioned nomenclature

of pathology), is in its nature one so propagated from victim

to victim that the propagation is needless, and may absolutely

be ended by right precautions universally applied, there were

ardent workers soon engaged in eager efforts to bring such

measures into use. The beginning of a hopefully inspired

warfare against the disease dates, therefore, from the

identification of the bacillus of tuberculosis by Dr. Robert

Koch, in 1882; but, for nearly two decades after that

inspiration it was little more than a guerrilla undertaking,

by scientifically benevolent individuals and groups, here and

there in the world. It was not until the latest years of the

nineteenth century and the earliest of the twentieth that more

public risings appeared in the movement, and it began to

acquire the momentum of a crusade.

Germany appears to have been earliest in the fundamental

organization of measures to instruct its people in the nature

of the disease, and in the means by which it may be stamped

out; as well as in the provision of special sanatoria and

hospitals for the new open-air treatment of those attacked.

But the Health Department of the City of New York has the

credit of being the first official body to bring the disease

under efficient administrative control. On this subject Dr.

Hermann M. Biggs, in an address delivered, February 16, 1904,

under the auspices of the Henry Phipps Institute and published

in the first annual report of the Institute, said:

"Notwithstanding all that has been said and written,

notwithstanding the popular education and agitation,

notwithstanding the formation of antituberculosis societies

and antituberculosis leagues, notwithstanding the organization

of many associations for the erection of sanatoria, and the

foundation of institutions for the study of tuberculosis,

notwithstanding the measures adopted for the prevention of the

disease in animals, still only a very small percentage of the

governmental, municipal and state sanitary authorities of this

country, Great Britain and the Continent have adopted

provisions which can be regarded as in any way comprehensive,

or effective in dealing with this disease.

{524}

"If we seek for an adequate explanation for this attitude, it

is not, after all, difficult to find. In speaking of this

matter several years ago, Koch said in substance to the

writer: ‘The adoption in Germany of such measures as are

already in force in New York City will not be possible until

the generation of medical men now in control have passed away.

Not until a younger generation has appeared, which has had a

different scientific training, and holds views more in harmony

with the known facts regarding the etiology of tuberculosis,

will it be possible in my opinion to bring about an

intelligent supervision of this disease. … Notification is a

necessary preliminary to any plan of supervision, and yet only

five years ago a special commission of the Academy of Medicine

of Paris reported against a proposition to place tuberculosis

in the class of notifiable diseases. … Sir Richard Thorne, the

Medical Officer to the Local Government Board of Great

Britain, in the Harben lecture in 1898 on ‘The Administrative

Control of Tuberculosis,’ after a careful consideration of the

various problems presented under the English law relating to

infectious diseases, pronounced definitely against this

proposition, on the ground that the hardship to the

individual, which would follow notification and the

enforcement of proper regulations, would be so great as to

render this measure unjustifiable. … The compulsory

notification and registration of all cases is essential. The

fundamental importance of this measure is so evident that its

consideration seems hardly necessary. It must of course appear

at once that unless there is a system of compulsory

notification, and registration, the enforcement of any uniform

measures for prevention is impossible. Practical experience

with this procedure has made it perfectly clear that the

objections which have been urged against it are without force

or foundation.

"In New York City in 1893 a system of partially voluntary and

partially compulsory notification was adopted. Public

institutions were required to report cases coming under their

supervision; private physicians were requested to do this.

Under this provision the Department of Health carried on this

work for three and a half years, and then adopted in 1897

regulations requiring the notification of all cases. … The

mere fact of notification and registration has in itself a

very powerful educational influence. During the year 1902 more

than sixteen thousand cases were reported to the Department of

Health in New York City, of which forty-two hundred were

duplicates, and in 1903 more than seventeen thousand cases

were reported.

"To facilitate the early and definite diagnosis of all cases

of pulmonary tuberculosis, the sanitary authorities should

afford facilities for the free bacteriological examination of

the sputum in all instances of suspected disease. … The

Department of Health of New York City provided facilities for

such examinations in 1894, early in the history of its attempt

to exercise control over the disease, and this procedure has

proved of very great value to the medical profession, to the

sick, and to the authorities. Following the example of New

York City, other sanitary authorities have adopted similar

measures."

H. M. Biggs,

The Administrative Control of Tuberculosis

(First Annual Report, Henry Phipps Institute, 1905).

In 1895 a Central Committee was organized in Germany to

establish special hospitals for the disease.

In 1898 the first National Congress for discussion and better

organization of action relative to tuberculosis was held at

Paris, with some attendance from outside of France. The second

National Congress was at Berlin in the following year, with

similar attendance from other countries, and the third at

Naples in 1900. At the Naples Congress a "Central

International Committee for the Prevention of Tuberculosis"

was organized, and it held its first Conference in Berlin,

under the auspices of the Central German Committee, in 1902.

The succeeding meetings of the Central International Committee

were at Paris, 1903, at Copenhagen, 1904, at Paris again,

1904, and there, at that time, the First International

Congress on Tuberculosis was held.

In 1901 the first National Congress in Great Britain for the

discussion of Tuberculosis and for organizing preventive

undertakings was held at London. There were said to be then

fifty sanitaria for its treatment in Germany; in France a

dozen private and two public institutions for the purpose; in

France and Belgium a number of public dispensaries specially

provided for the disease. In that year the State of New York

made its first appropriation for a Tuberculosis Hospital in

the Adirondacks, and a National Sanitarium Association at

Toronto, Canada, secured the site for a hospital.

In 1902, at the annual meeting of the Canada Association for

the Prevention of Tuberculosis, held at Ottawa, Dr. A. S.

Knopf, of New York, speaking of the progress of the

anti-tuberculosis movement, said of the United States: "We

have but a few small societies striving to do the same work

you are doing. They are the Pennsylvania, the Colorado, the

Ohio, the Maine, the Minnesota and the Illinois." Besides

these State Associations the speaker mentioned a few

cities,—Baltimore, Buffalo and Erie County, Cleveland, and St.

Louis,—as having some organization for the work. No national

organization had yet been formed. In this year, however, some

advances of importance within the United States were begun.

Henry Phipps, of New York, pledged the means for supporting a

free Clinic for Tuberculosis at Philadelphia, which expanded

within a year into the Henry Phipps Institute, founded on the

1st of February and incorporated September 1st, 1903, the

purposes of which, as set forth in its charter, are: "The

study of the cause, treatment, and prevention of tuberculosis,

and the dissemination of knowledge on these subjects; the

treatment and the cure of consumptives"; its benefits to be

"administered without regard to race, creed or color." In this

year, too, an active educational work, by weekly free lectures

in the Assembly Hall of the United Charities Building, by

distributing pamphlets, district nursing, etc., was opened in

the City of New York and conducted by a Committee for the

Prevention of Tuberculosis. Massachusetts was now

appropriating money for its second sanatorium. In Great

Britain, Sir Edward Cassell placed £200,000 at the disposal of

the King for Tuberculosis hospitals and Sanatoria.

{525}

The year 1903 witnessed an important meeting at Paris of the

Central International Tuberculosis Committee, which was

stirred by an appeal from Casimir-Perier, ex-President of

France, for "a mobilization of all social forces" against the

devastating disease. The Government of Sweden instituted a

free distribution of pamphlets on the subject of Tuberculosis

throughout the kingdom. In Great Britain a national committee,

representing all important friendly societies and trade

unions, was formed to promote the establishing of sanatoria

for workers. In Belgium, Madame Rene Gauge started the

movement for Open Air Schools. At Baltimore a Tuberculosis

Exhibition which awakened wide interest was arranged by a

Commission appointed by the Governor of Maryland in the

previous year, in cooperation with the Maryland Public Health

Association. State and City organizations for dealing with the

disease and for educating the people to a right understanding

of the means by which it might be stamped out were now

multiplying rapidly throughout the United States.

In 1904 the United States obtained their first comprehensive

organization for the work. The National Association for Study

and Prevention of Tuberculosis was formed at a large meeting

at Atlantic City in June, with Dr. Edward Trudeau of Saranac,

founder of the Saranac cottage sanatoria and pioneer in

America of the open air treatment of the disease, for its

President, and Drs. William Osier, of Baltimore, and Hermann

M. Biggs for Vice Presidents. In Boston, that year, no less

than eighty-one free lectures on Tuberculosis were given in

schools, churches, social settlements, before trade unions and

clubs, under the auspices of the Boston Association, and

70,000 instructive leaflets were distributed. In France a

special Society for the Protection of Children from

Tuberculosis was formed. The Garment-makers Union and the

Typographical Union of New York entered jointly into

undertakings of educational work among their members, and the

Central Federated Union was soon enlisted with them. A

Directory of Institutions and Societies dealing with

Tuberculosis in the United States, published in January, 1905,

described 125 then existing hospitals and sanatoria in which

consumptives may receive treatment, and 32 special

dispensaries; recounting, also, special measures for the

treatment of the disease in penal institutions and hospitals

for the insane.

The most important campaign of 1905 in the crusade, within the

American field, was probably that connected with the great

Tuberculosis Exposition in New York City, prepared and

conducted by the National Association, in cooperation with the

Committee of the New York Charity Organization Society. New

York City, in this year, appropriated $250,000 for a Municipal

Tuberculosis Hospital, located in the Catskill Mountains.

In 1906 a duplication of the Tuberculosis Exposition of the

previous December in New York was carried, as a travelling

exhibit, to different parts of the city, with impressive

effect; and similar exhibits were given in eleven cities of

the United States. It was reported in this year that about

fifty local commissions and associations were actively in

operation in the United States; and that the American

Federation of Labor, as well as the American Federation of

Women’s Clubs, were enlisted with earnestness in the work. The

Fifth International Conference was held this year at The

Hague.

From this time the public awakening to recognition of the

measureless importance and the inspiring hopefulness of the

struggle to extinguish the deadly "white plague" spread

rapidly everywhere, and each year made increasing records of

gains in the work and its effects. Fourteen of the American

States were reported in 1907 as having founded State hospitals

for the disease, supported from public funds, while measures

were in progress to that end in a number of other States.

In 1908 a most powerful impulse to the crusade in America was

imparted by the meeting at Washington, that year, of the

International Congress on Tuberculosis, with a large

attendance of the most distinguished captains of the warfare

from abroad. The local interest aroused was beyond

expectation. As one writer described the meetings of the seven

sections of the Congress, from September 28 to October 3,

"scientists of international reputation and doctors from

country villages, clubwomen, architects, social workers,

manufacturers, teachers, labor men, Socialists, literary men,

lawyers and lawmakers, society women, and the clergy, were all

there, not only to listen, but to take part."

The subjects which received the most discussion at the

Congress were the compulsory notification of pulmonary

tuberculosis, the cooperation between official and

non-official agencies for the prevention of the disease, the

relationship between dispensaries, sanatoria, and hospitals

for advanced cases, and the difference between the human and

the bovine types of the bacillus. On this latter subject Dr.

Koch, who was present, maintained his belief that bovine

tuberculosis is not communicable to mankind, but failed to

convince the majority of the scientists present. The British

delegates to the Congress in their subsequent report of it,

published in April, 1909, attached particular importance to

the discussions on the subject of the compulsory notification

of cases of tuberculosis, and pointed out that in New York the

notifications were shown to be four times as numerous as the

deaths, which indicated a more complete system than any yet

operative in Great Britain. It appeared from their report,

however, that, since the Washington meeting, the system of

voluntary notification already practised in many parts of

England had been extended by order of the Local Government

Board, and rendered compulsory in the case of all patients

suffering from pulmonary tuberculosis, who came under the

official care of a parochial medical officer.

Statistics quoted in the New York Evening Post of May

8, 1909, from the Imperial Gazette, show that in recent

years there has been a steady decrease in the number of deaths

in Germany from tuberculosis, and especially from tuberculosis

of the lungs. The figures are based upon the monthly reports

of deaths in 350 of the largest centres of population in the

empire, and upon annual reports as to the causes of deaths

from nearly all districts, as supplied to the Imperial Board

of Health. The average of deaths per 100,000 in 1905 was

226.6. In 1908 the average had fallen to 192.15. For the rural

and urban population combined statistics are forthcoming for

97 per cent. of the total population, divided into two

classes—persons below the age of fifteen, and persons between

fifteen and sixty.

{526}

In the latter class the average number of deaths annually

between 1898 and 1902 from tuberculosis in all forms was

268.5, and from tuberculosis of the lungs, 255.7 per 100,000.

During the period 1903-1907 the annual averages decreased to

242.8 and 228.8 per 100,000, respectively. The figures,

however, for tuberculosis of all kinds among children between

the ages of one year and fifteen show an average annual

increase in deaths per 100,000 from 77.9 during the period

1898-1902 to 81.1 during the period 1903-1907. Yet during the

latter period of five years the actual number of deaths among

children has gradually decreased from 16,250 in 1905 to 14,283

in 1907. For the two classes together the annual average of

deaths per 100,000 was as follows: From 1898-1902—from

tuberculosis in all forms, 214.1, and from tuberculosis of the

lungs 195.2; from 1903-1907—from tuberculosis in all forms

197.8, and from tuberculosis of the lungs 174.2.

According to a bulletin published in October, 1909, by Cressy

L. Wilbur, Chief Statistician of the division of Vital

Statistics in the United States Census Bureau, the warfare

against tuberculosis has begun to show general effects in the

United States. The statistics given are based on the annual

returns of deaths from the death-registration areas of the

country, which are far from comprehending the whole. The total

number of deaths from all forms of tuberculosis returned in

1908 was 78,289, exceeding those of any previous year of

registration, but the death rate per 100,000 for 1908 is

considerably less than that for 1907. In all registration

States the death from tuberculosis showed a decline, except in

Colorado, Rhode Island, and Vermont.

A Press despatch from Washington, August 9, 1909, announced

that "a plan for the organization of negro anti-tuberculosis

leagues in the various States, proposed recently by the United

States Public Health and Marine Hospital Service, has met with

a quick response. Already five State organizations have been

formed, and the movement has received the endorsement of the

last conference of the State and Territorial boards of health.

State leagues have been formed in Georgia, Louisiana,

Mississippi, North Carolina, and Virginia. One of the

principal features of the plan is the issuance of a large

certificate of membership to each supporter of the movement.

Branches of the State leagues are to be established in the

various negro churches."

In July, 1909, the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company made

application to the New York State Insurance Department for

permission to purchase a tract of land, 3000 acres or more,

and erect thereon a sanatorium for the treatment of its

employees, and possibly of its policy-holders who suffered

from tuberculosis. The company was said to have ascertained

that among the holders of its 9,000,000 policies there

occurred, on the average, a death every thirty-two minutes

from tuberculosis, and that, regarded wholly from the economic

standpoint, it would be more than justified in applying its

funds to such a measure for saving or prolonging life in that

body of people. The Superintendent of Insurance was unable,

however, to find any warrant in law for authorizing the

undertaking, and felt required to deny the application. The

company appealed from his decision to the courts, and the

Appellate Division of the Supreme Court of the State handed

down a decision early in January, 1910, declaring the plan to

purchase real estate to be used as a hospital for the care and

treatment of its employees who are afflicted with tuberculosis

does not violate that provision of the law which prohibits

insurance companies from acquiring real estate for any purpose

other than that of the transaction of their own business. "The

court passes lightly over the question of the possibility of

the hospital being used, in case vacancies exist in it, for

the accommodation of selected cases from among the

policy-holders. This possibility, it seems, had been indicated

in the original petition, but ‘the briefs of counsel upon

either side,’ says the court, ‘have practically eliminated

that question.’ In such a use of the hospital there might be

serious question of a precedent that would be open to grave

objection."

Gifts to the amount of $700,000 for the establishment of a

tuberculosis preventorium for children were announced from New

York, through the Associated Press, November 9, 1909. The

further statement was made that, "in connection with the

tuberculosis preventorium a movement has been organized which

purposes to take from New York tenements children who have

been affected with tuberculosis and restore them to normal

health before it is too late. The plan was formally organized

at a meeting this afternoon in the Fifth avenue residence of

Henry Phipps. A contribution to the work by Nathan Straus

includes a $500,000 cottage and estate at Lakewood, New

Jersey, occupied by the late Grover Cleveland just before his

death. There the new institution will have its home. Miss

Dorothy Whitney contributed a $100,000 endowment fund."

PUBLIC HEALTH: Yellow Fever:

Eradication in Cuba, at Rio Janeiro,

and in French Western Africa.

"Three signal victories have been gained over yellow fever

during these later years—in Cuba, in Brazil, and in Dakar, in

West Africa. The first is the most memorable of these events.

It is the purification of the endemic center at Habana. This

occurred in 1901, during the United States occupation. The

daily press in countless articles has spread the details. We

know that Brigadier General Leonard Wood, governor of Habana,

decreed one fine day that the plague should be wiped out and

the mosquitoes destroyed throughout the entire city of Habana

and its suburbs, and we know that it was done. …

"The theory was that the mosquito is the sole disseminator of

the disease. This is precisely what the United States

commission, appointed the year before, had just proven. It had

shown that all the other supposed cases of contagion were

imaginary. …

"The yellow fever Stegomya does not breed in swamps. It has

not the habits of the Anophele of the marsh, the malaria

mosquito. It does not live like that one, in the open country,

but dwells in houses. It is a domestic insect. It stays at

home, is wary, and is sensitive to the weather. Like many

other mosquitoes, it never goes more than 500 or 600 yards

away from its breeding place and journeys only when its home

—a vessel or a carriage—journeys. There is no need to fear

that the insect may be carried far by the wind, for it dreads

the wind. It does not trust itself outdoors when there is the

slightest breeze. The problem is thus simplified.

{527}

It is no longer a question of protecting immense areas. It is

enough to protect the house and its immediate environs—the

city and a limited surrounding zone. Still it would be useless

to capture the insect on the wing or at rest. It is permitted

to complete its short life, but is not allowed to have

offspring . The female is prevented from laying its eggs. This

is accomplished by draining stagnant water left in so many

gardens and household utensils where the mosquito seeks a

breeding place. Hence the efficacy of the measures which

forbade the people of Habana from keeping water in any other

way than in covered receptacles or with a coat of oil or

petroleum on top.

"The success of the measures taken by the American physicians,

Gorgas, Finlay, and Guiteras, in Habana, was complete. Yellow

fever has disappeared from there. On April 4, 1904, the

President of the Republic of Cuba, in his message to the

Congress, spoke thus:

"‘There has not been in Cuba since 1901 a single case of

yellow fever not imported. The country should know of this

excellent sanitary condition, which is due to the perfection

of prophylactic measures and the vigilance of the health

authorities.’

"Events happened in the same way in Brazil. Dr. Oswald Cruz,

in charge of the organization of the campaign against yellow

fever, with equal success repeated at Rio de Janeiro what had

been done in Habana. The enforcement of the measures began

April 20, 1903. The mortality which before had averaged 150

deaths a month fell to 8 in the month of April and to 4 in

June. In January, 1904, there were recorded only 3 deaths.

"France decided to follow these encouraging examples. The

governor-general of French Western Africa, M. Roume, adopted

an administration analogous to that of Habana and Rio de

Janeiro, and he knew how to profit by these examples."

A. Dastre,

The Fight against Yellow Fever

(Annual Report, Smithsonian Institution,

1904-1905, pages 348-350).

----------PUBLIC HEALTH: End--------

PUBLIC UTILITIES, Regulation of:

The New York and Wisconsin Laws.

The most comprehensive and well-prepared legislation yet

directed in the United States to the control and regulation of

corporations which render services to the public, of the

nature described by the term "public utilities," is

undoubtedly embodied in the New York and Wisconsin laws,

enacted in 1907. Both States, and many others, had

experimented previously with measures for establishing a

certain degree of supervision and regulation over railway

corporations, gas companies, and the like, dealing separately

with them; but, excepting perhaps, in the case of

Massachusetts, this had not been satisfactorily effective.

Governor Hughes, of New York, was the real author of the

Public Utilities Law enacted in that State in 1907, and his

influence was the impelling force which carried it through the

Legislature.

See(in this Volume)

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910).

Almost equally, ex-Governor La Follette must be credited, not

immediately, but primarily, with the organization of the

forces which brought out the Wisconsin Law.

The two enactments are compared by Professor John R. Commons

in an article published in the American Review of

Reviews, of August, 1907, from which the following

passages are quoted:

"The Wisconsin and New York laws are alike in that both State

utilities like railroads and municipal utilities like gas are

brought under the regulation of the same commission. They

differ from the laws of Massachusetts, which provide a

separate commission for railways. These three States, however,

are the only ones that regulate municipal utilities through a

State commission. Many other States have railroad commissions,

but they leave whatever regulation they have of local

utilities to the local governments. … A significant feature of

the Wisconsin legislation is its disregard of stocks and bonds

and its reliance on the physical valuation of the property as

the first step in regulation. The New York law and the

Street-Railway law of Massachusetts attack the problem of

regulation through the control of future capitalization. The

New York commissions have power to prohibit the issue and

transfer of stocks, bonds, and other evidence of indebtedness,

and to prevent the transfer of shares to holding companies.

The Wisconsin law begins at the other end of the problem and,

for the purpose both of regulation and of publicity, inquires

into the present structural value of the property. This does

not mean that the commission shall disregard other elements of

valuation,—in fact, it is required by the law to take all

elements into account, as indeed the courts would require if

it did not. But the physical valuation is necessary in order

that the public and the courts may know exactly how much is

allowed for the other elements. The commission is required to

value all of the properties in the State and to publish both

the actual value ascertained when all elements are taken into

account and the physical value ascertained by its engineers. …

"The [Wisconsin] law as finally adopted consists really of

three laws: First, an amendment to the Railway law of 1905,

placing telegraph companies and street railways under the same

provisions as steam railways and interurban electric lines;

second, the Public-Utilities law proper, regulating heat,

light, water, power, and telephone companies; third, a

Street-Railway law providing for indeterminate permits similar

to those of the Public-Utilities law. A fourth bill, requiring

physical connection and prohibiting duplication of telephone

exchanges, was defeated by a vote of the Assembly."

The New York Law created two Public Utilities Commissions of

five members each, one having jurisdiction in a district

comprising New York City alone, the district of the other

(known as the Up-State Commission) comprehending the remainder

of the State. The five-year terms of the Commissioners expire

in successive years. Appointed by the Governor, they are

intended to be men of the highest character and

qualifications, and receive salaries of $15,000 each. The

appointments by Governor Hughes for the New York City

Commission were of ex-Postmaster William R. Wilcox, William

McCarroll, Edward M. Bassett, Milo R. Maltbie, John E. Eustis.

For the Up-State Commission he named originally Honorable

Frank W. Stevens, of Jamestown, Charles H. Keep, of Buffalo,

Thomas M. Osborne, of Auburn, James E. Sague and Martin S.

Decker. Mr. Keep resigned subsequently to accept the

presidency of an important New York City bank, and John B.

Olmsted, of Buffalo, was appointed in his place.

{528}

PUBLIC UTILITIES:

New York City Gas Company.

In 1906 the New York Legislature passed a bill reducing the

price of gas in New York City to 80 cents per thousand feet.

The gas companies claimed that this rate was confiscatory.

Pending final decision of the matter the citizens were

compelled to pay the old rate of $1.00 per thousand.

Ultimately the law was sustained, and the gas companies

refunded over eight millions of dollars in 1909 to the

consumers of the past three years.

See, also (in this Volume),

RAILWAYS.

PUNJAB: The Plague.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH: BUBONIC PLAGUE.

PUNJAB:

Terrific Earthquake.

See(in this Volume)

EARTHQUAKES: INDIA: A. D. 1905.

PURE FOOD LEGISLATION.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH.

PU-YI (Hsuan-Tung):

Child Emperor of China.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

Q.

QUEBEC, City of: A. D. 1908.

Tercentenary Celebration of its Founding.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1908 (JULY).

QUEBEC, Province of: A. D. 1901.

Census.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

R.

----------RACE PROBLEMS: Start--------

RACE PROBLEMS: In Australia:

Between Europeans and Asiatics.

"Australia occupies a unique position among the nations. It is

an island, lying far from the populated centres of the Old

World and in close proximity to Java and the teeming millions

of Southern and Eastern Asia, who at any time may bear down in

flood upon the scanty forces of the defenders. These pent-up

myriads are at present in a state of unrest, and there are

evidences of a distinct inclination on their part to break

bounds and descend upon the coasts of the great southern land.

On the north-eastern shores of the continent they have already

broken through the thin red line of the British, and have

firmly established themselves in the country beyond. Thursday

Island, which stands at the northern entrance of the passage

between the Great Barrier Reef and the shores of Queensland,

has been styled the Gibraltar of Australia, and large sums of

money have been spent by the Imperial and Australian

Governments in fortifying it. Since it became open to the

Eastern nations, the Japanese have discovered twenty different

channels through the reef, by any one of which they could

avoid the forts and gain an entrance to the sea within the

barrier. A few years ago there were 2000 Europeans on Thursday

Island, engaged in the pearl-shelling industry; but they were

gradually elbowed out until to-day they number less than 100.

"The late Professor C. H. Pearson, at one time Minister for

Education in Victoria, and one of the most intellectual

statesmen who ever resided in Australia, in his National

Life and Character, admirably summarised the dangers to

which his adopted country was exposed by reason of its

situation, and the motives which actuated the various colonial

Governments in passing enactments designed to place some

restriction on the wholesale flooding of their territories.

"‘The fear of Chinese immigration which the Australian

democracy cherishes, and which Englishmen at home find it hard

to understand, is, in fact, the instinct of self-preservation,

quickened by experience. We know that coloured and white

labour cannot exist side by side; we are well aware that China

can swamp us with a single year’s surplus of population; and

we know that if national existence is sacrificed to the

working of a few mines and sugar plantations, it is not the

Englishmen in Australia alone, but the whole civilised world

that will be the losers. Transform the northern half of our

continent into a Natal, with thirteen out of fourteen

belonging to an inferior race, and the southern half will

speedily approximate to the condition of Cape Colony, where

the whites are indeed a masterful minority, but still only as

one in four. We are guarding the last part of the world in

which the higher races can live and increase freely for the

higher civilisation. It is idle to say that if all this should

come to pass our pride of place will not be humiliated. We are

struggling among ourselves for supremacy in a world which we

thought as destined to belong to the Aryan race and to the

Christian faith, to the letters and arts and charm of social

manners which we have inherited from the best times of the

past. We shall wake to find ourselves elbowed and hustled,

perhaps even thrust aside by peoples whom we looked down upon

as servile and thought of as bound always to minister to our

needs.’ …

"The Greater Britain that is to be may be the best security

for the Mother Land in years to come, and her natural ally and

friend. Australian statesmen claim that they are not only

safe-guarding British interests, but also legislating for

posterity and looking forward to the time—perhaps a century

hence—when the population of the Commonwealth may be one

hundred millions or even more.

{529}

"At the present the Australian race is in a plastic condition,

and whether it will become, as Marcus Clarke predicted, ‘a

fierce and turbulent democracy, sweeping contemporary

civilisation before it,’ or, as seems more probable, a

practical and enlightened people, troubles it little. Leaders

and followers of every political cast, Conservatives,

Liberals, and Radicals, have now but one national ideal—Purity

of Race. They recognise that hybrids cannot make a great

nation; that an infusion of Chinese, Japanese, or Indo-Chinese

blood must result in race deterioration; and that, if they are

to live happily and prosperously, it must be with no strangers

within their gates other than those of Caucasian descent who

are able to conform to the conditions and customs of civilised

communities."

O. P. Law, W. T. Gill,

A White Australia

(Nineteenth Century, January, 1904).

"The great Australian Commonwealth has indeed gone very far in

many directions in its war against workers of other races than

the white. Thus, no contract can be made for the carrying of

Australian mails with any steamship line which allows a

colored man to work on any of its ships. This is a new

measure, and it has been of late the subject of a lively

controversy between the Australian government and the two

Chamberlains in London,—namely, Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, the

colonial secretary, and his son, Mr. Austin Chamberlain, who

is now serving as British postmaster-general.

"The fact is that mail-carrying steamship companies which have

hitherto performed the service of carrying mails back and

forth between Great Britain and the Australian ports have been

largely manned by dark-skinned British subjects who are

natives of India, and the British Government is under a

special obligation not to discriminate against these Indians

in view of certain clauses in what is known as the Mutiny Act

in India. These same ships, it is to be remembered, will

carry, also, the Indian mails, and it would be manifestly

impossible for Lord Curzon’s government of India to join in

mail contracts containing clauses excluding dark-skinned men

from employment."

American Review of Reviews,

September, 1903.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1909.

RACE PROBLEMS: In Canada:

Hostility to Asiatic Labor.

Restriction of Chinese Immigration.

Riotous attacks on Japanese, Chinese, and Hindu

Laborers in British Columbia.

The opposition of organized labor to Asiatic immigration, on

the Canadian Pacific Coast, directed first against an influx

of Chinese, brought about, in 1904, the imposition of a

head-tax of $500 on every person of Chinese origin entering

Canada thereafter, with the following exceptions:

"(a) The members of the diplomatic corps, or other government

representatives, their suites and their servants, and consuls

and consular agents;

"(b) The children born in Canada of parents of Chinese origin

and who have left Canada for educational or other purposes, on

substantiating their identity to the satisfaction of the

controller at the port or place where they seek to enter on

their return;

"(c) Merchants, their wives and children, the wives and

children of clergymen, tourists, men of science and students,

who shall substantiate their status to the satisfaction of the

controller, subject to the approval of the Minister, or who

are bearers of certificates of identity, or other similar

documents issued by the government or by a recognized official

or representative of the government whose subjects they are,

specifying their occupation and their object in coming into

Canada."

This was an effective restriction; but left the door open to

other "coolie" laborers, so-called, from Japan and India,

whence large numbers were soon coming into British Columbia,

and the labor agitation was directed against them, on the

Canadian as well as the United States side of the line in the

farther Northwest. It came to its climax of violence in the

fall of 1907, when serious riots broke out at Vancouver,

British Columbia, and at Bellingham, in the State of

Washington. Many hundreds of Japanese, Chinese, and Hindus had

been employed in the lumber mills and canneries of the

Washington and British Columbia coast towns, displacing white

labor. "In each case a mob of white men raided the mills where

the foreigners were employed, battered down the doors of their

lodging houses, dragged the Hindus from their beds, and drove

them with violence from the town. The Hindus of Bellingham

fled northward to the protection of the British flag. At

Vancouver the rioters also attacked Chinese and Japanese

merchants and laborers, breaking into their shops and

pillaging and destroying $20,000 worth of property. Two

thousand Chinese and Japanese were driven from their homes.

Later, a number of Japanese immigrants, just landed from a

steamer, were attacked and in the riot that followed Baron

Ishii, chief of the Japanese Bureau of Foreign Commerce, was

severely injured. The Orientals, under the leadership of the

Japanese, immediately organized for defense, and, having

secured firearms and other weapons, the situation took on a

very serious aspect."

The situation was made especially embarrassing to the British

and Canadian Governments by the relations of alliance existing

between Great Britain and Japan, and by the fact that the

Hindus attacked are British subjects, having their established

rights as such. But skilful and careful handling of the matter

was successful in quieting the trouble, possibly in a lasting

way. The Japanese Government, on its own part, has undertaken

to restrict the emigration of its laboring classes to Canada

as well as to the United States.

Important changes in the regulations governing the immigration

of Chinese were announced in a despatch from Ottawa, July 11,

1909:

"While the poll-tax of £100 on coolies is retained, the

restrictions applicable to students and the sons of Chinese

merchants are considerably modified. Students who already

possess a liberal education, but desire to pursue a higher

course of study in any Canadian University or college, are

exempt from the tax. Students who intend to pursue their

studies in the Dominion but are unable to produce proof of

their status on entry are required to deposit the amount of

the tax, but the money will be refunded on production of a

certificate that they have passed two scholastic years at some

seat of learning. The present law permits all Chinese visiting

China to return to Canada within a year without a second

payment. This has been a hardship to Chinese who have been

ill. The new regulation, therefore, extends the time of

exemption in such cases to 18 months, provided that

satisfactory proof be furnished."

{530}

RACE PROBLEMS: In Jamaica: Between White and Black:

The Problem Non-existent.

Solved by Good Sense, Right Feeling, and Just Law.

In the International Journal of Ethics for May, 1906,

Professor Royce reports of several visits to Jamaica,—where

14,000 or 15,000 white inhabitants are living with about

650,000 black and mulatto people,—that he had found no race

problem existing—no racial antagonism—no public discussion of

race equality or superiority. He accounts for this untroubled

relation between colored and uncolored fellow citizens and

neighbors as follows:

"When once the sad period of emancipation and of subsequent

occasional disorder was passed, the Englishman did in Jamaica

what he has so often and so well done elsewhere. He organized

his colony; he established good local courts, which gained by

square treatment the confidence of the blacks. The judges of

such courts were Englishmen. The English ruler also provided a

good country constabulary, in which native blacks also found

service, and in which they could exercise authority over other

blacks. Black men, in other words, were trained,—under English

management, of course,—to police black men. A sound civil

service was also organized; and in that educated negroes found

in due time their place, while the chiefs of each branch of

the service were and are, in the main, Englishmen. The excise

and the health services, both of which are very highly

developed, have brought the law near to the life of the

humblest negro, in ways which he sometimes finds, of course,

restraining, but which he also frequently finds beneficent.

Hence, he is accustomed to the law; he sees its ministers

often, and often, too, as men of his own race; and in the main

he is fond of order, and respectful toward the established

ways of society. The Jamaica negro is described by those who

know him as especially fond of bringing his petty quarrels and

personal grievances into court. He is litigious just as he is

vivacious. But this confidence in the law is just what the

courts have encouraged. That is one way, in fact, to deal with

the too forward and strident negro. Encourage him to air his

grievances in court, listen to him patiently, and fine him

when he deserves fines. That is a truly English type of social

pedagogy. It works in the direction of making the negro a

conscious helper toward good social order.

"Administration, I say, has done the larger half of the work

of solving Jamaica’s race problem. Administration has filled

the Island with good roads, has reduced to a minimum the

tropical diseases by means of an excellent health service, has

taught the population loyalty and order, has led them some

steps already on the long road ‘up from slavery,’ has given

them, in many cases, the true self-respect of those who

themselves officially cooperate in the work of the law, and it

has done this without any such result as our Southern friends

nowadays conceive when they think of what is called ‘negro

domination.’ Administration has allayed ancient irritations.

It has gone far to offset the serious economic and tropical

troubles from which Jamaica meanwhile suffers.

"Yes, the work has been done by administration,—and by

reticence. For the Englishman, in his official and

governmental dealings with backward peoples, has a great way

of being superior without very often publicly saying that he

is superior. You well know that in dealing, as an individual,

with other individuals trouble is seldom made by the fact that

you are actually the superior of another man in any respect.

The trouble comes when you tell the other man too stridently

that you are his superior. Be my superior, quietly, simply

showing your superiority in your deeds, and very likely I

shall love you for the very fact of your superiority. For we

all love our leaders. But tell me that I am your inferior, and

then perhaps I may grow boyish, and may throw stones. Well, it

is so with races. Grant, then, that yours is the superior

race. Then you can afford to say little about that subject in

your public dealings with the backward race. Superiority is

best shown by good deeds and by few boasts."

RACE PROBLEMS: In South Africa:

Between White and Black.

"The native population of Africa south of the Zambesi is ten

millions. The white population is under one million. To-day

the majority of the natives are in a semi-savage condition.

But the day may come when they shall have emerged from that

condition, and have attained the degree of civilisation which

prevails amongst the negroes, their kindred, in the United

States. The process of evolution has begun. When it is

completed, the relative position of the black and white

populations in South Africa will be—what? Look to the United

States and you shall find some hint of the answer.

"The native population of Cape Colony, including the

territories, is, in round numbers, 1,200,000, and the white

population 377,000. Day by day the power of the native grows.

The gate of the political arena stands wide open to him, and

he is not slow to enter. With the exception of natives

occupying lands under tribal tenure (an important exception,

but one that is constantly diminishing), every male person,

irrespective of colour, race, and creed, and above the age of

twenty-one years, and born or naturalised a British subject,

is entitled to the full franchise after one year’s residence

in the Colony, provided he occupies property of the value of

£75 or is in receipt of wages of not less than £50 annually,

and is able to sign his name and state in writing his address

and occupation. Such a franchise would horrify the average

American in the South, and unquestionably it will have to be

radically amended unless the colonists are prepared to endure

political annihilation. At present neither Bondsman nor

Progressive will face the situation. Neither wishes to

alienate the substantial aid which his party gets from the

natives. …

"Bitter as the feud between Englishman and Dutchman is to-day,

it will pass when both realise, as they are bound sooner or

later to realise, that only by presenting a solid front to the

oncoming hordes of superficially civilised blacks can they

escape complete annihilation. For generations, if not for all

time, the natives in South Africa must enormously outnumber

the whites. In the olden days, tribal wars and wars with the

white man, to say nothing of famines, and pestilence, served

to counterbalance the prolificness of the native. These checks

are no more."

Roderick Jones,

The Black Peril in South Africa

(Nineteenth Century, May, 1904).

On the suffrage question for natives, connected with the Union

of South African States.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

{531}

RACE PROBLEMS: A. D. 1903-1908.

Between Boers and British Indians.

The British Government has many troublesome problems to deal

with, as the consequence of its having drawn the reins of its

sovereignty over the necks of a motley multitude of races; but

none among them, perhaps, has been more delicately difficult

than one which arose between its native subjects in India, who

pressed with eagerness into South African fields of trade, and

its Boer subjects in South Africa, who have been stubbornly

opposed to their doing so. Great Britain has had the most

pressing reasons for avoiding offence to either of these

peoples, and no controversy could have arisen more

unfortunately in its circumstances and time.

Before the Boer-British War, there had been Indian complaints

of ill-treatment in the Transvaal, which added something to

the controversies of Great Britain with the South African

Republic. After the war, when British authority had become

supreme at Pretoria, it found a legacy of existing law which

was embarrassing at once. The situation was described in a

despatch of May 11, 1903, from Viscount Milner, the British

High Commissioner, to the Colonial Secretary at London, Mr.

Chamberlain, in which he attempted to exhibit, as he said,

"the difficulty which besets any kind of action on this thorny

question." The Government, he wrote, is "between two fires. On

the one hand, it is accused of not enforcing the present law

with sufficient strictness and is called upon to legislate in

the direction of a complete exclusion of Asiatics, except as

indentured labourers. Even in that capacity, their

introduction meets with strenuous opposition. On the other

hand, the Asiatics, of whom British Indians form by far the

most numerous section, not only protest against any fresh

legislation but demand the repeal of the existing law.

"The position which the Government of the Transvaal have taken

up in the matter is one of which I entirely approve. They are

unwilling, without the previous approval of His Majesty’s

Government, to embark on any legislation on this subject, to

the difficulties of which they are fully alive, and have

accordingly decided that, pending fresh legislation, they have

no option but to carry out the existing law. They are anxious,

however, to do so in the manner most considerate to the

Indians already settled in the country, and with the greatest

respect for vested interests, even where these have been

allowed to spring up contrary to law. This is in accordance

with the principle on which they have proceeded throughout,

namely, that the laws of the late Republic, imperfect as they

are in many respects, and contrary, very often, to British

ideas, must, nevertheless, be enforced until they can be

replaced by more satisfactory legislation."

The desired new legislation on this "thorny question" does not

seem to have been attempted during the period in which local

self-government in the Transvaal was entirely suspended; but

in 1906, after the first step toward its restoration had been

taken, the semi-autonomous authority then organized there

adopted an ordinance on the subject of Asiatic residence in

the Colony which Lord Elgin, who had succeeded Mr. Chamberlain

in the Colonial Office, disapproved. In the next year,

however, when the full measure of colonial autonomy had been

conferred by the Imperial Government (see, in this Volume,

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1905-1907), essentially the same

provisions were embodied in an enactment by the new Transvaal

Legislature, entitled "The Asiatic Law Amendment Act, 1907,"

and Lord Elgin could not venture to disapprove them again, for

the reasons which he stated thus to the Colonial Governor:

"The Act which is now submitted has behind it a very different

weight of authority. It has been introduced by the first

responsible Ministry of the Colony, and has been passed

unanimously by both Houses of the new Legislature. I consider

it my duty to place it on record that His Majesty’s Government

do not consider the position of Asiatics lawfully resident in

the Transvaal, as settled by this Act, to be satisfactory;

that they adhere to the opinions which have been expressed by

successive Secretaries of State as to the desirability of

relaxing the restrictions to which Asiatics are at present

subject; and that they commend this view to the Transvaal

Government in the hope that it may be carefully considered how

far practical effect can be given to it. But they feel that

they would not be justified in offering resistance to the

general will of the Colony clearly expressed by its first

elected representatives; and I have accordingly to inform you

that His Majesty will not be advised to exercise his power of

disallowance with respect to the Act." This measure was

followed presently by an "Immigrants’ Restriction Act, 1907,"

which accentuated still further the inhospitality of Transvaal

legislation, and made more serious trouble for the British

Government, not only with its Indian subjects, but with the

Chinese. On the effect of the two acts upon British Indians

Lord Elgin wrote to Mr. Morley, Secretary of State for India

(October 10, 1907):

"The practical effect of Section 2 (4) will be to prevent the

further immigration into the Transvaal of British Indians or

other Asiatics. As Mr. Morley is aware, throughout the

correspondence which has passed on this subject, His Majesty’s

Government have practically limited themselves to endeavouring

to secure more favourable treatment for those Asiatics who

have already acquired a right to reside in the Colony, and the

competence of the Colonial Legislature and Government to

restrict further immigration by means of legislation similar

to that already adopted in other self-governing Colonies has

not been disputed. … Moreover, in the interests of British

Indians themselves, it is probably desirable, in view of the

state of Colonial feeling, that further immigration should be

restricted. Lord Elgin does not, therefore, propose to raise

any objection to this provision.

"Section 6 (c) must be considered in connection with the

recent Asiatic Law Amendment Act. Under that Act, Asiatics

failing to register may be ordered to leave the Colony; and

failure to comply with such an order is punishable by

imprisonment. The object of this section, as explained by the

Attorney-General in his report is to enable the Government to

deport, in lieu of imprisoning, Asiatics who fail to register

under the Asiatic Law Amendment Act.

{532}

While Lord Elgin feels that the free exercise of so drastic a

power would be greatly to be deprecated, he doubts whether His

Majesty’s Government can consistently object to a provision

the object of which is to enable the Colonial Government to

enforce the observance of the Asiatic Law Amendment Act, which

His Majesty’s Government have allowed to become law, and to

which the British Indian community appears at present to be

disposed to offer an organised resistance. He therefore

proposes, subject to any representation which Mr. Morley may

wish to make, to accept this provision also."

The India Office could only say in reply:

"Since the Asiatic Law Amendment Act, 1907, has received His

Majesty’s sanction, Mr. Morley recognizes that it would be

inconsistent to object to a clause framed merely in order to

ensure the efficient administration of that Act so far as it

affects persons already in the Transvaal. … It is true that

under the Asiatic Law Amendment Act of 1907, the Colonial

Government may grant temporary permits. Mr. Morley presumes

that this power will, if the occasion arise, be used to

prevent such a gross scandal as the exclusion from the Colony

of ruling chiefs, Indians of distinguished position, and high

officials of Asiatic descent on the ground that they are

‘undesirable immigrants.’ But he thinks that it would be

satisfactory to obtain a definite assurance that in framing

the present Bill the Colonial Government had no intention of

refusing access to Asiatics of this type, and he trusts that

such an assurance will be obtained and placed on record before

the Royal Assent is given to the measure.

"It is unnecessary to point out to Lord Elgin the unfortunate

effect upon public opinion in India which must be produced by

the present Bill. The very peculiar circumstances of the

Transvaal have been held to justify, during the period of

administrative reconstruction, exceptional measures for

dealing with the influx of immigrants; but Mr. Morley did not

understand, when the provisions of the Asiatic Law Amendment

Act were under discussion, that the forthcoming Immigration

Restriction Bill would be so framed as to perpetuate the

exclusion from the Colony of all future Asiatic immigrants

without distinction.

"For these reasons I am to say that Mr. Morley trusts that

Lord Elgin will find it possible to impress upon the

Government of the Transvaal the very strong objections, from

an Imperial point of view, which stand in the way of the

acceptance of Section 2 (4) of the Bill."

The most obnoxious features of the two offensive acts were an

educational qualification, which required applications for

admission to the colony and for trading licenses in it, and

other connected documents, to be written by the applicants in

a European language, Yiddish being recognized as European, and

a prescribed registration which required finger-prints as a

means of identification. Both of these provisions of law were

felt to be insulting and degrading by the Hindus of the better

class, who organized a refusal of submission to them, and

tested them without avail in the courts. Their language was

treated contemptuously in the educational qualification,

while, personally, they were classed with criminals by the

fingerprint identification. The agitators of disaffection in

India made much of these indignities, and the matter was

extremely embarrassing to the British administration there.

For months there seemed no prospect of a solution of the

difficulty; but patient persuasion and tactful pressure

brought, at last, what appeared to be a successful compromise,

announced to the rejoicing Colonial Office at London by the

following telegram from the Governor, January 30, 1908:

"Gandhi and other leaders of Indian and Chinese communities

have offered voluntary registration in a body within three

months, provided signatures only are taken of educated,

propertied, or well-known Asiatics, and finger-prints of the

rest, and that no question against which Asiatics have

religious objection be pressed. Government have accepted this

offer and undertaken pending registration not to enforce the

penalties under Act against all those who register. Sentences

of all Asiatics in prison will be remitted to-morrow. This

course agreed to by both political parties."

Fresh discontents arose subsequently, when amendatory

legislation was brought out, which did not open the colony to

any fresh immigration of Asiatics, even if they could pass an

educational test in a European language; but this has not

appeared to have any of the seriousness of the former

agitation, so far as India is concerned.

Of the intensity of feeling in India, a newspaper

correspondent, writing from Bombay, December 29, 1909, said:

"There is no mistaking the depth of feeling regarding the

protest against the treatment of Indians in the Transvaal.

Every Indian, no matter what may be his politics, feels that

his self-respect is insulted, and demands retaliation by

refusing indentured labour to Natal. Extraordinary scenes

followed Mr. Surendranath Banerjee’s appeal for funds for the

Transvaal sufferers; jewels and money were thrown at his feet

and rupees were poured into his hat. A thousand pounds was

collected. The question is creating profound feeling among all

classes."

RACE PROBLEMS:

The Labor Question as a Race Question.

At a meeting of the Native Labor Association at Johannesburg,

in April, 1909, the President of the Association stated that

the present labor supply was entirely adequate, and that the

mines were not likely to be faced with serious difficulty in

this respect in the immediate future. In the course of 1908

the number of Chinese laborers had decreased in the natural

course by repatriation by 23,303. On the other hand, the

native complement had increased in the same period by 47,766,

giving a net gain of 24,373, which had been further increased

during the first three mouths of the present year. In

explanation of the sudden expansion of the native labor

supply, Mr. Perry pointed, first, to the collapse of the

diamond market; secondly, to the emigration of Kaffirs from

the Cape owing to failure of employment there. The De Beers

Mines, as he was able to show, were actually employing 50,000

fewer hands than before, which, allowing for the difference in

the periods of contract, probably meant a gain to the Rand of

at least 25,000. Similarly, the native statistics published by

the Cape Government indicated an enormous diversion of

labourers to the Rand.

In January, 1909, the London Times, reporting the

output of gold from the Transvaal in 1908 as having been

£29,957,610,—an increase of £2,553,872 over 1907, gave the

following statement of labor conditions at that time:

{533}

"The increase has been gradual and quite regular, and may be

expected to continue. The expansion in the gold production has

resulted in the employment of nearly 1,800 more whites than

were at work in January, but coloured labourers are some 4,000

less. The increase in the number of natives employed in gold

mines has been 24,000, while the complement of Chinese coolies

has been depleted by 20,000. At the beginning of the year some

17,500 whites, 133,500 coloured, and 33,800 Chinese were

employed by gold mines; for October the figures read:—Whites

18,300, coloured 157,500, and Chinese 14,300. Native labour is

perhaps the one serious problem which will place limitations

on further expansion. Few of the Chinese will be left by the

end of next year, and they will all have left before the

expiry of 1910. Natives, however, are showing more tendency to

work regularly, and the habit doubtless will grow. It is due

to the Chinese to recognize that they have been useful

workmen, for the improved efficiency of the coloured workman

all round is largely due to the example which they set the

native."

In March, 1909, Colonel Seely, Under Secretary for the

Colonies, in reply to questions in the British House of

Commons, gave the following figures: January, 1907, Chinese

employed, 53,856; whites employed on gold mines, 17,874;

December, 1908, Chinese employed, 12,275; whites employed on

gold mines, 19,605. For 'Witwatersrand, taking natives and

Chinese together the numbers were:—January, 1907, 148,077;

December, 1908, 166,405. The corresponding figures for whites

are:—January, 1907, 17,198; December, 1908, 18,687.

A Johannesburg letter of July 26 to the London Times   reported a change in the situation, saying:

"For the half-year upon which we have just entered it requires

no prophet to foretell a more rapid rate of progress, which,

however, may to some extent be limited by a scarcity of native

labour, signs of which have begun to loom on the horizon.

After 18 months or more of steady increase in the number of

native labourers available for work in mines, an increase

which more than counterbalanced the outflow of Chinese labour

through repatriation, the pendulum has begun to swing the

other way, and already the pinch is beginning to make itself

felt in certain mines. During the last two months the excess

of time-expired natives and wastage over the number recruited

has been more than 8000, and repatriated Chinese brings the

total up to 10,000. Considering that the total coloured labour

force employed on the Witwatersrand was over 180,000 in April,

this comparatively small decline under normal conditions

should hardly make itself felt at all. But the conditions are

not normal. An era of expansion set in some 18 months ago

which has been steadily growing, and which has called for an

ever-increasing labour force and in the near future must

require still more and more. How that demand is to be met is

by no means clear."

RACE PROBLEMS: In the United States:

Between its White and Black Citizens:

Booker T. Washington’s solution in progress at Tuskegee.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

RACE PROBLEMS:

The "Niagara Movement."

A National Committee for the Advancement of the Negro Race.

In July, 1905, a conference of colored men from North and

South, among whom Professor W. E. Burghardt Du Bois, of

Atlanta, appeared to be the leading spirit, was held at

Buffalo, New York. Its outcome was an organization which has

taken the name of "The Niagara Movement," and which has had

some growth. At the latest annual meeting of the organization,

in Sea Isle City, New Jersey, in August, 1909, ten States were

reported to be represented, and the total membership of the

"Movement" was said to be three hundred, distributed in forty

States. Its objects are indicated in the following passages

from an Address which this meeting adopted:

"For four years the Niagara Movement has struggled to make ten

million Americans of negro descent cease from mere apology and

weak surrender to aggression, and take a firm, unfaltering

stand for justice, manhood, and self-assertion. We are

accumulating property at a constantly accelerating rate; we

are rapidly lowering our rate of illiteracy; but property and

intelligence are of little use unless guided by the great

ideals of freedom, justice, and human brotherhood.

"As a partial result of our effort we are glad to note among

us increasing spiritual unrest, sterner impatience with

cowardice, and deeper determination to be men at any cost. …

"That black men are inherently inferior to whites is a

wide-spread lie which science flatly contradicts, and the

attempt to submerge the colored races is one with world-old

efforts of the wily to exploit the weak. We must, therefore,

make common cause with the oppressed and down-trodden of all

races and peoples; with our kindred of South Africa and the

West Indies, with our fellows in Mexico, India, and Russia,

and with the cause of the working classes everywhere.

"On us rests to no little degree the burden of the cause of

individual freedom, human brotherhood, and universal peace in

a day when America is forgetting her promise and destiny. Let

us work on and never despair because pigmy voices are loudly

praising ill-gotten wealth, big guns, and human degradation.

They but represent back eddies in the tide of time."

Programme of future work adopted included the publication of a

series of small tracts and an almanac, the founding of a

monthly publication, and the purchase of a permanent place of

meeting where an annual Chautauqua will be held.

A Conference of people of both races who are desirous of

organizing more effective endeavors to better the status of

the negro citizens of the United States was held in New York

in May, 1909. It adopted a resolution providing for the

"incorporation of a national committee to be known as a

committee for the advancement of the negro race, to bring that

race from slavery to full citizenship with all the rights and

privileges appertaining thereto," and another resolution for a

Committee of Forty charged with the organization of the

national committee, with power to call the convention in 1910.

{534}

Among other resolutions discussed and adopted were the

following:

"As first and immediate steps toward remedying … national

wrongs, so full of perils for the whites as well as the blacks

of all sections, we demand of Congress and the Executive:

"(1.) That the Constitution be strictly enforced and the civil

rights guaranteed under the Fourteenth Amendment be secured

impartially to all.

"(2.) That there be equal educational opportunities for all

and in all the States, and that public school expenditure be

the same for the negro and white child.

"(3.) That in accordance with the Fifteenth Amendment the

right of the negro to the ballot on the same terms as other

citizens be recognized in every part of the country."

RACE PROBLEMS:

Anti-Negro Riot at Atlanta.

"On the 22d and 23d of September [1906] anti-negro riots broke

out in Atlanta, resulting in the death of twelve or more

negroes and the injury of a great many. There had been an

unusual number of reports of attacks upon white women and

girls by brutal and criminal negroes in the vicinity of

Atlanta during the previous days and weeks. Every report of

this kind had been flaunted with great headlines in a

sensational afternoon newspaper of Atlanta, as if to arouse

the less orderly and thoughtful element of the white

population not merely to the lynching of offenders but to an

attack upon innocent and law-abiding colored people. For a

time the riot was furious and negroes were indiscriminately

assailed. It would seem that most of those who were killed

were absolutely innocent of any offense whatsoever. Their

crime consisted merely in belonging to the negro race. It

would be the height of silliness for criticism to take on a

geographical character. White people in the North are no more

considerate of people against whom they may have a grievance

or a prejudice than are white people in the South. The problem

of adjusting the relations of two races so totally different

as the white race and the negro race where they have to live

together in the same communities is difficult under any

circumstances, and it becomes increasingly so where the

inferior race is present in large numbers and where many of

its members are ill-disciplined, idle, and of criminal

instincts."

American Review of Reviews,

November, 1906.

"Wherever a colored man was seen he was attacked. The mobs

closed in upon the trolley-cars and dragged the colored

passengers, unprepared for the onslaught, from their seats. A

riotous crowd broke into a shop where there were two negro

barbers, beat them to death and mangled their bodies. One

negro was killed in the shadow of a monument; another was

stabbed to death on the post-office steps. The Governor

mobilized the militia, but the mobs, taking it for granted

that the militiamen were in sympathy with them, showed little

fear of the soldiers. The Mayor of the city remonstrated with

the rioters, but with little result. He called out the fire

department, which cleared the streets by turning the hose on

the mobs. But this only resulted in diverting the riot from

one place in the city to another. Only a rain on Sunday

dampened the ardor of the rioters. Order was outwardly

restored by Sunday evening, but even thereafter negroes were

killed. Even though the riot differed from the Russian variety

in that it was not instigated and abetted by the Government

and the military, it brings nothing but shame to this Nation."

The Outlook,

September 29, 1906.

RACE PROBLEMS:

The Georgia Railroad Strike.

One of the meanest of recent exhibitions of race animosity was

presented in May and June, 1909, on the occasion of a strike

of white men employed as firemen on the Georgia Railroad

against the employment of blacks in the same capacity.

Generally, the southern railroads have employed, for years,

both white and black firemen. On the Georgia Railroad there

were about sixty of the former and forty of the latter. The

white firemen were eligible to promotion to be engineers; the

blacks were not. By an unwritten law they were excluded from

the higher and better paid service; but as firemen the best

among them had gradually won promotion to the better trains

and better "runs" on the road. It was this fact which caused

the strike of their white associates. As a labor strike it

would have caused little trouble; as a race and color question

it inflamed the State and the South, and disturbed the country

at large for several weeks. The conflict of the railroad

company was not with its own employees but with mobs along its

line, always ready to be maddened by the thought of a negro in

any place which a white man wanted.

A mediation in the matter undertaken, at the instance of

President Taft, by the United States Commissioner of Labor,

Dr. Charles P. Neill, and the Chairman of the Interstate

Commerce Commission, Mr. Martin A. Knapp, succeeded, with much

difficulty, in arranging a reference of the dispute to

arbitration. The chosen arbitrators were Hilary A. Herbert,

named by the railroad company, T. W. Hardwick, named by the

employees, and Chancellor David C. Barrow, of the University

of Georgia, selected by these two. This board of arbitration

gave hearings to both parties and rendered its award on the

27th of June. The main proposition submitted to it by the

employees was in these words: "That the Georgia Railroad

Company and its terminals at Atlanta will not use negroes as

locomotive firemen on the road or in the yards, nor as

hostlers nor assistant hostlers."

On this its decision was as follows: "The Georgia Railroad,

when using negroes as locomotive firemen on the road or in the

yards, or as hostlers, or as hostlers’ helpers, shall pay them

the same wages as white men in similar positions." But the

representative of the employees dissented from this decision

in part, explaining his view, as follows: "In so far as the

above finding permits the continued employment of negro

firemen by the Georgia Railroad, I dissent therefrom, because

I believe from the evidence that such employment is a menace

to the safety of the travelling public. In so far as such

finding requires that when negroes are so employed they shall

receive wages equal to those paid white men, I concur therein,

believing that such requirement, by removing the principal

incentive for their employment, will result in the speedy

elimination of this cheaper labor, and a consequent

improvement of the service."

On most of the minor points in controversy the arbitrators

were agreed in their conclusions, and the settlement of the

whole matter was complete.

{535}

RACE PROBLEMS:

Oriental Labor in Competition with Western Labor.

The Force of the Economic Objection to it in

a Country under the Protective System.

"Behind the economic antipathy to Oriental laborers there is

a justifiable feeling. Where there is established a system of

protection, it is only just that it benefit not only the

capitalist but also the laborer. If the American laborer must

contend as best he can with the laborer whose standard of life

is lower, then the American manufacturer, in fairness, ought

to be let alone in his contest with the foreign manufacturer

who does not pay so much for his labor. The Outlook   believes that a condition of such open competition as has

prevailed between the States of the Union would be wholesome

between the nations of the world. But at present the

protective system prevails and apparently is firmly

established in America. So long, therefore, as American

capital is protected, it is a benefit for the whole country to

have American labor protected. And certainly if there is any

body of laborers against which the working people of America

need protection, it is the coolie labor of Asia. The fact that

the Japanese and Chinese laborers enter industries in which

there is a scarcity of whites does not affect the case, for it

is not the direct loss of jobs, but the lowering—or at least

the changing—of the standards of living that brings injury to

the mass."

The Outlook,

September 21, 1907.

RACE PROBLEMS:

Existing Treaties between the United States and China

concerning the Admission of Chinamen.

Enactments of Law on the Subject.

Correspondence of Wu Ting-fang with Secretary Hay.

For a proper understanding of the questions of national honor

and official civility that are involved in the existing laws

and regulations of the United States which govern the

admission of Chinamen to the country, either as visitors or

immigrants, some attention must be given to a series of

engagements by solemn treaty between the Governments of China

and the United States, respecting the hospitality which each

has pledged itself to give to the citizens of the other. Three

of those treaties remain partly or wholly in force. The

abrogation of the fourth one has a significance of its own.

The earliest of these treaties, negotiated in 1858,

superseding one of 1844, provided very carefully for the good

treatment of American citizens in China, but contains nothing

on the subject of Chinamen in America, probably for the reason

that few of that people had yet travelled so far abroad. The

rights it stipulated for the American who visited or sought

residence in the Celestial Empire were as follows:

"Article XI.

All citizens of the United States of America in China,

peaceably attending to their affairs, being placed on a common

footing of amity and good will with the subjects of China,

shall receive and enjoy for themselves and everything

appertaining to them the protection of the local authorities

of government, who shall defend them from all insult or injury

of any sort. If their dwellings or property be threatened or

attacked by mobs, incendiaries, or other violent or lawless

persons, the local officers, on requisition of the consul,

shall immediately despatch a military force to disperse the

rioters, apprehend the guilty individuals and punish them with

the utmost rigor of the law. Subjects of China guilty of any

criminal act towards citizens of the United States shall be

punished by the Chinese authorities according to the laws of

China. And citizens of the United States, either on shore or

in any merchant vessel, who may insult, trouble or wound the

persons or injure the property of Chinese or commit any other

improper act in China, shall be punished only by the Consul or

other public functionary thereto authorized according to the

laws of the United States. Arrests in order to trial may be

made by either the Chinese or the United States authorities."

Treaty of Peace, Amity, and Commerce, 1858

(Compilation of Treaties in Force, 58th Congress,

2d Session, Senate Document Number 318, page 138).

Ten years later, in 1868, another treaty was negotiated, not

to supersede that of 1858, but to supplement it; and in this

agreement the reciprocation of hospitalities is pledged in the

following distinct and cordial terms:

"Article V.

The United States of America and the Emperor of China

cordially recognize the inherent and inalienable right of man

to change his home and allegiance, and also the mutual

advantage of the free migration and emigration of their

citizens and subjects, respectively, from the one country to

the other, for purposes of curiosity, of trade, or as

permanent residents. The high contracting parties, therefore,

join in reprobating any other than an entirely voluntary

emigration for these purposes. They consequently agree to pass

laws making it a penal offence for a citizen of the United

States or Chinese subjects to take Chinese subjects either to

the United States or to any other foreign country, or for a

Chinese subject or citizen of the United States to take

citizens of the United States to China or to any other foreign

country, without their free and voluntary consent,

respectively.

"Article VI.

Citizens of the United States visiting or residing in China

shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities or exemptions in

respect to travel or residence as may there be enjoyed by the

citizens or subjects of the most favored nation. And,

reciprocally, Chinese subjects visiting or residing in the

United States shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities, and

exemptions in respect to travel or residence, as may there be

enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of the most favored

nation. But nothing herein contained shall be held to confer

naturalization upon citizens of the United States in China,

nor upon the subjects of China in the United States.

"Article VII.

Citizens of the United States shall enjoy all the privileges

of the public educational institutions under the control of

the Government of China, and, reciprocally, Chinese subjects

shall enjoy all the privileges of the public educational

institutions under the control of the Government of the United

States, which are enjoyed in the respective countries by the

citizens or subjects of the most favored nation. The citizens

of the United States may freely establish and maintain schools

within the Empire of China at those places where foreigners

are by treaty permitted to reside, and reciprocally, Chinese

subjects may enjoy the same privileges and immunities in the

United States."

Treaty of Trade, Consuls, and Emigration, 1868

(58th Congress, 2d Session,

Senate Document Number 318, pages 157-158).

{536}

That this treaty, as well as that of 1858, is still obligatory

in its hospitable spirit and intent, is a fact certified by

the language of the preamble of the treaty negotiated next, by

President Angell, of Michigan University, and other

Commissioners, in 1880. The recital in that preamble of the

purpose of the new agreement was this:

"Whereas, in the eighth year of Hsien Feng, Anno Domini 1858,

a treaty of peace and friendship was concluded between the

United States of America and China, and to which were added,

in the seventh year of Tung Chih, Anno Domini 1868, certain

supplementary articles to the advantage of both parties,

which supplementary articles were to be perpetually

observed and obeyed: and Whereas the Government of the

United States, because of the constantly increasing

immigration of Chinese laborers to the territory of the United

States, and the embarrassments consequent upon such

immigration, now desires to negotiate a modification of the

existing Treaties which shall not be in direct contravention

of their spirit: Now, therefore," &c. The following are

the four articles of the treaty thus explained:

"Article I.

Whenever in the opinion of the Government of the United States

the coming of Chinese laborers to the United States, or their

residence therein, affects or threatens to affect the

interests of that country, or to endanger the good order of

the said country or of any locality within the territory

thereof, the Government of China agrees that the Government of

the United States may regulate, limit, or suspend such coming

or residence, but may not absolutely prohibit it. The

limitation or suspension shall be reasonable, and shall apply

only to Chinese who may go to the United States as

laborers, other classes not being included in the

limitations. Legislation taken in regard to Chinese laborers

will be of such a character only as is necessary to enforce

the regulation, limitation, or suspension of immigration, and

immigrants shall not be subject to personal maltreatment or

abuse.

"Article II.

Chinese subjects, whether proceeding to the United States as

teachers, students, merchants or from curiosity, together with

their body and household servants, and Chinese laborers who

are now in the United States shall be allowed to go and

come of their own free will and accord, and shall be accorded

all the rights, privileges, immunities, and exemptions which

are accorded to the citizens and subjects of the most favored

nation.

"Article III.

If Chinese laborers, or Chinese of any other class, now either

permanently or temporarily residing in the territory of the

United States, meet with ill treatment at the hands of any

other persons, the Government of the United States will exert

all its power to devise measures for their protection and to

secure to them the same rights, privileges, immunities, and

exemptions as may be enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of

the most favored nation, and to which they are entitled by

treaty.

"Article IV.

The high contracting powers having agreed upon the foregoing

articles, whenever the Government of the United States shall

adopt legislative measures in accordance therewith, such

measures will be communicated to the Government of China. If

the measures as enacted are found to work hardship upon the

subjects of China, the Chinese minister at Washington may

bring the matter to the notice of the Secretary of State of

the United States, who will consider the subject with him; and

the Chinese Foreign Office may also bring the matter to the

notice of the United States minister at Peking and consider

the subject with him, to the end that mutual and unqualified

benefit may result.

This is the latest of the still obligatory engagements by

treaty that bear on the admission of visitors or immigrants

from China to the United States. A fourth treaty, pressed on

the Chinese Government in 1894, permitted the United States,

during a period of ten years, to prohibit entirely the coming

of Chinese laborers within its territory; but the concluding

article of that treaty was as follows:

"This Convention shall remain in force for a period of ten

years beginning with the date of the exchange of

ratifications, and, if six months before the expiration of

said period of ten years, neither Government shall have

formally given notice of its final termination to the other,

it shall remain in full force for another like period of ten

years." The Chinese Government did give the formal notice of

termination within the stipulated time, and the treaty became

void on the 7th of December, 1904.

Hence the Government of the United States is now under the

engagements which it made with the Government of China in

1880, which included an engagement to be faithful to the

hospitable spirit of the compact of 1868. When one has looked

over those engagements of national honor, it seems hard to

harmonize them in spirit, or even in letter, with some of the

enactments which are regulating, at the present day, the

treatment of people from China who venture to approach the

entry ports of the United States. Such, for example, as the

following, from "the Act of May 6, 1882, as amended and added

to by the Act of July 5, 1884," which, according to a recent

official publication of "Laws and Regulations governing the

Admission of Chinese," was "continued in force for an

additional period of ten years from May 5, 1892, by the act of

May 5, 1892, and was, with all laws on this subject in force

on April 29, 1902, reënacted, extended, and continued without

modification, limitation, or condition by the act of April 29,

1902, as amended by the act of April 27, 1904":

"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of

the United States of America in Congress assembled, That from

and after the passage of this act, and until the expiration of

ten years next after the passage of this act, the coming of

Chinese laborers to the United States be, and the same is

hereby suspended, and during such suspension it shall not be

lawful for any Chinese laborer to come from any foreign port

or place, or having so come to remain within the United

States."

"Section 2.

That the master of any vessel who shall knowingly bring within

the United States on such vessel, and land, or attempt to

land, or permit to be landed any Chinese laborer, from any

foreign port or place, shall be deemed guilty of a

misdemeanor, and, on conviction thereof, shall be punished by

a fine of not more than five hundred dollars for each and

every such Chinese laborer so brought, and may also be

imprisoned for a term not exceeding one year." …

{537}

"Section 6.

That in order to the faithful execution of the provisions of

this act, every Chinese person, other than a laborer, who may

be entitled by said treaty or this act to come within the

United States, and who shall be about to come to the United

States, shall obtain the permission of and be identified as so

entitled by the Chinese Government, or of such other foreign

government of which at the time such Chinese person shall be a

subject, in each case to be evidenced by a certificate issued

by such Government, which certificate shall be in the English

language, and shall show such permission, with the name of the

permitted person in his or her proper signature, and which

certificate shall state the individual, family, and tribal

name in full, title or official rank, if any, the age, height,

and all physical peculiarities, former and present occupation

or profession, when and where and how long pursued, and place

of residence of the person to whom the certificate is issued,

and that such person is entitled by this act to come within

the United States.

"If the person so applying for a certificate shall be a

merchant, said certificate shall in addition to above

requirements, state the nature, character, and estimated value

of the business carried on by him prior to and at the time of

his application as aforesaid: Provided, That nothing in

this act nor in said treaty shall be construed as embracing

within the meaning of the word ‘merchant,’ hucksters,

peddlers, or those engaged in taking, drying, or otherwise

preserving shell or other fish for home consumption or

exportation.

"If the certificate be sought for the purpose of travel for

curiosity, it shall also state whether the applicant intends

to pass through or travel within the United States, together

with his financial standing in the country from which such

certificate is desired.

"The certificate provided for in this act, and the identity of

the person named therein shall, before such person goes on

board any vessel to proceed to the United States, be viséd by

the indorsement of the diplomatic representatives of the

United States in the foreign country from which such

certificate issues, or of the consular representative of the

United States at the port or place from which the person named

in the certificate is about to depart; and such diplomatic

representative or consular representative whose indorsement is

so required is hereby empowered, and it shall be his duty,

before indorsing such certificate as aforesaid, to examine

into the truth of the statements set forth in said

certificate, and if he shall find upon examination that said

or any of the statements therein contained are untrue it shall

be his duty to refuse to indorse the same.

"Such certificate viséd as aforesaid shall be prima facie

evidence of the facts set forth therein, and shall be produced

to the Chinese inspector in charge of the port in the district

in the United States at which the person named therein shall

arrive, and afterward produced to the proper authorities of

the United States whenever lawfully demanded, and shall be the

sole evidence permissible on the part of the person so

producing the same to establish a right of entry into the

United States; but said certificate may be controverted and

the facts therein stated disproved by the United States

authorities."

It will be observed that Article IV. of the Treaty of 1880

provides that, if measures enacted in the United States "are

found to work hardship upon the subjects of China, the Chinese

minister at Washington may bring the matter to the notice of

the Secretary of State of the United States, who will consider

the subject with him." One who consults the annual reports

that are published, of "Papers relating to the Foreign

Relations of the United States," will find that the Chinese

Minister at Washington has had occasion very often to bring

cases of the kind thus referred to in the Treaty to the notice

of the Secretary of State, and discovered, when he did so,

almost invariably, that under the enactments complained of the

Secretary of State had no power even to "consider the subject"

of complaint with him. The highly intelligent and keenly

logical Mr. Wu Ting-fang, who represented China at Washington

in 1900-1902, had much correspondence on such matters with

Secretary Hay, whose sympathetic friendliness to China was

well proved; but Mr. Hay could never do more than refer Mr.

Wu’s representations to the Treasury Department and its

officials, who held all authority in the matter, and politely

return to the Chinese Minister such responses as they put into

his hands. The following is one example of Mr. Wu Ting-fang’s

communications. It is dated at Washington, December 26, 1900:

"I have received from the imperial consul-general and from

reputable Chinese merchants in San Francisco such urgent

complaints that I feel it my regrettable duty to again address

you on the subject of the manner in which the immigration laws

of Congress are being enforced against Chinese subjects. They

represent what I set forth in my note of the 30th ultimo, that

under the rulings of the authorities of the port of San

Francisco Chinese students holding certificates in conformity

to the treaty and law of Congress are virtually debarred from

entering the United States, it being held by the said

authorities that such students must come here with a knowledge

of the English language and with an education that will permit

them to forthwith enter a college or take up an advanced

professional course of study. They further represent that

under the act of November 3, 1893, the Government of the

United States issued certificates of residence to a large

number of Chinese persons, not laborers—merchants and others—

and that the rights acquired under these certificates are

being entirely ignored. Holders of such certificates desiring

to make a temporary visit to China are denied the privilege,

and persons who have departed holding such certificates are

denied the privilege of reentering the United States. They

state that merchants returning to San Francisco after a

temporary visit to China are often imprisoned in the detention

dock for weeks and months pending their landing. Their

Caucasian witnesses are put to all sorts of inconveniences and

annoyances and treated with suspicion and discourtesy. When

present to sign identification papers they are compelled to

await the pleasure of the Chinese bureau for examination, and

are plied with all sorts of immaterial questions from an

inspector, who assumes the character of an inquisitor.

{538}

The result of this is that it is now very difficult for

Chinese desiring to visit their native land to obtain the

necessary signatures for their identification papers, thus

causing them untold mental and financial suffering. They

report that it has been heretofore the custom in San Francisco

for years to allow the attorney for the persons desiring to

enter the United States to be present at the Chinese bureau

pending the taking of evidence on their behalf, thus affording

a protection to the Chinese applicants and operating as a

restraint upon overzealous subordinate officials. It has just

been ordered by the port authorities that henceforth no

attorneys shall be allowed to be present at the taking of such

testimony, or of any testimony on behalf of Chinese desiring

to enter that port. They assert that this action makes the

immigration inspector, whose avowed policy is to cause the

return to China of every Chinese he possibly can, the master

of the situation and throws all Chinese applicants at his

feet."

Minister Wu to Secretary Hay, December 26, 1900

(Foreign Relations, 1901, page 64).

In a previous communication the Chinese Minister had expressed

the opinion that the matter demanded the attention of the

President; to which Secretary Hay replied that "in the

Department’s view the immigration acts do not confer upon the

President any power to interpose in the matter. The act of

August 18, 1894, provides that ‘in every case where an alien

is excluded from admission into the United States under any

law or treaty now existing or hereafter made, the decision of

the appropriate immigration or customs officers, if adverse to

the admission of such alien, shall be final, unless reversed

on appeal to the Secretary of the Treasury." On this statement

Mr. Wu now remarked:

"I beg to say that I was aware of the law which is quoted in

your note of the 5th instant, when I suggested the

interposition of the President of the United States, but I am

advised that it can hardly be interpreted as a prohibition

against the exercise by that supreme official of the nation of

his influence with one of his own Secretaries, if he was

convinced, upon examination of the facts, that a solemn treaty

guaranty was being violated and a great wrong being done to

subjects of a friendly Government. I am further advised that

it was not the intent of Congress, by the act cited, to take

from the President the duty, which I have understood was

imposed on him by your great and wise Constitution, to ‘take

care that the laws be faithfully executed,’ and by the same

instrument the treaties with foreign nations are declared to

be ‘the supreme law of the land.’ I feel persuaded that if you

will lay the questions presented in the present note and that

of the 30th ultimo before the President, he will be inspired

by his high sense of justice to induce the honorable Secretary

of the Treasury to revise the decisions which have been made

by the official of his Department, or that he will at least

submit the question to the Attorney-General for a construction

of the treaty and the laws depending thereon."

Foreign Relations,

1901, page 65.

Any fair-minded reader of the correspondence between Chinese

and American officials, relative to the treatment of Chinamen

in the United States, is likely to find himself quite

generally in sympathy with the former, and compelled to doubt

whether the subjects of China would lose anything if all the

treaty engagements supposed to be in force, between their

Government and the Government of the United States, were

cancelled to-morrow.

RACE PROBLEMS:

Anti-Japanese Agitation in California.

Segregation of Orientals in San Francisco Schools.

Japanese Resentment.

The Labor Question at the Bottom.

State Rights and Treaty Rights.

"The events noted in this article belong mostly to San

Francisco, but to a very considerable extent the agitation is

one of state and national importance.

"In November, 1904, the American Federation of Labor held its

annual meeting in San Francisco. It adopted a resolution

demanding that the terms of the Chinese Exclusion Act should

be so extended ‘as to permanently exclude from the United

States and its insular territory all classes of Japanese and

Coreans other than those exempted by the present terms of the

act.’"

"In February, 1905, the San Francisco Chronicle, a

daily newspaper of state-wide reputation, began to publish a

series of articles having the general object of representing

the immigration of Japanese, particularly of Japanese

laborers, as a menace to the interests of the people of

California and of the nation as well. On the date of the first

publication, February 23, 1905, the purpose of the series was

thus announced editorially:

"‘With this issue we summon the attention of the public to a

matter of grave import, a matter that no longer admits of

delay if we are to preserve the integrity of our social life

not only in California but throughout the Union. The Japanese

invasion with which we are confronted is fraught with a peril

none the less momentous because it is so silent, none the less

attended with danger to American character and to American

institutions because it is so peaceful. … It will be well for

us to choose now the line of least resistance, to determine

now and forever whether this State and this country are to be

American or whether they are to be Asiatic, whether they are

to continue under the sway of American thought and aspiration

or whether they are to become a seminary, an abiding place,

and an inheritance for the Oriental peoples. … This is a

matter first for California and for the Pacific Coast and

secondly for the whole Nation. California stands to-day as an

open door for Japan and for Asia and when these portals have

been passed the road to the Atlantic is unbarred.’

"The series of articles printed conspicuously on the front

page at intervals of two or three days sought to establish as

fact a rapidly increasing inflow of Japanese laborers, ready

to work at wages far below the white standard, and sending

native-born white men into the ranks of the unemployed.

"By a unanimous vote in each House, and with only few

absentees, the California Legislature on March 1 and 2, 1905,

placed itself on record with respect to Japanese immigration

in the adoption of a concurrent resolution. After a lengthy

preamble, the Legislature—

"‘Resolved, that in view of the facts and reasons

aforesaid, and of many others that might be stated, we, as

representatives of the people of the State of California, do

earnestly and strenuously ask and request, and in so far as it

may be proper, demand for the protection of the people of this

State and for the proper safe-guarding of their interests,

that action be taken without delay, by treaty, or otherwise,

as may be most expeditious and advantageous, tending to limit

within reasonable bounds and diminish in a marked degree the

further immigration of Japanese laborers into the United

States.

{539}

"‘That our Senators and Representatives be, and they are

hereby, requested and directed to bring the matters aforesaid

to the attention of the President and the Department of

State.’

California Statutes, 1905,

Concurrent & Joint Res. chapter xxiv.

"On Sunday May 7, 1905, there was held in Lyric Hall, San

Francisco, a sort of convention of representatives of various

Labor organizations and Improvement Clubs of San Francisco and

near-by cities,—such as the Building Trades Council, District

Council of Painters, Carpenters’ Union No. 22, Federation of

Mission Improvement Clubs, et al. After much speech-making of

a demagogic character, committees were appointed and an

adjournment taken to the following Sunday. On that day, May

14, organization was perfected by the election of the usual

officers. All of these were men active in the promotion of

labor organization.

"On May 6, 1905, the San Francisco Board of Education adopted

a resolution expressing its determination ‘to effect the

establishment of separate schools for Chinese and Japanese

pupils … for the higher end that our children should not be

placed in any position where their youthful impressions may be

affected by association with pupils of the Mongolian Race.’

But finding itself without sufficient funds for equipment of a

separate school, the Board did not pursue the matter at this

time. Its zeal in the matter was not abated by the vast amount

of labor required to reëstablish the schools after the great

fire of April, 1906, and on October 11, 1906, it adopted and

put into effect the following resolution:

"‘Resolved, That in accordance with Article X, Section

1662, of the School Law of California, principals are hereby

directed to send all Chinese Japanese or Corean children to

the Oriental public school, situated on the south side of Clay

street, between Powell and Mason streets, on and after Monday,

October 15, 1906.’

"The Consul of Japan in San Francisco at once addressed

protests to the Board of Education, urging that the

requirement would work great hardship upon Japanese children,

by reason of distance and the difficulties of travel,

street-car transportation at the time being very uncertain on

account of the derangements produced by the great

conflagration of April, 1906. Protests and appeals were alike

turned aside in California, but they received instant

attention in Washington by President Roosevelt, who sent

Honorable V. H. Metcalf, the Secretary of Commerce and Labor,

to San Francisco to investigate on the ground.

"There seemed to be a possible solution of the school question

by securing a judicial determination of the matter as a

violation of treaty rights. Upon these points Secretary

Metcalf reported to the President substantially as follows:

"1st.

There is no ‘favored nation’ clause in any treaty between the

United States and Japan which clearly guarantees the right of

education. The action of the San Francisco School Board is

therefore not the denial of a treaty right.

"2nd.

Two points remain upon which the validity of the resolution of

the School Board might be questioned, as follows:

"a. May the sovereign State of California delegate legislative

rights to district school boards or other municipal or local

bodies?

"b. Are the Japanese Mongolians, and as such covered by the

state statute governing the establishment of schools?

"Suit upon these points is inadvisable for the reason that in

case of a favorable decision, the next legislature would

hasten to enact legislation especially singling out the

Japanese for discrimination.

"In December, 1906, however, the United States District

Attorney was summoned from San Francisco to Washington for

conference with the President and Attorney-General, and upon

his return to San Francisco two suits were commenced. One was

a petition for a writ of mandate in the Supreme Court of

California, the other was a suit in equity in the United

States Circuit Court for the Northern District of California.

Neither suit was prosecuted, and both actions were

subsequently dismissed.

"The influence of the Japanese Consul and of the leaders among

the Japanese resident in San Francisco was strongly exerted

toward allaying excitement and preventing any acts that might

give ground for complaint. However, it was impossible to

conceal the fact that the effort of the School Board toward

segregation was a stinging blow to Japanese national pride.

"The San Francisco school question was suddenly lifted into

national prominence by President Roosevelt, who included

pointed criticism of the San Francisco authorities in his

annual message to Congress, as follows:

"‘Not only must we treat all nations fairly, but we must treat

with justice and good will all immigrants who come here under

the law. … Especially do we need to remember our duty to the

stranger within our gates. … I am prompted to say this by the

attitude of hostility here and there assumed toward the

Japanese in this country. … It is most discreditable to us as

a people and it may be fraught with the gravest consequences

to the nation. … Here and there a most unworthy feeling has

manifested itself toward the Japanese—a feeling that has shown

itself in shutting them out from the common schools in San

Francisco, and in mutterings against them in one or two other

places, because of their efficiency as workers. To shut them

out from the public schools is a wicked absurdity, when there

are no first-class colleges in the land, including the

universities and colleges of California, which do not welcome

Japanese students and on which Japanese students do not

reflect credit.’ The president then specifically recommended

to Congress the enactment of legislation for the

naturalization of Japanese and for the enlargement of the

powers of the federal government for the better protection of

resident aliens against infringement of treaty rights.

{540}

"The effect of the president’s utterances was to raise new

questions and to bring new and powerful influences to the

support of the San Francisco authorities. In California the

San Francisco School Board received at once the credit of

heroic defense of the principle of state sovereignty.

Expression of the same sentiment in Congress was immediate and

direct.

"Early in 1907, President Roosevelt invited the San Francisco

Board of Education to come to Washington. This invitation was

accepted, and the Board, accompanied by the Mayor of San

Francisco, journeyed across the continent. Several conferences

were held, and after their return to San Francisco, public

statements of results were made both by the Board of Education

and by the Mayor. On March 13, 1907, the offending resolution

of the previous October was repealed.

"The action of the San Francisco authorities aroused very

general comment throughout the country. The actual facts in

regard to the Japanese in the schools were not inquired into

by the San Francisco press, nor in fact were they accurately

known at the time even to the school authorities of the city.

The exact facts were published by The Outlook on June

1, 1907, from accurate investigation on the ground. The

Superintendent of Schools had given as the main reason for

segregation, that 95 per cent. of the Japanese pupils were

young men and ‘we object to an adult Japanese sitting beside a

twelve year old girl.’ The facts were that on December 8,

1906, in all schools of primary and grammar grade there was an

enrollment of 28,736 pupils. Of these there were 93 Japanese,

nearly one-third of whom were born in the United States. There

were 28 girls and 65 boys. Of the 65 boys 34 were under 15

years of age, and of the remaining 31 only 2 were 20 years. 25

of the boys over 15 years were in the grammar grades, leaving

but 6 to justify the objection of adults ‘sitting beside

children of tender years.’ The conclusion of the

Outlook inquiry was that there was nothing in the

situation that could not have been met by simpler remedies

than the attempted segregation, and that the underlying motive

in the whole matter was a desire to win the political support

of the labor unions.

"The great fire in San Francisco in 1906 drove the Japanese

from their established quarters. Their attempts to gain new

locations in districts previously occupied wholly by white

residents tended to draw attention to them. For a time the

policing of the city was inadequate, and cases of bodily

violence toward Japanese were not infrequent. Anything like

organized action took the form of boycotts directed against

Japanese restaurants that sought white patronage and

subsequently against the Japanese laundries.

"The biennial sessions of the legislature since 1905 have

regularly furnished a large supply of anti-Japanese

resolutions and bills, introduced for effect and without

sufficient support for enactment. However, in 1909 legislation

was attempted looking toward prohibiting Japanese from

becoming owners of real property. It was only the strenuous

protests of President Roosevelt actively supported by the

governor of the state that prevented for this session the

enactment of some such measure. The legislature finally

contented itself with making an appropriation for a state

census of Japanese.

"This census was intrusted to the state commissioner of labor,

and is now (July, 1909) in progress. It may be regarded as a

step toward an authoritative inquiry as to facts upon which

later action may be based, if deemed necessary.

"The Japanese on the Pacific Coast uniformly exercise a most

commendable self-restraint, and their officials take advantage

of every opportunity to display a spirit of friendliness. This

is illustrated by liberal contributions to the city’s fund for

the entertainment of the sailors of the Atlantic Fleet during

its visit to San Francisco in May, 1908, and by an invitation

extended by the Chambers of Commerce of the large cities of

Japan in July, 1908, to similar bodies in the Pacific Coast

states to visit Japan as guests of the country. This

invitation was accepted by numerous commercial representatives

of the cities from Los Angeles northward to Seattle."

Frederick H. Clark,

Head of History Department,

Lowell High School, San Francisco.

"'If you provide a system of education which includes alien

children you must not exclude these particular alien

children.'"

Inasmuch as the Constitution and the laws of the United States

made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made under the

authority of the United States, are declared to be the supreme

law of the land, and that the judges in every State shall be

bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any

State to the contrary notwithstanding, this prohibitory power

was shown to be incontestable.

{541}

The common-sense ground of opinion and feeling on the whole

subject in America could not be set forth more indisputably

than it was by Mr. Roosevelt, after he had ceased to be

President, when he wrote as a private citizen, in his

editorial connection with The Outlook, on the 8th of

May, 1909, this:

"The Japanese are a highly civilized people of extraordinary

military, artistic, and industrial development; they are

proud, warlike, and sensitive. I believe that our people have,

what I personally certainly have, a profound and hearty

admiration for them; an admiration for their great deeds and

great qualities, an ungrudging respect for their national

character. But this admiration and respect is accompanied by

the firm conviction that it is not for the advantage of either

people that emigrants from either country should settle in

mass in the other country. The understanding between the two

countries on this point should be on a basis of entire

mutuality, and therefore on a basis which will preserve

unimpaired the self-respect of each country, and permit each

to continue to feel friendly good will for the other. Japan

would certainly object to the incoming of masses of American

farmers, laborers, and small traders; indeed, the Japanese

would object to this at least as strongly as the men of the

Pacific Coast and Rocky Mountain States object to the incoming

in mass of Japanese workmen, agricultural laborers, and men

engaged in small trades. The Japanese certainly object to

Americans acquiring land in Japan at least as much as the

Americans of the far Western States object to the Japanese

acquiring land on our soil. The Americans who go to Japan and

the Japanese who come to America should be of the same general

class—that is, they should be travelers, students, teachers,

scientific investigators, men engaged in international

business, men sojourning in the land for pleasure or study. As

long as the emigration from each side is limited to classes

such as these, there will be no settlement in mass, and

therefore no difficulty."

That the emigration from Japan has been thus closely limited

was shown in September, 1909, by the issue of a statistical

circular from the office of the Japanese Consul-General at San

Francisco, dealing in tabulated form with the arrivals and

departures from Japan for the year 1908 and for the first six

months of the year 1909. It shows that the number of the

excess arrivals in Japan over the departures for 1908 was

1807, and for the first six months of the present year 737,

making a total excess of arrivals in Japan over departures for

the 18 months of 2544. The circular states that "no new

labourers are now leaving Japan for American territory," and

this may be taken as the official Japanese reply to the

continued assertions of the California labour unions that

large numbers of coolies are still reaching the country by way

of the Canadian and Mexican frontiers.

RACE PROBLEMS:

Exclusion of Chinese.

The Law and its Administration.

The Chinese Resentment expressed in a Boycott.

President Roosevelt’s Vain Appeal to Congress.

Opinion of Secretary Straus.

Resentful feeling aroused in China by the immigration and

exclusion laws of the United States, in their special

application to incoming Chinese and in the harshness of their

administration, began to have expression at Shanghai in May,

1905, when resolutions were adopted at a meeting of the

merchant guilds of that city which initiated an extensive

boycotting of American goods and of everything connected with

America. A report of the meeting and of its recommendations

was sent to all parts of the Empire and elicited a quick and

general response. The undertaking of the movement was to stop

the buying of American goods; to socially ostracise tradesmen

who continue to handle them, and to render no service to

Americans in China, except for higher pay than is demanded

from others. This boycotting attitude of large numbers in

China was persisted in throughout the year, and not only made

itself felt seriously in commercial circles, but impressed the

American public with a proper sense of the indignities they

were allowing to be imposed on a people who deserve their

respect. The President, in his Message to Congress at the

opening of the session in December, dealt justly with the

subject, as follows:

"The conditions in China are such that the entire Chinese

coolie class, that is, the class of Chinese laborers, skilled

and unskilled, legitimately come under the head of undesirable

immigrants to this country, because of their numbers, the low

wages for which they work, and their low standard of living.

Not only is it to the interest of this country to keep them

out, but the Chinese authorities do not desire that they

should be admitted. At present their entrance is prohibited by

laws amply adequate to accomplish this purpose. These laws

have been, are being, and will be, thoroughly enforced. …

But in the effort to carry out the policy of excluding Chinese

laborers, Chinese coolies, grave injustice and wrong have been

done by this Nation to the people of China, and therefore

ultimately to this Nation itself. Chinese students, business

and professional men of all kinds—not only merchants, but

bankers, doctors, manufacturers, professors, travelers, and

the like—should be encouraged to come here and treated on

precisely the same footing that we treat students, business

men, travelers, and the like of other nations. Our law's and

treaties should be framed, not so as to put these people in

the excepted classes, but to state that we will admit all

Chinese, except Chinese of the coolie class, Chinese skilled

or unskilled laborers. There would not be the least danger

that any such provision would result in any relaxation of the

law about laborers. These will, under all conditions, be kept

out absolutely. But it will be more easy to see that both

justice and courtesy are shown, as they ought to be shown, to

other Chinese, if the law or treaty is framed as above

suggested. Examinations should be completed at the port of

departure from China. For this purpose there should be

provided a more adequate consular service in China than we now

have. The appropriations, both for the offices of the consuls

and for the office forces in the consulates, should be

increased.

{542}

"As a people we have talked much of the open door in China,

and we expect, and quite rightly intend to insist upon,

justice being shown us by the Chinese. But we can not expect

to receive equity unless we do equity. We can not ask the

Chinese to do to us what we are unwilling to do to them. They

would have a perfect right to exclude our laboring men if our

laboring men threatened to come into their country in such

numbers as to jeopardize the well being of the Chinese

population; and as, mutatis mutandis, these were the

conditions with which Chinese immigration actually brought

this people face to face, we had and have a perfect right,

which the Chinese Government in no way contests, to act as we

have acted in the matter of restricting coolie immigration.

That this right exists for each country was explicitly

acknowledged in the last treaty between the two countries. But

we must treat the Chinese student, traveler, and business man

in a spirit of the broadest justice and courtesy if we expect

similar treatment to be accorded to our own people of similar

rank who go to China."

President's Message to Congress,

December 5, 1905.

No effective impression on the moral sense or the rationality

of Congress was made by the President’s appeal, and the laws

which are contemptuous of national treaties and indifferent to

the national honor remain on the statute books unchanged. That

others than the President in the Federal Administration felt

the wrong and the shame of the law which it had to administer,

was shown by an article from the pen of the Secretary of

Commerce and Labor, published in the spring of 1908. The

following are some passages from the article:

"It is not the policy of the Government with reference to

Chinese immigration, but the manner in which it is, of

necessity, carried out, by reason of the way in which the laws

are framed, that causes constant friction and dissatisfaction.

… The attitude of the Chinese Government may be inferred from

the fact that in 1904, after the convention of 1894 had been

in force ten years, China availed herself of her reserved

right and formally denounced the treaty, refusing longer to be

a party to an arrangement which, as carried into effect, was

offensive to her national pride. …

"For proof of the feeling of the Chinese people it is only

necessary to refer to the boycott of American goods,

inaugurated by various trade guilds and business and

commercial associations of the Empire during the summer of

1905. At that time China held first rank among Oriental

countries as a consumer of American products. In that year,

her total commerce amounted to $497,000,000, of which

$329,000,000 were imports; $57,000,000, or more than seventeen

per cent., being supplied by the United States. The exports

from the United States to China had grown to these proportions

by rapid strides. They were less than $3,000,000 in the

seventies. They only reached $7,500,000 in 1886, $12,000,000

in 1897, $15,000,000 in 1900, $24,000,000 in 1902, $57,000,000

in 1905. It was reasonable to believe that American trade

would continue to progress in something like the same ratio,

and a larger and larger share of the foreign trade of China

accrue to the United States. Instead of that, the exports of

the United States to China, according to our statistics, fell

to $44,000,000 in 1906, and to $26,000,000 in 1907.

"It is not necessary to attribute the decline wholly to the

boycott of 1905, but a drop in our exportations to that

country of fifty per cent. in two years is sufficiently

startling to challenge attention. But on higher grounds than

those of mere commercial interest should the frame of the laws

be changed. …

"I would not suggest a change in the established policy of

rigidly excluding Chinese laborers of every description, both

skilled and unskilled. The policy has been and will continue

to be as effectively enforced as circumstances will permit.

But, at a time when this policy of exclusion has been so

thoroughly applied that there remain in the United States only

about 70,000 Chinese—less than one-tenth of one per cent, of

our population—little danger need be apprehended from a full

and fair reconsideration of the subject and a recasting of the

laws upon a juster basis. …

"By making admission the rule, and exclusion the exception, we

could easily preserve the present policy in all its integrity,

and even strengthen the real prohibitory features thereof, at

the same time entirely removing a material cause of friction,

dissatisfaction and unnecessary humiliation to the people of a

friendly nation."

Oscar S. Straus

(Secretary of Commerce and Labor),

The Spirit and Letter of Exclusion

(The North American Review, April, 1908).

A much stronger expression was given to the shamed feeling of

honorable Americans on this subject by the veteran diplomatist

and former Secretary of State, Honorable John W. Foster, in an

article written in 1906. The following is a passage from the

article:

"I do not know how I can better illustrate the kind of

protection, or want of protection, extended to the Chinese, as

guaranteed by the Constitution, the treaties, and the solemn

promises of the government of the United States, than by

recalling a notorious case which occurred, not on the sand

lots of California, not under the auspices of labor agitators,

but in the enlightened city of Boston and under the conduct of

Federal officials.

"The following narrative is condensed from the newspapers of

that city. At about half past seven o’clock on the evening of

Sunday, October 11, 1902, a number of United States officials

of Boston, New York, and other cities charged with the

administration of the Chinese exclusion laws, assisted by a

force of the local police, made a sudden and unexpected

descent upon the Chinese quarter of Boston. The raid was timed

with a refinement of cruelty which did greater credit to the

shrewdness of the officials than to their humanity. It was on

the day and at the hour when the Chinese of Boston and its

vicinity were accustomed to congregate in the quarter named

for the purpose of meeting friends and enjoying themselves

after a week of steady and honest toil. The police and

immigration officials fell upon their victims without giving a

word of warning. The clubs, restaurants, other public places

where Chinese congregated, and private houses were surrounded.

Every avenue of escape was blocked. To those seized no warrant

for arrest or other paper was read or shown.

"Every Chinese who did not at once produce his certificate of

residence was taken in charge, and the unfortunate ones were

rushed off to the Federal Building without further ceremony.

There was no respect of persons with the officials; they

treated merchants and laborers alike. In many cases no demand

was made for certificates, the captives were dragged off to

imprisonment, and in some instances the demand was not made

till late at night or the next morning, when the certificates

were in the possession of the victims at the time of their

seizure.

{543}

"In the raid no mercy was shown by the government officials.

The frightened Chinese who had sought to escape were dragged

from their hiding-places, and stowed like cattle upon wagons

or other vehicles, to be conveyed to the designated place of

detention. On one of these wagons or trucks from seventy to

eighty persons were thrown, and soon after it moved it was

overturned. A scene of indescribable confusion followed, in

which the shrieks of those attempting to escape mingled with

the groans of those who were injured. …

"About two hundred and fifty Chinese were thus arrested and

carried off to the Federal Building. Here they were crowded

into two small rooms where only standing space could be had,

from eight o’clock in the evening, all through the night, and

many of them till late in the afternoon of the next day. There

was no sleep for any of them that night, though some of them

were so exhausted that they sank to the floor where they

stood. Their captors seemed to think that they had to do with

animals, not human beings. Some of them were released during

the night, when relatives brought their certificates or

merchants were identified. But the greater part were kept till

the next day, when the publicity of the press brought friends,

or relief through legal proceedings. …

"So strong was the indignation of the respectable citizens of

Boston, that a large public meeting was held in Faneuil Hall

to denounce the action of the immigration officials and the

police. … It was announced by the immigration officials that

their raid was organized under the belief that there were a

number of Chinese in Boston and its vicinity unlawfully in the

United States, and this method was adopted for discovering

them. The official report of the chief officer soon after the

event showed that two hundred and thirty-four Chinese were

imprisoned, that one hundred and twenty-one were released

without trial or requirement of bail, and that only five had

so far been deported, but that he hoped that he might secure

the conviction and deportation of fifty; as a matter of fact,

however, the deportations fell much below that number."

J. W. Foster,

The Chinese Boycott

(Atlantic Monthly, January, 1906).

In the same article Mr. Foster recalled facts connected with

the negotiation of the Treaty of 1880 which deepen the shame

to the United States of what followed: "In communicating to

the Secretary of State," he said, "the signature of the treaty

of 1880, the American commissioners wrote: ‘In conclusion, we

deem it our duty to say to you that during the whole of this

negotiation the representatives of the Chinese Government have

met us in the fairest and most friendly spirit. They have

been, in their personal intercourse, most courteous, and have

given to all our communications, verbal as well as written,

the promptest and most respectful consideration. After a free

and able exposition of their own views, we are satisfied that

in yielding to the request of the United States they have been

actuated by a sincere friendship and an honorable confidence

that the large powers recognized by them as belonging to the

United States, and bearing directly upon the interests of

their own people, will be exercised by our government with a

wise discretion, in a spirit of reciprocal and sincere

friendship, and with entire justice.’

"But even this treaty, which had been obtained from China so

reluctantly, yet with the generous exhibition of friendship on

her part just described, did not prove satisfactory to the

increasing demands of the labor unions. Before ten years were

passed, under the spur and excitement of the presidential

campaign of 1888, and upon the hesitation of the Chinese

government to make a further treaty modification, the Scott

Act was passed by Congress, which was a deliberate violation

of the treaty of 1880, and was so declared by the Supreme

Court; but under our peculiar system it became the law of the

land. Our government had thus flagrantly disregarded its

solemn treaty obligations. Senator Sherman, then chairman of

the Committee on Foreign Relations, stated in the Senate that

we had furnished China a just cause for war."

----------RACE PROBLEMS: End--------

RACE-TRACK GAMBLING.

See (in this Volume)

GAMBLING.

RADIO-TELEGRAPHY.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ELECTRICAL: TELEGRAPHY, WIRELESS.

RADIUM, and Radio-activity.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM;

See also

PHYSICAL.

RADOLIN, Prince de:

Arrangement with France for the Algeciras Conference.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

RAIGOSA, Don Genaro:

President of Second International Conference

of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

----------RAILWAYS: Start--------

RAILWAYS

RAILWAYS: Abyssinia:

French Projects.

See (in this Volume)

ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

RAILWAYS: Africa: A. D. 1909.

Progress of the Cape to Cairo Line.

A telegram from Broken Hill, Northern Rhodesia, November 10,

1909, announced that the Cape-to-Cairo Railroad had reached

the Congo frontier on the 16th.

RAILWAYS: Argentina-Chile: A. D. 1909.

The Transandine Railway Tunnel.

The great work, of boring a tunnel through the chain of the

Andes at an altitude of over 10,000 feet above sea level for

the trains of the Transandine Railway was practically

completed in the fall of 1909. "Early in April next the rails

will be laid, and from then onward the journey from Buenos

Ayres, on the eastern side of the South American continent, to

Valparaiso, on the Pacific Coast, may be undertaken in comfort

in a railway carriage all the year round. Up to the present

time passengers from the east have had to leave the rail at

Las Cuevas and proceed by a zigzag road over the mountains on

mule-back or in coaches to Caracoles, the rail head on the

Chilian side—a journey which occupies about two hours; but

this route is only open during the summer months. In the

winter, when the pass is closed by snow, travellers have to go

round by sea. The route under the Andes will effect a saving

of about twelve days. The work of boring the two-mile tunnel

was begun four years ago and has presented exceptional

difficulties."

{544}

RAILWAYS: Australia:

Government Ownership.

Difference of Gauge.

Each State having its own.

"Warfare against monopoly is easier in Australia than in some

other countries for the reason that in Australia the close

relation between monopoly and transportation is generally

understood and is not an issue. Some few and for the most part

small railroad projects, including mining and timber lines,

are still in private hands. All the other railroads are

publicly owned and publicly operated. So far the ownership is

vested in the several states, each having its own system. In

the good old conservative days before the Labor demon raised

its head, there was much childish jealousy among the different

governments. In the conservative view the destiny of Australia

was not to be a nation but a handful of nice little colonies

vying with one another in expressing loyalty to the

monarchical idea and the established order. When these came to

build railroads each colony established its own gauge and

stuck thereto. A more preposterous notion never bewitched the

human mind, but the truth is that a gauge of 4 feet 8½ inches

in New South Wales actually seemed a reason (to the

conservative intellect) for a gauge of 5 feet 3 inches in

Victoria and a gauge of 3 feet 6 inches in Western Australia.

The annoyance, delay, and expense resulting to through traffic

make the thing seem like a section of Bedlam. Between

Melbourne and Sydney, for instance, a line with an immense

business and with otherwise excellent accommodations, you must

change cars on the frontier and all the freight must be

transferred. Eventually the federal Government is to take over

and unify the systems of the different states. Considering the

multiplicities of systems and gauges, the task that will then

confront the federal Government will not be for a holiday."

Charles E. Russell,

The Uprising of the Many, chapter 27

(Doubleday, Page & Co., New York, 1907).

RAILWAYS: Canada: A. D. 1903-1909.

The Grand Trunk Pacific Railway.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1903-1909.

RAILWAYS: Canada: A. D. 1904.

Establishment of the Board of Railway Commissioners

with large Regulative Powers.

In Moody’s Magazine of January, 1906, the Honorable

Robert Bickerdike, M. P., of Montreal, gave a favorable

account of the operation of the Canadian Act of two years

before which created a Board of Railway Commissioners, taking

the place of the former Railway Committee of the Privy

Council, and exercising large powers of control over rates,

construction of road, and speed of trains. "No toll" (that is,

freight rate), he said, "may be charged which unjustly

discriminates between different localities. The board shall

not approve any toll which for like goods or passengers,

carried under substantially similar conditions in the same

direction over the same line, is greater for a shorter than a

longer distance, unless the board is satisfied that, owing to

competition, it is expedient to do so. Where carriage is

partly by rail and partly by water, and the tolls in a single

sum, the board may require the company to declare, or may

determine, what portion is charged in respect of carriage by

rail, to prevent discrimination. Freight tariffs are governed

by a classification which the board must approve, and the

object is to have this classification uniform. Railways shall,

when directed by the board, place any specified goods in any

stated class. Tariffs shall be in such form and give such

details as the board may prescribe. The maximum mileage tariff

shall be filed with the board and be subject to its approval;

when approved, the company shall publish it in the Canadian

Gazette, the official publication. As respects this act,

the board is invested with the rights, privileges, and powers

of a superior court. None, therefore, may oppose it."

RAILWAYS: Canada: A. D. 1906.

Government Ownership and Operation of a Railway Line.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1906-1907.

RAILWAYS: Canada: A. D. 1908-1909.

Projected Railway from the Canadian Northwest to Hudson Bay.

In a speech at Niagara Falls, in September, 1908, the Canadian

premier, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, announced positively that his

government had undertaken the construction of a railway from

the Canadian Northwest to Hudson Bay; that surveyors are in

the field determining the route, and that plans for the

construction of the road are being prepared. For a few weeks

in the year this will give another outlet to the greatest

wheat region of the continent for its harvests; and even a few

weeks will afford important relief, no doubt, to the pressure

of its need. Unfortunately, the passage from Hudson Bay to the

ocean, through Hudson Strait, is sealed up with ice during

much the greater part of the year. Quite recently there were

reports of the return of a vessel from the strait which had

found it blocked in July.

Notwithstanding the limit thus put on the usefulness of the

Hudson Bay route, the Northwest is counting on immediate

advantages from it. The Manitoba Free Press exclaims:

"To bring uncounted millions of acres of wheat in Western

Canada a thousand miles nearer to the market in Europe, and

make a saving of many millions of dollars every year in

transportation charges, thereby ensuring higher prices to the

farmers of the Prairie Provinces—this is what the opening up

of the Hudson Bay outlet will achieve. It will mean a

revolution in traffic routes and traffic rates. The immense

amount of territory within the cost-saving reach of Hudson

Bay, the New-World Mediterranean, will make this route one of

the greatest trade arteries of the world. It will place the

grain-growers of Western Canada in control of the markets of

the world by making possible a great reduction in the cost of

transportation. This saving will be brought about because the

Hudson Bay route is by a very considerable distance the

shortest route, and the saving is in the rail haul. … The

total cultivable area in Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta is

some 175,000,000 acres. Even estimating the as yet

uncultivated area as being only one-half as productive as that

which has already come under the plow, a tenfold increase of

the present production is to be counted upon."

{545}

"Roughly speaking," says a magazine article on the subject,

"Churchill [one of the proposed Hudson Bay terminals] is just

1000 miles from the grain areas of Hill’s roads. New York is

2000 miles. Churchill is 1500 miles from Oregon. New York is

nearly 3000. … The harbor itself could not have been better if

it had been made to order. It is a direct 550-mile plain, open

deep-water sailing from the west end of the Straits,—no

shoals, no reefs, deep enough for the deepest-draft keel that

ever sailed the sea."

Tentative surveys of two routes from Winnipeg were undertaken

in October, 1908, and a report of them made in the following

spring. They were favorable to the project on either line.

That to Fort Churchill would have 465 miles of length and its

cost was estimated at $11,608,000. The alternative line, to

Fort Nelson, at the mouth of Nelson River, would be 397

miles long, and have an estimated cost of $8,677,000; but

harbor construction at Fort Nelson would cost heavily. The

report, however, recommended the latter route. Moreover,

abundant water power is waiting development along the Nelson

River, which might result in an economical electrification of

the road. Furthermore, the report suggested possibilities of a

canal along the river from Hudson Bay to Lake Winnipeg, and

from the latter to Winnipeg city, through which ocean craft

might ultimately reach the Manitoba metropolis.

In connection with this projected opening of a commercial

route from America to Europe through Hudson Bay, a Danish

writer has lately urged the Danish Government to bring

Greenland into touch with it.

RAILWAYS: Canada: A. D. 1909.

Important Ruling by the Railway Commission,

affecting American Railways.

In June, 1909, an important decision of the Canadian Railway

Commission was announced, "in the case of the Dawson Board of

Trade against the Yukon and White Pass Railway Company, an

English Corporation, laying down that by the amendment of the

Railway Act passed last session all railways, whether

originating in the United States or not, are under the

jurisdiction of the Canadian board. The point involved is the

question of rates on the White Pass, as to which counsel

asserted that if ordinary rates were ordered to prevail it

would be impossible to pay dividends. The board takes time to

consider the question of rates in view of the details

involved, but orders both the American and Canadian sections

of the line to file figures before the board. It is probable

that the rates of all American railways crossing Canada will

by this decision come under the jurisdiction of the board.

This will affect the Vanderbilt lines, which cross the Niagara

peninsula, also the Hill lines, which enter Canada from

Washington, Oregon, and other States. Railway men regard the

decision as the most important in the history of Canada,

because it gives the Canadian Commission power to regulate

rates on American railways entering Canada."

RAILWAYS: Central Africa: A. D. 1909.

Lines to Katanga.

In March, 1909, the Temps, of Paris, published

information according to which the work of constructing the

railway from the Upper Congo to the great Central African

lakes was making such progress that communication with the

Katanga mine fields would probably be established by the end

of 1910. The British South Africa lines, also, are being

pushed toward Katanga.

RAILWAYS: Chile-Bolivia: A. D. 1909.

The Arica-La Paz Railway.

According to a Press despatch from Santiago de Chile, April 5,

1909, a contract for the great railway to be made across the

Andes from Arica, in Chile, to La Paz, in Bolivia, attaining

an elevation of upwards of 12,000 ft. and having a length of a

little over 300 miles, had just been given to an English firm.

The actual money voted for the scheme was said to be

£3,000,000.

RAILWAYS: China:

Extent of Railway Travel.

Unused Concessions.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1904.

RAILWAYS: China: A. D. 1904-1909.

The Hankau-Sze-chuan Railway Loan.

American participation.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1904-1909.

RAILWAYS: China: A. D. 1909.

The Fa-ku-menn Railway and the Antung-Mukden Railway

questions between China and Japan.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909.

RAILWAYS: China: A. D. 1909.

The Chinese Eastern Railway.

New Russo-Chinese Agreement.

Municipalities on the Line.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).

RAILWAYS: China: A. D. 1909.

Opening of the Peking-Kalgan Line.

A purely Chinese undertaking.

The opening, October 2d, 1909, with grand ceremonies, of the

Peking-Kalgan Railway, was an event of especial pride and

satisfaction to the Chinese people. It has been, wrote a

newspaper correspondent, "a purely Chinese undertaking, the

chief engineer of which, Jeme Tienyow, a member of the

Institute of Civil Engineers, and every employé are Chinese;

but the rails and rolling stock are foreign. It has been paid

for from the earnings of the Northern Railways, without

foreign financial assistance.

"The line, the length of which is 122 miles, joins Peking with

the important trade mart of Kalgan, piercing the Nankau Pass

by four tunnels, the longest, under the Great Wall, being

3,580 ft. It taps extensive coalfields and is well and

economically laid. Already the traffic is astonishing and will

add to the wealth of the province and increase the earnings of

the Northern Railways.

"The construction of the line has given training and

experience to a body of young Chinese engineers, who will find

ready employment in the future. The line will now be continued

westwards through populous country to Kwei-hua-cheng and the

Yellow River, a distance of 275 miles, the route for which was

surveyed last year. This line will also be paid for from the

earnings of the Northern Railways."

RAILWAYS: China: A. D. 1909-1910.

Proposal to neutralize Manchurian Railways and

to internationally finance a Chinchow-Aigun Line.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1909-1910.

RAILWAYS: England: A. D. 1907-1909.

Adopted System in Great Britain for pacific Settlement

of Labor Disputes in the Railway Service.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

RAILWAYS: England: A. D. 1908.

No Passengers killed by Train Accidents.

The British public had the happiness of being informed that no

passenger was killed by a train accident on the railways of

Great Britain in 1908, and also that the number of passengers

injured—283—was not only 251 less than in 1907 and 345 less

than in 1906, but, like the number of killed, was less than

any previously recorded.

{546}

RAILWAYS: France: A. D. 1908.

Government purchase of the Western Railway.

In June, 1908, the French Government secured legislation

authorizing it to purchase the Western Railway of France,

which adds 3100 miles to the previous 2500 miles of

State-owned railways. The purchase is said to have been made

with the expectation "that sufficient pressure will be brought

on the other railway companies to make them adopt the methods

of management applied by the State to its railways."

RAILWAYS: France: A. D. 1909.

The Pensioning of State Railway Employés.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: FRANCE.

RAILWAYS: Mexico: A. D. 1906.

Nationalizing of the Mexican Railway System.

Opening of the Tehuantepec Railway.

"1906 was a year of railway consolidations in Mexico. In March

last, the National Railway of Mexico bought the Hidalgo

Railway, which starts from the capital, passes through the

important mining camp of Pachuca, and will ultimately reach

the port of Tuxpam on the Gulf of Mexico. But by far the most

important operation of the year along these lines was

announced by Finance Minister Limantour on December 14. The

Minister, in an address to Congress, informed that body that

the negotiations, which for some time past had been in

progress, for the reorganization of the finances of the

Mexican Central Railway, had culminated in a plan for the

consolidation of that property with the Mexican National, and

the incorporation of a new company, with headquarters in the

City of Mexico, to own and operate the merged system.

Moreover, the Minister informed the legislature that the

Mexican government, which had owned a controlling interest in

the Mexican National, would hold an absolute majority of the

stock of the new corporation.

"The transaction is an important one, as by it the Mexican

government gains unquestioned control of the transportation

system of the Republic."

F. R. Guernsey,

The Year in Mexico

(Atlantic Monthly, March, 1907).

Early in November, 1906, President Diaz formally opened the

Tehuantepec Railway. The event marks the completion of the

plan first proposed by Cortez four hundred years ago, when he

wrote to the king of Spain concerning the feasibility of a

canal from the Atlantic to the Pacific by this route, though

he little dreamt of a railway.

RAILWAYS: Mexico: A. D. 1909.

Extended Governmental Control of Railways.

"The most important step ever taken by the Mexican Government

in connexion with transportation was completed on February 1,

when the amalgamation of the National lines and the Mexican

Central Railway became operative. With this achievement the

Government secured control of 7,012 miles of railway, thus

possessing a majority of the stock of the national lines and

70 per cent. of the stock of the Mexican Central. The

combination includes, apart from the Mexican Central, the

National, International and Interoceanic lines. The Government

likewise controls the Vera Cruz and Pacific Railroad, with 265

miles, and the Tehuantepec National, with 206 miles."

Correspondence London Times,

July 16, 1909.

RAILWAYS: Mono-Rail System, The Brennan Gyroscopic.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: RAILWAYS.

RAILWAYS: Netherlands:

Laws against Railway Strikes.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1903.

RAILWAYS: New York: A. D. 1907.

The Public Service Commissions Act.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910; and

PUBLIC UTILITIES.

RAILWAYS: New Zealand: A. D. 1909.

No more building by the Government of Railways not

likely to pay Interest on Cost.

A despatch from Wellington, New Zealand, to the English Press,

October 18, 1909, reported that "the Premier has made an

important announcement regarding his future railway

construction policy. He said that the Government would not

undertake the building of any more lines that were likely not

to pay. If the people wanted such lines they would have to

guarantee their earnings up to 3 per cent."

RAILWAYS: Nigeria: A. D. 1909.

Rapid development of the Railway System.

Early in 1909 Press despatches to London announced that "a

junction had been effected between the rails proceeding

northwards from Lagos and the rails proceeding southward from

Jebba on the Niger River. This places the Niger River, at a

point some 500 miles from its mouth, in direct communication

by rail with the town of Lagos, the capital of Southern

Nigeria, and fulfils the wishes of the inhabitants of Lagos

that ‘the iron horse should drink of the waters of the

Niger.’"

"The completion of the southern branch of the Nigerian railway

system," said a correspondent, "as far as Jebba on the Niger

is an event of considerable significance in the history of

British action in West Africa. The Anglo-French Agreement of

1898 secured us in the possession of what is undoubtedly the

most interesting portion of West Africa; interesting above all

from the character of its varied inhabitants—the agricultural

Yoruba, the keen Hausa trader and manufacturer, the Fulani, by

turn statesman and ruler or wandering herdsman. To this

region—to many parts of it at least—Islam has brought its

schools, its literature, and an effective system of

administration."

RAILWAYS: Rhodesia:

Rapid Extension of Railways.

See (in this Volume)

RHODESIA.

RAILWAYS: Switzerland: A. D. 1905.

Completion of the Tunnel under the Simplon Pass.

The tunnel under the Simplon Pass, between Brigue,

Switzerland, and Iselle, Italy, was finished February 24th,

1905, after seven years work and at a cost of $14,000,000. It

is twelve miles long,—two and three-quarters miles longer than

the St. Gothard tunnel. It opens direct railway communication

between Paris and Milan.

RAILWAYS: Switzerland: A. D. 1909.

Government Purchase of the St. Gothard Railway.

The St. Gothard Tunnel and Railway were built under an

agreement (1879) with the Swiss Government under which the

latter reserved the right of buying the St. Gothard within

thirty years, and the price arranged was twenty-five times the

amount of the net profits of the line during the last ten

years of working. The right was exercised in the spring of

1909, and thus the last of the principal Swiss lines passed

into the possession of the Government. The St. Gothard Company

at first demanded 215,800,000 francs, but eventually accepted

212,500,000 francs. The Confederation took over the debt of

the company--117,090,000 francs ($23,418,000) with 3½ per

cent. interest, and paid six million francs for expenses of

the issue of the company’s loans.

{547}

RAILWAYS: Turkey: A. D. 1899-1909.

The Bagdad Railway.

In January, 1902, the Turkish Sultan signed a convention which

provides a guarantee, to the extent of 12,000 francs per

kilometre for the undertaking of the Bagdad Railway, to build

which a concession had been obtained by a German syndicate in

1899.

See, in Volume VI. of this work,

TURKEY: A. D. 1899--NOVEMBER).

The new railway was to be an extension of the existing

Anatolian Railway, starting from the terminus of the latter at

Konieh and running, via Bagdad, to some point on the Persian

Gulf, the selection of which was left for future arrangement.

The line, with its branches, was to have a length of 2,500

kilometres or about 1550 miles.

A further convention respecting this project was signed in

March, 1903, concerning which the following statement was made

in the British Parliament on the 23d of that month by the

Premier, Mr. Balfour: "A copy of the convention, concluded

March 5, 1903, between the Turkish Government and the

Anatolian Railway Company is in our possession. It leaves the

whole scheme of railway development through Asia Minor to the

Persian Gulf entirely in the hands of a company under German

control. To such a convention we have never been asked to

assent, and we could not in any case be a party to it."

Mr. David Fraser, a young traveller of experience, was

commissioned by the Times of India in 1907 to follow

the proposed route of the Bagdad Railway and report on its

prospects. He started from Constantinople, and traversed the

completed portion of the line to where it breaks off suddenly

some ten kilometres east of Eregli, "with its pair of rails,"

he wrote, "gauntly projecting from the permanent way and

pointing in dumb amazement where the Taurus shares the horizon

with the very skies." "They have now," said the London

Times not long since, "been pointing thus for nearly five

years, to the bewilderment of those who, not knowing the

country, imagined, in 1904, that with Germany determined and

Turkey desirous to push ahead, the Bagdad line would go

forward with inevitable march towards its distant goal."

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1908.

Damascus to Mecca.

The Pilgrims’ Road.

"The Damascus to Mecca Railway has many remarkable features

which distinguish it from other lines. Its principal object is

to provide a means for faithful Moslems to perform their

pilgrimage to the holy places of Mecca and Medina with a

greater degree of comfort than formerly. Its inception is due

to the initiative of the present Sultan, and the enthusiasm

created by its first announcement brought in subscriptions

from the faithful in all parts of the Islamic world."

The length of the line from Damascus to Mecca is 1097 miles.

"The gauge of the line is the somewhat curious one of 1.05

meter (3 feet 5¼ inches), which was necessary, when the line

was first commenced, to correspond with the gauge of the

Beirut-Damascus line, over which the rolling stock had to be

brought."

Colonel F. R. Maunsell,

National Geographic Magazine,

February, 1909.

The line was opened to Medina early in the autumn of 1908.

RAILWAYS: United States of America: A. D. 1870-1908.

Railway Rate Regulation.

Its slow Development.

"Granger" Legislation in the Middle West.

State Commissions.

Defiant Rebating.

Tardy Federal Legislation.

The Interstate Commerce Act, 1887, 1906.

President Roosevelt on the subject.

The creation of largely capitalized and therefore powerful

corporations was first developed in a rapid and extensive way

by the modern enterprise of railway building; and the railways

became soon so essentially related to every kind of interest,

personal or general, that they naturally gave rise to the

earliest of the specially modern problems of public policy

concerning corporations which required to be solved. For a

long period society had no call to defend itself against

monopolistic combinations among its railway corporations;

because it was long before seriously competitive lines of rail

could be built. Each served its own belt of country; but each

company owning and managing a line held therefore, in itself,

a monopoly of the transportation agency it had created, and

could, in an unchecked management of that agency, either wrong

its whole clientele by excessive rates of charge, or wrong one

part of it by some favoritism of unequal rates. Those were the

original abuses of opportunity and power which provoked

defensive measures of law. Naturally the earlier undertakings

of defence in the United States were by State legislation,

since nearly all charters of incorporation for business

purposes have been derived from the States. Wherever the

operations of business conducted under such charters extend

over more than a single State, the constitutional power of

Congress to "regulate commerce … among the several States"

gives it an undoubted right to take part in the regulation of

them; but it was slow to exercise that right. The following

abridgment of an excellent sketch of the slow development of

railway-rate regulation gives the essential facts. It is

quoted from extensively by kind permission of its authors and

of The Boston Evening Transcript for which it was

prepared:

"Perhaps the most remarkable fact in the whole history of

interstate transportation is that, despite flagrant abuses,

Federal regulation was held off until 1887. Within the States

themselves railroad rates had been often subjected to severe

regulation: yet even the public excitement which accompanied

the ‘granger’ legislation between 1870 and 1880 did not result

in Federal legislation. In several States, notably in the

Middle West, during that epoch, detailed statutes were passed

fixing maximum rates which by no present standard could be

said to be anything but outrageous. In those times the Federal

courts held that they would not consider legislation as

confiscatory if it left to the railroad one cent of net profit

above operating expenses. But even with this rule, now almost

incredible, it was found in the next decade that much of the

rate-fixing under the State statutes was unconstitutional.

{548}

Nor was the situation much ameliorated by the later

establishment of State commissions, for many of them,

according to the present standards, flagrantly abused their

powers. … After the first outburst more conservative counsels

generally prevailed. The movement met much opposition in its

progress throughout the country, and although commissions were

generally created in the East, they were given no final powers

over rates. Then a reaction set in, due in part to the

prostration of the Western roads. … Much wise legislation

dates from this period, and many State commissions acted in a

moderate spirit. The history of railroad legislation in these

seventeen years illustrated, however, the slow process by

which a popular movement culminates in Federal legislation;

and good law or bad, proper action or improper action, the

legislation of the States supplied experience in view of which

Congress could act wisely when, in 1887, Federal legislation

became inevitable. That this legislation had become inevitable

was due very largely to the continued abuse of their

commercial power by the railroad managers. For several years

public opinion as to railroad discrimination had become so

well settled as to work a real change in the common law, yet

the railroad officials persistently defied it. Rebating,

which, as late as 1875, was at common law merely a doubtful

practice, by 1885 had become generally accepted as an illegal

business; but this change the railroads refused to recognize

in any other way than to make their practices more secret. It

was public indignation against long continued illegal

discrimination and undue preference which brought down upon

the railways the inter-State commerce legislation in 1887. The

wonder is, in view of the railway practices, that it did not

come sooner. But however well behaved the railways might have

been, Federal regulation would have come inevitably long

before the end of the nineteenth century, in accordance with

the general current of public opinion that public services

could no longer go without governmental regulation. Still the

act itself as finally passed was really very conservative,

when the nature of the crisis is considered. … By the

principal provisions of the Interstate Commerce act the

railways were forbidden: (1) To charge unreasonable rates; (2)

To discriminate between persons; (8) To give preference

between localities; (4) To charge less for a long haul than

for a shorter haul included within it ‘under substantially

similar circumstances.’ These provisions were undoubtedly

intended by the majority of those who framed the act as rather

radical legislation, which should materially affect the

practice of the railroads; but the conservative force of

judicial decision soon modified the intended force of the act.

From the outset the commission claimed that it not merely had

power under the act to forbid any unreasonable rate upon

complaint made, but that also, in giving relief, it might

indicate to the railroad what should be the reasonable rate

thenceforth. But within ten years the Supreme Court decided

that the commission had no power to fix rates at all. This was

a famous victory for the railroad bar, for without an

authoritative statement by the commission of what rate it

would regard as reasonable, even a railroad which yielded

obedience to the decree of the commission without appeal to

the courts, could make a slight reduction in the rate, and any

dissatisfied shipper would be obliged to enter again into an

expensive and dilatory litigation. In this way the railroads

tired out objecting shippers; but in the process they

stimulated a widespread demand for a power in the commission

to fix rates similar to that given to many State commissions

and to the corresponding body in Great Britain. The long and

short haul clause provided that exceptions to it must be by

special dispensation from the commission. … But tucked away in

the section was the vague phrase, ‘under substantially similar

circumstances,’ which proved its destruction. At first the

commission began to enforce the act according to its obvious

reading, and to grant dispensations from its operation on

petition of the railroad in proper cases. But the whole effort

of the railway counsel was concentrated upon the courts, and

it was finally held that wherever there was competition at the

distant points, the conditions were dissimilar with those at

the intervening points of any benefit from the clause. Water

competition was first held an excuse for a lower rate for the

longer haul. Then rail competition was recognized. Next

potential competition over existing routes was held enough.

But finally the courts refused to consider the mere

possibility of new routes. … Commercial cities and towns were

left at the mercy of the railways, as they had been before the

act, and the long and short-haul clause became a dead letter.

This was a cause of most bitter complaint; yet, singularly

enough, when the amendments of 1906 were adopted, no attempt

was made to amend this clause. … Further action by the Federal

Government was foreshowed as before by a very considerable

body of legislation throughout the United States, between 1900

and 1905. In many States there was an unfortunate

recrudescence of the ill-advised ‘granger’ legislation, by the

passing of statutes fixing maximum rates; but this time it was

passenger rates which were chiefly attacked, while before it

had been freight rates. The two-cent fare was a popular

programme in this period, and it all but swept the country.

Some legislatures, however, defied it, and some governors

stood out against the legislatures. … The legislation of this

period had, however, another branch which was well-advised. It

is the general characteristic of this legislation that it

confers on the railroad commission the power, while setting

aside unreasonable rates, of fixing a maximum rate. The giving

of such power to the interstate Commission was the principal

point in the programme for further Federal legislation. One

other general power that has been given to State commissions

in the legislation since 1900 is the authority to compel

railroads to furnish proper facilities, together with power of

supervision of management in other respects, which is adopted in

the Federal legislation of 1906 in an experimental way. Those

who would understand the Federal legislation in its latest

form should study the most recent railroad regulation in

Minnesota and Wisconsin, Indiana and New York. … As finally

adopted, the act of 1906 [known as the Hepburn Act] is in form

of a series of amendments to the original act of 1887. … The

main object in most of the legislation was to strengthen still

further the power of the commission over rates and rebates.

{549}

In regard to these, the amendments affected change chiefly

along these two lines. (1) Power is given to the commission to

fix maximum rates in cases where, upon complaint, the rates

fixed by the railroad were found to be excessive. This

includes the power to fix joint through rates. (2) Rebating is

forbidden under heavy penalties, civil and criminal, both to

the railroad and to the shipper; and the cases in which a

reduced rate can be given are enumerated."

Joseph H. Beale and Bruce Wyman,

Two Years of the Railroad Rate Law

(Boston Evening Transcript, October 10, 1908).

It was through no fault of the President that effective

legislation to suppress secret rebates and other practices of

favoritism to large shippers by the railways came so tardily

from Congress, as appears above. In his first Message, of

December, 1901, he began urging the needed amendments to the

Interstate Commerce Act of 1887, saying:

"That law was largely an experiment. Experience has shown the

wisdom of its purposes, but has also shown, possibly, that

some of its requirements are wrong, certainly that the means

devised for the enforcement of its provisions are defective. …

The act should be amended. The railway is a public servant.

Its rates should be just to and open to all shippers alike.

The Government should see to it that within its jurisdiction

this is so and should provide a speedy, inexpensive, and

effective remedy to that end. At the same time it must not be

forgotten that our railways are the arteries through which the

commercial life-blood of this Nation flows. Nothing could be

more foolish than the enactment of legislation which would

unnecessarily interfere with the development and operation of

these commercial agencies. The subject is one of great

importance and calls for the earnest attention of the

Congress."

For five years after this reasonable and most just

recommendation was addressed to Congress, the special

interests opposed to public interests in the matter were

represented so controllingly in that body that the impotences

of the law remained uncured. In the Presidential Message of

1904 a more imperative language on the subject was used. "It

is necessary," said the Chief Magistrate, "to put a complete

stop to all rebates. Whether the shipper or the railroad is to

blame makes no difference; the rebate must be stopped, the

abuses of the private car and private terminal-track and

side-track systems must be stopped, and the legislation of the

Fifty-eighth Congress which declares it to be unlawful for any

person or corporation to offer, grant, give, solicit, accept,

or receive any rebate, concession, or discrimination in

respect of the transportation of any property in interstate or

foreign commerce whereby such property shall by any device

whatever be transported at a less rate than that named in the

tariffs published by the earner must be enforced. … The

Government must in increasing degree supervise and regulate

the workings of the railways engaged in interstate commerce;

and such increased supervision is the only alternative to an

increase of the present evils on the one hand or a still more

radical policy on the other. In my judgment the most important

legislative act now needed as regards the regulation of

corporations is this act to confer on the Interstate Commerce

Commission the power to revise rates and regulations, the

revised rate to at once go into effect, and to stay in effect

unless and until the court of review reverses it."

Still Congress did nothing in response to this demand, which

was the demand of the American public, uttered by its chief

and truest representative. Another year passed, and when the

next annual communication of counsel from the national

executive to the national legislature came forth, all other

topics in it were overshadowed by this. The force of argument,

admonition, and pleading in the Message was fairly

overpowering, and it went to a newly chosen Congress in which

the people had represented themselves with somewhat better

effect. The result was the amending act of 1906.

In the energy of the President’s advocacy of this legislation

there was nothing of animosity to the railway corporations.

His most impressive arguments, for example, were such as

these: "I believe that on the whole our railroads have done

well and not ill; but the railroad men who wish to do well

should not be exposed to competition with those who have no

such desire, and the only way to secure this end is to give to

some government tribunal the power to see that justice is done

by the unwilling exactly as it is gladly done by the willing.

Moreover, if some Government body is given increased power the

effect will be to furnish authoritative answer on behalf of

the railroad whenever irrational clamor against it is raised,

or whenever charges made against it are disproved. I ask this

legislation not only in the interest of the public but in the

interest of the honest railroad man and the honest shipper

alike, for it is they who are chiefly jeoparded by the

practices of their dishonest competitors."

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1890-1902.

Application of the Sherman Anti-Trust Law of 1890 to

Railway Combinations and Poolings of Rates.

The Trans-Missouri Freight Association Case.

Decision of the Supreme Court.

Remarks of the Industrial Commission.

In the period between 1870 and 1880 the widening of

combination and organization in all fields of heavily

capitalized industry began, especially in America, to attain

proportions that could be dangerous to social interests in

many ways, by its concentration of the power that money

commands. Alarming possibilities of monopoly, of oppression to

labor, of political corruption, of commercial tyranny

exercised in many forms, were all involved. At the same time

the processes working in this matter were wholly those of a

natural evolution, and were shaping human industry, very

plainly and surely, to perfected economic conditions and

results. Serious problems in government were thus pressed on

public attention for the first time. How to realize the

economic benefits which industrial organization on the large

scale can produce, and which are unattainable without it, and

be at the same time securely defended in all social and common

interests against selfishly hostile uses of the power so

engendered, became then a subject of anxious debate, and the

satisfying answer to it has not yet been found.

{550}

Railway companies were now no longer alone, as corporations

that challenge the exercise of public authority to control

their performance of the public service for which they were

chartered. The growth of mammoth organisms of business in

other fields—such, for example, as the Standard Oil

Company—had reached startling proportions, and the power of

oppression in them was being displayed. Economists, jurists,

and thoughtful legislators were giving earnest study to the

problems they raised. The difficulty of the problem, in the

United States more than in other countries, because of the

divided jurisdictions in government under the federal system,

is made plain by Mr. E. Parmalee Prentice, in the seventh

chapter of his treatise on "The Federal Power over Carriers

and Corporations." Before Congress attempted legislation for a

general control of commercial combinations that were operative

in the country at large, there was much searching for an

adequate ground of constitutional power. In the first instance

it was sought for, not in the authority to regulate commerce,

but in the taxing power, or the right of government to protect

itself from injury to the operation of its revenue laws. When

this was given up there were efforts to frame an act "in

restraint of competition in the production, manufacture or

sale of goods ‘that in due course of trade shall be

transported from one State’ to another." But, says Mr.

Prentice, "a statute of this nature could be sustained only on

the ground of an anticipating and continuing jurisdiction over

every article which, at any period in its history—from

production commenced to consumption completed—had ever

crossed, or would cross, State lines, and over every buyer and

every seller of such article." This, too, was abandoned, as

"an attempt to do the impossible." "The clause relating to

diversity of citizenship was stricken out, and the bill once

more rested upon the narrow power to regulate commerce." As it

finally passed the two houses of Congress and was approved by

the President, July 2d, 1890, this much discussed and much

litigated piece of legislation, known as the Sherman Act,

embodied its purpose in the first two sections, which read as

follows:

"Section 1.

Every contract, combination in the form of trust or otherwise,

or conspiracy, in restraint of trade or commerce among the

several States, or with foreign nations, is hereby declared to

be illegal. Every person who shall make any such contract or

engage in any such combination or conspiracy, shall be deemed

guilty of a misdemeanor, and, on conviction thereof, shall be

punished by fine not exceeding five thousand dollars, or by

imprisonment not exceeding one year, or by both said

punishments, in the discretion of the court.

"Section 2.

Every person who shall monopolize, or attempt to monopolize,

or combine or conspire with any other person or persons, to

monopolize any part of the trade or commerce among the several

States, or with foreign nations, shall be deemed guilty of a

misdemeanor, and, on conviction thereof, shall be punished by

fine not exceeding five thousand dollars, or by imprisonment

not exceeding one year, or by both said punishments, in the

discretion of the court."

"In a number of early cases," says the writer already quoted,

"the act was applied to combinations of laborers to interrupt

the free passage from State to State, the defendants in most

instances being railroad employees. At this point in the

process of judicial construction the case of the Freight

Association [United States v. Trans-Missouri Freight

Association] presented to the Supreme Court the question

whether the act applied to interstate carriers. Of the

intention of Congress there is probably little doubt. Railroad

transportation had been covered in 1887 by the Interstate

Commerce Act. The Sherman Act of 1890 was intended to cover

not transportation, but trade."

The suit of the United States against the Trans-Missouri

Freight Association, the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe

Railroad Co., and others, was brought for the dissolution of

an association or combination alleged to be in restraint of

trade, and in violation therefore of the Act of July 2, 1890,

called the Sherman Anti-Trust Law. It was tried originally in

November, 1892, before United States District Judge Riner, of

the Kansas District, who ruled that the law did not apply, and

dismissed the case. On appeal it was tried again with the same

result the next year before Circuit Judge Sanborn and District

Judges Shiras and Thayer. Judges Sanborn and Thayer affirmed

the judgment of the District Court, while Judge Shiras

dissented. The question then went for final adjudication to

the Supreme Court, where it was argued on the 8th and 9th of

December, 1896, and decided on the 22d of March, 1897. The

opinion of the Court, delivered by Justice Peckham, reversed

the judgment of the courts below, affirming that the

Anti-Trust Act applies to railroads, and that it renders

illegal all agreements which are in restraint of trade. The

case was accordingly remanded to the Circuit Court "for

further proceedings in conformity with this opinion." Justices

White, Field, Gray, and Shiras dissented from the opinion of

the majority.

"In the Final Report (transmitted to Congress in February,

1902), of the Industrial Commission, created by Act of

Congress in 1898, this case of the Trans-Missouri Freight

Association, and the general status at that time of questions

involved in it, are discussed at length, and partly as

follows:

"It is of peculiar interest to note that this leading case was

decided, not upon interpretation of the interstate commerce

act itself, but under the provisions of the Sherman anti-trust

law of 1890. … Two questions were plainly before the court:

First whether the Sherman anti-trust law applied to and

covered common carriers by railroad; and secondly, whether the

Trans-Missouri Freight Association violated any provision of

that act by being an unreasonable restraint upon trade. The

court itself acknowledged that it was doubtful whether

Congress originally intended to include railroads under the

prohibitory provisions of the anti-trust law. Counsel for the

carriers showed, it would seem conclusively, that an amendment

proposed by Mr. Bland to include railroads in the prohibition

was rejected. The dissenting Supreme Court justices maintained

that in the absence of a specific application of the

anti-trust law to railroads, inasmuch as the anti-trust law

was a general act, while the act to regulate commerce,

antedating it by three years, was specific, the latter

exempted the railroads, in any case, from the drastic

provisions of the Sherman Act against combinations in

restraint of trade. The court refused to consider other than

mere questions of law, holding that if pooling were excepted

it was the province of Congress to take appropriate action. …

{551}

"It has very frequently been asserted that a primary cause of

the notable tendency toward railroad consolidation since 1898

was the definitive prohibition of all varieties of traffic

contracts or agreements by the Trans-Missouri Freight

Association decision of 1897. This decision, as has already

been indicated, was rendered upon the basis of the Sherman

anti-trust law, without contemplation of the prohibitive

provision of the Act to regulate commerce of 1887. According

to the opinion of many jurists, in fact, the latter act could

not reasonably have been construed to prohibit many of the

traffic agreements which have been customary between carriers.

It has been urged with great force that coöperation among the

railroads having been finally adjudged illegal, it became

necessary to have recourse to a more drastic remedy, namely,

consolidation in some of its various forms. … The first

difference to be noted between pooling and consolidation is

that the latter is much more comprehensive in its scope. …

Agreements for the division of traffic constitute but the mere

machinery by which a certain result is to be attained. …

Experience has abundantly shown that it is possible for

railroads to maintain a large part of their identity, even

reserving to themselves the power to make rates independently,

under a pool, in exceptional cases, without thereby entirely

nullifying the steadying influences of such traffic

agreements. Consolidation, however, necessarily involves the

unification of all interests as between railroads. … In brief,

pooling may still permit competition in respect to facilities.

It may merely eliminate the ruinous phases of competition in

rates, leaving still in force the healthful influences of

reasonable rivalry. Consolidation proceeds to the uttermost to

stifle competition of all kinds, whether in respect of rates

or of facilities. … A second point to be kept in mind as

between the effects of consolidation and pooling lies in the

fact that consolidation can never hope to accomplish the

steadying influence upon rates which is claimed for railroad

pools, until such time as every railroad within a given

competitive territory shall have been bought up and absorbed.

… A division of territory into a number of specific groups,

each absolutely monopolized by one interest, seems to be the

only logical outcome of the consolidations which have been

already accomplished. …

"Pools and pooling still exist: although outwardly called

gentlemen’s agreement or disguised in some other way, it is

incontestable that in every case where consolidation has not

proceeded to its uttermost limits, as in New England, traffic

agreements exist. Railroad men are almost unanimous in the

expression of their desire to have the inhibition removed.

Representatives of commercial interests have, in the main,

acceded to this opinion. As has been shown, the prohibition

was not contemplated originally. It was included in the act

only as a concession to certain opponents of pooling in the

House of Representatives. … On the other hand, it is

universally recognized that certain dangers to the shipper are

incident to such action. Railroad pools may, and certainly

have, in some instances, operated either to raise rates, or to

maintain them in face of a tendency to decline. As a

consequence, the majority of these appeals for remedial

legislation are accompanied by a demand that pooling, if once

more permitted by law, shall be subject to governmental

approval and supervision."

Final Report of the Industrial Commission,

pages 338-348.

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1901-1905.

The Northern Securities Case.

Another test of the Sherman Act.

The question of the Legality of Combination

between Corporations through a "Holding Company."

At about the time when the Industrial Commission was producing

its final report, from which the above is taken, the courts of

the United States were called on to give attention to another

mode, distinctly different from either "pooling" agreements or

corporate consolidation, by which an effective combination of

railway lines could be secured. It came to the consideration

of the courts in the case of the Northern Securities Company,

which was famous in its day. Briefly related, the case arose

as follows:

Although the Great Northern Railway and the Northern Pacific

Railway traverse the same Northwestern section of the United

States, from the Mississippi River and the western extremity

of the Great Lakes to the Pacific Coast, at no great distance

apart, there was not rivalry, but a community of interest

between them, in 1901, when the corporations to which they

belong became joint purchasers of the Chicago, Burlington and

Quincy Railway system, in order to secure for each of them a

direct connection with Chicago, under their joint control.

This achievement of the powerful railway interests controlled

by James J. Hill was followed by what is known in Wall Street

as a "raid" on the stock of the Northern Pacific, by the Union

Pacific interests, headed by E. H. Harriman, with the object

of securing votes to elect the next board of directors in that

corporation, and thus control the whole Northern

transcontinental combination. The outcome of the fierce

struggle was a compromise, from which issued the famous

"holding company" known as the Northern Securities Company,

incorporated on the 12th of November, 1901, under the

accommodating laws of the State of New Jersey. The term

"holding company" describes precisely the function which this

corporation was created to perform. In the language of its

charter, "the objects for which the corporation is formed are:

To acquire by purchase, subscription or otherwise, and to hold

as investment, any bonds or other securities or evidences of

indebtedness. … To purchase, hold, sell, assign, transfer,

mortgage, pledge, or otherwise dispose of, any bonds or other

securities or evidences of indebtedness created or issued by

any other corporation. … To purchase, hold … etc., shares of

capital stock of any other corporation … and, while owner of

such stock, to exercise all the rights, powers and privileges

of ownership, including the right to vote thereon."

{552}

The specific plan of operation was set forth in a circular

issued by the Northern Securities Company, on the 22d of

November, 1901, to holders of the stock of the Great Northern

Railway Company, which said: "The Northern Securities Company,

incorporated under the laws of the State of New Jersey, with

an authorized capital stock of $400,000,000, and with power to

invest in and hold the securities of other companies, has

commenced business, and has acquired from several large

holders of stock of the Great Northern Railway Company a

considerable amount of that stock. A uniform price has been

paid of $180 per share, in the fully paid stock of this

company, at par. This company is ready to purchase additional

shares of the same stock at the same price, payable in the

same manner, and will accept offers made on that basis if made

within the next sixty days."

"It seems," says Professor Meyer, in his "History of the

Northern Securities Case," "that the capitalization of

$400,000,000 was fixed at that figure in order to cover

approximately the combined capital stock of the Northern

Pacific and Great Northern at an agreed price apparently based

upon earning capacity. The par value of the outstanding

capital stock of the Great Northern was $123,880,400, and that

of the Northern Pacific amounted to $155,000,000. The Northern

Securities Company purchased about seventy-six per cent. of

the former and ninety-six per cent. of the latter, on the

basis of $115 per share of $100 of Northern Pacific and $180

per share of $100 of the Great Northern."

From the side of the railway interests concerned, this holding

together of the stocks of the two corporations which owned

between them the connecting Burlington line to Chicago was a

necessary business transaction. Their view of it was stated

subsequently by Mr. Hill, in testimony given during

proceedings which tested the legality of the holding company,

when he said: "With the Northern Pacific as a half-owner in

the shares of the Burlington and responsibility for one-half

of the purchase price of these shares, the transfers of the

shares of the Northern Pacific or the control of the Northern

Pacific to an interest that was adverse or an interest that

had greater investments in other directions, the control being

in the hands of companies whose interests would be injured by

the growth and development of this country would, of course,

put the Great Northern in a position where it would be almost

helpless, because we would be, as it were, fenced out of the

territory south which produces the tonnage we want to take

west and which consumes the tonnage we want to bring east, and

the Great Northern would be in a position where it would have

to make a hard fight—either survive or perish, or else sell

out to the other interests. The latter would be the most

business-like proceeding."

On the other hand, from the standpoint of public interests,

the combination looked dangerous to the Northwestern States,

as being a suppression of competition and a creation of

monopoly in railway transportation, and it was quickly

announced that the Governor of Minnesota had determined to

invite the Governors of States affected by the transaction to

a conference, for the purpose of considering "the best methods

of fighting the Northern Securities Company’s propositions in

the courts and by new legislation, if necessary." The result

of the conference was a suit undertaken by the State of

Minnesota, at first in the Supreme Court of the United States,

where it was found to be impracticable, but finally begun in

the United States Circuit Court. This State action was soon

followed by proceedings taken by the Federal Government.

Attorney-General Knox was asked by the President for an

opinion as to the legality of the procedure involved in the

formation of the Northern Securities Company, and replied

that, in his judgment it violated the provisions of the

Sherman Act of 1890. The President then "directed that

suitable action should be taken to have the question

judicially determined." Suit was begun accordingly on the 10th

of March, 1902, by the United States, in the United States

Circuit Court at St. Paul, against the three companies,

—Northern Securities, Great Northern, and Northern Pacific.

Testimony was taken in St. Paul and New York, and the case was

argued in March, 1903, at St. Louis, before a special trial

court, composed of four circuit judges. The decision rendered

by this court, the four judges concurring, declared the

transaction illegal, and enjoined the Northern Securities

Company from performing the acts that it was intended to

perform. This decision was contradicted, however, by one given

at about the same time in the suit of the State of Minnesota,

which had its trial in the United States Circuit Court for the

District of Minnesota. There the legality of the formation of

the Northern Securities Company was affirmed.

Appeals from both decisions were taken to the Supreme Court,

and that of the special trial court, in the suit of the

Federal Government, which declared the procedure involved in

the formation of the Northern Securities Company to be in

violation of the Sherman Act of 1890, was fully sustained by a

majority of the Court, in March, 1904. In the opinion of the

majority of the justices, "if Congress has not, by the words

used in the Act, described this and like cases, it would, we

apprehend, be impossible to find words that would describe

them."

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

The Court below was authorized accordingly to execute its

decree against the Securities Company. A little later the

Supreme Court decided in the Minnesota State suit that it had

no jurisdiction, and sent the case back, to be remanded to the

State court from which it had been originally removed. With

this case nothing further was done.

In connection with the undoing of the Northern Securities

Company’s operations, to reconvey the property for which it

had issued its stock, fresh litigation arose, over questions

that touched the construction to be put on the court’s decree.

This, too, went up to the Supreme Court of the United States,

and was decided there in March, 1905; but it has no important

bearing on the questions involved in the original case.

{553}

In the final chapter of his history of the case, Professor

Meyer has this to say of it: "The chief interest of the

Northern Securities case lies in the magnitude of the

interests involved and in the variety of the economic and

legal problems which were incidentally drawn into the

controversy. From the point of view of railway organization

the case presents little of consequence, except that railway

corporate organization, in the process of metamorphosis or

evolution, must, avoid the technicality of the particular type

of holding company which the Northern Securities Company

represented. From the point of view of railway regulation and

the relations between the general public interests and private

railway management, the case has no significance whatsoever,

in spite of the fact that action against the Securities

Company arose out of alleged injurious consequences to the

public. It was assumed that competition had been stifled,

without first asking the question whether competition had

actually existed; and whether, if competition could be

perpetuated, the public would profit by it."

Balthazer Henry Meyer,

A History of the Northern Securities Case

(Bulletin of the University of Wisconsin, Number 142).

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1901-1909.

The Harriman System.

Its Creation.

Its Magnitude.

The Rapid Rise of the late E. H. Harriman to Financial Power.

On the death of the late Edward H. Harriman, which occurred on

the 9th of September, 1909, it was said that he was the

absolute dictator of 75,000 miles of railroad in the United

States—about one-third of the country’s total mileage of

railways—besides being a leading director in four ocean

steamship lines, two trust companies, and three banks. Some

time previously the Interstate Commerce Commission, in the

report of its investigation of the Union Pacific Railroad

management, said of him: "Mr. Harriman may journey by

steamship from New York to New Orleans, thence by rail to San

Francisco, across the Pacific Ocean to China, and, returning

by another route to the United States, may go to Ogden by any

one of three rail lines, and thence to Kansas City or Omaha,

without leaving the deck or platform of a carrier which he

controls, and without duplicating any part of his journey."

In the same report, referring to one of the most questionable

of Harriman’s financial operations, the Commission remarked

that it was "rich in illustrations of various methods of

indefensible financing," but added that it was no part of the

Harriman policy to permit the properties under the Union

Pacific control to degenerate. "As railroads," it was said,

"they are better properties to-day, with lower grades,

straighter tracks, and more ample equipment than they were

when they came under that control. Large sums have been

generously expended in the carrying on of engineering works

and betterments which make for the improvement of the service

and the permanent value of the property."

On the occasion of Mr. Harriman’s death, the New York

Evening Post, reviewing his career, said of him that

"his worst enemies are forced to admit that as a railroad

executive he had no peer. What he found on taking charge of

the Union Pacific was two dirt ballasted streaks of rust. The

stations along the mountain grades were tumbled-down shacks,

and most of the equipment was fit only for the scrap pile.

Moreover, there was no organization. From top to bottom of the

staff the men had lost heart. In 1898 the Union Pacific was

suffering from bankruptcy, brought on by years of political

and financial intrigue. But when Harriman got his grip on the

property he said to his associates: ‘We will rebuild it and do

it right away.’

Harriman’s plans called for hundreds of millions of dollars

for new rails, lower grades, and modern cars, locomotives, and

terminals. After a struggle the Union Pacific directors came

around to his way of thinking."

"It is necessary to remember," said the Post, in

another article, "in summing up the Wall Street side of Mr.

Harriman’s history, that fifteen years ago he was hardly

known, even in railway circles; that ten years ago, his name

would have conveyed no meaning or association to the general

public; that even at the inception of the celebrated Northern

Pacific fight of 1901 [see above, under date of 1901-1905], in

which he was actually a chief protagonist, Wall Street

mentioned his name only incidentally in connection with it.

The fight, as the Stock Exchange and the newspapers then saw

it, was waged between the ‘Standard Oil interest,’ and the

‘Morgan interest,’ and the Union Pacific’s chairman cut little

individual figure in the public view."

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1903 (February).

Act of Congress to Further Regulate Commerce with Foreign

Nations and among the States, known commonly

as "the Elkins Law."

The following are the essential provisions of the Act,

approved February 19, 1903, which is commonly referred to as

the Elkins Anti-Rebate Law:

"The willful failure upon the part of any carrier subject to

said Acts to file and publish the tariffs or rates and charges

as required by said Acts or strictly to observe such tariffs

until changed according to law, shall be a misdemeanor, and

upon conviction thereof the corporation offending shall be

subject to a fine not less than one thousand dollars nor more

than twenty thousand dollars for each offense; and it shall be

unlawful for any person, persons, or corporation to offer,

grant, or give or to solicit, accept, or receive any rebate,

concession, or discrimination in respect of the transportation

of any property in interstate or foreign commerce by any

common carrier subject to said Act to regulate commerce and

the Acts amendatory thereto whereby any such property shall by

any device whatever be transported at a less rate than that

named in the tariffs published and filed by such carrier, as

is required by said Act to regulate commerce and the Acts

amendatory thereto, or whereby any other advantage is given or

discrimination is practiced. Every person or corporation who

shall offer, grant, or give or solicit, accept or receive any

such rebates, concession, or discrimination shall be deemed

guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction thereof shall be

punished by a fine of not less than one thousand dollars nor

more than twenty thousand dollars. In all convictions

occurring after the passage of this Act for offences under

said Acts to regulate commerce, whether committed before or

after the passage of this Act, or for offenses under this

section, no penalty shall be imposed on the convicted party

other than the fine prescribed by law, imprisonment wherever

now prescribed as part of the penalty being hereby abolished.

Every violation of this section shall be prosecuted in any

court of the United States having jurisdiction of crimes

within the district in which such violation was committed or

through which the transportation may have been conducted; and

whenever the offense is begun in one jurisdiction and

completed in another it may be dealt with, inquired of, tried,

determined, and punished in either jurisdiction in the same

manner as if the offense had been actually and wholly

committed therein.

{554}

"In construing and enforcing the provisions of this section

the act, omission, or failure of any officer, agent, or other

person acting for or employed by any common carrier acting

within the scope of his employment shall in every case be also

deemed to be the act, omission, or failure of such carrier as

well as that of the person. Whenever any carrier files with

the Interstate Commerce Commission or publishes a particular

rate under the provisions of the Act to regulate commerce or

Acts amendatory thereto, or participates in any rates so filed

or published, that rate as against such carrier, its officers

or agents in any prosecution begun under this Act shall be

conclusively deemed to be the legal rate, and any departure

from such rate, or any offer to depart therefrom, shall be

deemed to be an offense under this section of this Act."

Statutes at Large of the United States,

Fifty-seventh Congress, Session II, chapter 708.

In comment on the above Act, Professor Ripley wrote, sometime

after its passage:

"Two years ago, at the instance of the railways, which were

desirous of stopping large leakages of revenue due to rate

cutting, Congress enacted the so-called Elkins law. This was

distinctly a railway measure. Hence the ease and quiet of its

passage. It roused none of the corporate watch dogs of the

Senate, ostensibly guardians of the public welfare. Nor was it

a compromise. There was no need of compromise. Both railways

and shippers were agreed in the wish to eliminate rebates.

Section 3 of this law of 1903 recites ‘that whenever the

Interstate Commerce Commission shall have reasonable ground

for belief that any common carrier is engaged in the carriage

of passenger or freight traffic between given points at less

than the published rates on file, or is committing any

discriminations forbidden by law’ (our italics), it may

petition any circuit judge for the issuance of an injunction

summarily prohibiting the practice. Such a remedy would seem

to be prompt, efficient, and adequate. It is the basis of the

universal railway testimony that no further legislation on the

subject is needed, but that the Interstate Commerce Commission

should quit talking and get down to business. …

"That the Elkins law adds nothing to the original statute of

1887 is indisputable. It deals with means, not ends. It

provides motive power, but not intelligent direction, for the

wheels of justice. The law remains absolutely unchanged in its

definition of rights and wrongs."

W. Z. Ripley,

President Roosevelt’s Railway Policy

(Atlantic Monthly, September, 1905).

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1905.

International Railway Congress.

The International Railway Congress had its meeting of 1905 at

Washington, on the invitation of the American Railroad

Association. Between three and four hundred American railroad

men were in attendance during the Congress, which lasted from

May 4 to May 13. The delegates from oversea numbered three

hundred and twenty, and included representatives from every

country in the world. Germany, for the first time, was

adequately represented in the Congress; while at no previous

Congress were there so many delegates from Great Britain and

from British colonies.

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1906.

Reconstruction of the Interstate Commerce Commission.

See (in this Volume)

INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION.

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1906-1909.

Decision of the Supreme Court of the United States on

the Constitutionality of the "Commodities Clause" of

the Hepburn Act.

The Railroad Monopoly of the Anthracite Coal Trade.

The Act of 1906 (known commonly as the Hepburn Act) which

amended the Interstate Commerce Act of 1887 (see above, under

date of 1870-1908), contains an important provision which was

specially intended to dissolve the monopolistic combination by

which a group of railroads operating in Pennsylvania have

established control of the mining and marketing, as well as

the transportation of anthracite coal. This was inserted in

the Act on motion of Senator Elkins and is sometimes referred

to as the "Elkins Clause," sometimes as the "Commodities

Clause" of the Railway Rebate Act. This clause declared it to

be unlawful "for any railroad company to transport from any

State to any other State or to any foreign country any article

or commodity other than timber manufactured, mined, or

produced by it, or under its authority, or which it may own in

whole or in part, or in which it may have any interest, direct

or indirect, except such articles or commodities as may be

necessary and intended for its use in the conduct of its

business as a common carrier."

Since 1874 the Constitution of Pennsylvania had declared that

"no incorporated company doing the business of a common

carrier shall, directly or indirectly, prosecute or engage in

mining or manufacturing articles for transportation over its

works; nor shall such company directly or indirectly engage in

any other business than that of common carrier, or hold or

acquire lands, freehold or leasehold, directly or indirectly,

except such as shall be necessary to carry on its business."

But this constitutional prohibition had not sufficed to

restrain the owners of the railways which tap the anthracite

coal district from acquiring practical ownership of so large a

part of its mines as to be able, by combinations and

understandings among their managers, to monopolize the market

of that most important commodity. It was thought that the

power vested in the General Government to regulate the

commerce in coal between Pennsylvania and other States might

be brought into exercise against this anthracite monopoly with

more effect.

On the 1st of May, 1908, the "commodities clause" of the

Hepburn Act became operative, and soon thereafter a suit was

brought in the United Slates Circuit Court for the Eastern

District of Pennsylvania, to test its constitutionality. In

this trial of the question the Government met defeat. Two of

the three Judges of the Court, namely Gray and Dallas, filed

opinions against the constitutionality of the enactment, their

colleague, Judge Buffington, dissenting. The case went then on

appeal to the Supreme Court, and there, by a judgment so

nearly unanimous that Judge Harlan alone dissented on a single

point, the decision of the Circuit Court was reversed and the

constitutionality of the law upheld.

{555}

The following summary of its opinion was given out by the

Supreme Court at the time of the announcement, May 3, 1909:

"(1.) The claim of the government that the provision contained

in the Hepburn act, approved June 29, 1906, commonly called

the Commodities Clause, prohibits a railway company from

moving commodities in interstate commerce because the company

has manufactured, mined, or produced them, or owned them in

whole or in part, or has had an interest direct or indirect in

them, wholly irrespective of the relation or connection of the

carrier with the commodities at the time of transportation, is

decided to be untenable. It is also decided that the provision

of the commodities clause relating to interest, direct or

indirect, does not embrace an interest which a carrier may

have in a producing corporation as the result of the ownership

by the carrier of stock in such corporation irrespective of

the amount of stock which the carrier may own in such

corporation, provided the corporation has been organized in

good faith.

"(2.) Rejecting the construction placed by the government upon

the commodities clause, it is decided that that clause, when

all its provisions are harmoniously construed, has solely for

its object to prevent carriers engaged in interstate commerce

from being associated in interest at the time of

transportation with the commodities transported, and therefore

the commodities clause only prohibits railroad companies

engaged in interstate commerce from transporting in such

commerce commodities under the following circumstances and

conditions:

"(a) When the commodity has been manufactured, mined, or

produced by a railway company, or under its authority, and at

the time of transportation the railway company has not in good

faith before the act of transportation parted with its

interest in such commodity;

"(b) When the railway company owns the commodity to be

transported in whole or in part;

"(c) When the railway company at the time of transportation

has an interest direct or indirect in a legal sense in the

commodity, which last prohibition does not apply to

commodities manufactured, mined, produced, owned, etc., by a

corporation because a railway company is a stockholder in such

corporation.

"Such ownership of stock in a producing company by a railway

company does not cause it as the owner of the stock to have a

legal interest in the commodity manufactured, etc., by the

producing corporation.

"(3.) As thus construed the commodities clause is a regulation

of commerce within the power of Congress to enact. The

contentions elaborately argued for the railroad companies that

the clause, if applied to preexisting rights, will operate to

take property of railroad companies and therefore violate the

due process clause of the Fifth Amendment, were all based upon

the assumption that the clause prohibited and restricted in

accordance with the construction which the government gave

that clause and for the purpose of enforcing which

prohibitions these suits were brought.

"As the construction which the government placed upon the act

and seeks to enforce is now held to be unsound, and as none of

the contentions relied upon are applicable to the act as now

construed, because under such construction the act merely

enforces a regulation of commerce by which carriers are

compelled to dissociate themselves from the products which

they carry and does not prohibit where the carrier is not

associated with the commodity carried, it follows that the

contentions on the subject of the Fifth Amendment are without

merit.

"(4.) The exemption as to timber, etc., contained in the

clause is not repugnant to the Constitution.

"(5.) The provision as to penalties is separable from the

other provisions of the act. As no recovery of penalties was

prayed, no issue concerning them is here presented. It will be

time enough to consider whether the right to recover penalties

exists when an attempt to collect penalties is made.

"(6.) As the construction now given the act differs so widely

from the construction which the government gave to the act,

and which it was the purpose of these suits to enforce, it is

held that it is not necessary, in reversing and remanding, to

direct the character of decrees which shall be entered, but

simply to reverse and remand the case with instructions to

enforce and apply the statute as it is now construed.

"(7.) As the Delaware and Hudson Company is engaged as a

common carrier by rail in the transportation of coal in the

channels of interstate commerce, it is a railroad company

within the purview of the commodities clause, and is subject

to the provisions of that clause as they are now construed."

Six railway companies, namely, the Delaware and Hudson, the

Erie, the Central of New Jersey, the Lackawanna, the

Pennsylvania and the Lehigh Valley, were involved in the test

suit on which this decision was given; but the ruling will

affect all roads engaged in coal mining. Justice Harlan

dissented from that part of the decision which relates to the

ownership of stock in a producing company; otherwise the

opinion, announced by Justice White, was the opinion of the

entire Bench.

By ruling that "ownership of stock in a producing company by a

railway company does not cause it as the owner of the stock to

have a legal interest in the commodity manufactured, etc., by

the producing company," the court appears to have made further

legislation necessary, if the companies are to be barred from

controlling the production and marketing of the coal through

subsidiary corporations.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.:

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909.

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1907.

Regulative Legislation in the States.

"Never in the history of railroad legislation have our

transportation systems run counter to a campaign so

comprehensive, wide-spread, and disturbing as the general

trend of ‘regulation’ in almost every State Legislature in

session during 1907. It seems as if a legislative tempest

against the railroads had been unloosed simultaneously in more

than thirty States upon a given signal. The welcome accorded

it by our lawmakers is inexplicable, unless we are prepared to

admit that our Government, as has been charged frequently, is

one of impulse. On this hypothesis it is readily understood.

{556}

"Thirty-five States, in all, attempted to enact laws reducing

freight or passenger rates, establishing railroad commissions,

increasing the powers of existing commissions, regulating car

service, demurrage, safety appliances, block signals, free

passes, capitalization, liability for accidents to employees,

hours of labor, blacklisting, strikes, etc. … Uniformity was

sought without discrimination or foresight. Railroads in

densely populated districts and those in sparsely settled

rural localities were given alike a two-cent rate. Worse than

this: roads of different earning power in the same State were

assigned a level rate. The prosperous and well-established

road and the struggling pioneer were bracketed,—to sink or

swim.

"But all of their work was not wasted. Real constructive

legislation was enacted in many States in regard to corporate

control, safety appliances, block signals, working hours,

rights of employees, railroad mergers, valuation,

capitalization, publication of rate schedules, etc., while in

the States of South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, and

Wisconsin the rate question was given fair and temperate

consideration. …

"An analysis of the general results shows that passenger fares

were either actually reduced or affected in twenty-one States:

Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas,

Maryland, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri,

Nebraska, North Carolina, North Dakota, Oklahoma,

Pennsylvania, South Dakota, Virginia, West Virginia, and

Wisconsin. Two-cent rates now prevail in Arkansas, Indiana,

Illinois, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, Pennsylvania, and

Wisconsin; and in Ohio, since 1906; two-and-one-half-cent

rates in Alabama and North Dakota. North Carolina has

established a two-and one-quarter-cent rate; West Virginia, a

two-cent rate for railroads over fifty miles in length; Iowa,

a sliding scale of from two to three cents per mile; Michigan,

a two, three, and four cent rate; Kansas, Maryland, and

Mississippi, two-cent rates for mileage books; the railroad

commissions of Georgia and South Dakota have been authorized

to establish a two-cent and a two-and-one-half-cent rate,

respectively; and Oklahoma specifies in its new constitution a

maximum charge of two cents for passenger fare. Virginia’s

Corporation Commission has adopted a two-cent rate for trunk

lines, a three-cent rate for minor roads and a

three-and-one-half-cent rate on one or two lines.

"Freight charges were lowered in many States. The Commodity

Freight Rate law of Minnesota is probably the most scientific

and equitable, and is being used by many Western roads as a

basis. Commissions in other States have adopted it as a model.

"Laws prohibiting free passes were enacted in Alabama,

Indiana, Kansas, Maine, Minnesota, Nebraska, Nevada, New

Hampshire, New York, Oklahoma, Oregon, South Dakota, and

Texas.

"Eleven States created railroad commissions: Colorado,

Indiana, Michigan, Montana, Nevada, New Jersey, New York,

Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, and Vermont. Sixteen others

gave increased power to existing commissions, apart from rate

regulation: Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Illinois, Iowa,

Kansas, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, New Hampshire, North

Carolina, South Carolina, South Dakota, Texas, Washington, and

Wisconsin."

Robert Emmett Ireton,

The Legislatures and the Railways

(Review of Reviews, August, 1907).

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1907.

Limitation of Working Hours for Trainmen.

An Act of Congress passed in January, 1907, prohibits railways

engaged in interstate and foreign commerce from requiring or

permitting those of their employés who have to do with the

movement of trains to work more than sixteen hours

consecutively, or more than an aggregate of sixteen in each

twenty-four hours, and requires that when an employé shall

have worked for sixteen hours there shall follow a period of

rest of not less than ten hours before he shall resume his

duties. Certain exceptions are made to provide for accidents,

the failure of trains to make their regular schedules,

connections, etc. Violation of the act is declared to be a

misdemeanor punishable by a fine of from $100 to $1,000, and

the Interstate Commerce Commission is charged with the duty of

enforcing the law.

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1907.

Strike on roads west of Chicago averted

by Federal Intermediation.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907 (APRIL).

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1907-1908.

Limitation of State Authority in matters

of Interstate Commerce.

Serious collisions between Federal and State authority which

occurred in 1907, in the States of Alabama, North Carolina,

and Minnesota, on questions relating to interstate railways

and their commerce, were cleared by important decisions of the

Supreme Court of the United States, rendered in the spring of

1908. The States in question had enacted laws which had the

effect of intimidating railway companies and their agents from

appealing to Federal courts, by the severity of the penalties

they imposed. Suits undertaken in consequence against the

State officials acting under these laws raised the question

which was carried to the Federal Supreme Court. The bearing of

the judgment rendered by that Court in the Minnesota case,

Justice Harlan alone dissenting, is indicated by two passages

from it, as follows:

"The provisions of the acts relating to the enforcement of the

rates, either for freight or passengers, by imposing such

enormous fines and possible imprisonment as a result of an

unsuccessful effort to test the validity of the laws

themselves, are unconstitutional on their face, without regard

to the question of the insufficiency of those rates."

"If the act which the State Attorney-General seeks to enforce

be a violation of the Federal Constitution, the officer in

proceeding under such enactment comes into conflict with the

superior authority of that Constitution, and he is in that

case stripped of his official or representative character and

is subjected in his person to the consequences of his

individual conduct. The State has no power to impart to him

any immunity from responsibility to the supreme authority of

the United States."

{557}

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1908.

Decision in Armour Packing Company Case.

A decision by the United States Supreme Court in the case of

the United States vs. the Armour Packing Company covered cases

in which identical proceedings were pending against three

other packing companies and the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy

Railroad Company. The packing company had contracted with the

railway company for a rate from the Mississippi to New York,

to continue for seven months, soon after which the railway

company filed, published, and posted a much higher rate,

continuing, however, to give transportation to the packing

company, on through bills of lading to foreign ports for the

lower rate of the contract. The Supreme Court sustained the

Circuit Court in deciding this to be in violation of the law

against discrimination in rates, since that law, being in

force when the contract was made, was necessarily "read into

the contract" and "became part of it."

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1908 (April).

Passage of Act relating to the Liability of Common Carriers

by Railroad to their Employés in Certain Cases.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR PROTECTION: EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY.

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1908 (November).

Supreme Court Decision in Case of Virginia Railroads

vs. the State Corporation Commission of Virginia.

"Justice Holmes today [November 30, 1908] announced the

decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the case

of the Virginia railroads versus the state corporation

commission of Virginia, calling into question the order of the

commission fixing a uniform rate of two cents a mile for

carrying passengers in the state. The decision reversed the

decision of the United States circuit court for the eastern

division of Virginia on the technical ground that the

railroads should have appealed from the commission’s order to

the supreme court of Virginia before seeking the intervention

of the federal courts. In effect the court directs that the

railroad companies take their case to the state court of last

resort and that in order to prevent injustices through the

possible application of the statute of limitations, the case

be retained on the docket of the United States circuit court,

by which it was originally decided favorably to the roads."

Washington Despatch to the Associated Press.

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1908-1909.

The Missouri River Rate Case.

Permanent Injunction against

the Interstate Commerce Commission.

By an order made on the 24th of June, 1908, the Interstate

Commerce Commission forbade the charging of a through rate on

first class matter, by the railroads, from the Atlantic

seaboard to the Missouri River ($1.47 per hundred pounds),

which equalled the rate charged from the Atlantic to the

Mississippi (87 cents) plus the rate from the Mississippi to

the Missouri (60 cents). In other words, the Commission sought

to impose a through rate to the Missouri which would be nine

cents per hundred pounds less than the sum of the rates

charged on two parts of the same distance. The western railway

companies affected by the order applied to the United States

Circuit Court, at Chicago, for a permanent injunction to

restrain its enforcement. The injunction was granted on the

24th of August, 1909, Judges Grosscup and Kohlsaat

concurring in the decision, Judge Baker dissenting.

"The question raised," said Judge Grosscup, in rendering the

opinion, "in its larger aspects is not so much a question

between the shippers and the railroads as between the

commercial and manufacturing interests of Denver and of the

territory east of the Mississippi River on the one side, and

the commercial and manufacturing interests of the Missouri

River cities on the other. …

"We are not prepared to say the commission has not the power

to enter upon a plan looking toward a system of rates wherein

the rates for longer and shorter hauls will taper downward

according to distance, providing such tapering is both

comprehensively and symmetrically applied—applied with a

design of carrying out what may be the economic fact, that, on

the whole, it is worth something less per mile to carry

freight long distances than shorter distances.

"But it does not follow that power of that character includes

power, by the use of differentials, to artificially divide the

country into trade zones tributary to given trade and

manufacturing centres, the commission in such cases having as

a result to predetermine what the trade and manufacturing

centres shall be; for such power, vaster than any one body of

men has heretofore exercised, though wisely exerted in

specific instances, would be putting into the hands of the

commission the general power of life and death over every

trade and manufacturing centre in the United States."

In the dissenting opinion of Judge Baker he said: "The

question is not whether a lawful power or authority has been

shown to have been wrongly exercised, but whether there is any

law at all for the power or authority claimed and exercised."

He found the necessary law, and added: "If Congress cannot

constitutionally make a general declaration that the rates

shall be reasonable and not unjustly discriminatory and then

trust an executive body to hear evidence and decide questions

of fact respecting reasonableness and just discrimination, the

power of Congress over rates would be worthless."

In September it was announced that the Commission would appeal

from the injunction to the Supreme Court.

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1909.

The Seventh Transcontinental Line.

The seventh transcontinental line of railway in America, the

Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul system, was announced as

completed on the 1st of April, 1909. As its name indicates, it

is an extension of the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul system

by a line fourteen hundred miles long from Mobridge, South

Dakota, to Seattle and Tacoma, in the State of Washington.

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1909.

Fines imposed on the New York Central Railroad Company.

Fines aggregating $134,000, imposed on the New York Central

Railway Company by the United States Circuit Court for the

Southern District of New York for rebates granted to the

American Sugar Refining Company in violation of law, were

affirmed in February, 1909, by the Supreme Court of the United

States, and were paid on the 12th of May.

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1909 (May-June).

The Georgia Railroad Strike.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

{558}

RAILWAYS: A. D. 1910.

Special Message of President Taft

touching Interstate Commerce.

The important Special Message addressed to Congress by

President Taft on the 7th of January, 1910, recommending

amendatory legislation on the two subjects of interstate

commerce and the combinations called "trusts," opened with the

following statement:

"In the annual report of the Interstate Commerce Commission

for the year 1908 attention is called to the fact that between

July 1, 1908, and the close of that year sixteen suits had

been begun to set aside orders of the commission (besides one

commenced before that date), and that few orders of much

consequence had been permitted to go without protest; that the

questions presented by these various suits were fundamental,

as the constitutionality of the act itself was in issue, and

the right of Congress to delegate to any tribunal authority to

establish an interstate rate was denied; but that perhaps the

most serious practical question raised concerned the extent of

the right of the courts to review the orders of the

commission; and it was pointed out that if the contention of

the carriers in this latter respect alone were sustained, but

little progress had been made in the Hepburn act toward the

effective regulation of interstate transportation charges. In

twelve of the cases referred to, it was stated, preliminary

injunctions were prayed for, being granted in six and refused

in six.

"‘It has from the first been well understood,’ says the

commission, ‘that the success of the present act as a

regulating measure depended largely upon the facility with

which temporary injunctions could be obtained. If a railroad

company, by mere allegation in its bill of complaint,

supported by ex-parte affidavits, can overturn the results of

days of patient investigation, no very satisfactory result can

be expected. The railroad loses nothing by these proceedings,

since if they fail it can only be required to establish the

rate and to pay to shippers the difference between the higher

rate collected and the rate which is finally held to be

reasonable. In point of fact it usually profits, because it

can seldom be required to return more than a fraction of the

excess charges collected.’

"In its report for the year 1909 the commission shows that of

the seventeen cases referred to in its 1908 report, only one

had been decided in the Supreme Court of the United States,

although five other cases had been argued and submitted to

that tribunal in October, 1909.

"Of course, every carrier affected by an order of the

commission has a constitutional right to appeal to a Federal

Court to protect it from the enforcement of an order which it

may show to be prima facie confiscatory or unjustly

discriminatory in its effect; and as this application may be

made to a court in any district of the United States, not only

does delay result in the enforcement of the order, but great

uncertainty is caused by contrariety of decision. The

questions presented by these applications are too often

technical in their character and require a knowledge of the

business and the mastery of a great Volume of conflicting

evidence which is tedious to examine and troublesome to

comprehend. It would not be proper to attempt to deprive any

corporation of the right to review by a court of any order or

decree which, if undisturbed, would rob it of a reasonable

return upon its investment or would subject it to burdens

which would unjustly discriminate against it and in favor of

other carriers similarly situated. What is, however, of

supreme importance is that the decision of such questions

shall be as speedy as the nature of the circumstances will

admit, and that a uniformity of decision be secured so as to

bring about an effective, systematic, and scientific

enforcement of the commerce law, rather than conflicting

decisions and uncertainty of final result.

"For this purpose I recommend the establishment of a court of

the United States composed of five judges designated for such

purpose from among the circuit judges of the United States, to

be known as the ‘United States Court of Commerce,’ which court

shall be clothed with exclusive original jurisdiction over the

following classes of cases:

"(1.) All cases for the enforcement, otherwise than by

adjudication and collection of a forfeiture or penalty, or by

infliction of criminal punishment, of any order of the

Interstate Commerce Commission other than for the payment of

money.

"(2.) All cases brought to enjoin, set aside, annul, or

suspend any order or requirement of the Interstate Commerce

Commission.

"(3.) All such cases as under section 3 of the act of February

19, 1903, known as the ‘Elkins Act,’ are authorized to be

maintained in a circuit court of the United States.

"(4.) All such mandamus proceedings as under the provisions of

section 20 or section 23 of the Interstate Commerce law are

authorized to be maintained in a circuit court of the United

States.

"Reasons precisely analogous to those which induced the

Congress to create the Court of Customs Appeals by the

provisions in the tariff act of August 5, 1909, may be urged

in support of the creation of the Commerce Court."

Further recommendations of the Message are summarized in the

following:

Pooling arrangements as to rates to be allowed under direct

supervision of the commission.

The commission to be empowered to pass upon freight

classifications.

The commission to be empowered to hold up new rates or

classifications by railroads until an inquiry can be made as

to their reasonableness. If found to be unreasonable, the

commission may forbid the increase.

Shippers to be given the choice of established routes on

through freight.

From and after the passage of the amendments, it is provided

that no railroad shall acquire any stock or interest in a

competing line, except that where a road already owns 50 per

cent, or more of the stock of another road, it may complete

the purchase of all the stock. Also in cases where one road is

operating another under a lease of more than twenty-five

years’ duration, it shall have a right to acquire the demised

road. Allowing these acquisitions of stock does not exempt any

road from prosecution under the Anti-Trust law.

Stocks must be issued at par value for money paid in or for

property or services, rates at full value, under an inquiry by

the Federal authority, who shall supervise all stock and bond

issues.

----------RAILWAYS: End--------

RAISULI, The Moorish Brigand.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

RALLIÉS.

A political party in France said to be made from fragments

from the former Bonapartists, Orleanists, and Boulangerists.

RAMSAY, Sir William.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM; also,

NOBEL PRIZES.

RATE REGULATION, Railway.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908.

{559}

RAYLEIGH, Lord.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

REBATE RESTRICTION, Railway.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908,

and 1903 (February).

RECIPROCITY TREATY: United States and Newfoundland:

The Hay-Bond Treaty.

Its Amendment to Death by the United States Senate.

See (in this Volume)

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.

RECLAMATION OF ARID LANDS.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

RED CROSS SOCIETY, The American National.

By an Act of Congress passed in 1904, the American National

Red Cross was incorporated under the laws of the District of

Columbia and brought directly under Government supervision.

Its charter provided that five members of its Board of

Incorporators were to be chosen from the Departments of State,

War, Navy, Treasury, and Justice. Its accounts were to be

audited by the disbursing officer of the War Department. The

entire support, however, aside from the income from a small

endowment, comes from the dues of individual members and

voluntary contributions. The election of Mr. Taft, then

Secretary of War, as the first president of the reorganized

Red Cross, emphasized its new relationship to the Federal

Government and its new position as a body of really National

scope. At the annual meeting of the Society in December, 1908,

Mr. Taft, then President-elect of the United States, consented

to be reelected to the presidency of the Red Cross

organization in the United States.

Throughout all the many calamities of the past decade, from

earthquake, volcanic eruption, fire, flood, war, famine, and

pestilence, the Red Cross Society has always been instant in

readiness for effective humane service, from almost every

civilized country of the world, and for any call to any

quarter of the globe. In the United States it has lately

undertaken a continuous and permanent service in connection

with the anti-tuberculosis crusade.

RED CROSS SOCIETY:

In Japan, before and during the Russo-Japanese War.

"The Red Cross Society of Japan is by no means merely a copy

of the Red Cross societies of Europe, as its name would seem

to indicate; for the idea of assisting the wounded soldiers

and allaying the suffering caused by war arose spontaneously

in Japan. …

"In 1867, two years before the Restoration, when Japan was

considered a savage country by the West, and when she

possessed neither railways nor telegraphs, machinery, etc.,

Count Sano, an enthusiastic humanitarian, was sent by the

Shogun to the Exhibition in Paris, where he had the

opportunity of studying the Red Cross societies of various

countries. Again, in 1873, when this gentleman was ambassador

in Vienna, he carefully observed the Red Cross Society, and

especially its activity during the Franco-German War of 1870.

When the Civil War of 1877 broke out in Japan, Count Sano was

back in his native country, and he conceived the idea of

forming a society after the model of the European Red Cross

societies. The nobility of Japan received his ideas most

favourably, and a society was founded which was called

Hakuaisha (Benevolent Society). …

"The Mikado countenanced the objects of the Society and

assisted it in every way. From 1887 onward he gave it a yearly

contribution of 5,000 yen, to which in 1888 a gift of 100,000

yen was added. After the Chino-Japanese War, the Mikado’s

yearly contribution was increased to 10,000 yen, in

recognition of the progress which the Society had made and of

the great assistance which it had given during that campaign.

Besides this sum he contributes yearly 5,000 yen to the Red

Cross Society for the patients, and from time to time makes

generous gifts to the Society. The motto of the Japanese Red

Cross Society is ‘Pay your debt to your country by helping its

soldiers’; and this motto has quickly made the Society

immensely popular throughout the country. …

"The war with China of 1894-1895 demonstrated the excellence

of the Japanese Red Cross Society, and proved at the same time

its best advertisement, for at the end of 1895 there were more

than 160,000 members. Since the Society had proved its immense

practical utility, the number of its members rose by leaps and

bounds, and at the end of 1898 there were 570,000 members, and

the yearly receipts had reached 1,582,622 yen; at present it

must count about 1,000,000 members, and must have an income of

at least 3,000,000 yen, or about £300,000 per annum, a truly

enormous sum for a country like Japan, where a yen goes about

as far as ten shillings go in Great Britain. The latest

available figures give the following record: Number of

members, 920,000; funds in hand, £794,000; annual income,

£231,000."

O. Eltzbacher,

The Red Gross Society of Japan

(Contemporary Review, September, 1904).

REDEMPTORISTS: Forbidden to teach in France.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

REFERENDUM, Initiative and Recall:

In Switzerland.

According to a report on the subject made to the State

Department at Washington, in June, 1902, by the United States

Minister to Switzerland, the Honorable Arthur S. Hardy, down

to that time, "since the referendum has been in force, 226

Federal laws and resolutions have been enacted, of which 40

were submitted to the people, 14 by the compulsory and 26 by

the optional referendum. The people have exercised the

initiative five times since its adoption in 1891, rejecting

the measures proposed four out of five times."

REFERENDUM, Initiative and Recall:

In the United States.

"The first State to adopt a constitutional amendment providing

for the initiative and referendum was South Dakota in 1898.

Next came Utah (1900) with an amendment which is not

self-executing, and the Legislature has not so far passed the

necessary enabling act. Oregon followed in 1902, Montana in

1906, and Oklahoma in 1907. South Dakota, Oregon, and Oklahoma

have also extended the constitutional amendments so as to

provide for the initiative and referendum in municipal

corporations. Maine, Missouri, and North Dakota are soon to

vote upon constitutional amendments embodying the initiative

and referendum for State matters; and Maine proposes to extend

this right to municipal corporations concerning their local

affairs.

{560}

In 1907 Iowa and South Dakota each enacted a general law under

which cities may, if they so choose, have charters embodying

the general features of the ‘commission plan of government,’

and acquire with them the right to have the initiative, the

referendum, and the recall. In South Dakota the Constitution

specifically gives to the people the right of the initiative

and referendum, but in Iowa no mention thereof is made in the

Constitution. The Supreme Court of Iowa, however, has held

that the statute conferring the right upon cities of a certain

class to adopt a commission plan of government which included

the initiative, referendum, and recall was constitutional, as

the State Constitution did not specifically forbid the

granting of these rights. In Texas cities of a designated size

can be incorporated by special act, and since Galveston

obtained its new form of government several cities of Texas

have been given charters by special acts, some embodying the

initiative, referendum, and recall, others one or two of these

rights, and some none of them or only in a modified form. The

recall is the most recent of the three new measures of relief.

Los Angeles in 1903 seems to have been the first city to have

made the recall a part of its city charter. In 1905 San Diego,

San Bernardino, Pasadena, and Fresno, California, followed. In

1906 Seattle joined the list, and in 1907 there were added

Everett, in Washington, and six other California cities—Santa

Monica, Alameda, Long Beach, Vallejo, Riverside and San

Francisco. No State has a constitutional provision for the

recall."

The Outlook,

August 15, 1908.

On the 25th of May, 1908, the Initiative and Referendum League

of America addressed a memorial to Congress, asking for the

passage of a Bill which had been introduced in the Senate

(Senate Bill No. 7208), "For a modern system whereby the

voters of the United States may instruct their National

Representatives," and, further, for the passage of Senate

Joint Resolution No. 94, "asking the States to establish the

machinery for taking a referendum vote on national issues

whenever Congress shall so direct."

REGENERADORES.

See (in this Volume)

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

REGGIO:

Its Destruction by Earthquake.

See (in this Volume)

EARTHQUAKES: ITALY.

REGIE, The San Domingo.

See (in this Volume)

SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1901-1905.

REGINA:

Capital of the Province of Saskatchewan.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1905.

REID, George Houston:

Premier of Australia.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904.

REID, Sir Robert T.:

Lord Chancellor of England.

See (in this Volume)

England: A. D. 1905-1906.

REINSCH, Paul S.:

Delegate to Third International Conference

of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM:

Its Limitations in Russia.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA. A. D. 1905 (APRIL-AUGUST), and 1909 (JUNE).

RELIGIOUS TEACHING, in State Supported Schools:

The Controversy.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1903;

CANADA: A. D. 1905;

EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 and 1906.

RENAULT, Louis.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

RENNENKAMPF, General.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

REPATRIATION OF THE BOERS.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1903.

REPUBLIC, The Rescue of the Steamship.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ELECTRICAL.

RESCHAD, Mohammed:

Raised to the Turkish Throne.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

RESEARCH, Original.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

RESOURCES, Conservation of Natural.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

REVAL, Disorders in.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

REVOLUTION, Persia.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA.

REVOLUTION, Turkish.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

REYES, Rafael:

President of Colombia.

See (in this Volume)

COLOMBIA: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1906-1909.

RHODES, CECIL J.:

His death.

His continued Influence in South Africa.

His Policy carried on by Dr. Jameson.

See(in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.

RHODES, CECIL J.:

His Will, endowing Scholarships at Oxford for Students in the

British Colonies and the United States.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: RHODES SCHOLARSHIPS.

RHODESIA: A. D. 1908.

Report of the British South Africa Company.

The annual report of the directors of the British South Africa

Company, presented at a meeting of shareholders in London in

February, 1909, contained the following statements:

"During 1908 there has been a remarkable improvement in the

circumstances of Rhodesia. This improvement has been evident

in every department of trade and industry, and is reflected in

the returns of administrative receipts, railways, mines and

land. It was pointed out last year what an important effect

even a slight increase in general prosperity would exercise

upon the whole financial position, and the figures now

available show that this view was correct. The administrative

revenue of Southern Rhodesia during the year 1908-1909 will

suffice to cover administrative expenditure without any call

whatever upon the commercial income of the company; the

shortages of the railway companies in respect of the same

period will be less by £100,000 than in 1907-1908; during the

year ending 31st March, 1910, large additional revenue will be

derived from the carriage from the port of Beira of the

materials and stores for the extension of the railway into the

Congo territory. … The negotiations for the extension

northwards of the Rhodesian Railway system have been brought

to a successful conclusion. With the coöperation of the

Tanganyika Concessions (Limited) a company has been formed

called the Rhodesia-Kantanga Junction Railway and Mineral

Company (Limited), which will construct a standard gauge line

from the present terminus at Broken Hill to a point on the

frontier of the Congo Free State; from the frontier to the

Star of the Congo Mine the line will be constructed by the

Couipaguie du Chemin de Fer du Kantanga. … On the completion

of the first section to the frontier, Rhodesia will be

traversed by a trunk line from south to north.

{561}

"The European population shows a net increase of over 1,100

since the intermediate census, in September, 1907, when it

numbered 14,018. An area of 1,169,305 acres of land has been

settled and occupied during the past year. The output of gold

has increased from £2,178,886 in 1907 to £2,526,037 in 1908.

Imports have increased by about £100,000 during the past

year."

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1904.

RIBEIRO, HINTZE.

See (in this Volume)

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

RICHMOND, Virginia: A. D. 1907.

Great Reunion of Confederate War Veterans.

Unveiling of Monument to Jefferson Davis.

A great gathering of the surviving veterans of the

Confederacy, to the number of about 15,000, at Richmond, late

in May and early in June, was brought about in connection with

the unveiling of an impressive monument to Jefferson Davis. An

equestrian statue of General J. E. B. Stuart was also unveiled

on one of the days of the reunion.

RIFF, The.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

RIGA, Disorders in.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

RIKKEN SEIYU-KAI.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).

RIO DE JANEIRO: A. D. 1903-1905.

Eradication of Yellow Fever.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH: YELLOW FEVER.

RIO DE JANEIRO: A. D. 1906.

Third International Conference of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

RITCHIE, C. T.:

Chancellor of the Exchequer in the British Government.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

ROBERT, CHRISTOPHER R.:

Benefactor of Robert College.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: TURKEY, &C.

ROBERT COLLEGE:

Its Influence in Turkey and the Balkan States.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: TURKEY, &C.

ROBERTS, SIR FREDERICK SLEIGH ROBERTS, FIRST EARL:

On the British Territorial Force and the need

of Compulsory Military Training.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

ROCHAMBEAU MONUMENT:

The unveiling at Washington.

Representatives of the families of Rochambeau and

Lafayette invited Guests of the Nation.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (MAY).

ROCKEFELLER, John D.:

Stupendous Endowment of the General Education Board.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

ROCKEFELLER, John D.:

Gift for the eradication of the Hookworm Disease.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH: THE HOOKWORM DISEASE.

ROCKEFELLER, John D., Jr.:

Investing in a Concession in the Congo State.

See (in this Volume)

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

ROCKHILL, W. W.:

Minister to China.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

ROENTGEN.

See (in this Volume)

RONTGEN.

ROGHI, EL.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

ROJESVENSKY,

ROZHDESTVENSKY, ADMIRAL.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH.

See (in this Volume and Volume IV.)

PAPACY.

ROMAÑA, PRESIDENT EDUARDO DE.

See (in this Volume)

PERU.

ROME: A. D. 1903.

General Strike of Workmen.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.

ROME: A. D. 1908.

Election of Ernesto Nathan to be Mayor.

See (in this Volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1909.

RONTGEN, Wilhelm Conrad:

Recipient of Nobel Prize.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

----------ROOSEVELT, Theodore: Start--------

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

Becomes President of the United States on

the Assassination of President McKinley.

See (in this Volume)

BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

On the Federal Control of Corporations engaged in

Interstate Trade.

See (in this Volume)

Combinations, Industrial, &c.:

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1903.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

On Railway Rate Regulation.

SEE

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

His intermediation in the Anthracite Coal Strike of 1902.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

Message recounting the Circumstances of the Secession from

Colombia and recognized Independence of Panama, and the Treaty

with Panama for the Building of the Isthmian Canal.

See (in this volume)

PANAMA CANAL.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

On the Wrong done to the Chinese.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

On the Strike of the Teamsters’ Union at Chicago.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-JULY).

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

Elected President of the United States.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER ).

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

Mediation between Russia and Japan.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

Initial Invitation to the holding of the Second Peace

Conference.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

Account of Visit to Porto Rico.

See (in this Volume)

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1906.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

On the Rendering of Aid to San Domingo.

See (in this Volume)

SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

On the Progressive Taxation of Fortunes.

See (in this Volume)

WEALTH, THE PROBLEMS OF.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

Defense of Japanese Treaty Rights.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

Recommends remission of part of Boxer Indemnity to China.

See CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

On the Conservation of Natural Resources.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

Appointment of Country Life Commission,

and Message on its Report.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909 (AUGUST-FEBRUARY).

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

On the Japanese Question in California.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

Recipient of Nobel Prize for Promotion of Peace.

Its devotion to the Creation of a Foundation for

the Promotion of Industrial Peace.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

Veto of the Census Bill.

See (in this Volume)

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.

{562}

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

Renunciation of Third Term Candidacy.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (NOVEMBER).

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

Progress of Civil Service Reform under his Administration.

See (in this Volume)

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.

ROOSEVELT, Theodore:

After leaving the White House.

Shortly before the ending, March 4, 1909, of his second term

in the Presidency of the United States, Mr. Roosevelt became

connected, as "Contributing Editor," with The Outlook,

and began the discussion of current topics in signed articles,

published in that weekly magazine. For some time it had been

known that Mr. Roosevelt intended, when released from office,

to enjoy a long vacation in Central Africa, hunting wild game.

His preparations were made before he left the White House, and

on the 20th of March, to correct misunderstandings as to the

recreation he contemplated, he published the following

announcement in The Outlook:

"I am about to go to Africa as the head of the Smithsonian

expedition. It is a scientific expedition. We shall collect

birds and mammals for the National Museum at Washington, and

nothing will be shot unless for food, or for preservation as a

specimen, or unless, of course, the animal is of a noxious

kind. There will be no wanton destruction whatever.

"I very earnestly hope that no representative of any newspaper

or magazine will try to accompany me or to interview me during

any portion of my trip. Until I actually get to the wilderness

my trip will be precisely like any other conventional trip on

a steamboat or railway. It will afford nothing to write about,

and will afford no excuse or warrant for any one sending to

any newspaper a line in reference thereto. After I reach the

wilderness of course no one outside of my own party will be

with me, and if any one pretends to be with me or pretends to

write as to what I do, his statements should be accepted as on

their face not merely false but ludicrous. Any statement

purporting to have been made by me, or attributed to me, which

may be sent to newspapers should be accepted as certainly

false and as calling for no denial from me. So far as possible

I shall avoid seeing any representative of the press, and

shall not knowingly have any conversation on any subject

whatever with any representative of the press beyond

exchanging the ordinary civilities or courtesies. I am a

private citizen, and I am entitled to enjoy the privacy that

should be the private citizen’s right. My trip will have no

public bearing of any kind or description. It is undertaken

for the National Museum at Washington, and is simply a

collecting trip for the Museum. It will be extremely

distasteful to me and of no possible benefit to any human

being to try to report or exploit the trip, or to send any one

with me, or to have any one try to meet me or see me with a

view to such reporting or exploitation. Let me repeat that

while I am on steamer or railway there will be nothing

whatever to report; that when I leave the railway for the

wilderness no persons will have any knowledge which will

enable them to report anything, and that any report is to be

accepted as presumably false."

THEODORE ROOSEVELT.

The ex-President took steamer from New York on the 30th of

March, and one of the journals which had been among the

sharpest of his critics and opponents for years, the New York

Times, had this to say of him that day:

"There is no need to tell him that he will carry with him

wherever he goes the abiding affection of nearly 80,000,000 of

people. They who dislike Colonel Roosevelt, or think they do,

scarcely count in the Census. Wherever he goes he will make

friends among human beings, and impress everybody with a

reasonably high yet easily appreciable ideal of the American

citizen. Courage, energy, quick co-ordination of muscle and

brain, persistent alertness, boundless sympathy, and good

fellowship are characteristics of Colonel Roosevelt. Everybody

likes such a man."

Returning from his African expedition in the spring of 1910,

the ex-President accepted invitations in Europe which took him

to Naples, Rome, Vienna, Paris, Brussels, The Hague,

Christiania, Berlin, London, and was received with

extraordinary honors at every capital.

----------ROOSEVELT, Theodore: End--------

----------ROOT, ELIHU: Start--------

ROOT, ELIHU:

Secretary of War and Secretary of State.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.

ROOT, ELIHU:

Correspondence relating to the establishment of the

Republic of Cuba.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902.

ROOT, Elihu:

On the Alaska Boundary Commission.

See (in this Volume)

ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

ROOT, Elihu:

Correspondence on American Fishing Rights on the

Newfoundland Coast.

See (in this Volume)

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

ROOT, Elihu:

Visit to South American Republics, 1906.

Address at the Third International Conference

of American Republics in Rio de Janeiro.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

ROOT, Elihu:

Speech in 1906 summarizing recent Governmental Action

against Corporate Wrong-doers.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

ROOT, Elihu:

Address to Central American Peace Conference at Washington.

See (in this Volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.

ROOT, Elihu:

At Peace Congress in New York.

See (in this Volume)

WAR: THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

ROOT, Elihu:

On the Japanese Question in California.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

ROOT, Elihu:

Exchange of Notes with Japan, embodying a Declaration

of Common Policy in the East.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

ROOT, Elihu:

On National Duty in State Legislation.

See (in this Volume)

LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.

----------ROOT, ELIHU: End--------

ROSE, URIAH M.:

Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

ROSEBERY, ARCHIBALD F. PRIMROSE, EARL:

Opposition to Home Rule for Ireland.

See (in this Volume)

England: A. D. 1905-1906.

ROSEBERY, ARCHIBALD F. PRIMROSE, EARL:

On the State of Peace in Europe and the Preparations for War.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

ROSEBERY, ARCHIBALD F. PRIMROSE, EARL:

To the House of Lords on the Budget of 1909.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

ROSEN, BARON ROMAN:

Russian Ambassador at Washington and Plenipotentiary

for negotiating Treaty of Peace with Japan.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-JULY).

ROSS, Dr. Ronald.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

{563}

ROTA, The.

See (in this Volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1908.

ROTATIVOS.

See (in this Volume)

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

ROUMANIA: A. D. 1902.

Oppression of the Jews.

Remonstrance of the United States.

See (in this Volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: ROUMANIA.

ROUVIER, Maurice:

Prime Minister of France.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

ROUVIER, Maurice:

Agreement with Germany for the Conference at Algeciras.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

ROUVIER, Maurice:

Fall of his Ministry.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

ROWE, Dr. L. S.:

Delegate to Third International Conference

of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

ROZHDESTVENSKY,

ROJESVENSKY, ADMIRAL.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

RUEF, ABRAHAM.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

RUNCIMAN, Mr.:

President of the English Board of Education.

Statements.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

----------RUSSIA: Start--------

RUSSIA: A. D. 1870-1905.

Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

See (in this Volume)

[Other countries or regions]: A. D. 1870-1905.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1901 (July).

Russianizing of the Finnish Army.

Autocratic Violation of the Constitution of Finland.

See (in this Volume)

FINLAND: A. D. 1901.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

Persistent Occupation of Manchuria, despite Treaty with China.

Japanese Complaints and Demands.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904,

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

The Disaffection among the Students of the Universities.

Famine in Eastern Districts, and Industrial Depression

in the Cities.

Assassination of Sipiagin.

Advent of Plehve to Power.

Atrocities of his Administration.

Witte, Minister of Finance.

Assassination of Plehve.

In Volume VI. of this work, which went to press in the spring

of 1901, the record of events in Russia was brought down to

March and April of that year. The revolutionary temper, then

rapidly rising in heat throughout the Empire, found its most

active manifestation among the students of the universities,

whose outbreaks of disaffection were punished mercilessly, by

Siberian exile, by draft into the army, or more summarily by

the Cossacks’ knout. The Tsar, however, had seemed at last to

recognize the special grievances of the students and to wish

to have remedies found for them. To succeed M. Bogoliepoff,

the late Minister of Instruction, whom a student had shot on

the 27th of February, the Tsar appointed to that office a

General Vannovsky, who was credited with having a clear and

sympathetic understanding of the wrongs to the student body

which provoked their disorderly conduct. It was believed, too,

that full powers had been given to him for reforming the

government of the universities. But, whatever may have been

the excellence of disposition in General Vannovsky and in the

Tsar, the projected reforms were so obstructed, in some

manner, that the students became more and more openly

revolutionary in their action, and the new minister resigned

in the second year of his endeavors.

A number of immediate causes of misery in the Empire were now

added to the many causes which a despotic and corrupt

government kept always in operation. Harvests in large parts

of Eastern Russia had failed, bringing the horrors of famine

on some 24,000,000 people. Simultaneously with this, an

industrial crisis came, to close great numbers of factories

and shops and to create a vast army of the unemployed. M.

Witte, as Minister of Finance, had been extraordinarily

skilful and successful in developing new industries in Russia;

but had done so by measures of unnatural stimulation which had

this unfortunate result. High tariffs for the protection of

home manufactures from foreign competition, and the offer of

attractive inducements to foreign capital, had brought about

many investments which proved to be unprofitable, and the time

had come, as happens always and everywhere in such cases, when

the unsound structure of productive enterprise must collapse.

Thus the country, having all of its industrial centers filled

with suffering unemployed workmen and many of its rural

districts filled with starving peasants, was a field most

perfectly prepared for the seed of insurgent passion which

countless agents were now busied in sowing.

Students and workmen became associated in flagrant

revolutionary demonstrations, flaunting the red flag of

rebellion and singing seditious songs, at St. Petersburg,

Moscow, Kieff, Kharkoff, Odessa, and other cities, fighting

vain battles with savage Cossacks and police. To excite the

peasantry to action, a forged ukase was circulated among them,

in the districts of Poltava and Kharkoff, announcing that the

land, held wrongly by the nobles, had been restored to them by

the Tsar; that they could take possession of it, and, with it,

the present contents of granaries and barns. They proceeded

accordingly to strip many estates (see below, Russia: A. D.

1902), and suffered piteously from the soldiery that came in

haste to stop their deluded work. It was at this time that M.

Witte set on foot an extensive inquiry into agricultural

conditions, the important political outcome of which will be

spoken of later on.

On the 15th of April, 1902, the Minister of the Interior, M.

Sipiagin, was killed by a student named Belmatcheff. This

murderous exploit of the revolutionary terrorists brought a

man into power who gave Russia an experience in the next two

years, of heartlessness and foulness in despotism which

surpassed all that it had known before.

{564}

"Sipiagin, when Minister of the Interior, had already brought

matters so far by his reactionary policy of violence that the

news of his assassination at the hands of Belmatcheff was

received with unmixed joy in all classes of Russian society.

But the fullest proof of the irreconcilableness of autocracy

with things like improvement and progress was furnished by the

successor of Sipiagin, Von Plehve, who soon proved himself to

be the complete personification of all evil, heartlessness,

and corruption. … The attention of the highest circles was

drawn to his person when, after the assassination of Alexander

II., he conducted the prosecution at the arraignment of the

participators in the deed. Later, on being appointed State

Secretary, he was able, by his persistent zeal in the service

of the reaction, to place himself on a good footing with those

in power, particularly with the Procurator of the Holy Synod,

Pobiedonostseff, who, when the policy of destroying the

Finnish constitution was determined upon, found a good tool in

Von Plehve. In the anti-Finn coup d’état he played a

considerable part, particularly as member of the secret

committee which drafted the plan for the Russification of the

Finnish Grand Duchy, and drew up the manifesto; while, still

later, as Secretary for Finland, together with the then

Governor-General Bobrikoff, he conducted and carried out the

well-known policy of suppression.

"As Minister of the Interior, Von Plehve lost no time in

showing what policy he intended to follow, as he declared the

general dissatisfaction in Russia to be solely the result of

the conspiracy and machinations of a handful of evil disposed

persons, who could easily be rendered incapable of harm if

only the police were sufficiently strengthened and received

extensive powers. … The Minister came into conflict, shortly

after his appointment, with a number of his colleagues,

especially with the Finance Minister, De Witte, who had

previously been practically omnipotent, and with the Minister

of Justice, Muravieff. The difference with the latter hinged

on the question of the treatment of 'political criminals,' the

trials of whom Von Plehve wished to allocate to a special

court-martial, the proceedings being conducted with closed

doors, whilst the Minister of Justice required a public trial

before the ordinary courts. The Tsar, as usual, followed the

most reactionary counsel. … Of deeper significance and more

far-reaching effects was the conflict with the Finance

Minister, who, indeed was far more menacing to Von Plehve’s

exalted position. Without being imbued with really liberal

views, but being possessed of intelligence and a clear view as

regards all social phenomena, De Witte, doubtless one of the

most able statesmen Russia has possessed in recent times,

recognized that, if matters in the Empire continued much

longer in the same way, a catastrophe was unavoidable. …

"De Witte obtained the consent of the Tsar to the formation of

committees, in the different parts of the country, consisting

of representatives of agriculture, and including both large

estate owners and men of the people, to whom was allotted the

task of declaring their views as to the cause of the decline

of Russian agriculture, and of indicating steps for the

improvement of agricultural conditions. De Witte himself urged

the committees to express themselves freely and openly as to

the causes of the prevailing misery, and as to the means of

remedying it. But in all probability he hardly expected that

these utterances would go so far in their openness as they

really did. Quite a number of committees were perspicacious

enough to deal not merely with the economical, but likewise

with the general political position, though recognising that

the former was very closely connected with the latter. In this

way the ice was broken. One committee after the other

criticised the existing system of government with astonishing

boldness, and required an unconditional and radical change

therein. … it was the representatives of the zemtsvo   assemblies who played the chief part in the agricultural

committees, and consequently hopes began to be cherished more

or less everywhere that these assemblies would now receive

amplified rights, and that in this way the basis would be laid

for the future and for the constitution dreamt of by all. Such

hopes were, however, not to the taste of Von Plehve, the new

Minister of the Interior. … Finally they [the committees] were

dissolved, without having achieved any other result than a

number of reports which had been drawn up by them, and which

ended by being pigeon-holed in one record office or the other.

Von Plehve had conquered the Finance Minister. But his success

was a Pyrrhic victory. At one stroke he converted a large

number of liberal friends of reform into radical adherents of

the emancipation movement, while to all others who had

followed the proceedings of the agricultural committees with

interest and expectancy he brought home a clear apprehension

of the fact that a régime, under which the will or the whim of

an irresponsible official could bring to naught plans having

for their object the amendment of the conditions of life of

many millions of people, could never contribute to the

promotion of national development. Similar fruits were borne

by Von Plehve’s policy in many other directions. …

"Never have the police been so numerous or so powerful as

under Von Plehve’s regime; never were such trifling causes

sufficient to deprive both sexes of citizens of their liberty,

to expose them to ill-treatment, and to send them into exile.

But never, on the other hand, have such means proved to be

more powerless. … The so-called ‘Organisation of the

Struggle,’ the same that had slain the previous Minister of

the Interior, Sipiagin, also sentenced to death the Governor

of Ulfa, Bogdanovitch. … At last Von Plehve, too, was

overtaken by his fate. On the 28th of July, 1904, a member of

the ‘Organisation of the Struggle’ threw a bomb into the

carriage of the Minister as he was driving towards the Warsaw

railway station in St. Petersburg, on his way to an audience

with the Tsar. He was killed instantaneously; while the

assassin, Sasonov, and a second terrorist, Sickocki, who had

lent him assistance, were arrested and condemned to twenty and

eleven years respectively of penal servitude."

K. Zilliacus,

The Russian Revolutionary Movement,

chapter 16 (New York, Dutton and Company).

{565}

RUSSIA: A. D. 1902.

The Political Awakening of the Common People.

Ideas of the Stundists.

Peasants taking Possession of the Granaries.

Floggings and Butcheries in Progress.

"The discontented crowds are unarmed, their only weapons are,

so far, shouts, banners and martyrdom for Liberty, while the

auto-bureaucratic regime meets these with the infliction of

wounds and death. Still there are features in this uneven

struggle which are of very ill-omen for auto-bureaucracy. Such

is, in the first place, the hearty compact between the factory

workers and the masses of the towns on the one hand, and the

forward elements of the classes, mainly represented by

students of the different higher educational institutions, on

the other. Secondly, there is the persistency with which the

cries ‘Down with Autocracy!’ ‘Long live Liberty,’ are now

resounding throughout the Empire of the Tzars. The shooters

are invariably beaten down, even shot down, as we shall see

later on; but the cry is raised again and again. Revolutions

are, unfortunately, not accomplished by shouts alone; but does

not the Tzar’s Government take all possible pains to teach the

population this simple truth? …

"Merciless wholesale flogging goes on in the Poltava province.

Rifles have also been used; and a number of women and children

have been wounded and several peasants shot dead. One of the

bodies had fourteen bullets in it. In the Kharkov province

‘peace and order’ has been enforced with a still greater

‘respect to uniform and arms.’ The soldiers themselves state

that the number of blows doled out with the bundles of birch

to the peasants amounted at times to 250 per person. When

fleeing from the torture eight peasants hit on a patrol. The

commanding officer being drunk ordered ‘fire!’ and all the

eight unarmed and helpless victims fell dead!

"But do these ‘energetic measures’ produce the desired effect?

In the village of Kourlak, Province of Voronezh, the same

merciless flogging was to be administered to all its

inhabitants. When the thirty-seventh peasant received his

portion of the torture, the villagers, after consultation,

declared that they submitted. But they collected carefully

all the birch-bundles which served for the execution.

‘ They will be of use to us,’ said the peasants, ‘when

we shall flog you!’ All the official

explanations given them by the authorities on this occasion

led them to the conclusion that the administration

acknowledged the righteousness of their claims on the land,

and flogged them only for using wrong means for its

recovery;—that therefore they would soon have the upper hand

over the officials and landlords, and would then flog them in

their turn.

"Nor does the movement in the Poltava Province (see above,

Russia. A. D. 1901-1904) show any sign of abatement. According

to the latest private information, which dates from the last

day of April, the peasant movement there does not at all bear

the character of devastation; although the landlords are

undoubtedly ruined by the quiet doings of the villagers. There

is no pillaging. The peasants, headed by their elective

elders, open the granaries of the landlords and distribute the

grain among themselves according to the needs of each family

(the well-to-do receiving nothing), while the remaining grain,

if any, is transferred to the communal stores. Part of this

appropriated grain has already been used by the peasants for

sowing their own fields, as well as those they have

appropriated from the gentry. As soon as the troops are

marched into the rebellious locality, they take possession

of the appropriated grain still remaining in the communal

granaries, and return it to its former owners. But as soon as

the soldiery, after wholesale flogging of the peasantry, leave

the locality, the peasants again take possession of the

landlords’ grain. The prison at Poltava is crammed with

peasants and students, and yet clandestine manifestoes are

published with the regularity of the local official paper, and

are distributed even among the soldiery. …

"The present peasant movement is not confined to the three

provinces already mentioned. In these it originated simply on

the ground of starvation, and similar events are reported from

the provinces of Koursk, Ekaterinoslav and Podolia; also in

those of Tomsk, Tobolsk, etc., in distant Siberia, where

governmental grain stores suffered the fate of the landlords’

granaries in Europe. But the tension of the peasants’ spirit,

their utter distrust of the present Government, and their

readiness to take justice into their own hands may be said to

be universal throughout the Empire.

"At the beginning of the Social Democratic movement in Russia

no hopes of the Russian peasant were cherished by its leaders.

But powerful agrarian organisations have since sprung up."

Felix Volkhovsky,

The Russian Awakening

(Contemporary Review, June, 1902).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1902.

Russo-Chinese Treaty concerning Tibet.

See (in this Volume)

TIBET: A. D. 1902.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1903 (April).

The Massacre of Jews at Kishineff.

The British Vice-Consul at Odessa, Mr. Bosanquet, visited

Kishineff in July, to learn the facts of the barbarous attack

on the Jewish population of that town, which had been made by

a mob in the previous April. The following particulars are

taken from his official report, published soon afterward as a

Parliamentary Paper:

"The riots began on Easter Sunday (O. S.), (the 19th April, N.

S.), in the afternoon, in the eastern extremity of the town …

and on that day were confined to the ordinary acts of a

turbulent crowd—e. g., the smashing of windows and

door-panels in Jewish houses. The area of Sunday’s disturbance

was comparatively small." Early the next morning they began

afresh in the same quarter, and spread to other parts of the

town. "They were directed entirely against the Jews." "Monday

was the day when the worst crimes were committed, and these

were perpetrated by bands of rioters in different parts of the

town. Many people believe the riots to be the work of

organized companies."

"Besides the murders committed, the interiors of houses were

utterly dismantled, pillows ripped up, Jewish Scriptures torn,

floors destroyed, and furniture thrown into the street; while

at an early stage wine was broached, that which was not drunk

pouring into the street. The local authorities took no

effective step to stop the riots, which continued unabated

till 4 P. M., or later, the soldiers meanwhile being passive,

if not sympathetic, spectators, and the police contenting

themselves with the arrest of minor criminals; then the

Governor, who had remained at home giving orders by telephone,

which were disregarded, at length ventured to sign the

necessary order for the troops to be employed.

{566}

The only case I heard of in which the latter used their

weapons occurred shortly after the issue of the Governor’s

order, when a Christian boy, pursuing a Jew with a stone, and

refusing to desist, was knocked down and bayoneted by

soldiers. An eye-witness of the scene related the facts to me.

This boy (with one doubtful exception) was the only Christian

killed in the disturbances. If resolute action had been taken

by the authorities, it is believed that the riots could have

been checked at an early stage. The more usual opinion seems

to be that all the murders occurred on Monday. It is certain

that none were perpetrated on Sunday, and very doubtful

whether any took place after the order to employ the troops

had come into effect. The disorders did not entirely cease, as

next day (21st April) houses in the outskirts were pillaged;

but, roughly speaking, the riots may be said to have ended on

Monday. Some students are said to have taken part in the

riots."

"Apparently a feeling existed among the lower classes that the

Jews ought not to be in a majority at Kishineff. The fact is

that they form about 50 per cent. of the population, which

amounts to some 115,000 inhabitants, the other half consisting

two-thirds of Moldavians, and after them of Russians, Greeks,

Armenians, Poles, Germans, &c."

The victims of these melancholy occurrences are officially

estimated at 41 Jews killed, or who died subsequently of

wounds, 3 severely, and 300 slightly, wounded. Among the

killed was one child accidentality suffocated by its mother. The

deaths are placed by another (Jewish) authority at 43,

including 2 young children, and by some even as high as 47,

but this figure seems to include persons who died from shock,

and not directly from violence. The official estimate of

deaths is identical with the figure communicated to me at the

Jewish hospital.

"Three hundred and eight persons have already been convicted

of thefts and other minor offenses [in connection with the

riots], and have been sentenced to terms of imprisonment

ranging from one week to three months. … The accused still

awaiting trial number 360. … Of the above prisoners 260 are

accused of participation in the riots without actual violence

and are out on bail in sums ranging from 200 to 300 roubles.

Those in this category who are found guilty will be sentenced

to imprisonment without hard labour in the Maison

Correctionnelle, where the discipline is more severe than in

prison. The remaining 100 are charged with murder in addition

to other crimes, and those found guilty will be transported to

undergo penal servitude in the Island of Sakhalin."

RUSSIA: A. D. 1903 (May-October).

Intrigues against Opening Ports in Manchuria to Foreign Trade.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1903 (May-October).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1903-1904.

Concert with Austria-Hungary in submitting the Mürzsteg

Programme of Reform in Macedonia to Turkey.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904 (February-July).

Opening of the War with Japan.

Battles at the Yalu.

First operations in Manchuria.

First movements against Port Arthur.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904 (July-September).

War with Japan:

Japanese Success in Manchuria.

The great battle of Liao-Yang.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

Reforming attempts of Prince Mirsky.

Meeting of Zemstvo presidents.

The Revolutionary Workman.

Father Gapon.

The Appeal to the Tsar.

The answering Massacre of "Bloody Sunday."

Assassination of Grand Duke Sergius.

Witte’s practical premiership.

The Call of the First Duma.

The General Strike on the Railways.

The Great General Strike.

The Ukase of October 30, called the Constitution of Russia.

Beginning of Reaction.

The Postal Strike.

Fatal Rising at Moscow.

The hated Plehve was succeeded by Prince Svyatopolk Mirsky, a

broad-minded statesman, who began earnest efforts to set the

government on a different course. One of the first measures of

the prince was to win authority from the Tsar for a meeting of

the presidents of the zemstvos, or provincial councils, which

are bodies of a considerably representative character,

exercising a limited power in their rural districts over

matters of sanitation, public roads, and common schools.

Ostensibly, the meeting was to concert measures of relief for

the wounded in the war with Japan; but everybody knew that

political questions could not escape discussion if such a

meeting was held.

All the interests that uphold autocracy, aristocracy, and

bureaucracy in Russia were quick to scent danger, and had no

difficulty in persuading the weak-willed sovereign to recall

his consent to the meeting. In his feeble, half-way manner of

doing things, he forbade it as a public assembly, but allowed

its members to meet unofficially and privately, in November,

with no publication of their discussions or acts. They adopted

resolutions setting forth a bold demand for a representation

of the people in their government, and these were laid before

the Tsar. He gave a public reply to them on the 26th of

December, ignoring the demand for representative institutions,

declaring that the government must remain autocratic, but

making vague promises of reform in the laws, with especial

assurances of liberty to the press and in religion; but

everything granted must flow by gracious favor from the

autocracy, through the channels of the bureaucracy, where it

could not by any possibility run true and clear. The words of

the Tsar, vague as they were, produced some encouragement, and

a feeling of trust in his good intentions; but the effect was

soon destroyed.

It was at about this time that Prince Trubetskoi, in authority

at Moscow, addressed a letter to Prince Mirsky, from which the

following was published in translation soon after:

"Through this letter I wish to explain myself to you, and ask

you not to refuse me the privilege of representing to the

Emperor, most humbly, the motives which prompted me to give

the zemstvo permission to assert itself. According to public

opinion, in which I concur unreservedly, Russia is, at

present, facing an epoch of anarchy and revolutionary

movement. What is going on is, by far, no mere agitation by

the youth. The youth stands forth only as a reflection of the

general state prevailing in society. This state is most

dangerous and terrible for our entire country, as well as for

all of us, and particularly so for the holy person of the

Emperor. It is, therefore, the duty of every truly loyal

subject to ward off the disastrous calamity with any and all

means at his disposal.

{567}

A short time ago, I had the good fortune to be received by the

Emperor, and to tell him, straightforwardly and truly, to the

best of my effort and knowledge, about the present state of

society. I endeavored to explain to him that what is going on

is not a riot, but a revolution; that the Russian people is

thus being drawn into a revolution, which it does not desire,

and which can be forestalled by the Emperor. Yet there is but

one way out of it, just one, and that is by the Emperor

placing confidence in the strength of society and of the

masses. In the depths of my soul I am firmly convinced that if

the Emperor only wanted to confidently group these powers

around himself, Russia would free itself from all the terrors

of the impending disturbance, and would support its Czar, his

will, and his absolute sovereignty. In view of the state of

mind of all the people, who are filled with fear and horror

over the things referred to above, it is really beyond human

power to refuse them to speak about that which is vexing and

tormenting everybody so fearfully."

"The opening of the next year (1905) was marked by the

appearance of a new element in revolution. Certainly, there

had been strikes and riots in the great cities before; there

had been peasant risings and other forms of economic agitation

in various parts. But as a whole the revolutionary movement as

such had been inspired, directed, and even carried out by the

educated classes—the students, the journalists, the doctors,

barristers, and other professional men. It had been almost

limited to that great division of society which in Russia is

called ‘The Intelligence.’ … It was ‘the Intelligence’ who

hitherto had fought for the revolution. … At length the

first-fruits of their toilsome propaganda, continued through

forty years, were seen, and the revolutionary workman

appeared.

"He was ushered in by Father George Gapon, at that time a

rather simple-hearted priest, with a rather childlike faith in

God and the Tsar, and a certain genius for organization. His

personal hold upon the working classes was probably due to

their astonishment that a priest should take any interest in

their affairs, outside their fees. … Father Gapon, with his

thin line of genius for organization, had gathered the

workmen’s groups or trade unions of St. Petersburg into a

fairly compact body, called ‘The Russian Workmen’s Union,’ of

which he was President as well as founder. In the third week

in January the men at the Putiloff iron works struck because

two of their number had been dismissed for belonging to their

union. At once the Neva iron and ship-building works, the

Petroffsky cotton works, the Alexander engine works, the

Thornton cloth works, and other great factories on the banks

of the river or upon the industrial islands joined in the

strike, and in two days some 100,000 work-people were ‘out.’

"With his rather childlike faith in God and the Tsar, Father

Gapon organized a dutiful appeal of the Russian workmen to the

tender-hearted autocrat whose benevolence was only thwarted by

evil counsellors and his ignorance of the truth. The petition

ran, in part, as follows:—

"‘We workmen come to you for truth and protection. We have

reached the extreme limits of endurance. We have been

exploited, and shall continue to be exploited under your

bureaucracy. The bureaucracy has brought the country to the

verge of ruin and by a shameful war is bringing it to its

downfall. We have no voice in the heavy burdens imposed on us.

We do not even know for whom or why this money is wrung from

the impoverished people, and we do not know how it is

expended. This is contrary to the Divine laws, and renders

life impossible. It is better that we should all perish, we

workmen and all Russia. Then good luck to the capitalists and

exploiters of the poor, the corrupt officials and robbers of

the Russian people!

"‘Throw down the wall that separates you from your people.

Russia is too great and her needs are too various for

officials to rule. National representation is essential, for

the people alone know their own needs. Direct that elections

for a constituent assembly be held by general secret ballot.

That is our chief petition. Everything is contained in that.

If you do not reply to our prayer, we will die in this square

before your palace. We have nowhere else to go. Only two paths

are open to us—to liberty and happiness or to the grave.

Should our lives serve as the offering of suffering Russia, we

shall not regret the sacrifice, but endure it willingly.’

"On the morning of Sunday, January 22, 1905, about 15,000

working men and women formed into a procession to carry this

petition to the Tsar in his Winter Palace upon the great

square of government buildings. They were all in their Sunday

clothes; many peasants had come up from the country in their

best embroideries; they took their children with them. In

front marched Father Gapon and two other priests wearing

vestments. With them went the ikons, or holy pictures of

shining brass and silver, and a portrait of the Tsar. As the

procession moved along, they sang, ‘God save our people. God

give our orthodox Tsar the victory.’

"So the Russian workmen made their last appeal to the autocrat

whom they called their father. They would lay their griefs

before him, they would see him face to face, they would hear

his comforting words. But the father of his people had

disappeared into space. As the procession entered the square,

the soldiers fired volley after volley upon them from three

sides. The estimate of the killed and wounded was about 1500.

That Sunday—January 9th in Russian style—is known as Bloody

Sunday or Vladimir’s Day, after the Grand Duke Vladimir who

was supposed to have given the orders. Next morning Father

Gapon wrote to his Union: ‘There is no Tsar now. Innocent

blood has flowed between him and the people.’"

Henry W. Nevinson,

The Dawn in Russia, Introduction.

(Harper’s, New York).

If the atrocity of the 9th of January was intended to

terrorize and paralyze the opposition to absolutism it failed.

It maddened the more violent revolutionists, and increasingly

desperate enterprises of assassination were provoked. The

provocation was made greater by the appointment of Trepoff,

notorious for brutality of temper, to a newly created office,

of Governor-General of St. Petersburg. On the 17th of February

the Grand Duke Sergius, uncle to the Tsar, Governor-General of

Moscow, and conspicuously heartless and foul in his exercise

of power, was assassinated as he drove through the streets.

Strikes and riotous outbreaks were of constant occurrence in

the industrial cities, especially violent in Warsaw, Lodz, and

other Polish towns.

{568}

The Tsar issued a piteous manifesto on the 3d of March,

appealing for a "rally round the throne" by all "who, true to

Russia’s past, honestly and conscientiously have a care for

all the affairs of the state such as we have ourselves." On

the same day he published a rescript in which he said: "I am

resolved henceforth, with the help of God, to convene the

worthiest men, possessing the confidence of the people and

elected by them, to participate in the elaboration and

consideration of legislative measures." But, even if this

expressed the personal disposition of the weak-willed

sovereign, it promised nothing to correspond to it in the

action of government; as was shown by the promotion of Trepoff

to be Assistant-Minister of the Interior and Chief of Police.

Prince Mirsky, baffled in his undertakings and hopeless of

good from his service, had resigned the Ministry of the

Interior, and his successor, M. Buliguine, held the office but

a short time. M. Serguei Yulievitch Witte, former Minister of

Finance, and latterly President of the Imperial Ministers, now

acquired a substantial premiership in the administration,

which does not seem to have belonged to his office before.

Nothing of satisfaction came from the December promises of

reformed law. Bureaucratic commissions were understood to be

working on measures to make good the Tsar’s word, but months

passed with no result. There were fitful relaxations of the

censorship of the press, so capricious that no editor could

know what he might and might not say.

In April, religious liberty was proclaimed, with special

rights and privileges reserved to the Russian orthodox church.

M. Witte had advocated a separation of the church from the

state; but that was beyond hope. There must, however, have

been an important weakening of church influence in the

government, since the long despotic procurator-general of the

Holy Synod, M. Pobiedonostzeff, resigned before the close of

the year.

Early in the summer the heads of provincial zemstvos held

another meeting, and discussed the popular demand for a

constitutional and representative government without

restraint. Then the Czar gave them a friendly audience, and

declared to them that "the admission of elected

representatives to works of state will be regularly

accomplished"; but this was followed speedily by an official

explanation that his majesty’s remarks must not be understood

as containing "any indication of the possibility of modifying

the fundamental law of the empire." This was to check an eager

leaping of the public mind to high hopes.

On the 19th of August the long wavering imperial mind seemed

brought to a definite intention at last, in a proclamation

which summoned a national assembly, or duma, to meet "not

later than the middle of January, 1906."

"The Empire of Russia," said the Tsar in his preamble, "is

formed and strengthened by the indestructible solidarity of

the Tsar with the people and the people with the Tsar. The

concord and union of the people and the Tsar are a great moral

force, which has created Russia in the course of centuries by

protecting her from all misfortunes and all attacks, and has

constituted up to the present time a pledge of unity,

independence, integrity, material well-being, and intellectual

development. Autocratic Tsars, our ancestors, constantly had

that object in view, and the time has come to follow out their

good intentions, and to summon elected representatives from

the whole of Russia to take a constant and active part in the

elaboration of laws, attaching for this purpose to the higher

state institutions a special consultative body, entrusted with

the preliminary elaboration and discussion of measures, and

with the examination of the state budget. It is for this

reason that, while preserving the fundamental law regarding

autocratic power, we have deemed it well to form a State Duma,

and to approve regulations for the elections to this Duma."

By the terms of the call it will be seen, "the fundamental law

regarding autocratic power" was preserved with care. And, said

the proclamation, "we reserve to ourselves entirely the care

of perfecting the organization of the duma." It was to have no

power to initiate legislation, but only to discuss and pass

judgment upon measures brought before it by the ministers of

the Tsar, who thus held fast to the substance of his

autocratic power.

The Duma was to consist of 412 members, representing 50

governments and the military province of the Don, and only 28

members representing towns. It was to be elected for five

years, unless dissolved sooner by the Tsar. Its meetings were

to be secret, except as the president, in his discretion,

might admit the reporters of the Press.

The limited functions proposed for the Duma, and the

indefinite prescription of procedure in its election, left not

much in the Tsar’s project of a national assembly to satisfy

the nation. In September a large meeting of representatives of

the zemstvos, from all parts of the Empire, was held privately

at Moscow, and it was there agreed that they should exert

themselves to secure as many seats in the coming Duma as

possible, with a view to making it instrumental in the

movement for something better. The ultimate aim of present

endeavor was defined in a programme which included: a

representative national legislature; a systematic budget

system; freedom of conscience, speech, press, meeting and

association; inviolability of person and home; equal rights of

all citizens; equal responsibility of all officials and

citizens under the law; the abolition of passports.

In October, on the 21st, the workingmen organized their first

great general strike, on the railways, which paralyzed travel

and traffic, except as the government could operate some

military trains. The strikers made bold demands, presented to

Witte on the 24th: "The claims of the working classes," they

said, "must be settled by laws constituted by the will of the

people and sanctioned by all Russia. The only solution is to

announce political guarantees for freedom and the convocation

of a Constituent Assembly, elected by direct, universal and

secret suffrage. Otherwise the country will be forced into

rebellion." Witte replied: "A Constituent Assembly is for the

present impossible.

{569}

Universal suffrage would, in fact, only give preëminence to

the richest classes, because they could influence all the

voting by their money. Liberty of the press and of public

meeting will be granted very shortly. I am myself strongly

opposed to all persecution and bloodshed, and I am willing to

support the greatest amount of liberty possible. … But there

is not in the entire world a single cultivated man who is in

favor of universal suffrage." Two days after receiving this

reply the Council of Labor Delegates, or "Strike Committee,"

declared a general strike of workmen throughout Russia, and

about a million workingmen are said to have taken the risk of

starvation by dropping work.

No doubt it was that evidence of determination in the

revolutionary spirit of the country which drew from the Tsar,

on the 30th of October, the famous ukase which was

characterized hastily at the time as "the Magna Charta of

Russia," "the surrender of autocracy," the founding of

constitutional government. In reality, the document was no

more than an injunction to the ministers of the autocrat to

carry out his "absolute will" in certain matters, most of

which were set forth with characteristic vagueness of terms.

The following is a translation of the entire manifesto, as

communicated to the Government of the United States from its

embassy at St. Petersburg:

By the grace of God we, Nicholas Second, Emperor and Autocrat

of all the Russias, Tsar of Poland, Grand Duke of Finland,

etc.

The rioting and agitation in the capitals and in many

localities of our Empire has filled our heart with great and

deep affliction. The welfare of the Russian Emperor is united

with the welfare of the people, and its troubles are his

troubles. The agitation which has broken out may bring

confusion among the people and threaten the entirety and unity

of our Empire.

The solemn vow of the imperial service commands us, with all

the strength of intelligence and of our power, to endeavor to

stop as quickly as possible agitations so dangerous to the

Empire. In ordering the competent authorities to take measures

to avert the disorders, the troubles, and violence, and to

guard peaceful people who are eager to fulfill quietly the

duties placed upon them, we have found it necessary, in order

to insure the proper execution of the general measures marked

out by us, to unify the action of the supreme government.

We lay upon the government the fulfillment of our absolute

will:

1. To grant to the population the inviolable basis of free

citizenship, on the ground of actual inviolable personality,

freedom of conscience, speech, meeting, and unions;

2. Without stopping the intended elections for the State Duma,

to include now in the participation of the Duma as far as

possible, in view of the corresponding short term which

remains before the convocation of the Duma, those classes of

the population which up to now were entirely deprived of the

right to vote and to allow in future the further development

of the element of a general right of election which is to be

established by new legislation; and

3. To establish as an inviolable rule that no law shall take

effect without its confirmation by the State Duma and that the

persons elected by the population should be guaranteed the

possibility of actual control over the legal activity of the

persons appointed by us.

We call on all the true sons of Russia to remember their

duties toward their fatherland, to assist in combating these

unheard-of agitations, and together with us to unite all their

strength in establishing quietness and peace in their country.

Given in Peterhof on the 17th day of October in the year of

our Lord 1905 and the eleventh year of our reign.

(Signed in his own hand.)

NICHOLAS.

At the same time, the ministers of the autocrat were enjoined

to "abstain from any interference in the elections of the

duma;" they were to "maintain the prestige of the duma and

confidence in its labors, and not resist its decisions so long

as they are not inconsistent with the historic greatness of

Russia." In the exercise of executive power they should embody

"(1) straightforwardness and sincerity in the confirmation of

civil liberty;"

"(2), a tendency toward the abolition of exclusive laws;"

"(3), the coordination of the activity of all the organs of

government;"

"(4), the avoidance of repressive measures in respect to

proceedings which do not openly menace society or the state."

These orders and injunctions from the autocracy to the

bureaucracy were to be the constitution of government for

which Russia had made demands. They did not satisfy the

demand—or satisfied only the small party who were afterwards

called "Octobrists," because they asked for no more than was

granted in this ukase of October 30, 1905. The general strike

was not called off, but demands for a Constituent Assembly

were reiterated persistently. Agitation was kept alive, and

with it the murderous warfare waged by revolutionists against

high officials and the police. At the same time, reactionary

officials and army officers, enraged by what the Tsar had

done, stirred up mobs in various parts of the country to

attack the Jews, and add to the state of public disorder, thus

furnishing arguments for a fresh resort to repressive measures

by the military arm. Presently there were serious outbreaks of

mutiny in army and navy, at Odessa, Kronstadt, and Sevastopol,

and all the foundations of public order seemed really, for a

time, to be breaking up.

It is evident there was serious alarm in the circles of the

autocracy. Pobiedonostzeff, the bigoted Procurator of the Holy

Synod, and Trepoff, the savage head of the police, resigned.

On the 4th of November an amnesty to political offenders was

proclaimed, and the ancient liberties of Finland were

restored, by a decree which abolished that of February, 1899

(see, in Volume VI., FINLAND), and that also annulled a later

military law, of 1901, by which the Finnish army had been put

on the Russian footing.

These signs of yielding to the claims "of the nation soon gave

place, however, to symptoms on the reactionary side of revived

courage and obstinacy among the keepers and masters of the

Tsar’s mind and will. A manifesto on the 12th of November

declared that reforms would not be possible till the country

was quieted. Another on the 13th proclaimed martial law in

Poland; whereat the "strike committee" called another strike

in sympathy with Poland.

{570}

On the 14th Witte published an appeal to the workmen, saying:

"Brothers! Workmen! Go back to your work and cease from

disorder. Have pity on your wives and children, and turn a

deaf ear to mischievous counsels. The Tsar commands us to

devote special attention to the labor question, and to that

end has appointed a Ministry of Commerce and Industry, which

will establish just relations between masters and men. Only

give us time, and I will do all that is possible for you. Pay

attention to the advice of a man who loves you and wishes you

well." The renewed strike was not successful. Not many of the

workingmen would face the suffering from non-employment which

they had gone through already. The attempt was ended on the

20th; but the Committee which called it, in annulling the

order, enjoined the workers of the Empire to organize "for the

final encounter between all Russia and the bloody monarchy now

dragging out its last days."

Meantime, on the 17th, the Tsar sought to conciliate the

peasants by reducing for one year the payments on land that

were due under the land distribution which went with

emancipation in 1861, and remitting them entirely after

January, 1907.

See (in Volume IV.)

SLAVERY, MEDIEVAL AND MODERN: RUSSIA.

On the 20th of November a Peasants’ Congress of 300 delegates

met in Moscow and formulated demands for the nationalization

of land and for a constituent assembly. The delegates were

arrested. An alarming mutiny in the fleet and army at

Sevastopol broke out on the 26th, but it was soon suppressed.

Two days later the whole body of employees in the postal and

telegraphic service at Moscow began a most troublesome strike,

which spread from there and was continued for some weeks. Mr.

Nevinson, who was in Moscow at the time, describes it in one

of his chapters:

"In those happy weeks when freedom still was young and living,

two things ruled the country—speech and the strike, the word

and the blow. The strike was everywhere felt. No letter or

telegram went or came. Each town in Russia was isolated, and

the whole Empire stood severed from the world. … In Moscow the

cooks struck, and paraded the streets with songs never heard

in the drawing-room. The waiters struck, and heavy proprietors

lumbered about with their own plates and dishes. The

nursemaids struck for Sundays out. The housemaids struck for

rooms with windows, instead of cupboards under the stairs, or

sections from the water closets. Schoolboys struck for more

democratic masters and pleasanter lessons. Teachers struck for

higher pay. … But at the back of the strikes and all the

revolutionary movement lay the motive force of speech. … After

these centuries of suppression, all Russia was revelling in a

spiritual debauch of words."

On the 6th of December General Sakharoff, formerly Minister of

War and now Governor-General of a district on the Volga, was

shot by a woman, to avenge the sufferings he had caused to the

peasants. On the 7th the Strike Committee called on the

workpeople to withdraw their money from the savings-banks;

and, a little later, a joint manifesto, issued by that

committee and committees of Peasants, Social Democrats, and

Social Revolutionists, appealed generally to the people, not

only to withdraw money from the savings banks, but "to refuse

to pay taxes, or to take bank-notes, or to subscribe to

loans," as a means of crippling the government financially.

All papers which published this manifesto were suppressed and

their editors arrested.

Then, in the last twelve days of December, came the fatal

rising at Moscow, which the government, forewarned by its

spies, precipitated, while the revolutionists’ preparations

were but half made, and which it crushed mercilessly, with

ease. From a diary of the occurrences of these tragical days

at Moscow, given in the report of the resident American Consul

to Ambassador Meyer, at St. Petersburg, the following entries

are taken:

"December 24.

Barricades were continually built during days and nights. The

revolutionists were in hope that about 20,000 or 30,000

workmen from the factories in the suburbs would enter the city

and join them, but this was not accomplished, as the military

forces were sufficient to prevent this. The revolutionists

spread a rumor amongst the workmen that the soldiers were in

sympathy with the strikers and that they would not fire on the

mob and would join their ranks, but this rumor turned out to

be untrue, as the troops were loyal to the Government. …

"December 27.

At 6 o’clock P. M. the house where the chief of the secret

police, Mr. Voilochenkoff, resides, was surrounded by a

revolutionary party and by their insistent demands the front

door was opened. Six men rushed into his apartments and

arrested the chief, and read the death sentence of the

revolutionary party to him. His wife and three children

pleaded to the revolutionists for mercy, but the

revolutionists would not listen to their pleading, and they

gave Mr. Voilochenkoff a short time to prepare for death and

then took him out into a side street where he was shot to

death, and his body left in the street. Disturbances and

shooting were carried on in the different parts of the city,

and new barricades erected.

"December 31.

The troops bombarded the large Prochoroff spinning mills,

where a large number of revolutionists made their last stand.

Many houses in the vicinity of the mill were either burnt down

or wrecked by cannon balls. Many of the revolutionists and

strikers were killed, wounded, or captured and the weapons

confiscated. The general strike has been called off."

This was practically the end of the abortive rising. On the

5th of January, 1906, Ambassador Meyer wrote to the State

Department at Washington:

"In my cable of December 25 I stated that although fighting

had been stubborn and gatling guns had been used, I believed

that the estimates so far given out as to loss of life were

much exaggerated. It appears now that I was correct in my

surmise, for in a semi-official statement given by one of the

papers, from statistics taken at all the hospitals and

accident bureaus, the deaths were given as about 750 and the

wounded as a little over a thousand.

"I am glad to state that as yet I have heard of no injuries

occurring to American citizens in Moscow; in fact in all these

disturbances that have taken place in the various cities the

revolutionists and strikers have refrained in all instances

from attacking foreign consulates, and I believe this also

applies to the property of foreign individuals."

{571}

On the 29th of January Ambassador Meyer wrote to Washington:

"The revolutionary party seems to have spent its force for the

time being. Instead of aiding reforms, they have greatly

hampered them. By the attempted capture of Moscow, by their

riots and rebellions in other parts of the country, followed

by destruction of life and property, they have forced the

Government into repression and reactionary methods in order to

restore law and order. All this has necessarily caused a delay

in the classification of the newly enfranchised voters and has

given an excuse for a continued waste of precious time due to

bureaucratic formality.

"Some of the factions are finally waking up to the necessity

of giving attention to registration and a better comprehension

of the coming elections. The Constitutional-Democratic party

have decided by a large majority to take part in the elections

and the Douma. The Social Democrats have also decided to

participate. On the other hand, the Russian

Social-Revolutionaries, at their first meeting in Finland,

lately, voted in favor of a boycott of the elections.

"At its last meeting, the Constitutional-Democratic party, in

view of obstacles to free election campaigning which the local

authorities are using against all opposing parties, voted to

protest against the government policy, which in any way

impeded free elections to the Imperial Douma, and further

urged the most energetic participation of its members in the

approaching elections.

"At a meeting of the marshals of the nobility, held at Moscow

last week, the following resolutions were adopted: 1.That the

final settlement of the agrarian question should be made the

first task of the Douma. 2. That in deciding the agrarian

question, it should be based on the principle of inviolability

of private property."

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905. War with Japan:

Siege and Surrender of Port Arthur.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST) and

1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905 (October-May).--War with Japan:

Voyage of the Baltic Fleet.

Its Destruction in the Battle of Tsushima.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905 (September-March).

War with Japan: Campaign in Manchuria.

From the Battle of Liao-Yang to the end

of the Battle of Mukden.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1909.

General Consequences in Europe of the Weakening of Russian

Prestige and Power by the Russo-Japanese War.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905.

Action with other Powers in forcing Financial Reforms

in Macedonia on Turkey.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (February-November).

Naval Mutiny.

Army Revolt.

Peasant Risings.

Conflict in the Caucasus.

The most serious of the revolutionary outbreaks of the year

was that of mutiny in the navy. "Already in February the

sailors of the Black Sea fleet, instigated by the

revolutionary propaganda, had burned down the barracks at

Sebastopol and assaulted their officers, and on June 27 the

crew of the ‘Kniaz Potemkin,’ the principal battle-ship of the

Black Sea fleet, mutinied at sea while the squadron of which

it formed part was manoeuvring, and killed nearly all its

officers. The mutineers were in league with the working men at

Odessa, who at the same time invaded the harbor, and,

accompanied by a riotous mob, plundered and burnt in all

directions. Property of immense value was consumed, and some

of the troops refused to fire on the rioters. Ultimately fresh

troops were brought up, the ‘Kniaz Potemkin’ sailed away to

the Roumanian port of Constanza, where it was surrendered to

the Roumanian authorities, who gave up the ship to the

Russians, and the crew was landed and disarmed. The crew of

another battle-ship, the ‘Georgei Pobiedonosets,’ took part in

the mutiny, but surrendered to the Russian authorities at

Odessa. Riots also took place at the same time at the seaports

of Reval, Riga, Libau, and Kronstadt, where the dockers were

joined by the navy men and struck for an increase of wages. …

On July 10 Count Schouvaloff, Prefect of Police at Moscow, was

assassinated, and a general strike was proclaimed at Minsk. …

In the Baltic provinces the peasants, who are Letts,

constantly attacked the landed proprietors, who are German in

race and speech; many of the latter were killed, the municipal

buildings at Reval, Riga and Mittau were sacked. … In

September the conflict which had been going on between the

Tartars and the Armenians in the Caucasus culminated in a

series of horrible massacres, accompanied by much destruction

of property. At Baku most of the naphtha wells were destroyed

by incendiary fires, and very much of the oil industry was

ruined. The Tartars, carrying green banners, proclaimed a holy

war against the Armenians, many thousands of whom were killed.

… On November 25 an organized revolt took place of the

soldiers, sailors and workmen of Sebastopol. There was no

rioting, but several officers were killed, and for some days

the town was in the hands of the rebels. The revolt was only

suppressed on November 30, when a regular battle took place

between the rebels and 20,000 troops that had been brought up

against them. Forts and loyal ships fired on mutinous ships,

and the barracks held by the rebels had to be bombarded before

they were forced to surrender. … Other mutinies of troops took

place at the same time at Warsaw and in other places."

The Annual Register 1905,

pages 313-323.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (April-August).

The Tsar’s Decree of Religious Liberty.

Minister Witte’s enlightened Memorial.

The Emptiness of Results.

Early in May, 1905, there was announcement that the Tsar, on

the morning of the Russian Easter Day, had published a decree

proclaiming absolute religious liberty to all his subjects.

Previous tolerance of all religions in Russia had been subject

to important limitations. No member of the state church could

leave it to enter another without losing all his civil rights,

and no church other than the Orthodox could proselyte.

Furthermore, when members of the Russian Church and those of

any other church married, it was necessary to have the

ceremony performed by an Orthodox priest, and the law insisted

that the children of such marriages be brought up in the

Orthodox faith. These restrictions were particularly hard on

the Old Believers, as they are called,—a body which separated

from the Orthodox Church two and a half centuries ago and has

suffered all kinds of persecution. The new ukase recognized

the various orders of priesthood among the Old Believers, and

gave them the right to celebrate marriage. To all the

dissenting sects—Roman Catholics, Lutherans, Jews, and

others—is accorded the right to erect houses of worship

without restriction.

{572}

The Tsar’s decree of entire religious freedom was known soon

to have been the fruit of a remarkably broad minded memorial

addressed to him by M. Witte, the President of his Council of

Ministers, and a translation of that memorial was published in

the May issue of The Contemporary Review. It pictured a

state of paralysis in the Russian Church, consequent on its

bondage to the State. "Both the ecclesiastical and the secular

press," said the writer, "remark with equal emphasis upon the

prevailing lukewarmness of the inner life of the Church,—upon

the alienation of the flock, particularly of the educated

classes of society, from its spiritual guides; the absence in

sermons of a living word; the lack of pastoral activity on the

part of the clergy, who in the majority of instances confine

themselves to the conduct of divine service and the

fulfillment of ritual observances; the entire collapse of the

ecclesiastical parish community, with its educational and

benevolent institutions; the red-tapism in the conduct of

diocesan or consistorial business, and the narrowly

bureaucratic character of the institutions grouped about the

Synod. It was from Dostoyevski that we first heard that word

of evil omen, ‘The Russian Church is suffering from

paralysis.’"

This condition M. Witte attributes to the position in which

the Church was placed by Peter the Great. "The chief aim of

the ecclesiastical reforms of Peter I. was to reduce the

Church to the level of a mere government institution pursuing

purely political ends. And, as a matter of fact, the

government of the Church speedily became merely one of the

numerous wheels of the complicated government machine. On the

soil of an ecclesiastical government robbed by bureaucratism

of all personal elements the dry scholastic life-shunning

school arose spontaneously. This policy of coercing the mind

of the Church, though it may have been attended for the moment

by a certain measure of political gain, subsequently inflicted

a terrible loss. Hence that decline in ecclesiastical life

with which we now have to deal."

The wise President of the Tsar’s Council made so much

impression on the mind of his master as to draw from him the

ukase of general religious freedom; but three months later, in

the August number of The American Review of Reviews,

Dr. E. J. Dillon, whose intimate knowledge of Russian affairs

is well known, described how effectually the decree had been

smothered by the bureaucracy, which is stronger than the Tsar.

He wrote: "The most welcome of all the concessions emanating

from the throne was that which Nicholas II. bestowed upon his

subjects last Easter Sunday. Inspired and drafted by M. Witte,

it was at first spoken of as liberty of conscience, but was

soon afterward seen to amount to nothing more than religious

toleration. And since then the bureaucracy has touched and

killed it."

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (June-October).

Ending of the War with Japan.

Mediation by the President cf the United States.

The Peace Treaty of Portsmouth.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

The Recent Russian Political Parties.

As explained by Mr. Maurice Baring in his interesting book

entitled A Year in Russia, the crystallization of

political parties in Russia began after the issue of the

Manifesto of October, 1905. The most important was that of the

Constitutional Democrats, nicknamed the "Cadets," a name

formed from the letters "K. D." Similarly the party called

Social Revolutionaries are nicknamed "S. R’s." and the Social

Democrats "S. D’s." The party of the Constitutional Democrats

was the product of a combination of Zemstvo members who had

previously been united in a "League of Liberation" with the

professional classes, whom Professor Milioukov had brought

together in a "Union of Unions," which represented the great

mass of educated Russia—the "Intelligenzia." This combination

of the professional class with the Zemstvoists, who had more

political experience than others could enjoy in Russia, was

mainly the important work of Professor Milioukov.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

The First Duma.

Election of Representatives.

Its Conflict with the Government and its Dissolution.

Rise of M. Stolypin.

The Instigated Massacres (Pogroms).

In January, 1906, when the Duma promised by the Tsar on the

19th of the previous August should have met, the conditions in

the country were such that the Government dared not permit the

meeting to be held, and it was postponed without date. After

some weeks a more submissive state of order was restored, and

the meeting was appointed for the 10th of the following May.

The elections were held in March, and Ambassador Meyer

described the system on which they were conducted in an

extended despatch to the State Department at Washington, from

which the following is borrowed:

"The total number of members of the Duma, when the elections

shall have finally been completed, will be 501. The elections

are, however, not carried on the same day throughout the

country. Governors and vice-governors, prefects of cities and

their lieutenants cannot vote in their departments, nor can

members of the army or navy who are on active service, or

persons doing police duty in governments or cities when

elections are taking place.

"The voters are divided into classes, and that it may be

more clearly shown I have made the following table;

------------------------------------------------------------

Peasants.

Clergy

Cities not in special list

Volosts

Workmen

-------------------------> Delegates -> Electors -> Duma Members

Landed proprietors

and special cities.

-------------------------------------> Electors -> Duma Members

------------------------------------------------------------

{573}

"From this it will be seen that the peasants are in a class by

themselves and, as a matter of fact, in the present elections

are not given an opportunity of expression, as it is the volosts

(elected at the mir, in most instances, before the Duma was

even granted) that choose the delegates. The volosts, workmen,

clergy (not lauded proprietors), voters of cities (not in

special list), and class C of lauded proprietors, all choose

delegates. These delegates, in turn, select electors, as do

also landed proprietors, and qualified voters of cities on the

special list. The electors vote for Duma members in their

appropriate electoral college, and their choice is confined to

a member of their own body. Therefore in every instance, in

order to become a member of the Duma, a candidate must be an

elector and previous to that a delegate, except in the case of

landed proprietors and voters of special cities. …

"It is noticeable that the large cities in European Russia are

limited to one member of the Duma, with the exception of

Moscow and St. Petersburg, the former having an allotment of

four and the latter of six.

"There is an exceptional provision with regard to the

procedure of the peasant electors. … Elections to the Duma,

with the exception cited as to the privilege of peasant

electors, are finally effected in the governments and

territories by the government electoral college, and in the

cities by the municipal electoral college."

Mr. Meyer reported further that an imperial manifesto had

announced that the Council of the Empire would in future

"consist of an equal number of elective members and members

nominated by the Emperor. It will be convoked annually by an

imperial ukase at the same time with the Duma. The two

assemblies will have equal legislative powers, and each can

exercise the same initiative in introducing bills or

interrogations. Every bill must be passed by both houses

before being sent to the Tsar for his signature and approval.

The elected members of the Council will be eligible for nine

years, a third being reelected every three years." Of the 98

elective members of the Council (one half of the body), 18

were to be chosen from the nobles, 50 from the zemstvo of each

government, 6 from the Orthodox Church, 6 from the

universities, 12 from the representatives of the Council of

Commerce and Industry, and 6 from representatives of the

Polish landed proprietors.

On the 7th of April Ambassador Meyer wrote to Washington

concerning the result of the elections: "The success of the

Constitutional Democrats has made a great impression on the

Government and created considerable nervousness. Witte is

really anxious to resign and go out of the country for a

much-needed rest. But he assured a mutual friend that he would

stay and serve the Emperor as long as His Majesty desired. The

elections so far have impressed upon his mind the want of

confidence which exists among the people as to his

administration. As he is without any supporters among the

elected members of the Duma, it is difficult to believe that

the Emperor will be able or even desirous of having him

continue to serve as premier after the Duma is organized."

This anticipation proved correct. M. Witte had withdrawn from

the ministerial premiership when the Duma assembled on the

10th of May, and M. Goremykin had taken his place.

There was conflict between the Duma and the Government from

the moment that the former adopted its reply to the opening

speech of the Tsar. With unanimity it demanded general amnesty

for past political offenses, abolition of the death penalty,

suspension of martial law, full civil liberty, universal

suffrage, abolition of the council of the empire, a review of

the fundamental law, responsibility of ministers and right of

interpellation, a forced expropriation of land, and a

guarantee of rights to trade unions.

M. Stolypin, Minister of the Interior, now coming to the front

of ministerial leadership, made his first speech in the Duma

on the 21st of June, and was assailed with cries of "Murderer"

and "Assassin" when he defended illegal acts of police officials

and provincial governors, in the suppression of disorder, and

declared his determination to maintain order. Among the

replies to him was one by Prince Urussoff, former Assistant

Minister of the Interior, who made a powerful attack on the

sinister methods of the Government—the "policy of massacre,"

as he named it—declaring that massacres were always organized

by secret forces. "Any investigation," he said, "of the

so-called ‘pogroms’ (massacres) will bring the investigator

face to face with the following certain symptoms; they are

identical in all cases; Firstly, a massacre is always preceded

by reports of its preparation, accompanied by the circulation

of appeals exciting the population and of one constant kind in

form and substance. They are accompanied by a certain kind of

stormy petrels in the person of little known representatives

of the dregs of the population. Then, too, the cause of the

massacre as officially announced is afterwards always without

exception found to be false. Furthermore, in these massacres

there is always to be found a certain similarity of plan which

gives these actions the character of chance. The murderers act

on the assumption of some kind of right, as though conscious

that they will not be punished, and only continue to act as

long as this confidence remains unshaken—after which the

massacre stops extraordinarily quickly and easily."

What Prince Urussoff had intimated, as to the instigation of

the massacres from high circles was declared most distinctly

and positively, three years later, by Prince Kropotkin, in a

letter to the London Times of July 29, 1909. He wrote:

"Something which never has happened anywhere in Western Europe

happened then in Russia, as M. Obninsky, a member of the first

Duma, says in a terrible book of statistics he has published

in 1906 at Moscow, under the title, ‘A Half-Year of the

Russian Revolution.’ In a hundred different cities men of the

so-called ‘Black Hundreds’ came together on some public

square, received there the benediction of the clergy, sent

telegrams to the Palace circles in St. Petersburg, received

answers from them, and then went on killing the Jews, the

Armenians, the Poles, the Russian members of the Zemstvos, and

Russian ‘Intellectuals’ altogether, under the protection of

the military, the local police, and the local governors.

{574}

"For some time I could not believe that such pogroms   could have been organized from St. Petersburg by the

authorities. Now the evidence is overwhelming. We know that

proclamations inciting to pogroms were printed by the

gendarmes in the Secret Police offices, we know from the

revelations of these gendarmes themselves that men and

officers were sent to the provinces with proclamations and

arms to organize the pogroms; and we know how the leaders of

the Union of Russian Men were petted and given money by the

Tsar and how they organized murders, wholesale and retail,

with the aid of members of the Secret Police; and here is the

net result which I have before me in a long, very long, list

compiled by the Law Review Pravo.

"This list is simply horrifying. The Constitution manifesto

was signed on October 30. The same day took place the

pogrom at Tver; the Zemstvo house was burnt, and 24

persons were wounded. At Moscow, November 2, 30 wounded;

Odessa, October 31-November 3, more than 1,000 killed and

5,000 wounded; Kieff, October 31, 150 killed, 100 wounded;

Tomsk, November 3, 150 killed and burned, 76 heavily wounded

(all these, by the way, and many others are Russian towns);

Minsk, 100 killed, 400 wounded; Tiflis, November 2, more than

100 killed; and so on, and so on. … The result of similar

campaigns in different parts of Russia for twelve months only

in 1905-1906 was—killed, more than 14,000; executed, about

1,000; wounded and partly died from wounds, about 20,000;

arrested and imprisoned, mostly without judgment, 75,000. This

last figure was given in the Duma by Professor Kovalevsky on

May 2, 1906, in the presence of M. Stolypin, who did not

contest it."

On the 22d of July the Duma was dissolved by imperial command,

and the following manifesto to the people was published by the

Autocrat on the following day:

"Persons selected by the people were called to the

legislature. Trusting in the goodness of God, believing in the

happy and grand future of our people, we were expecting from

their labors the happiness and interest of the country. Great

reforms had been indicated by us in all that concerns the life

of the people, and our greatest care, which is to substitute

education for the ignorance of the people and to lessen the

difficulties of its life by improving the conditions under

which it cultivates the ground, was foremost. A painful ordeal

was reserved to our hopes. The elected of the nation, instead

of turning their attention to legislative labors, have entered

a field that was closed to them, and have begun to investigate

the doings of authorities established by us, to indicate to us

the imperfections of fundamental laws that can only be altered

by our imperial will, and to commit illegal acts, such as the

appeal addressed to the people of the Duma.

"The peasants, dazed by these disorders, without waiting for

the legal improvement to their position, gave themselves up,

in a great number of governments, to pillage and theft,

refusing to submit to the law or to legal authorities. …

"By dissolving the actual Duma of the Empire we testify to our

unalterable intention of maintaining, in all their force, the

laws concerning the establishment of that institution, and,

consequently, we have fixed, by our ukase given to the ruling

Senate on the 8th July instant, the convocation of the new

Duma on the 20th of February, 1907."

About two hundred members of the dissolved Duma went

immediately from St. Petersburg to Viborg, in Finland, and

held a meeting there, from which they published an address to

the "Citizens of all the Russias," signed by one hundred and

sixty of their number, protesting against the opposition which

the Duma had encountered from the Government in all its

undertakings, and practically refusing submission to its

dissolution. "In the place of the present Duma," they said,

"the Government promises to convoke a new one in seven months.

… For seven months the Government will act as it likes, will

wrestle with the movement of the people in order to obtain a

submissive and desirable Duma, and if it succeeds in entirely

crushing the movement of the people it will not convoke any

Duma at all. Citizens, stand firmly by the trampled rights of

the representatives of the people. Stand for the Duma of the

Empire. Russia must not remain one day without representatives

from the people. We have the means of obtaining this. The

Government has not the right without our consent to collect

taxes from the people, nor to call the people to military

service, and therefore, now, when the Government has dissolved

the Duma of the Empire, it is your right to refuse to supply

it with soldiers or money. If the Government, in order to

secure resources, makes loans, such loans, made without

consent of the representatives of the people, will henceforth

be invalid, and the Russian people will not recognize them and

will not pay for them. Consequently, until the representatives

of the people are convoked, do not pay a kopeck into the

treasury nor send a man to the army. Be firm in your refusal;

stand for your rights, all as one man. Against the united and

absolute will of the people no power whatever can resist.

Citizens, in this compulsory but inevitable struggle your

representatives will be with you."

This proved to be futile action. The Government was prompt in

arresting and imprisoning most of the signers of the appeal to

the people, and none of them was allowed to be returned to the

Second Duma when the new elections were held. Pending that

election, some very substantial gifts of imperial favor were

made to the peasants, to win their good will, but nothing

appears to have been remembered of the October injunctions of

the Tsar concerning the "confirmation of civil liberty." In

August, 4,500,000 acres of crown lauds were transferred by an

imperial ukase to the Peasants’ Bank, for sale to the peasants

on easy terms; and on the 18th of October another ukase

released them to a large extent from the restraints of the

communal system, and decreed the equality of all citizens

before the law. The following is part of the text of this

important decree, as communicated in translation to the

American government by Ambassador Meyer, and published in the

report of 1906 on Foreign Relations.

"The Czar orders, on the basis of the fundamental law of 1906,

that the following reforms be made:

"1. To accord all Russian subjects, without distinction of

origin, with exception of the aborigines, equal rights with

regard to the state service with persons of noble blood, and

at the same time to abolish all special privileges of dress

due either to official position or to the origin of the

wearer.

{575}

"2. Peasants and members of other classes formerly taxable are

freed (a) from the presentation of discharge papers on

entering an educational institution or the civil service;

further, from personal payment in kind and the performance of

communal duties during the whole time the persons in question

may be either in the educational institution or civil service;

(b) from the necessity of demanding for entry into holy

orders or a monastery the permission of the commune.

"3. The compulsory exclusion of peasant and other classes

formally taxable from the following ranks and careers is

abolished;

(a) From entering the civil service;

(b) from receiving rank;

(c) from receiving orders and other distinctions;

(d) from attaining learned grades and honors;

(e) from completing educational courses and

particularly from winning higher class rights.

"In all these cases the persons in question are allowed to

retain all the rights arising from their connections with

their commune, as well as the responsibilities thereof, until

they have freely withdrawn from the commune or entered into

other corporations of standing. With regard to the legal

standing of the persons in question, there shall serve as a

basis the regulations of the rank or profession which these

persons have won."

See, also, below,

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).

Meantime, extensive plans of insurrection, with naval and

military mutiny, in five cities, had been formed and had

miscarried. The outbreak was premature at Sveaborg, late in

July, and the sailors who started it were quickly overcome.

The same failure occurred at Kronstadt, where the

revolutionists and mutinous troops took Fort Constantine and

the arsenal, but found no ammunition in the latter, and were

defenseless when surrounded by loyal forces. At Libau, Odessa,

and Sevastopol the intended rising was given up.

On the 25th of August a desperate plot of wholesale murder,

intended to include M. Stolypin among its victims, was carried

out by the explosion of a horribly destructive bomb at the

country house of that Minister, on Aptekarsky Island. M.

Stolypin was holding a reception, and the rooms were crowded

with officials and others, when four conspirators, three of

them dressed as gendarmes, drove up boldly, and were able,

either to enter the house with a bomb or to throw it through a

window. The effect of the explosion was so horribly

destructive that the house was torn to pieces and thirty

people were killed outright or injured mortally, besides an

equal number that received curable wounds. Two of the

Minister’s children were among the latter, and he himself

received slight injuries. The Governor of Penza, M. Koshoff,

who stood near him, was instantly killed. Two of the assassins

were among the killed and the other two were wounded and

captured. On the following day a young woman of the terrorist

organization slew General Min, at Peterhof railway station, by

shots from a revolver. He had been active in suppressing the

insurrection at Moscow.

In October Ambassador Meyer, after a trip into Poland and to

Odessa, reported as the result of his observations:

"On the whole, the revolutionary movement, for the time being,

has lost its momentum. A year ago it was on the crest of the

wave. Then a strike could be ordered and put in force without

any difficulty, but now the workmen refuse to be used for

political purposes or respond to the whims of the agitator.

The present conditions are liable to continue until the next

Duma, March 5. Yesterday, which was the first anniversary of

October 17 (Russian Style), it had to be given out by some of

the revolutionists that there would be strikes, uprisings, and

agitations throughout the country. But the day passed off

quietly. Mr. Stolypin is facing with much courage and

resolution the stupendous task which confronts him. He is

endeavoring to deal fairly, while at the same time it is

necessary to reestablish law and order."

On the 21st of December Count Alexei Ignatieff was

assassinated at Tver, while attending a meeting of the

provincial zemstvo, the assassin stating that he had acted

under orders of the Socialist revolutionary committee.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (April).

Invitation of the Nations to a Second Peace Conference

by the Tsar.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST; A. D. 1907.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (April).

At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco Question.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE A. D. 1905-1906.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1907 (August).

Convention with Great Britain containing Arrangements on

the subject of Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet.

See EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1907.

The Second Duma and its Early Dissolution.

Increase of Radicalism among its Members.

The New Electoral Law, under which a "Workable" Third Duma

was elected.

M. Stolypin’s Policy.

The promise that a second Duma would be summoned to meet in

March, 1907, was fulfilled. Between the 21st of January and

the end of February elections were held, with results that

were exceedingly disappointing and irritating to the imperial

government. It strove hard, by arbitrary measures and vigorous

working of its police, to suppress the Constitutional

Democrats,—the party which it fears the most. It pursued their

leaders into exile or imprisonment, broke up their meetings,

harassed them so in the canvass and the election that the

return of deputies by the party was reduced from 185 in the

First Duma to 108; but, on the other hand, the Socialist

representation in the Second Duma was raised above that in the

First from 17 to 77, and the Octobrists elected 31 deputies,

gaining 18 more seats than they had filled before. On the

whole, as a consequence, the Second Duma held more radicalism

in its make-up, with less intelligence, than the First.

Its meetings were opened on the 6th of March, and soon gave

evidence that the antagonisms in the body were too extreme for

any influential political work. In June M. Stolypin accused

most of the Socialist members of being parties to the

revolutionary propaganda in the army and navy, and demanded

their suspension by the Duma. It refused to suspend them

without an investigation of the truth of the charge, and

appointed a committee to receive such evidence as the

government could bring. Thereupon the Tsar, by a manifesto

published on the 16th of June, dissolved the Second Duma as

summarily as he had dissolved the First, ordered new

elections, to begin on the 14th of September, and summoned the

Third Duma, then elected, to meet on November 14th.

{576}

At the same time a new electoral law was proclaimed, in

flagrant violation of the so-called Constitution of October

30, 1905, which had declared, as an "immutable rule,"

established by the "inflexible will" of the Tsar, that "no law

can ever come into force without the approval of the State

Duma." The new law was planned carefully and skilfully to

disfranchise great numbers in the classes of people which

autocracy fears; to add weight to the votes of the classes on

which it leans; to diminish the representation of industrial

cities, as well as of non-Russian districts,—Poland, Siberia,

etc.,—and, generally, to make a farce of the pretended

concession of representative and constitutional government

which the autocratic court had been playing for the amusement

of the country during the past two years.

The new electoral law accomplished its purpose of securing a

Duma that would keep workable relations with M. Stolypin. A

very intelligent English publicist, Dr. Dillon, who discusses

Foreign Politics every month in the Contemporary

Review, whose views are broadly liberal as a rule, and

whose acquaintance with Russian affairs seems to be specially

intimate, inclines to justify the measure on this practical

ground, or, rather, to accept it as approved by this result.

When the make-up of the Third Duma had become known he wrote,

in the Contemporary Review of December, 1907, as

follows:

"M. Stolypin’s electoral law has been criticised severely.

And, to be frank, one must admit that from the point of view

of men who advocate universal manhood suffrage it is a mere

mockery. For it suspended the right of election in some

places, arbitrarily lessened the number of representatives in

certain provinces, created groups of electors, and authorised

Government officials to decide how they should be formed; in a

word, it is a means of manipulating the elections for the

avowed purpose of having a certain stamp of men returned and

another type of men eliminated. To say that the Chamber which

has resulted from these expedients is not the elect of the

nation is, of course, a truism. It is not, and was not, meant

to be this. … The data respecting the intellectual and social

status of the newly elected are still very defective and

untrustworthy. But so far as they go, they show that among the

men who are about to rescue Russia from ruin there are:—

Members of the nobility                             157

Priests                                              51

Merchants                                            22

Peasants                                             77

Petty tradesmen                                       6

Working-men                                          15

Honorary burghers                                     8

Ex-officers                                          20

Officials                                            56

Zemstvo workers                                      27

Employees of municipalities                          23

Marshals of nobility                                 36

Cantonal elders and secretaries                      21

Men who have been educated in high schools          167

Men who have been educated in intermediate schools   82

Men who have been educated in primary schools        61

Members educated at home                             23

Between the ages of 25-30                            19

Between the ages of 30-40                            81

Between the ages of 40-50                            87

Between the ages of 50-00                            47

Between the ages of 60-70                            13

Between the ages of 70-80                             l

Members of the Second Duma                           59

Members of the First Duma                             7

Members of the Council of the Empire                  3

A month later the same writer said:

"The Third Duma is already a month old, and has as yet done no

work, has not even organised itself. Festina lente is

evidently its maxim, with the accent on the second word.

Debates there have been not a few, but they were as the noise

of sounding brass and tinkling cymbals. The first discussion

took place on the motion to thank the Tsar for the October

Manifesto, which created the Legislative Chamber. A great

majority of the deputies—including the Constitutional

Democrats, who are adjusting themselves to their

environment—were in favour of expressing their gratitude, but

they could not agree how to call the institution for which

they felt grateful. Some wanted to name it a Constitution,

others ‘a renovated order of things.’ If it is a Constitution,

then there is no Autocrat, the Octobrists argued, and

consequently that title of the Emperor must be dropped. ‘If we

are bent on thanking the Tsar,’ replied the Conservatives,

‘let us do it with a good grace. Whatever name we may give to

the present régime, the title of the ruler has

undergone no change. He was an Autocrat when he ascended the

throne, and he is an Autocrat to day. Proofs? They are as

plentiful as blackberries.’ …

"But the Constitutionalists—and among them the Octobrists

favoured by M. Stolypin—insisted. ‘By the Manifesto,’ they

argued, ‘the Tsar limited his authority and curtailed his

prerogatives. Thus it is no longer in his power to issue laws

without the approval of the Duma; neither can he abrogate any

of the Organic Statutes.’ ‘You are mistaken,’ answered the

Monarchists. ‘Have the Organic Statutes not been already

altered? Has the "immutable" electoral franchise not been

changed?’ … But the Octobrists stood their ground, and the

address was voted with a flaw in the Tsar’s title. That was

the work of one whole day and part of a night—an unlucky

day—the 13th November Russian style. In this way the Duma

offered the Sovereign a pot of honey mingled with wormwood.

The Premier was upset, the Tsar offended, and the Monarchists

indignant. ‘This, then,’ the Monarchists exclaimed, ‘is M.

Stolypin’s Duma, the areopagus which is to prescribe remedies

for the Russian nation now at death’s door?’

"Three days later came the Premier in a quos ego mood.

And he was at his best. Ever since his first appearance as a

public orator, M. Stolypin has kept the high place he then

won. His eloquence, like his character, is manly, and his

utterance impressive. His look, his accents, his gestures,

betoken sincerity, and his manner is warm with the heat of

subdued enthusiasm. On this historic day he simply electrified

the House, captivated his adversaries, and extorted applause

from his bitter enemies. And yet he was battling with the

Duma, swimming against the current. He spoke of the Autocratic

power and of the Autocratic Sovereign, and had the

satisfaction of being interrupted by enthusiastic cheers. …

{577}

"Happily M. Stolypin is a man of steadfast purpose rather than

brilliant intellect, for his moral qualities may stand him in

better stead, during the revolutionary crisis than would rare

mental gifts. At bottom his temper is Liberal rather than

Conservative, and mainly for that reason he would seem to have

been chosen to be sexton of the old epoch and harbinger of the

new. …

"No fair-minded man can doubt the sincerity of M. Stolypin’s

Liberalism. It has withstood the test of time and the pressure

of unfavourable circumstance. His faith in Liberal specifics

is so firm that he declines to diagnose any diseases that call

for more drastic remedies. … M. Stolypin is at present the

only influential politician in Russia who is working

efficaciously for the Liberal cause. He is systematically

removing hindrances to Constitutionalism which are most

formidable at the outset. …

"But the greatest service which any Minister could render a

cause was performed by M. Stolypin for Liberalism at a time

when it depended on him either to lay the groundwork for a

Constitutional fabric or to establish firm Monarchical

government. And for that service he deserves, and may yet

receive, a public monument from Democratic Russia. He advised

the Tsar to summon the Third Duma soon after the Second, and

to issue no laws in the meanwhile. That was really the turning

point in the history of Russia’s Constitution, the magnum

opus of M. Stolypin’s political life. And he followed it

up with a step more extraordinary and decisive still. He

himself had recourse to the Autocratic power which it is the

tendency of his policy to annihilate, and he used it for the

purpose of destroying Autocracy. That surely was a coup de

maître which entitled the Minister to the undying

gratitude of all Liberal Russia. But not a Liberal uttered a

word of thanks. This deadly blow was struck at the Autocracy

in the following way:

"The Electoral Law opened the portals of the Duma chiefly to

Democrats and other irreconcilable enemies of the Monarchy,

and so long as it remained in force, no Duma acceptable to the

Government was possible. Yet it could not be abrogated. For,

together with the Organic Statutes, it had been declared part

of the unchangeable Constitution. The Tsar’s hands, therefore,

were tied, his word was pledged, and the result was a

deadlock. Autocratic power could not be wielded anew without

effecting a perilous coup d'état. Well, the Premier

advised the Crown to seize once more the sword of the

Autocracy, and with it to hew off the branch on which the

Autocrat was sitting. That was the true significance of the

measure against which the enemies of the Autocracy still cry

out. For the object directly aimed at and immediately attained

by this coup d'état was the creation of the Octobrist

Party, whose first work in the Duma was to declare that the

Autocracy had gone forever."

E. J. Dillon,

Foreign Affairs

(Contemporary Renew, January, 1908).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1907 (November).

Treaty with Great Britain, France, Germany, and Norway,

guaranteeing the Integrity of Norway.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

Action in Persia during the Constitutional Revolution.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1908.

Evasion of the Conscription.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1908.

North Sea and Baltic Agreements.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1908.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1908.

Proxy Parliamentary Vote given to Women of Property.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1908.

Policy of Prussia in her Polish Provinces dictated by

her relations to Russia.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (JANUARY).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1908 (September).

Withdrawal from Intervention in Macedonia.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

Attitude toward the Austrian Annexation of Bosnia

and Herzegovina.

Was the Government coerced by German Threats?

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

Exercise of Disputed Authority in Northern Manchuria.

The Kharbin question.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

Measures for the Destruction of the Constitutional Autonomy

of Finland.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.

Oppressions continued.

Executions, Imprisonment, Exile, Torture, Persecution.

On the 1st of August, 1909, a letter was addressed to the

British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs by one hundred

and eighty men of distinction in Great Britain,—Members of

Parliament, Peers, Bishops and other clergymen, University

professors, authors, editors,—asking the Government to exert

such influence as might be possible with that of Russia, to

induce a relaxation of the system of repression still

maintained in that unhappy country, and to ameliorate the

dreadful barbarities which go with imprisonment there. "We

know," said these memorialists, "how slow has been our own

progress in the past, and how many points in our present

condition are open to independent criticism. We are conscious

of the difficulties that attend all reforms, and we desire

that no feeling of impatience should cause us to withhold our

sympathy from every sincere attempt to promote good government

among a friendly people.

"It is in no spirit of ungenerous remonstrance that we are

constrained to observe that for four years a system of

repression has been maintained in Russia, which has not

relaxed its severity though the evidences of any organized

revolutionary movement have dwindled and disappeared. There

has recently been an announcement of some relaxation in

particular districts, but the greater portion of the Empire

remains, in time of peace, under some form of martial law. The

number of capital sentences on civilians for the period

between October, 1905, and December, 1908, has reached 4,002,

and the number of executions was officially stated to be

2,118. These sentences were passed, moreover, not by ordinary

civil process, but by exceptional military Courts. The number

of persons in exile in Siberia and Northern Russia, mostly

punished without trial by administrative process, under a

system of exile, which involves much physical suffering and

privation, was officially reckoned in October last at 74,000.

{578}

"The number of persons exiled without trial under

administrative decree cannot be realized without a serious

protest, but the evidence which has reached us through the

Press, from trustworthy witnesses, and above all from the

reports of the debates in the Duma, has persuaded us that the

sufferings of those who remain in prison justify, nay,

require, a stronger remonstrance. Over 180,000 persons—a total

which has more than doubled since 1905—criminals and political

offenders, are crowded together in prisons built to hold

107,000. In most of these prisons epidemic diseases, and

especially typhus, are prevalent; the sick and the whole lie

together—their fetters even in cases of fever are not removed.

In some prisons the warders systematically beat and maltreat

the sick and the whole alike. There is also evidence of more

deliberate tortures, employed to punish the defiant or to

extract confession from the suspect.

"Such excesses would move our indignation were all the victims

ordinary criminals. We desire to base our protest on the

ground of simple humanity; but it is none the less important

to remember that many of these prisoners, if guilty at all,

are suffering for acts or words which in any constitutional

country would be lawful, or even praiseworthy.

"Our object in addressing you is to draw your attention to

these facts and to place on record the impression which we

have formed of them. That no direct intervention is possible

we fully realize, nor do we wish to enlarge the area of

international controversy. But there are probably means by

which a friendly Government may exert an influence to

ameliorate the lot of those who are suffering under the evils

which we have described. The infliction of such wrongs upon

Russians and the indignation which they excite among

ourselves, are relevant and important factors in our mutual

relations, of which the two Governments should be fully

informed."

Later and more specific facts, illustrative of the arbitrary

and barbarous oppression under which the Russian people are

still suffering, were given in The Outlook of October

9, 1909, from which the following is taken:

"In the first seven months of 1909 military courts sentenced

841 persons to death in Russia and up to the 1st of August 381

of the persons so sentenced had been hanged or shot. Nearly

all were civil or political offenders, who, in a

constitutional country, would have been tried with proper

legal forms and guarantees in the regular civil tribunals. In

these same seven months the publishers of 109 periodicals in

Russia were fined in the aggregate sum of 54,425 rubles for

publishing news or expressing opinions obnoxious to the

Government, and in addition to these pecuniary punishments

whole editions of papers and magazines were seized and

destroyed, printing offices were closed, editors were arrested

and employees were exiled—all by administrative process. In

the month of June, 1909, three newspapers were suppressed

altogether, and in August, 1909, the St. Petersburg journal

Reitch (Speech), the organ of the Constitutional Democrats,

was fined 500 rubles for printing a signed article entitled

‘Suicide in the Army,’ which was based wholly on reports of

the Ministry of War.

"On the 28th of May, 1909, Mr. Selden, a St. Petersburg

publisher, was sentenced to six months’ imprisonment in a

fortress for publishing one of Count Tolstoy’s books, and on

the 17th of August, 1909, the Count’s private secretary, Mr.

N. N. Gusef, was exiled by administrative process to the

province of Perm for distributing the venerable author’s

brochure entitled ‘Thou Shalt Do No Murder.’ In July, 1909,

Mr. W. Bogoras, author of Volume eleven of the Memoirs of the

American Museum of Natural History (one of the Volumes

containing the scientific results of the Jessup North Pacific

Expedition), was sentenced to two months' imprisonment for

describing the beating of citizens of Tver by dragoons in

1905, a thing that he had personally witnessed. …

"In August, 1909, the ‘Authors’ and Scientists’ Mutual Benefit

Society,’ a benevolent organization which had been in

existence for eighteen years, which had eight hundred members,

and which included most of the writers and scholars of Russia,

was suppressed by order of Premier Stolypin, for the

ostensible reason that it had given pecuniary aid to an

indigent author named Vitashefski—a man of advanced age who

had once, twenty years earlier, been sent to Siberia for

political crime. It is believed, however, that the real reason

for the suppression of the Society is the fact that most of

its members are liberals. The existing Government is extremely

intolerant toward social organizations that take an

independent or critical attitude toward the reactionary policy

now in force. On the 21st of July, 1909, the severest form of

martial law, the so-called ‘law of extraordinary defense,’ was

proclaimed in St. Petersburg for the seventh consecutive time.

The city has been under some form of martial law ever since

the assassination of Alexander II. in 1881. Almost the only

encouraging feature of the present situation in Russia is the

fact that the members of the Duma are still allowed to talk,

and the newspapers are still permitted to publish verbatim

reports of the debates. The lower house of the so-called

Parliament has no independent power, and no real control even

over the finances of the Empire; but it can criticise,

interpellate the Czar’s Ministers, and promote to some extent

the political education of the people.

"Three years ago Premier Stolypin defined his policy as

‘progressive reform, with the restoration of order.’ He has

partly restored order, by hanging, imprisoning, or exiling to

Siberia a large part of the disorderly population; but his

reforms have ‘progressed’ as the land-crab is popularly

supposed to walk—backward. Whether he is wholly to blame for

the reactionary policy that he is enforcing, or whether he

acts more or less under compulsion, we shall not know,

perhaps, until he retires from office and follows the example

of General Kuropatkin and General Linevitch by writing his

memoirs."

On the trial, in May, of M. Selden, for publishing and

distributing Count Tolstoi’s pamphlets, "Thou shalt not Kill,"

"A Letter to Liberals," "Christianity and Patriotism," the

venerable writer addressed a note to the court, challenging

the prosecution of himself, instead of the publisher. "As

these pamphlets," he wrote, "were written by me and published

by one of my friends, not only with my consent but at my

desire, M. Selden taking a purely passive part in the affair,

all the measures which are being taken against M. Selden

should logically and in equity be directed against me,

especially because I have repeatedly declared, and now declare

again, that I consider it my duty to my conscience to

disseminate, so far as lies in my power, the pamphlets in

question as well as my other works, and shall continue doing

so as long as I am able. I feel constrained to inform you of

this, and ask you to take whatever measures may devolve from

my present statement."

{579}

But the magistrate did not venture to institute proceedings

against the principal in the offense, and the Government took

no notice of the challenge.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.

Revived Censorship of the Press.

Its Stupidity.

Gains for Free Speech notwithstanding.

"At the present time, the liberties granted less than four

years ago are mutilated. The censor is busy once more. The

Russian journalist is again compelled to practice the arts of

half-meaning, insinuation, and innuendo, which made his

predecessors of a generation ago marvels of subtle expression.

But that is only when a writer would say everything he wants

to say. Undoubtedly, the range of the permissible has grown

immensely since the early days of even Nicholas II. To write

of labor wars, of conspiracies, of constitutional liberties,

Russian newspapers need no longer confine themselves to

telegraphic reports of foreign strikes, conspiracies, and

constitutions. They need only print what the radicals in the

Duma utter. Not even the full Duma’s reports may be privileged

at present, but, after all, the Russian censor is a stupid

fellow. The censorship, like the autocracy in general, is

inefficient, spasmodic, allowing to-day what it prohibited

yesterday, or even allowing in one column what it strikes out

from another. St. Petersburg and Moscow in 1890 had eleven

daily papers, and twenty weeklies. In 1900 the number had

risen to twenty-four dailies and thirty-three weeklies. In all

Russia there were then 287 periodical publications. In August,

1905, the number had risen to 1,630, of which St. Petersburg

alone had 534. There were fifty daily papers at St. Petersburg

and twenty-five at Moscow in those short days of freedom, when

the pent-up speech of ages burst out in Russia. This, of

course, was inflation. Periodicals were born and died with the

rising and setting of the sun. The numerical strength of the

press must be far smaller now. But much that was gained for

freedom of speech in those stormy days has not been lost."

New York Evening Post,

March 23, 1909.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (January-July).

Dark Secrets of the Russian Police and Spy System brought

to Light.

The first in a series of startling disclosures of the dark

secrets of the Russian espionage and police system was made in

January, 1909, when it came to public knowledge that the head

and front of the Revolutionary Socialists of the Empire, one

Azeff by name, had been discovered by his associates to be a

secret agent of the police; had been tried and condemned by a

tribunal of their party, at Paris, and had escaped into some

hiding place, with avenging emissaries in pursuit, to take his

life. A little later it appeared that a former Director of the

Police in the Department of the Russian Ministry of the

Interior, M. Lopukhin, had been arrested for treason, on the

charge of having betrayed Azeff to the Revolutionists, by

making known to them the double part that the latter played,

as a so-called agent provocateur, drawing them into

criminal plots of which he kept the police informed.

The preliminary trial of Lopukhin occurred in April, and it

was stated in the indictment then published that Azeff had

penetrated into the very centre of the Social Revolutionary

machinations, and that part of his great services to the

Secret Police were rendered during the period that M. Lopukhin

occupied the post of Director of the Police Department in the

Ministry of the Interior—i.e., from May, 1902, to

March, 1905. It was affirmed that M. Lopukhin not only knew of

the existence and activity of Azeff, but met the latter more

than once both at his (M. Lopukhin's) house and at one of the

conspiratorial headquarters in St. Petersburg. The indictment

paid a warm tribute to Azeff’s ability in so long maintaining

his connexion with the police without awakening the suspicions

of the Social Revolutionaries as to his true character. It was

eventually remarked, however, that the plots in which Azeff

was concerned invariably failed, whereas many of the others

succeeded, and accusations of treachery began to be levelled

against him. In October, 1908, a commission of inquiry was

appointed by the Social Revolutionaries in Paris to inquire

into the charges brought against Azeff. Burtzeff, editor of a

revolutionary organ, stated before this tribunal that he had

seen M. Lopukhin, who had informed him of Azeff’s relations

with the Russian police.

M. Lopukhin, on his trial, admitted having given this

information to Burtzeff, but explained that it was in

consequence of what the latter had told him of the

revolutionist designs, including a pending plot against the

life of the Tsar. He then felt it his duty to unmask Azeff,

lest the murders which might otherwise have followed should

lie on his conscience, and when the revolutionaries came to

him for confirmation of what he had told Burtzeff he found it

impossible to retract his words. He was convicted, however, on

the 13th of May, and sentenced to five years of imprisonment

at hard labor, with the loss of civil rights. The sentence was

mitigated subsequently, and he was sent to exile at

Krasnoyarsk, Siberia, his family being allowed to accompany

him.

Prince Urussoff, whose bold speech in the First Duma on the

instigation of massacres is quoted from above (A. D. 1906), is

a brother-in-law of M. Lopukhin, and derived from him, no

doubt, the information on which he spoke.

In July, a new disclosure of the character of the Russian

secret service police was made, as revolting as that in the

Azeff case. A personage known as M. Harting, chief of that

Russian service in Paris, and so favorably regarded in the

French capital that he was about to be made an officer of the

Legion of Honor, was discovered to have been the leader of a

plot to assassinate the Tsar Alexander III. in 1890, during

that monarch’s visit to Paris; that he then bore the name of

Landesen; that he had escaped arrest and was condemned by

default to imprisonment for five years; that he subsequently,

under the new name, secured secret service employment in the

Russian police. All this was quickly proved to be fact by the

French Government, and officially announced.

{580}

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (April).

The Agrarian Law.

On the basis of the decree relative to the communes which is

partly described above (see A. D. 1906), a law was brought

into force by the Government in 1906, known as the law of

November 9, which supposedly was provisional and subject to

ultimate ratification by the Duma. Writing of it in the New

York Evening Post of May 28, 1909, S. N. Harper says:

"This law of November 9 aims directly at the destruction of

the commune. Before this law a two-thirds vote of the commune

was necessary for the granting of the petition of a member to

divide out. Now a local police official, whom by the way

another project of reform abolishes as irresponsible and a

source of abuse, can override the vote of a commune and grant

the petition. A peasant who divides out receives that portion

which he is using if there has been no redistribution for

twenty-four years. If there has been a redistribution within

twenty-four years, he receives what he would receive on the

basis of a new redistribution—what this would be is again

decided by the official. As we saw, no equitable reckoning is

possible here.

"The peasant can sell this land which he receives from the

commune, for it is now his private property. In one province

which I visited this summer, in over one-half of the cases of

dividing out the peasant had sold his land immediately—usually

to the village ‘fist’—the prosperous village usurer and boss

who holds his neighbors in his fist."

The law was operative for more than two years before it

received the sanction of the Duma, in April, 1909. Of the

parliamentary enactment then given to it the above writer

says:

"The outcome of the debates was certain. It had been secured

by the change of the electoral law for the third Duma, whereby

the landed gentry had been given the predominant vote. … No

more important than the vote of this assembly is the attitude

of the country at large toward this law. The landed gentry are

naturally for this measure. The village system is a source of

danger to them. The law will establish ‘peasant’ landlords,

whose interests will be much the same as theirs. But the

peasants have shown quite plainly their hostile attitude

toward this law. Only those peasants who are economically

provided for and those who, for one reason or another, have

become mere hangers-on of the local police officials are in

favor of the law. It is these that have taken advantage of the

law, with the support of the local official. But they have

done so in spite of the protest of the other peasants, only

their economic position making it possible, and their friend

the official has not been able to prevent, therefore, the

other peasants from giving a violent character to their

protest. Those who have insisted on dividing out have in many

instances been burned out the next week."

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (April-July).

Advance of Russian Troops into Persia.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (May).

New Russo-Chinese Agreement, establishing Municipalities on

the Line of the Chinese Eastern Railway.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (June).

"Dreadnought" building.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL: RUSSIAN.

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (June).

Stringent Orthodoxy of the Tsar.

A Press despatch from St. Petersburg, June 4, 1909, reported:

"Premier Stolypin spoke in the Duma to-day in defence of the

government’s draft of a law dealing with the matter of

changing from one faith to another and against the

modifications removing all restrictions introduced in

committee. He said that the Emperor, as head of the Orthodox

Church, could not suffer backsliding from the orthodox to

non-Christian beliefs, and that if such amendments were

incorporated the bill would be vetoed. Continuing he defined

the relations between church and state. He conceded that the

church enjoyed full independence in matters of creed and

dogma, but insisted on state control. The speech was a

brilliant effort, but it fell upon cold ears, and brought out

no applause. The premier, for the first time in the history of

the third Duma, found himself fighting for a lost cause before

an adverse house."

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (October-November).

Differing Accounts of Political Conditions, of the work of

the Duma, and of the Disposition of the Government.

The last weeks of 1909 brought from observers in Russia quite

differing impressions and representations of the existing

political conditions. Late in October a St. Petersburg

correspondent of The Evening Post, New York, wrote:

"Stolypin has given Russia a packed Duma, the predominant

party in which is elected by 130,000 rural gentry, who were

unable to get many more than a dozen members into the first

two Dumas. As might have been expected, this Duma has done

nothing for Russia. Its Land law has not been accepted by the

peasantry, its Religions law remains a dead letter, because,

according to the premier, the Tsar refuses to sign it. There

will be a deficit of about one hundred million in the new

budget, and the country is faced by bankruptcy.

"But, to return to the Duma, it has been proved during the

last session that the people have no control over the purse,

thanks to a ‘rule’ made by Count Witte before the meeting of

the first Legislature. This ‘rule’ says that if the Duma and

the Council of Empire fail to agree on the budget, then the

figures of the former year’s budget remain in force. As the

Council of Empire (or Russian upper house) must always have a

reactionary and bureaucratic majority, the Duma has no control

of the national expenditure and never can have. This was

brought home very forcibly to the lower house during the last

session, when a humble suggestion which it made about

including a sum of 350 million rubles in the extraordinary

expenditure account was rejected by the Council of Empire,

which thus taught the Duma that it has no control over even

the most important loan operations. When the Duma (with the

strong approval of even such conservative papers as the

Novoe Vremya) refused to sanction the naval budget

until the notoriously corrupt Ministry of Marine—the ministry

accountable for Tsushima—had been reformed, the government

laughed at it, and got the necessary money over the deputies’

heads."

Two weeks later than the above another St. Petersburg

correspondent was writing to London:

"To judge from to-day’s proceedings the present session of the

Duma bids fair to surpass the most sanguine hopes. Having

disposed of the last of the Agrarian Bills and of the First

Offenders Act, the Duma began the debate on the Bill reforming

the local Courts. This measure represents the foundation of

all political reform in Russia.

{581}

"The Duma Committee, after 35 sittings, adopted a proposal

considerably extending the scope of the Government Bill

besides providing for the re-establishment of elective

justices of the peace, introduced in 1804, but repealed in

1889 in favour of the arbitrary jurisdiction of the Communal

Court and the Zemsky Natchalnik--both long ago discredited

institutions. Just as the Agrarian reforms are calculated to

promote the private ownership of land and respect for the

rights of property, so the reform of the local Courts will

inculcate respect for the law.

"The details of the Bill may possibly give rise to differences

with the Government and the Upper House, but its substantial

features will be doubtless retained in the ultimate form which

will receive the Imperial sanction."

The writer of this had communicated to his journal, a few days

previously, the following report of an interview with "a

leading member of the Government," and apparently gave credit

to the sentiment it expressed. Said the Minister interviewed:

"You ask me what are the Government’s intentions regarding

Poland. I can only repeat what I said before the Joint

Commission on the Polish Municipal Reform Bill, which is to be

laid before the Duma. We have decided to give Poland the full

benefits of local government consistent with the interests of

the Empire, but not autonomy. We cannot trust the Poles to

that extent. We shall introduce a Bill creating a separate

province of Holm, where the great majority of the population

is of Russian stock, and extend to it the system of mixed

Russian and Polish Zemstvos to be introduced in the

south-western provinces.

"I am satisfied with the progress of agrarian reform. You have

seen from the speech of M. Krivoshein in the Duma that one

million peasant households (about 5,000,000 souls) have

already abandoned the communal system.

"The continuance of executions is, I know, a source of

criticism. You know that the Emperor has given orders that

death sentences should be confirmed only in the worst cases.

Unhappily, I know of no constitutional method for putting down

revolution. Russia is so vast. It has taken a long time to

bring all the guilty to trial. I am also criticized for the

arbitrary acts of our local authorities, but, I ask you, does

the Government derive any interest from these arbitrary acts?

"Political reforms? Yes, they have been delayed. But what, for

instance, is the good of hurrying through a Bill on the

liberty of the person until we have first reformed the local

Courts?

"You have heard and read the statements that the Octobrists

have quarrelled with the Government; you have also been told

that Russia is on the eve of a reaction. Believe neither. The

Octobrists are taking a more advanced position. That is as it

should be. It is better for the Duma and by no means

disagreeable to the Government."

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (December).

Assassination of the Chief of the Secret Police.

On the 22d of December Colonel Karpoff, Chief of the Secret

Police, was killed by an infernal machine at a suburban

lodging occupied by a certain Voskresensky, who is supposed to

be a revolutionary and a police spy like Azeff.

----------RUSSIA: End--------

RUSSO-CHINESE BANK.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.

RUTHERFORD, Professor Ernest.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM; also

NOBEL PRIZES.

RYAN, Thomas F.:

Investing in a Concession in the Congo State.

See (in this Volume)

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

RYAN, Thomas F.:

Purchase of Controlling Stock of Equitable Life

Assurance Society.

See (in this Volume)

INSURANCE, LIFE.

RYAN, Thomas F.:

Sale of interests to Morgan & Co.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.

S.

SADR AZAM, The.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

SAGASTA, Praxedes Mateo:

Prime Minister of Spain.

His Death.

See (in this Volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904.

SAGE FOUNDATION, The:

For the Improvement of Social and Living Conditions

in the United States.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

SAGE, Mrs. Russell:

Gift to Yale University.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910.

ST. GOTHARD RAILWAY:

Acquisition by the Swiss Government.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: SWITZERLAND.

ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI: A. D. 1900-1904.

The Unearthing of Thievery and Corruption by Attorney Folk.

Prosecutions, Confessions and Convictions.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI: A. D. 1904.

The Louisiana Purchase Exposition.

Except the World’s Columbian Exposition at Chicago, in 1893,

the most important of the industrial exhibitions that have

been organized in America was that of 1904, at St. Louis,

which commemorated the centennial of the Louisiana Purchase

from France. The Exposition was opened on the 30th of April

and closed December 1st. An estimated total of $44,500,000 was

expended upon it in structures and management, of which sum

about $22,000,000 was raised by the Exposition Company. The

remainder was the expenditure of governments, Federal, State

and Foreign, and of concessionaires. The total attendance,

from first to last, was 18,741,073. The receipts fell far

short of the expenditure, and subscribers to the undertaking

can have had no returns; but the public gain from it was very

great. About sixty foreign countries and colonies and nearly

every State and Territory of the Union were represented in the

exhibits.

{582}

A distinguished feature of the Exposition was the remarkable

number and character of the gatherings, international and

national, that were brought about in connection with it. The

most notable of these was the International Congress of Arts

and Sciences, which opened September 19th. "This Congress,"

said President Nicholas Murray Butler, of Columbia University,

in an article describing its plan, "is not such a series of

gatherings as took place at Chicago and at Paris, but is

rather a carefully elaborated plan to educate public opinion,

and the world of scholarship itself, to an appreciation of the

underlying unity of knowledge and the necessary

inter-dependence of the host of specialties that have sprung

up during the past century. … For participation in this

congress there will assemble a large body of the world’s

greatest scholars. They will come from all parts of the world

to contribute surveys of their several departments of

knowledge, planning those surveys so as to emphasize the

mutual relations of all the separate arts and sciences."

ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI: A. D. 1904.

Meeting of the Interparliamentary Union.

See (in this Volume)

WAR: THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909.

ST. MARK’S CATHEDRAL, at Venice:

Fall of the Campanile.

See (in this Volume)

VENICE: A. D. 1902.

ST. PETERSBURG: DISTURBANCES IN.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA.

ST. PIERRE:

Volcanic Destruction of the City.

See (in this Volume)

VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES.

ST. VINCENT ISLAND:

Volcanic Eruption of La Souffrière.

See (in this Volume)

VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES.

SAKHAROFF, General:

Assassination of.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

SAKURAI, Lieutenant Tadayoshi, The story of.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

SALISBURY, Lord Robert Cecil, Marquis of:

Resignation of the Premiership in the British Government.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

SALONIKA: A. D. 1903.

Dynamite Explosion by Insurgents.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.

SALONIKA: A. D. 1903.

Center of the "Young Turk" organization.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

SALOON QUESTION.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

SALT TRUST, Dissolution of the.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

SALTON SEA, The.

At a point not far from where it runs into Mexican territory

the Colorado River, for a long recent period, has been

deflected by bordering sand deposits from a great depression

in the neighboring desert, known as the Salton Sink. In 1901

an irrigation company began works for supplying water from the

Colorado to lands in that vicinity, and seems to have taken no

proper precautions for controlling the flow through its

canals. The result was a break through the sand hills, into

the Salton Sink, which converted it for the time being into

the "Salton Sea,"—so described in all accounts of the

catastrophe. For nearly two years the flood of the Colorado

was poured into the Sink, forming a sea or lake which covered

an area of about 400 square miles. It was not until February,

1907, that the combined exertions of the Southern Pacific

Railway Company, the California Development Co. (whose works

produced the trouble) and the engineers of the United States

Reclamation Service, succeeded in returning the Colorado to

the channel it had escaped from. Since that was done

evaporation has been steadily emptying the Sink, at the rate

of five or six feet annually, according to the Chief of the

Weather Bureau, which has maintained a station there. At the

end of a year of observations he was reported as saying: "We

will get the data we want within another year probably and

then we can cut off the Salton Sea station. The evaporation

data we expect to obtain will be valuable for calculations on

irrigation works and reservoirs."

SALVADOR.

See (in this Volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA.

SAM, Theresias Simon: President.

See (in this Volume)

HAITI: A. D. 1902.

SANBORN, Judge Walter H.:

Opinion in Suit for the Dissolution of the Standard Oil Company.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.:

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

SANTIAGO, Chile:

First Pan-American Scientific Congress.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: INTERNATIONAL CONGRESSES.

SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1901-1905.

Financial Conditions.

Dissipation of Revenues.

"Many years ago the government, being unable to raise money on

ordinary security, adopted the practice of vesting the power

of collection in its creditors. Duties are settled in

pagarés, or promissory notes, duly indorsed, and

payable usually in a month or two months. In order to secure

loans, these pagarés were handed over to the creditor,

who collected the money directly from the importer or

exporter. This expedient, which was designed to protect the

creditor against the government itself as well as against its

enemies, was in vogue when the government in 1888 sought

financial relief in Europe. Such relief was obtained from

Westendorp & Company, bankers, of Amsterdam, who in that year

underwrote and issued, at 83½ per cent., 6 per cent. gold

bonds of the Dominican government to the amount of £770,000

sterling, the government creating a first lien on all its

customs revenues, and authorizing the Westendorps to collect

and receive at the custom-houses all the customs revenues of

the republic. Under this contract, which was ratified by the

Dominican Congress, the Westendorps created in Santo Domingo

an establishment, commonly called the ‘Regie,’ which collected

the duties directly from the importer and exporter and

disbursed them, the Westendorps sending out from Europe the

necessary agents and employees. It was further stipulated that

the Westendorps should, in case of necessity, have the right

to constitute a European commission, which it was understood

was to be international in character. The power of collection

and disbursement was exercised by the Westendorps down to

1893, when it was transferred to the San Domingo Improvement

Company, of New York, which continued to exercise it till

January, 1901, when the company was, by an arbitrary executive

decree issued by President Jimenez, excluded from its function

of collecting the revenues, though its employees were

permitted to remain in the custom-houses till the end of the

year.

{583}

"As an assurance to the foreign creditor, whose legal security

was thus destroyed, Jimenez constituted in the same decree a

‘Commission of Honorables,’ with whom the sums due to foreign

creditors, including the American companies, were to be

deposited; but their capacity as depositaries was not destined

to be tested. Late in 1901, it became known that out of the

reported revenues of the year, amounting to $2,126,453, the

percentages for the domestic debt had not been set aside, and

that no payment had been made on the floating interior debt,

but that the Jimenez ‘revolutionary’ claims had been paid

without previous warrant of law, and that there existed a

deficit. Since that time, with the exception of comparatively

small amounts, nothing whatever has been paid to the foreign

creditor. The omission, however, has not been due to lack of

revenues. It has been due to conditions which, if all the

debts of the republic were with one stroke wiped out, would

continue to prevent the government from meeting its ordinary

expenses. The revenues have been seized and dissipated by the

government and its enemies in ‘war expenses,’ and in the

payment of 'asignaciones' and ‘revolutionary claims.’ …

That foreign governments will stand by and permit such

conditions to continue cannot be expected. They have already

manifested their desire to intervene."

John Bassett Moore,

Santo Domingo and the United States

(American Review of Reviews, March, 1905).

SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1901-1906.

Participation in Second and Third International Conferences of

American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.

Years of almost Incessant Disorder and repeated Revolutions.

Jimenez, Vasques, Wos y Gil, Morales and Caceres in

succession at the Head of Government.

Menace from the Creditors of the Republic.

Appeal to the United States.

American Treaty.

President Roosevelt on the Situation.

The assassination of President Heureaux and the election of

President Jimenez are related in Volume VI. of this work (see

DOMINICAN REPUBLIC). Jimenez’s rule was not long, and he gave

way to a provisional government, under General Vasques, which

was upset by a revolt that broke out in March, 1903, and which

planted General Wos y Gil so obviously in power that his

Government was recognized by the United States in October. But

the rapidly revolving wheel of political events seems to have

soon whirled Wos y Gil out and brought Jimenez back, to be

tossed into private life again in 1904 by General Carlos F.

Morales, of whom Mr. Sigimund Krausz gave a most favorable

account in The Outlook, of September 17, 1904. "The

common idea," said Mr. Krausz, "that the population of Santo

Domingo consists exclusively of a horde of savages, and that

the generals and politicians causing the kaleidoscopic

sequence of revolutions are of the same class, and, without

exception, uneducated brutes and degenerates, is quite

erroneous, and has been created for the sake of

sensationalism, largely by journalists and magazine writers

without personal knowledge of Dominican conditions, or by

native exiles who, naturally, are always enemies of the party

in power. … While it is true that the vast majority of the

Dominican people in the interior of the island live in a

fearful state of ignorance, superstition, and even barbarism,

caused by many decades of internal warfare, there is, however,

also a class of natives who certainly ought not to be thrown

in the same pot with them. These are the better citizens of

the capital and the larger coast towns, among whom are many

intelligent and educated men who had the advantage of fairly

good schools and intercourse with foreigners. Among this class

are a number who have received all or part of their education

abroad, who speak two or three languages, and who, in their

social intercourse and manners, may safely be pronounced

gentlemen. They follow the occupations of merchants, planters,

lawyers, physicians, etc., and while, as a rule, they keep

aloof from politics, it is from their strata of society that

spring most of the military and political leaders of Santo

Domingo. There are few of these men who, by their appearance,

betray the strain of negro blood in them, and the type is

hardly distinguishable from that of Latin-Americans in

general.

"Carlos M. Morales belongs to the better class of Dominicans

mentioned before, masters French, English, and Spanish

fluently, and has the advantage of an ecclesiastical education

in a seminary of Santo Domingo City. He was, in fact, for

eight years a priest, before disagreement with various dogmas

of the Church and the desire to take an active part in the

political affairs of his country induced him to throw aside

the cassock. He is a close student of West Indian conditions,

and well acquainted with the affairs of the world in general.

While being an ardent admirer of the United States and its

institutions, and sincerely desiring its political friendship,

he is at the same time the strongest opponent of any policy

that would tend to make Santo Domingo a political dependency

of Uncle Sam, either in the form of annexation or a

protectorate."

Morales was soon beset with claims from insistent foreign

creditors, on account of debts which his predecessors had

incurred, and which they had left nothing to satisfy. Several

European governments were threatening forcible measures to

secure payment for their subjects, and Morales asked for help

from the United States. The situation and its outcome were

reported subsequently to Congress by President Roosevelt, as

follows:

"The conditions in Santo Domingo have for a number of years

grown from bad to worse until a year ago all society was on

the verge of dissolution. Fortunately, just at this time a

ruler sprang up in Santo Domingo, who, with his colleagues,

saw the dangers threatening their country and appealed to the

friendship of the only great and powerful neighbor who

possessed the power, and as they hoped also the will, to help

them. There was imminent danger of foreign intervention. The

previous rulers of Santo Domingo had recklessly incurred

debts, and owing to her internal disorders she had ceased to

be able to provide means of paying the debts. The patience of

her foreign creditors had become exhausted, and at least two

foreign nations were on the point of intervention, and were

only prevented from intervening by the unofficial assurance of

this Government that it would itself strive to help Santo

Domingo in her hour of need.

{584}

In the case of one of these nations, only the actual opening

of negotiations to this end by our Government prevented the

seizure of territory in Santo Domingo by a European power. Of

the debts incurred some were just, while some were not of a

character which really renders it obligatory on, or proper

for, Santo Domingo to pay them in full. But she could not pay

any of them unless some stability was assured her Government

and people.

"Accordingly the Executive Department of our Government

negotiated a treaty under which we are to try to help the

Dominican people to straighten out their finances. This treaty

is pending before the Senate. In the meantime a temporary

arrangement has been made which will last until the Senate has

had time to take action upon the treaty. Under this

arrangement the Dominican Government has appointed Americans

to all the important positions in the customs service, and

they are seeing to the honest collection of the revenues,

turning over 45 per cent to the Government for running

expenses and putting the other 55 per cent into a safe

depositary for equitable division in case the treaty shall be

ratified, among the various creditors, whether European or

American. …

"Under the course taken, stability and order and all the

benefits of peace are at last coming to Santo Domingo, danger

of foreign intervention has been suspended, and there is at

last a prospect that all creditors will get justice, no more

and no less. If the arrangement is terminated by the failure

of the treaty chaos will follow; and if chaos follows, sooner

or later this Government may be involved in serious

difficulties with foreign governments over the island, or else

may be forced itself to intervene in the island in some

unpleasant fashion. Under the proposed treaty the independence

of the island is scrupulously respected, the danger of

violation of the Monroe Doctrine by the intervention of

foreign powers vanishes, and the interference of our

Government is minimized, so that we shall only act in

conjunction with the Santo Domingo authorities to secure the

proper administration of the customs, and therefore to secure

the payment of just debts and to secure the Dominican

Government against demands for unjust debts. The proposed

method will give the people of Santo Domingo the same chance

to move onward and upward which we have already given to the

people of Cuba. It will be doubly to our discredit as a nation

if we fail to take advantage of this chance; for it will be of

damage to ourselves, and it will be of incalculable damage to

Santo Domingo."

President’s Message to Congress,

December 5, 1905.

Twenty days after the above was sent to Congress President

Morales was a fugitive from his capital, expelled by a sudden

revolutionary movement in which Vice-President Caceres and

most of the Morales Cabinet appear to have taken a leading

part. Some fighting occurred; but the Morales forces were

beaten decisively in the first week of January, 1906, and

their General, Rodrigues, was killed. Morales, wounded, sought

protection at the American Legation and resigned the

Presidency, January 12. Caceres succeeded to the office, and a

treaty of peace between the contending parties was signed on

the 17th, on board an United States vessel of war. The new

Government of San Domingo adhered to the arrangement made by

Morales with the United States.

As ratified ultimately, in the spring of 1907, by the United

States Senate and the Dominican Congress, the treaty provided

for the conversion of the embarrassed republic’s debt and the

floating of a new issue of bonds, through the agency of a firm

of New York bankers which had undertaken the management of the

affair; while the Government of the United States, by its

agents, was to continue its supervision of the collection of

revenue.

SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1905-1907.

The American Receivership of Dominican Revenues.

The Modus Vivendi of 1905 and the Treaty of 1907.

The working of the Arrangement.

"By the modus vivendi of March 31, 1905, it was

provided that until the Dominican Congress and the Senate of

the United States should act upon the convention of February

7, 1905, the President of the Dominican Republic, on the

nomination of the President of the United States, should

appoint a person to receive the revenues of all the

custom-houses of the Republic. Of the net revenues collected,

45 per cent was to be turned over to the Dominican Government,

and used in administrative expenses. The remainder, less the

expenses of collection, was to be deposited in a bank in New

York to be designated by the President of the United States,

and to remain there for the benefit of all creditors of the

Republic, Dominican as well as foreign, and not to be

withdrawn before the Dominican Congress and the Senate of the

United States should have acted upon the convention then

pending. During the operation of the modus vivendi all

payments were to be suspended, without, however, in any way

interfering with or changing the substantial rights of

creditors. This modus vivendi went into effect on April

1, 1905. Under the receivership created by this modus

vivendi there has been collected, to August 31, 1907,

$7,183,397.56. Of this amount 45 per cent was turned over to

the Dominican Government, and $3,318,946.97, to bear interest

while on deposit, has been remitted to New York. This is in

striking contrast with the results of the customs operations

of former years, when, having control of the entire revenues

of the Republic, the Dominican Government had not only been

unable to pay its current expenses, but found its apparent

public debt increased at an average rate of almost $1,000,000

a year for some thirty odd years. The convention between the

United States and the Dominican Republic, signed at Santo

Domingo City on February 8, 1907, was transmitted to the

United States Senate on February 19, 1907, by the President,

for ratification, and was ratified on the 25th of the same

month. After formal ratification by the President of the

United States and the Dominican Republic, ratifications were

exchanged July 8, 1907, and formal proclamation made by the

President on the 25th of the same month. Regulations have been

drawn up for the application of its provisions. The treaty

sets forth that the debts of the Dominican Republic amount to

more than $30,000,000, nominal or face value, which have been

scaled down by a conditional adjustment and agreement to some

$17,000,000, including interest, in the payment of which the

Government has requested the assistance of the United States.

{585}

The latter agrees to give this assistance subject to certain

conditions set out in the treaty, the principal among which

are

(a) the President of the United States shall appoint the

general receiver of the Dominican customs and his assistants;

and

(b) that the Dominican Government shall provide by law for the

payment to such general receiver of all the customs duties of

the Republic.

The money collected is to be applied as follows:

(1) To paying the expenses of the receivership;

(2) to the payment of interest on bonds issued by the

Dominican Government in connection with the settlement of its

debts;

(3) to the payment of the annual sums provided for

amortization of said bonds, including interest upon all bonds

held in the sinking fund;

(4) to the purchase and cancellation or the retirement and

cancellation, pursuant to the terms thereof, of any of said

bonds as may be directed by the Dominican Government, and

(5) the remainder to be paid to the Dominican Government.

On the 1st day of each calendar month the sum of $100,000 is

to be paid over by the receiver to the fiscal agent of the

loan, and the remaining collection of the last preceding month

paid over to the Dominican Government, or applied to the

sinking fund for the purchase or redemption of bonds, as the

Dominican Government shall direct. Should the revenues thus

collected exceed $3,000,000 for any one year, one-half of the

surplus is to be applied to the sinking fund for the

redemption of bonds."

Report of the Chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs,

October 31, 1907

(Abridgment, Message and Documents, 1907, page 797).

----------SAN DOMINGO: End--------

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1901-1909.

Water Supply.

The Hetch Hetchy Project.

"Under this name is designated a plan for obtaining a water

supply for the city of San Francisco from the head waters of

the Tuolumne River in the Sierra Nevada mountains. The Hetch

Hetchy Valley is one of the most widely known regions of the

high Sierras, second only to Yosemite in scenic interest. It

is formed by a widening of the gorge of the Tuolumne River,

about 30 miles westerly from the crest of the Sierras. It is

thus described in the United States Geological Survey, 21st

Annual Report.

"‘The valley proper is about three and one-half miles long and

of a width varying from one-quarter to three-quarters of a

mile. The rugged granite walls, crowned with spires and upon

battlements, seem to rise almost perpendicular upon all sides

to a height of 2500 feet above this beautiful emerald meadow.

"‘The Tuolumne River leaves this valley in a very narrow

granite gorge, the sides of which rise precipitously for 800

or more feet, thus providing naturally a most favorable site

for a masonry dam.’ As the result of exhaustive

investigations, in 1901, having reference to the procuring of

an adequate water supply for the City of San Francisco, that

city, through its proper officers, selected, surveyed, filed

upon and made application for the reservoir rights of way in

the Hetch Hetchy Valley and Lake Eleanor, which lie within the

reservation known as Yosemite National Park. These reservoir

sites were recognized and surveyed as such by the United

States Geological Survey, in 1891, and the survey filings and

application were made in conformity with the act of Congress

of February 15, 1901, relating to rights of way through

certain parks, reservations and other public lands.

"Lake Eleanor is situated 136 miles east of San Francisco on

the west slope of the Sierra Nevada Mountains. It is about 300

acres in extent and lies in a broad, flat valley enclosed by

precipitous walls of granite, narrowing at the lower end of

the valley. It is 4,700 feet above sea level and receives the

direct drainage from 83 square miles, and by a diverting canal

6 miles long from 103 square miles additional of uninhabitable

mountain slopes which reach an altitude of 11,000 feet, and

receive a mean annual precipitation of from 40 to 50 inches,

most of which is snow. About a mile and a quarter below the

lake, the valley closes into a granite walled gorge and offers

an excellent site and material for a dam. …

"Hetch Hetchy reservoir (site) is about 140 miles from San

Francisco on the main fork of the Tuolumne River and is about

3,700 feet above sea level. It receives the drainage from 452

square miles of the uninhabitable slopes of the Sierra Nevada,

reaching to elevations of over 13,000 feet. …

"The Hetch Hetchy project proposes to conduct the water

liberated from these reservoirs by way of the gorge of the

Tuolumne River 16 miles and thence by canals, tunnels and

pipes."

Frederick H. Clark,

Head of History Department, Lowell High School.

The application of the City to the United States Government

for the Lake Eleanor and Hetch Hetchy reservoir sites was

denied, in the first instance (1903), by the Secretary of the

Interior, the Honorable A. E. Hitchcock, but subsequently

granted, on a reopening of the case and a rehearing, by

Secretary James R. Garfield, in whose decision, rendered May

11, 1908, the considerations for and against the proposed use

of these famous seats of natural beauty and sublimity were

discussed at length and concluded to have the greater weight

in favor of the application.

One stipulation made by Secretary Garfield was that within two

years the City should submit the question of water supply to

the vote of its citizens, as contemplated in its Charter. This

was done on November 11, 1908, and the voters of San

Francisco, notwithstanding the strenuous efforts of the

private water company, recorded their approval of the Hetch

Hetchy Project by the overwhelming vote of 34,950 for, to 5708

against the proposition. At the same election a sale of

municipal bonds to the amount of $600,000 was authorized in

order to enable the City to proceed to perfect its titles.

These bonds have been sold and at this date (June, 1909) the

acquisition of the required land is under way.

Almost passionate protests and pleadings against this use of

the beautiful Hetch Hetchy Valley have been uttered by John

Muir, the word-painter of "The Mountains of California," and

many earnest voices from all parts of the country have been

joined to his in the expostulation. Mr. Muir writes: "It is

impossible to overestimate the value of wild mountains and

mountain temples. They are the greatest of our natural

resources, God's best gifts; but none, however high and holy,

is beyond reach of the spoiler. These temple destroyers,

devotees of ravaging commercialism, seem to have a perfect

contempt for Nature, and instead of lifting their eyes to the

mountains, lift them to dams and town skyscrapers. Dam Hetch

Hetchy! As well dam for water-tanks the people’s cathedrals

and churches, for no holier temple has ever been consecrated

by the heart of man.

{586}

"Excepting only Yosemite, Hetch Hetchy is the most attractive

and wonderful valley within the bounds of the great Yosemite

National Park and the best of all the campgrounds. People are

now flocking to it in ever-increasing numbers for health and

recreation of body and mind. Though the walls are less sublime

in height than those of Yosemite, its groves, gardens, and

broad spacious meadows are more beautiful and picturesque. It

is many years since sheep and cattle were pastured in it, and

the vegetation now shows scarce a trace of their ravages. Last

year in October I visited the valley with Mr. William Keith,

the artist. He wandered about from view to view, enchanted,

made thirty-eight sketches, and enthusiastically declared that

in varied picturesque beauty Hetch Hetchy greatly surpassed

Yosemite. It is one of God’s best gifts, and ought to be

faithfully guarded."

When this work went to press, in May, 1910, Secretary

Ballinger was giving hearings on the question of revoking the

permit to San Francisco.

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1901 1909.

The Struggle with Political Corruption.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1902.

The Chinese Highbinder Associations.

Report of the Industrial Commission on their Criminal

and Dangerous Character.

"Investigations made under the directions of the Industrial

Commission reveal the dangerous importance to be attached to

the existence of the so-called associations of ‘highbinders’

among the Chinese population of San Francisco. It is variously

estimated that of the total number of Chinese in that city,

amounting to 25,000 or 30,000, there are about 1,000 members

of the highbinder associations who represent the worst class

of criminals. Many of them have been compelled to flee from

their native country on account of crimes committed there.

They are organized under the semblance of benefit societies,

but for the purpose of blackmail and violation of the

immigration laws. They impose fines arbitrarily upon the

hard-working and prosperous Chinese, and enforce their decrees

through criminal violence and even assassination. They nullify

the judgment of American courts through their own secret

tribunals and their paid assassins; they make a business of

bringing to the United States slave girls and coolie laborers,

and through their system of intimidation it is difficult, and

often impossible, to secure witnesses who will testify to the

truth. It is generally believed by those who have given

attention to this matter, that if the country could be rid of

this criminal class of Chinese, and the highbinders societies

be permanently suppressed, one of the greatest factors in the

commission of fraud in the administration of the Chinese

exclusion laws would be eliminated. An eminent authority

asserts that fully 75 per cent of all the frauds committed at

the present time against the exclusion law can be traced

directly to the highbinder associations. So perfect is the

organization of these societies, and so thorough their reign

of terrorism, that the efforts of the authorities to suppress

them have never been successful. The only thing which they

fear above all others, holding it in greater dread than our

laws, our courts, and jails, is deportation to China. The only

decisive remedy in that case is legislation through Congress,

which should render aliens who are members of such societies,

or any society having for its purpose the commission of crime

or the violation of our laws, liable to deportation. What is

true of the highbinders of San Francisco is probably true also

of certain anarchistic societies which are recruited from

Europe."

Final Report (1902) of the Industrial Commission,

page 1009.

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906.

The Earthquake Shock of April 18, 1906.

The Geological Explanation.

Stupendous Destruction by Fire following the Earth Tremor.

Conditions produced by the Fire.

Relief Measures.

"On the morning of April 18, 1906, the coastal region of

Middle California was shaken by an earthquake of unusual

severity. The time of the shock and its duration varied

slightly in different localities, depending upon their

position with reference to the seat of the disturbance in the

earth’s crust; but in general the time of the occurrence may

be stated to be 5h 12m A. M., Pacific standard time, or the

time of the meridian of longitude 120° west of Greenwich;

and the sensible duration of the shock was about one minute.

"The shock was violent in the region about the Bay of San

Francisco, and with few exceptions inspired all who felt it

with alarm and consternation. In the cities many people were

injured or killed, and in some cases persons became mentally

deranged, as a result of the disasters which immediately

ensued from the commotion of the earth. The manifestations of

the earthquake were numerous and varied. … Springs were

affected either temporarily or permanently, some being

diminished, others increased in flow. Landslides were caused

on steep slopes, and on the bottom lands of the streams the

soft alluvium was in many places caused to crack and to lurch,

producing often very considerable deformations of the surface.

This deformation of the soil was an important cause of damage

and wreckage of buildings situated in such tracts. Railway

tracks were buckled and broken. In timbered areas in the zone

of maximum disturbance many large trees were thrown to the

ground and in some cases they were snapped off above the

ground.

"The most disastrous of the effects of the earthquake were the

breaking out of fires and, at the same time, the destruction

of the pipe systems which supplied the water necessary to

combat them. Such fires caused the destruction of a large

portion of San Francisco, as all the world knows; and they

also intensified the calamity due to the earthquake at Santa

Rosa and Fort Bragg. The degree of intensity with which the

earthquake made itself felt by these various manifestations

diminished with the distance from the seat of disturbance, and

at the more remote points near the limits of its sensibility

it was perceived only by a feeble vibration of buildings

during a brief period.

{587}

"The area over which the shock was perceptible to the senses

extends from Coos Bay, Oregon, on the north, to Los Angeles on

the south, a distance of about 730 miles; and easterly as far

as Winnemucca, Nevada, a distance of about 300 miles from the

coast. The territory thus affected has an extent, inland from

the coast, of probably 175,000 square miles. If we assume that

(he sea-bottom to the west of the coast was similarly

affected, which is very probably true, the total area which

was caused to vibrate to such an extent as to be perceptible

to the senses was 372,700 square miles. Beyond the limits at

which the vibrations were sufficiently sharp to appeal to the

senses, earth waves were propagated entirely around the globe

and were recorded instrumentally at all the more important

seismological stations in civilized countries.

"Various manifestations of the earthquake above cited,

including the cracking and deformation of the soil and

incoherent surface formations, were the results of the earth

jar, or commotion of the earth’s crust. The cause of the

earthquake, as will be more fully set forth in the body of

this report, was the sudden rupture of the earth's crust along

a line or lines extending from the vicinity of Point Delgada

to a point in San Benito County near San Juan; a distance in a

nearly straight course, of about 270 miles. For a distance of

190 miles from Point Arena to San Juan, the fissure formed by

this rupture is known to be practically continuous. Beyond

Point Arena it passes out to sea, so that its continuity with

the similar crack near Point Delgada is open to doubt; and the

latter may possibly be an independent, tho associated, rupture

parallel to the main one south of Point Arena. It is most

probable, however, that there is but one continuous rupture.

The course of the fissure for the 190 miles thru which it has

been followed is nearly straight, with a bearing of from North

30° to 40° West, but with a slight general curvature, the

concavity being toward the. northeast, and minor local

curvatures. The fissure for the extent indicated follows the

old line of seismic disturbance which extends thru California

from Humboldt County to San Benito County, and thence

southerly obliquely across the Coast Ranges thru the Tejon

Pass and the Cajon Pass into the Colorado Desert."

Report of the California State Earthquake Investigation

Commission, Volume 1, pages 1-2.

SAN FRANCISCO:

The Great Conflagration.

General Frederick Funston, commanding the United States troops

at San Francisco, lost no time in ordering them out for

service in the emergency, and his report gives many

interesting particulars of the struggle with outbreaking and

spreading fires, in which they took an heroic part.

"By 9 A. M.," he wrote, "the various fires were merging into

one great conflagration, and were approaching the Palace

Hotel, Grand Hotel, Call Building, Emporium, and other large

buildings from the south. … By the morning of the 19th the

fire had destroyed the main portion of the wholesale and

retail section of the city, and was actively burning on a line

from about the corner of Montgomery avenue and Montgomery

street southwest on an irregular line to Van Ness avenue at

Golden Gate avenue. … The progress of the fire was very slow.

It averaged not more than one block in two hours. … By the

night of the 19th about 250,000 people or more must have been

encamped or sleeping out in the open in the various military

reservations, parks, and open spaces of the city.

"On the night of the 19th, when the fire reached Van Ness

avenue, Colonel Charles Morris, Artillery Corps, in command of

the troops in that portion of the city, authorized Captain Le

Vert Coleman to destroy a number of buildings far enough ahead

of the fire to make a clearing along Broadway, Franklin and

Gough streets, which space the fire was unable to bridge, and

in this manner was stopped after it had crossed Van Ness

avenue and the fire department seemed powerless. It is my

opinion that if it had not been for the work done at this

place the entire Western Addition of the city would have been

destroyed.

"By the morning of the 20th the Western Addition, as that part

of the city lying west of Van Ness avenue is called, was

considered safe, except from the danger arising from a very

threatening conflagration working along the slopes of Russian

Hill toward that part of Van Ness avenue lying north of

Broadway. All day of the 20th an heroic fight was made by the

soldiers, sailors, firemen, and citizens to stop this fire,

which had a frontage of about half a mile, and was working its

way slowly against the wind. A number of buildings were

destroyed here by high explosives, and back firing was

resorted to. The fight, at this place was greatly aided by

water pumped from the bay at Fort Mason. …

"By the most tremendous exertions the flames were prevented

from crossing Van Ness avenue between that port (Fort Mason)

and the point where they had once crossed and been fought out.

By the morning of the 21st the Western Addition was considered

safe, and the advancing flames south from the Mission district

had been stayed; but a rising wind caused the fire to turn

northeastward from Russian Hill and destroy a portion of the

city along the bay shore that had hitherto been spared."

Of the work of dynamiting that was done, mainly by the

soldiers, Major General A. W. Greeley, in a special report,

says: "The authority for demolitions was in every case derived

from the Mayor or his representatives. During all of the 18th

and until the afternoon of the 19th the city authorities

withheld their permission to blow up any buildings, except

those in immediate contact with others already ablaze.

Consequently, although we were able to check the fire at

certain points, it outflanked us time and again, and all our

work had to be begun over in front of the fire. … By

[afternoon of April 19th] the Mayor gave permission to take

more drastic measures to stop the fire."

SAN FRANCISCO:

After the Fire.

Of conditions after the fire General Greeley gives a vivid

description, partly as follows:

"On April 18 this was a city of 500,000 inhabitants, the

commercial emporium of the Pacific coast, a great industrial

and manufacturing center, adorned with magnificent buildings,

equipped with extensive local transportation, provided with

the most sanitary appliances, and having an abundant water

supply. On April 21 these triumphs of human effort, this

center of civilization, had become a scene of indescribable

desolation, more than 200,000 residents having fled from the

burnt district alone, leaving several hundred dead under its

smoldering ashes. …

{588}

"The burnt area covered 3,400 acres, as against 2,100 in

Chicago and 50 in Boston. … Even buildings spared by the fire

were damaged as to chimneys, so that all food of the entire

city was cooked over camp fires in the open streets.

"Two hundred and twenty-five thousand people were not only

homeless, losing homes and all personal property, but also

were deprived of their means of present sustenance and future

livelihood. Food, water, shelter, clothing, medicines, and

sewerage were all lacking. Failing even for drinking purposes,

water had to be brought long distances. Every large bakery was

destroyed or interrupted. While milk and country produce were

plentiful in the suburbs, local transportation was entirely

interrupted so that even people of great wealth could obtain

food only by charity or public relief."

SAN FRANCISCO:

Loss of Life and Property.

General Greeley "gives the loss of life in San Francisco,

including some who subsequently died from injuries received,

as 304 known and 194 unknown. In addition, 415 persons were

seriously injured. Estimates of the value of property

destroyed made up from the reports of settlements by the

insurance companies are given as follows in Best’s Special

Report on San Francisco Losses and Settlement, published in

New York, February 25, 1907:

‘The total loss to insurance institutions throughout the world

was from $220,000,000 to $225,000,000. It is probable that the

sound value of the property represented by this loss was

nearly or quite $100,000,000 greater than the last named

figure, so that this conflagration takes rank as the largest

in history in point of values destroyed. The loss fell on 243

insurance institutions, plus those foreign companies (twenty

or more in number) which have made no report to us.’"

SAN FRANCISCO:

Maintenance of Order.

"After the arrival of state troops ordered into service by the

governor of California, five separate organizations were

maintaining order in San Francisco—the municipal police, the

national guard of California, the United States navy,

citizens’ committees, and the United States army. Under this

multiplied control it was inevitable that some clashes of

authority should occur, and that citizens should at times feel

hampered by excess of regulation. ‘It bears testimony,’ says

General Greeley, ‘to the judgment and forbearance of the

personnel enforcing order and to the sensible, law-abiding

qualities of the people of San Francisco, that during such

prolonged and desperate condition of affairs there should have

been but nine deaths by violence. All killed were men, and

four of the cases have been the subject of investigation under

the civil law.’

SAN FRANCISCO:

Relief Measures.

"Invaluable service of relief was rendered by the railway

companies, the Southern Pacific, under the personal direction

of President E. T. Harriman, and the Atchison, Topeka and

Santa Fe, giving free transportation over their lines from

April 18th to the 26th, and affording every possible facility

for the forwarding of relief supplies. The ferries and

suburban lines did the same.

"Food, clothing and tents furnished by Pacific coast cities

began to pour in, followed quickly by similar supplies from

more distant points and by the War Department of the United

States under special appropriation promptly made by Congress.

The proper handling and distribution of these vast quantities

of material and the control of the refugee camps that filled

the public parks devolved upon the military authorities.

Relief service was promptly systematized by the army officers,

ably assisted after the opening week by Dr. Edward T. Devine,

special representative of the National Red Cross. After July 2

the army was withdrawn from the refugee camps and the relief

work passed under the control of the Red Cross and citizens’

organizations. Mr. J. D. Phelan of San Francisco, chairman of

the Finance Committee of the Relief and Red Cross Funds, thus

commends the services of the army in its management of the

relief operations: ‘As citizens we feel that the army in time

of peace has demonstrated its efficiency and usefulness as it

has in our days of trouble signalized its splendid qualities

on the field of battle.’

SAN FRANCISCO:

Behavior of the People.

"General A. W. Greeley in his special report thus

characterizes the behavior of the people of San Francisco.

‘It is safe to say that nearly 200,000 persons were brought to

a state of complete destitution, beyond the clothing they wore

or carried in their arms. The majority of the community was

reduced from conditions of comfort to dependence upon public

charity, yet in all my experiences I have never seen a woman

in tears, nor heard a man whining over his losses. Besides

this spirit of cheerful courage, they exhibited qualities of

resourcefulness and self-respect which must command the

admiration of the world. Within two months the bread line,

which at first exceeded 300,000, was reduced to a comparative

handful—less than 5 per cent. of the original number.’"

Frederick H. Clark,

Head of History Department, Lowell High School.

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906.

Segregation of Oriental Children in Public Schools.

Resentment of Japanese.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906 (April-October).

During and after the Suppression of Saloons.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM: CASUAL OCCURRENCES.

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906-1909.

The Rebuilding of the Shattered and Burned City.

Improvements in the Reconstruction.

"The great fire of April, 1906, practically obliterated the

business section of San Francisco. Vast heaps of brick and

stone and iron beams, twisted and bent, filled the area where

the great hotels, banks and mercantile establishments,

wholesale and retail, had stood. The opportunity to correct

original errors and to make improvements in the ground plan of

this portion of the city was at once recognized. People said

to one another: ‘ London, Chicago, and Baltimore have bitterly

regretted, since their great fires, that they did not improve

their streets. Are we to fail to take advantage of their

mistakes?’ A Citizens’ Committee on Reconstruction was

appointed; many valuable suggestions were brought together;

and an expert engineer was directed to study the plans and

make practical estimates of the cost of the more important

improvements. A set of most commendable changes was thus

brought to the point of authoritative adoption. These changes

included, particularly, the widening of streets needed for

main thoroughfares, extension of a few main streets so as to

facilitate the distribution of traffic, the extension of

shipping facilities along the water front, and improving the

thoroughfares leading thereto. The opportunity of making these

improvements while the whole area was destitute of buildings

was, of course, never likely to recur.

{589}

"At this point the whole matter came to a standstill. It was

the misfortune of San Francisco at this critical moment to be

under a municipal administration, wholly incompetent and

corrupt. Private enterprise was strained to the utmost in the

effort to recover from the great losses, and from the want of

governmental initiative, all projects of municipal improvement

failed for the time. Under a reformed city-government after

1907, a great deal of municipal work was undertaken which will

be indicated below.

"Rebuilding of private structures is a wonderful record of

courage, energy and resourcefulness. The first stage was the

rushing up of temporary wooden structures,—any sort of a

building that would afford shelter and permit the resumption

of business. For the most part the lumber yards of San

Francisco were untouched by the fire, and thus the city had a

considerable stock of material for immediate operations. Van

Ness Avenue and other former residence streets were soon lined

with one-story wooden buildings over which appeared the

well-known names of down-town firms.

"The second stage in reconstruction was the removal of the

ruins left by earthquake and fire. The business section of the

former city was constructed mainly of brick. Whether from

ignorance or prejudice the former building laws of San

Francisco did not permit the use of concrete except for floors

and foundations. Only a few of the more recently constructed

buildings were of steel. Thus the first great problem was

presented by the standing brick walls.

"For a few days the use of dynamite for the overthrow of

standing walls was permitted, and in this way much additional

damage was done to buildings not wholly ruined by the

earthquake and fire. Subsequently it was found to be far more

systematic and advantageous as well as safer to pull down the

standing walls by means of wire cables and stationary engines.

Pulling down old walls became for a time a trade in itself.

"Thousands of men found employment in cleaning the old bricks

and stacking them up for use in rebuilding. For the removal of

the vast quantities of debris,—twisted pipe and beams, broken

brick and crumbled plaster, temporary railways were

constructed over the level down-town district, and elaborate

plans were made for a wholesale business by steam

transportation. There was trouble over loading facilities,

however, and the greater quantity was carried away by two

horse dump-wagons, the material being used for filling in low

lands along the water front and elsewhere. All California felt

the demand for horses and wagons that this great work created.

"Immediately after the fire the work of revising the building

laws was taken up. Fortunately this task received the

intelligent guidance of a citizens’ committee composed of

local builders, architects and engineers. The building

regulations were rescued from their contradictions and

confusion, and a clear, systematic ordinance was secured. The

most notable forward step was the authorization of reinforced

concrete buildings.

"Architects and engineers interested in the problems of

reconstruction organized a ‘Structural Association’ as a

clearing-house for improved building methods. The utmost pains

were taken to study the effects of the earthquake and the

conflagration in order to secure every possible advantage from

the lessons inculcated. The results of this study may be

summarized as follows.

"Steel frame buildings (Class A) were perfectly able to resist

the effects of earthquake shock of the severity of the

disturbance of 1906, and when properly protected, to endure

the test of conflagration as well. Concrete, both plain and

reinforced, rose rapidly in favor as structural material.

Opinion as to the continued use of brick in construction was

divided, but on account of the need of brick in the cheaper

buildings, there was no tendency toward its falling into

disuse. Wired glass, that is, plate glass in which a mesh of

fine wire netting is embedded has been brought into favor, the

idea being that when this glass is subjected to great heat it

may crack, but will not fall.

"Along with the improved methods of construction, the

rebuilding of office and business structures afforded an

opportunity of modernizing them. Merchants went so far as to

form a ‘Down-Town Association’ which held weekly meetings for

the purpose of studying the problems of rehabilitation and of

taking advantage of every suggestion for improvement. The new

buildings have been perfected in lighting and sanitation and

in exterior finish and interior arrangements have been brought

up to the standard of the world’s best types. Thus the

business district of the new city has been made immeasurably

superior in durability, cleanliness and appearance, to what it

was before the fire.

"The amount of reconstruction that has been done is shown in

the following table taken from the San Francisco

Chronicle of April 18, 1909, which summarizes the work

done in three years. The table was compiled from the municipal

records.

"Private building operations, April 18, 1906 to April 18, 1909:

Number.      Cost.

Class A          82       $19,391,982

Class B         109         8,042,831

Class C       1,369        42,416,072

Frame        12,352        50,962,813

Alterations   6,334         9,528,310

Total                    $130,344,008

"Class A

buildings having steel frames;

stone, brick or concrete facing, fire-proof floors.

Completely fire-proof.

"Class B

buildings of reinforced concrete,

brick or stone, with steel beams entering into the main walls,

fire-proof.

"Class C

brick, stone or concrete buildings

with floors and floor-framework of wood.

"As the actual cost usually exceeds the estimate that goes

into the public record by about 15 per cent. it would be

proper to estimate the cost of all this construction at

$150,000,000. Of this amount it is estimated that less than

$10,000,000 has been furnished from outside of San

Francisco,—local capital having proven itself sufficient for

this vast work. Within this same period the public service

corporations have expended nearly $20,000,000 in

reconstruction,—the greatest work being the practical

rebuilding of the street-car lines. For municipal

reconstruction the city has repaved nearly all of the business

streets and has voted bonds for $18,200,000. From the funds

thus provided permanent improvements of great importance are

now (August, 1909) in progress.

{590}

"The election authorizing the sale of bonds was held on May

11, 1908. The purposes for which these bonds were issued are

thus announced by the Public Utilities Committee of the Board

of Supervisors:

"‘Fire Protection Bonds, $5,200,000, for the installation of

an extensive high pressure water system which will give

superior fire protection to the greater part of the thickly

built portion of the city, and designed to be the most

serviceable of its kind in the world. With this installed it

will be almost impossible for a conflagration to ever again

visit the city.

"‘Sewer Bonds, $4,000,000, for the construction of a complete

sewer system which will discharge the sewage in a manner that

will perfectly safeguard the health of the city.

"‘School Bonds, $5,000,000, for the construction of

school-houses to the number of more than thirty, replacing

those destroyed by fire in April, 1906, and providing sites

and additional structures in districts now inadequately

supplied.

"‘Hospital Bonds, $2,000,000, for the construction of modern

hospitals.

"‘Hall of Justice Bonds, $1,000,000, for the construction of

buildings for the police and other departments of the city

government.

"‘Garbage System Bonds, $1,000,000, for the construction of

modern works for the disposal of the city’s waste in a

sanitary manner.

"‘With these improvements the City of San Francisco will be

equipped with public works that will insure it a prominent

place in the cities of the world in respect to all things that

go to make stability and give permanence to the community as a

great trade and industrial center.’ The rapid recovery of San

Francisco from the losses of the great fire is further shown

by the following comparison of values from the Assessors

Reports:

Value of Taxable Property.

1905.          1906.          1908.

Real Estate       $304,136,185    $237,082,752    $258,642,215

Buildings           97,830,165      50,250,480      90,996,500

Personal Property  122,264,596      88,805,510     103,912,469

Total             $524,230,946    $376,138,742    $453,551,184

Frederick H. Clark,

Head of History Department,

Lowell High School.

SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1908 (July).

Visit of the Battleship Fleet.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

SANITARY UNDERTAKINGS.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH.

SANTOS-DUMONT, A.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

SARRIEN-CLEMENCEAU MINISTRY.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

SARTO, Giuseppe, Cardinal:

Elected Pope.

See (in this Volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1903 (JULY-AUGUST).

SASKATCHEWAN:

Organized as a Province of the Dominion of Canada.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1905.

SAXONY: A. D. 1906.

Political Reform.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

SCANDINAVIAN-AMERICAN SOLIDARITY.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

SCHMITZ, EUGENE E.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

SCHOOL CHILDREN, UNDERFED.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF.

SCHOOL PEACE LEAGUE,

The American.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.

SCHOOLS.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION.

SCHOUVALOFF, COUNT, ASSASSINATION OF.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

SCHREINER, W. P.:

Opposition to Disfranchisement of Colored Natives

in South Africa.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

----------SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Start--------

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Aeronautics:

The Development of the Aeroplane and the Dirigible Balloon.

To be lifted from the earth by an inflated sack of gas lighter

than air, and be drifted with it by the winds, was an

interesting experience for a few adventurous people, after the

Mongolfiers, in 1783, had found it could be done; but the

practical advantages from it were slight, so long as the

voyager of the air had no slightest control of his journeying.

The possibility of such control only came within the range of

inventors’ dreams when motor enginery had been carried far

towards the promise of much power with little weight. The

promise was half a century behind its fulfilment, however,

when Henri Giffard, the notable French engineer, is said to

have constructed a balloon which lacked nothing but the

adequately light and vigorous motor in order to be as [much a]

dirigible as any of the present day. But the needed motor

began to take form, and success in the propulsion of balloons

on steered courses, with some independence of the winds, began

to be realized, in the experiments of Count Zeppelin, in

Germany, and of M. Santos-Dumont in France, beginning about

1898.

Before that date, however, invention had been started on

bolder lines, seeking independence of the clumsy gas-bag, and

striving to mount the air as the bird does, by pushing against

it the inclined planes of his wings. Otto Lilienthal, in

Germany, began experiments to that end in 1893. He had no

motor; but starting from a height, and "making judicious use

of the movement of the wind," he accomplished gliding flights

of about 1200 feet, and the machines he constructed were

suggestive of ideas to the experimenters who followed him. He

was killed by a fall in 1896. Many were then working at the

problem of aerial flight without the lifting force of light

gases.

{591}

Some studied it scientifically and some attacked it in the

rough manner of sheer empiricism. Of the former, in the United

States, were Octave Chanute, the engineer, and Professor

Samuel P. Langley, the astronomer and physicist of the

Smithsonian Institution; in England there was Sir Hiram Maxim.

These gentlemen arrived at no practical success in their own

experimenting, but they furnished good guidance to the work of

their more fortunate successors. A little later the scientific

students of the problem were joined by the inventor of the

telephone, Alexander Graham Bell. And then came the two

workers who advanced from empiricism to science in their

undertaking, and who won the first great successes by a happy

combination of the two.

The brothers Orville and Wilbur Wright have told, in an

article contributed to The Century Magazine, how they

were stirred to serious interest in the aviation problem in

1896 and began to read what Langley, Chanute, Mouillard and

others had written on it. Entering, purely as a sport, on

experiments in gliding flight, on Lilienthal’s lines, they

became fascinated by the pursuit. From the first they appear

to have chosen what is known as the biplane structure for

their machines, the invention of which they credit to a

previous inventor, Wenham, whose design of it had been

improved by Stringfellow and Chanute. To this construction, of

two planes, one above the other, for supporting surfaces, they

have steadfastly adhered.

At the outset of their experimenting the Wrights found a

difficulty in the balancing of "flyers" which previous workers

did not seem to have treated seriously enough, and they

settled themselves to the conquest of it at once. This and

other problems soon carried them from empirical testing into

scientific studies, which occupied several years. They found

that the accepted measurements of wind pressure, on given

plane surfaces exposed at different angles, were unreliable,

and they applied themselves to the making and tabulating of

measurements of their own. It was not until this work had

given them "accurate data for making calculations, and a

system of balance effective in winds as well as in calms," as

well as the necessary data for designing an effective screw

propeller, that they felt themselves prepared "to build a

successful power-flyer."

So far, these thorough-going workers at the problems of

aviation had been experimenting with a machine designed, as

they said, "to be flown as a kite, with a man on board," or

without the man, "operating the levers through cords from the

ground." Their active experimenting began in October, 1900, at

Kitty Hawk, North Carolina. In 1901 they made the acquaintance

of Mr. Chanute, and he spent some weeks with them, observing

and encouraging their work. In September and October, they

say, "nearly one thousand gliding flights were made, several

of which covered distances of over 600 feet. Some, made

against a wind of thirty-six miles an hour, gave proof of the

effectiveness of the devices for control." Late in 1903 they

had reached the point of testing a power-machine, and sailed

into the air with it for the first time on the 17th of

December in the presence of five lookers-on. "The first

flight," they tell us, "lasted only twelve seconds: a flight

very modest compared with that of birds; but it was,

nevertheless, the first in the history of the world in which a

machine carrying a man had raised itself by its own power into

the air in free flight, had sailed forward on a level course,

without reduction of speed, and had finally landed without

being wrecked. The second and third flights were a little

longer, and the fourth lasted fifty-nine seconds, covering a

distance of 852 feet over the ground against a twenty-mile

wind."

In the spring of 1904 the experimenting of the Wright Brothers

was transferred from Kitty Hawk, North Carolina, to a prairie

not far from their home, at Dayton, Ohio. There they overcame

final difficulties in the maintaining of equilibrium when

turning their machine in circles of flight; and then, at the

end of September, 1905, they suspended experiments for more

than two years, which they spent in business negotiations and

in the construction of new machines. Their experimenting was

not resumed until May, 1908 (again at Kitty Hawk). At this

time it was directed to the testing of the ability of their

machine to meet the requirements of a contract with the United

States Government to furnish a flyer capable of carrying two

men and sufficient fuel supplies for a flight of 25 miles,

with a speed of forty miles an hour.

Meantime, during the two years of suspended experimenting by

the Wrights, other workers in Europe and America had been

approaching their successes, so far as to be competitors for

the important prizes now offered very plainly for winning in

the aviation field. M. Santos-Dumont, turning his attention

from dirigible balloons to aeroplanes, had made, at Paris, the

first public flight on that side of the ocean; and though he

covered no more than 220 yards, it was a long stride in

practical success. Henry Farman, Louis Bleriot, M. Delagrange,

in France, Glenn H. Curtiss and A. M. Herring, in the United

States, were making ready to dispute honors with the Dayton

aviators, of whose actual achievements the public knew little,

as yet.

On all sides there was readiness for surprising and

astonishing the public in 1908. Farman, at Paris, in March,

exceeded a flight of two miles; Delagrange, at Milan, in June,

covered ten miles, and more; Farman, in July, raised his

record to eleven miles, and Delagrange carried his to fifteen

and a half in September. The Wrights had made flights that

ranged from eleven to twenty-four miles in the fall of 1905;

and now, in their renewed trials of 1908, these distances were

more than doubled. Wilbur Wright went abroad, to exhibit their

machine in France and elsewhere, while Orville, in September,

submitted it to official tests at Fort Myer, near Washington.

There, on different days in that month, rounding circuits of

the parade ground, he made time records of continuous flight

that ran from 56 to 74 minutes, travelling estimated distances

that stretched in one instance over fifty-one and a third

miles. These trials at Fort Myer were interrupted sadly by an

accident, from the breaking of a propeller-blade, which caused

the machine to drop to the ground while in flight. Lieutenant

T. E. Selfridge, U. S. A., who rode with Mr. Wright at the

time, was killed, and Mr. Wright suffered a broken leg.

{592}

Wilbur Wright, meantime, was entering on great triumphs in

France. At Le Mans, on the 21st of September, he traversed 68

miles in a continuous flight of a little more than an hour and

a half. This achievement was far surpassed by him on the 18th

of December, when 95 miles were travelled in an hour and

fifty-four minutes, and again, on the 31st of December, when

the stay in the air was prolonged to two hours, nine minutes

and some seconds, and the distance covered was 76½ miles.

These records of the Wrights for time of continuous flight

were beaten by a number of European competitors, as will be

shown below. Otherwise, the records of 1909 show no very

marked advance beyond those of 1908; but the year had

excitements in aviation, connected especially with attempted

flights over the English Channel. Hubert Latham, a recent

French practitioner in aviation, was the first to venture this

leap through the air from France to England. His machine was

described as being an Antoinette monoplane, designed by M.

Levevasseur. He launched it from Calais in the early morning

of July 19, and traversed about six miles of the passage when

his motor failed and he fell to the water, unhurt, and was

rescued by an attendant steamer. Six days after Latham's

failure, on the 25th of July, Louis Bleriot, using another

monoplane machine, made the crossing with brilliant success,

flying from Calais to Dover, 21 miles, in 23 minutes, and

winning the prize of £1000 which the Daily Mail, of London,

had offered for the performance of the feat. M. Latham then

repeated his attempt and was unfortunate again, his motor

giving out after it had carried him within two miles of the

Dover shore.

Orville Wright, at this time, July 27, was demonstrating at

Fort Myer the ability of his aeroplane to carry two persons in

a well-sustained flight. With Lieutenant Frank P. Lahm, of the

Signal Corps, as a passenger, and having President Taft among

his spectators, he made a flight of an hour, twelve minutes

and forty seconds, accomplishing upwards of fifty miles at an

average speed of forty miles an hour. A day or two afterwards

he carried Lieutenant Benjamin D. Foulois over the ten mile

course from Fort Myer to Alexandria at a speed of more than

forty-two miles an hour.

In the last week of August the first race meeting for

heavier-than air flying machines occurred at Rheims, France,

and a dozen aviators from France, England and America competed

for large prizes in long distance and duration flights. A

number of new records was made, and new names acquired note.

Louis Paulhan kept the air for two hours and forty-three

minutes with a Voisin biplane, covering 83 miles. Hubert

Latham surpassed this in distance and speed, making 96 miles

in two hours and eighteen minutes; and this again was beaten

by Henri Farman, who travelled 118 miles, remaining in the air

over three hours. M. Latham used the Antoinette monoplane, and

M. Farman a biplane of his own design. Mr. Glenn H. Curtiss

won the prize for speed, doing 18 miles in twenty-five minutes

and forty-five seconds.

Orville Wright had now gone abroad and his brother had

returned to America. In August and September the former gave

exhibitions at Berlin, breaking some of his own records,

carrying a passenger in his machine for an hour and

thirty-five minutes, on the 18th of September, and rising, on

the 1st of October, to an unexampled height, believed to have

exceeded 1000 feet. This, however, was greatly exceeded in

January, 1910, by Hubert Latham, at Mourmelon, France, who

rose to 3280 feet, and by Louis Paulhan, at Los Angeles,

California, 4165 ft. On the 3d of October the Crown Prince of

Germany was his companion in a short flight.

Meantime Wilbur Wright, in America, had endeavored to supply

one of the spectacles arranged for the Hudson-Fulton

celebration at New York; but the intended programme of

aviation was spoiled by forbidding winds. He did, however,

make one astonishing flight, on the 4th of October, from

Governor’s Island, up the Hudson to Grant’s tomb, and, on his

return, passing over the British battle-ships then lying in

the river. The distance travelled was about twenty miles and

the time of the journey thirty-three minutes and a half.

Unfortunately it was unexpected, and was seen by a small part

only of the millions who had been watching several days for a

flight. On the next day Mr. Wright made the statement that no

more public exhibitions would be given by his brother or

himself. "Hereafter," he said, "we shall devote all our

efforts to the commercial exploitation of our machines, and

fly only as a matter of experiment, to test the value of

whatever changes we decide to make in the construction."

Turning now back to the development of the motor-propelled and

dirigible balloon, we find that field of aeronautics very

nearly monopolized at the beginning of the twentieth century,

so far as the public saw it, by the Brazilian millionaire, A.

Santos-Dumont, who spent his time and his wealth at Paris in

ballooning. The French Government had been authorizing army

experiments in dirigible ballooning since 1884, and a

motor-driven air-ship of that description, designed by Captain

Renard, and named "La France," had made a trip from

Chalais-Meudon to Paris and return in September, 1885, being

the first balloon ever navigated back to its starting point;

but not much in the same line to excite public interest

appears to have been done in the next sixteen years. Then, on

the 19th of October, 1901, a lively stir of interest

everywhere was excited by the exploit of Santos-Dumont, in

navigating his balloon from St. Cloud to and around the Eiffel

Tower and back to the starting point. He had done the same

privately three months before, at a very early morning hour of

July 12, on which occasion he broke his rudder at an early

stage of the journey, descended in the Trocadero Gardens, made

repairs and then went on doing the whole round in an hour and

six minutes, including the stop.

Expectation, however, that controllable navigation of the air,

in average conditions of wind, might really be an approaching

and not very distant fact, cannot be said to have had much

awakening in the world until the performances, in 1908, of

Count Zeppelin’s huge airship, 440 feet in length, called

Zeppelin No. IV., which enclosed numerous envelopes of gas in

a rigid aluminum frame. On the 2d of July, 1908, he drove this

great balloon from Friedrichshafen, on Lake Constance, to

Luzerne, 248 miles, within twelve hours. Starting again from

Friedrichshafen, August 4, intending a 500 mile trip, he made

a lauding at Oppenheim, 260 miles distant, returned thence to

Stuttgart, and finally to Echterdingen, where a hurricane

storm wrecked his airship completely, causing its motor to

explode. Public sympathy with the veteran aeronaut and public

faith in his work were so strong that a fund was raised

promptly by subscription for the building of another of his

costly balloons.

{593}

With this he was ready for new voyages in the spring of 1909,

and started from Friedrichshafen on the 30th of May, carrying

two engineers and a crew of seven, travelled 456 miles to

Bitterfield, where, without landing, he turned back; but

landed later near Goeppingen, receiving a slight injury to the

balloon in landing by contact with a tree. The whole distance

travelled was about 850 miles, in 37 hours. Late in August the

Count accomplished a long desired voyage from his headquarters

on Lake Constance to Berlin; but was forced to land at

Nuremberg for repairs, and again at Bitterfield, disappointing

the great crowds which waited at Berlin, till late at night on

the 29th, with the Emperor, to welcome his arrival. When he

came, the next day, however, the public enthusiasm showed no

cooling. "He was received," says a despatch from Berlin, "with

all the honours which the Court and capital could pay him, and

his triumphal entry into the city this afternoon as the

honoured guest of the Emperor, was not merely a dramatic

success but a national demonstration." And now, from this

glancing survey of achievement thus far in the navigation of

the air, with and without help from the levitation of gas,

what expectations of further achievement can we reasonably

indulge? Here is one answer, from a notably scientific

mind,—that of the late Simon Newcomb, the astronomer:

"It would seem that, at the present time, the public is more

hopeful of the flying-machine than of the dirigible balloon.

The idea that because such a machine has at last been

constructed which will carry a man through the air, there is

no limit to progress, is a natural one. But to judge of

possibilities, we must advert to the distinction already

pointed out between obstacles interposed by nature, which

cannot be surmounted by any invention, and those which we may

hope to overcome by possible mechanical appliances. The

mathematical relations between speed, sustaining power,

strength of material, efficiency of engine, and other elements

of success are fixed and determinate, and cannot be changed

except by new scientific discoveries, quite outside the power

of the inventor to make. That the gravitation of matter can in

any way be annulled seems out of the question. Should any

combination of metals or other substances be discovered of

many times the stiffness and tensile strength of the fabrics

and alloys with which we are now acquainted, then might one

element of success be at our command. But, with the metals

that we actually have, there is a limit to the weight of an

engine with a given driving power, and it may be fairly

assumed that this limit is nearly reached in the motors now in

use. … Owing to the levity of the air, the supporting surface

must have a wide area. We cannot set any exact limit to the

necessary spread of sail, because the higher the speed the

less the spread required. But, as we increase the speed, we

also increase the resistance, and therefore we must have a

more powerful and necessarily heavier motor. … Bearing in mind

that no limit is to be set to the possible discovery of new

laws of nature or new combinations of the chemical elements,

it must be understood that I disclaim any positive prediction

that men will never fly from place to place at will. The claim

I make is that they will not do this until some epoch-making

discovery is made of which we have now no conception, and that

mere invention has nearly reached its limit. It is very

natural to reason that men have done hundreds of things which

formerly seemed impossible, and therefore they may fly. But

for every one thing seemingly impossible that they have

succeeded in doing there are ten which they would like to do

but which no one believes that they can do. No one thinks of

controlling wind or weather, of making the sun shine when we

please, of building a railroad across the Atlantic, of

changing the ocean level to suit the purposes of commerce, of

building bridges of greater extent than engineers tell us is

possible with the strength of the material that we have at

command, or of erecting buildings so high that they would be

crushed by their own weight. Why are we hopeless as to all

these achievements, and yet hopeful that the flying-machine

may be the vehicle of the future, which shall transport us

more rapidly than a railroad train now does? It is simply

because we all have so clear a mental view of the obstacles in

the way of reaching such ends as those just enumerated that we

do not waste time in attempting to surmount them, and we are

hopeful of the flying-machine only because we do not clearly

see that the difficulties are of the same nature as those we

should encounter in erecting a structure which would not be

subject to the laws of mechanics.

"I have said nothing of the possible success of the

flying-machine for the purposes of military reconnaissance or

any other operations requiring the observer to command a wide

view of all that is on the landscape. This is a technical

subject which, how great soever may be its national

importance, does not affect our daily life."

Simon Newcomb,

The Prospect of Aerial Navigation

(North American Review, March, 1908).

Here is another, from Thomas A. Edison, the inventor:

"In ten years flying machines will be used to carry mails.

They will carry passengers, too, and they will go at a speed

of 100 miles an hour. There is no doubt of this."

These are the words of Mr. Edison in an interview published in

the New York Times, August 1st, 1909. But while he is

sure that the "flying machine has got to come," he is not at

all sure that it will come along the lines pursued in the

present experiments. "The flying problem now consists of 75

per cent. machine and 25 per cent, man," he said, "while to be

commercially successful the flying machine must leave little

to the peculiar skill of the operator and must be able to go

out in all weathers." He continued:

"If I were to build a flying machine I would plan to sustain

it by means of a number of rapidly revolving inclined planes,

the effect of which would be to raise the machine by

compressing the air between the planes and the earth. Such a

machine would rise from the ground as a bird does. Then I

would drive the machine ahead with a propeller."

{594}

Mr. Edison believes it is a question of power. "Is it not

thinkable that a method will be discovered of wirelessly

transmitting electrical energy from the earth to the motor of

the machine in mid-air?" He asked and answered his own

question, saying:—"There is no reason to disbelieve that it

can and will be done." He added, however, that there was great

room for improvement in explosive engines. "Any day we are

likely to read that somebody has made picric acid or something

else work—done some little thing that will transform the

flying machine from a toy into a commercial success." And when

it is perfected, he says, the flying machine may end war by

becoming a means of attack that cannot be resisted.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

Agriculture: Dry Farming in the West.

For twenty consecutive years, in scores of places from the

James River to the Arkansas, Mr. H. W. Campbell, of Lincoln,

Nebraska, the pioneer "dry farmer" of Arid America, "has been

uniformly successful in producing without irrigation the same

results that are expected with irrigation, with comparatively

little additional expense, but not without a great deal more

watchfulness and labor. What Western people have become

accustomed to calling the ‘Campbell system of dry farming’

consists simply in the exercise of intelligence, care,

patience, and tireless industry. It differs in details from

the ‘good-farming’ methods practised and taught at the various

agricultural experiment stations; but the underlying

principles are the same.

"These principles are two in number. First to keep the surface

of the land under cultivation loose and finely pulverized.

This forms a soil mulch that permits the rains and melting

snows to percolate readily through to the compacted soil

beneath; and that at the same time prevents the moisture

stored in the ground from being brought to the surface by

capillary attraction, to be absorbed by the hot, dry air. The

second is to keep the sub-soil finely pulverized and firmly

compacted, increasing its water-holding capacity and its

capillary attraction and placing it in the best possible

physical condition for the germination of seed and the

development of plant roots. The ‘dry farmer’ thus stores water

not in dams and artificial reservoirs, but right where it can

be reached by the roots of growing crops.

"Through these principles, a rainfall of twelve inches can be

conserved so effectively that it will produce better results

than are usually expected of an annual precipitation of

twenty-four inches in humid America. The discoverer and

demonstrator of these principles deserves to rank among the

greatest of national benefactors."

John L. Cowan,

Dry Farming the Hope of the West

(Century Magazine, July, 1906).

"It is difficult for one who is used to the commonplace

methods of tilling the soil which obtained a quarter of a

century ago to believe that a new method has been discovered

which will triple and quadruple the results of the old system

in those parts of the country in which the rainfall is

somewhat restricted. The imagination cannot immediately grasp

the statement that dry farming methods would lift the Kansas

wheat crop from 75,000,000 to 216,000,000 bushels. Yet this is

a fact.

"If the mind of the eastern farmer can grasp this tremendous

fact he will be ready to credit the statement that there are

millions of acres in the western country which were until a

few years ago regarded as utterly worthless, but which are now

cheap at $25 an acre. To the wheat industry alone of the

western country the proved fact of the value of dry farming

means more than any other development fact in the agricultural

history of this country. What is true of increased yields in

dry farming is equally true, and in a larger degree, perhaps,

with respect to irrigation. For years the government has been

warning the country that the increased production of wheat is

not keeping pace with the increased consumption.

"Should this continue it would mean that ere long the United

States would be compelled to draw a part of its wheat supply

from the Canadian Northwest. It would also mean that the

United States would lose the export wheat trade with the

Orient, which is bound to increase rapidly. It is not

generally known that the 400,000,000 people in China are being

educated to the use of wheat and other cereals than rice, and

that, therefore, the demand for wheat will continue to

increase. …

"One of the facts which Mr. Harriman realized far in advance

of any one else and which was an important factor in his

transportation plans was the possibilities of dry farming as

well as irrigation. Before he began to talk much about these

subjects he set about to prepare his system to reap the first

and most substantial part of the results of dry farming and of

irrigation. Other railroad builders are now beginning to

realize that Mr. Harriman is prepared to transport the

products of the West, of the Northwest and the Southwest

between almost any parts of this country, as well as through

many ports from San Francisco to the South Atlantic ports,

including one or two on the western coast of Old Mexico.

Although he and former President Roosevelt were at war in many

respects, it was Mr. Harriman that gave the former President

much of the information he acquired regarding the boundless

resources of the West. By doing so he caused the government to

work even more energetically than it had been working for the

conservation of the nation’s resources."

Chicago Record-Herald,

July 11, 1909.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

Anniversary Celebrations.

The eightieth birthday of Dr. Rudolph Virchow, founder of

cellular pathology, was celebrated on the 13th of October,

1901, by a remarkable assemblage of distinguished physicians

and surgeons from many countries, who made pilgrimages to

Berlin to do him honor.

The centenary of the birth of Charles Darwin, and the

semi-centennial year of the publication, in 1859, of his work

on "The Origin of Species," were commemorated in every part of

the world; but the great collective demonstration of honor to

Darwin’s memory, organized by the University of Cambridge, his

alma mater, was a tribute of surpassing impressiveness.

As described by the London Times, on the opening day of

this extraordinary celebration, June 22, 1909, "the whole

learned world, from Chile to Japan," was joined in the homage

paid. "Some of those who will be present," said The

Times, "were his comrades, most of them have been in some

measure his working contemporaries.

{595}

Two hundred and thirty-five universities, academies, and

learned bodies at home and abroad have nominated delegates to

represent them; and of these 107 are situated in foreign

countries and British dominions outside the United Kingdom.

Thirty of the most famous institutions in Germany, thirty in

the United States, fourteen in France, ten in Austria-Hungary,

eight in Italy, as many in Sweden, seven in Russia, and lesser

numbers in seven other foreign countries have honoured the

occasion by naming some of their most distinguished members to

take part in it. The distant seats of learning in the younger

British countries have responded with not less cordiality;

seven in Canada, seven in Australia, five in New Zealand, and

the same number in South Africa have appointed delegates;

India and Ceylon are represented by eight. Within the United

Kingdom 68 universities and societies are lending their

support; and, in addition to the appointed delegates, there

are some 200 invited guests, who include men eminent in every

walk of life. … No such academic tribute as the present

festival has ever been paid to the memory of an individual

within so short a time of his own life."

The commemorative exercises of the occasion were continued

through three days.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

Astronomy: The Astronomy of the Invisible.

"The discovery of double and multiple stars from the effects

of the gravitational attraction on their luminous components

is known as the ‘Astronomy of the Invisible.’ It was first

suggested by the illustrious Bessel about 1840. … The greatest

extension of the Astronomy of the Invisible has been made by

Professor Campbell, of the Lick Observatory. In the course of

the regular work on the motion of stars in the line of sight,

carried out with a powerful spectroscopic apparatus presented

to the Observatory by Honorable D. O. Mills, of New York, he

has investigated during the past five years the motion of

several hundred of the brighter stars of the northern heavens.

… With such unprecedented telescopic power and a degree of

precision in the spectrograph which can be safely depended

upon, it is not unnatural that some new and striking phenomena

should be disclosed. These consisted of a large number of

spectra with double lines, which undergo a periodic

displacement, showing that the stars in question were in

reality double, made up of two components, moving in opposite

directions,—one approaching, the other receding from the

Earth. There were thus disclosed spectroscopic binary stars,

systems with components so close together that they could not

be separated in any existing telescope, yet known to be real

binary stars by the periodic behaviour of the lines of the

spectra so faithfully registered on different days. …

"Campbell’s work at the Lick Observatory derives increased

importance from its systematic character, which enables us to

draw some general conclusions of the greatest interest. He has

thus far made known the results of his study of the spectra of

two hundred and eighty of the brighter stars of the northern

heavens. Out of this number he finds thirty-one spectroscopic

binaries, or one ninth of the whole number of objects studied.

… It seems certain that a more thorough study will materially

increase the number of spectroscopic binaries; and Professor

Campbell thinks one sixth, or even one fifth, of all the

objects studied may eventually prove to be binary or multiple

systems. Such an extraordinary generalization opens up to our

contemplation an entirely new view of the sidereal universe. …

"If we accept the conclusion that with our finest telescopes,

in the best climates, on the average one star in twenty-five

is visually double, it will follow from Campbell’s work on

some three hundred stars that five times that number are

spectroscopically double. Thus, although over a million stars

have been examined visually, and some five thousand

interesting systems disclosed by powerful telescopes, the

concluded ratio would give us, at last analysis, four million

visual systems among the hundred million objects assumed to

compose the stellar universe. On the other hand, the large

ratio of spectroscopic binaries to the total number of stars

examined by Campbell would lead us to conclude that in the

celestial spaces there exist in reality no less than twenty

million spectroscopic binary stars! Could anything be more

impressive than the view thus opened to the human mind? …

"It may indeed well be that the dark and unseen portion of the

universe is even greater than that which is indicated by our

most powerful telescopes. Half a century ago Bessel remarked:

‘There is no reason to suppose luminosity an essential quality

of cosmical bodies. The visibility of countless stars is no

argument against the invisibility of countless others.’"

T. J. J. See,

Recent Progress in Astronomy

(Atlantic Monthly, January, 1902).

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Biological:

Mendel’s Law of Variation in Species.

"Gregor Mendel was Abbot of Brünn in Moravia when Darwin was

at work on the Origin. He does not appear to have had any

unusual interest in the problem of evolution; indeed, his main

concern was with an essentially pre-Darwinian question,—the

nature of plant hybrids. With this problem as an avocation

from his serious clerical duties, the abbot busied himself in

the garden of his cloister; a leisurely, clear-headed,

middle-aged churchman in whom a great scientist was spoiled.

For eight years he experimented with varieties of the common

pea, and in 1865 communicated to the Society of Naturalists in

Brünn the substance of the discovery which is hereafter to be

known as Mendel’s law, ‘the greatest discovery in biology

since Darwin.’ Unfortunately, at that time, the Brünn Society,

like the rest of the world, had other things on its mind. …

Somehow or other, Mendel’s discovery escaped attention until

four years ago [1900], when De Vries reached it independently.

Two years later Mr. Bateson, who had been among the first to

realize its significance, made a translation of the two

original papers. … Since then, Mendel’s Law has been found to

hold for a considerable number of cases, both among animals

and plants, but most unaccountably not to work for a few

others; so that, as yet, no one knows how nearly universal it

may prove to be, nor how it is to be reconciled with the older

Law of Ancestral Heredity of Galton. …

{596}

"One illustration will serve to make clear the practical

workings of Mendel’s principle. If a single rough-coated

guinea-pig of either sex be introduced into a colony of normal

smooth-coated individuals, all its offspring of the first

generation will be rough-coated like itself. In the next

generation, if one of the parents is smooth and the other

rough, the young will be half of one sort and half of the

other, but if both parents are rough, three quarters will take

the ‘dominant’ rough coat. In the next, and all subsequent

generations, one half of these rough-coated individuals which

had one smooth-coated grandparent, and one-third of those

which had two smooth-coated grandparents, which were not

mated, will drop out the 'recessive' smooth-coatedness, and

become, in all respects, like their original rough-coated

progenitor, even to having only rough-coated young, no matter

what their mates may have. Thus Mendel’s law, though by no

means simple, is very precise. The essential part of his great

discovery is that in each generation of plants or animals of

mixed ancestry, a definite proportion lose one half of their

mingled heritage, and revert, in equal numbers, to one or

other of the pure types."

E. T. Brewster,

Some Recent Aspects of Darwinism

(Atlantic Monthly, April, 1904).

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

The Carnegie Institution of Washington.

Promotion of Original Research.

The following information relative to the founding, the plan

and the work of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, is

derived from the, authorities of the Institution:

The Institution was founded by Mr. Andrew Carnegie, January

28, 1902, when he gave to a board of trustees $10,000,000 in

registered bonds, yielding 5 per cent annual interest. To this

endowment fund an addition of $2,000,000 was made by Mr.

Carnegie on December 10, 1907. The Institution was originally

organized under the laws of the District of Columbia as the

Carnegie Institution. Subsequently, however, it was

incorporated by an act of Congress, approved April 28, 1904,

under the title of the Carnegie Institution of Washington. The

articles of incorporation declare, in general, "that the

objects of the corporation shall be to encourage in the

broadest and most liberal manner investigation, research, and

discovery, and the application of knowledge to the improvement

of mankind." By the act of incorporation the Institution was

placed under the control of a board of twenty-four trustees,

all of whom had been members of the original board referred to

above.

The President of the Institution is Dr. Robert S. Woodward,

formerly of the faculty of Columbia University. The Chairman

of its Board of Trustees is Dr. John S. Billings, Director of

the New York Public Library. The Board includes such notable

members as William H. Taft, Elihu Root, Seth Low, Andrew D.

White, Dr. S. Weir Mitchell, Henry L. Higginson and President

Henry S. Pritchett.

Since the object of the Institution is the promotion of

investigation "in the broadest and most liberal manner," many

projects in widely different fields of inquiry have been

considered, or are under consideration, by the Executive

Committee. These projects are chiefly of three classes,

namely:

First, large projects or departments of work whose execution

requires continuous research by a corps of investigators

during a series of years. Ten such departments have been

established by the Institution. …

Secondly, minor projects which may be carried out by

individual experts in a limited period of time. Many grants in

aid of this class of projects have been made.

Thirdly, research associates and assistants. Under this head

aid has been given to a considerable number of investigators

possessing exceptional abilities and opportunities for

research work.

An annual appropriation is made for the purpose of publishing

the results of investigations made under the auspices of the

Institution, and for certain works which would not otherwise

be readily printed. Its publications are not distributed

gratis, except to a limited list of the greater libraries of

the world. Other copies are offered for sale at prices only

sufficient to cover the cost of publication and transportation

to purchasers. Lists are furnished on application.

Since its organization in 1902, about one thousand individuals

have been engaged in investigations under the auspices of the

Institution and there are at present nearly five hundred so

engaged. Ten independent departments of research, each with

its staff of investigators and assistants, have been

established. In addition to these larger departments of work,

organized by the Institution itself, numerous special

researches, carried on by individuals, have been subsidized.

Seven laboratories and observatories, for as many different

fields of investigation and in widely separated localities,

have been constructed and equipped. A building in Washington,

D. C., for administrative offices and for storage of records

and publications, is now approaching completion. A specially

designed ship for ocean magnetic work has just been completed

and started on her first voyage.

Mr. George Iles, in his "Inventors at Work," describes and

characterizes the aims and guiding principles of the

Institution as follows: "In its grants for widely varied

purposes the policy of the Institution is clear: only those

inquiries are aided which give promise of fruit, and in every

case the grantee requires to be a man of proved ability, care

being taken not to duplicate work already in hand elsewhere,

or to essay tasks of an industrial character. Experience has

already shown it better to confine research to a few large

projects rather than to aid many minor investigations with

grants comparatively small.

"One branch of work reminds us of Mr. Carnegie’s method in

establishing public libraries—the supplementing of local

public spirit by a generous gift. In many cases a university

or an observatory launches an inquiry which soon broadens out

beyond the range of its own small funds; then it is that aid

from the Carnegie Institution brings to port a ship that

otherwise might remain at sea indefinitely. Let a few typical

examples of this kind be mentioned;—Dudley Observatory,

Albany, New York, and Lick Observatory, California, have

received aid toward their observations and computations;

Yerkes Observatory, Wisconsin, has been helped in measuring

the distance of fixed stars. Among other investigations

promoted have been the study of the rare earths and the

heat-treatment of some high-carbon steels. The adjacent field

of engineering has not been neglected: funds have been granted

for experiments on ship resistance and propulsion, for

determining the value of high pressure steam in locomotive

service.

{597}

In geology an investigation of fundamental principles has been

furthered, as also the specific problem of the flow of rocks

under severe pressure. In his remarkable inquiry into the

economy of foods, Professor W. O. Atwater, of Wesleyan

University, Middletown, Connecticut, has had liberal help. In

the allied science of preventive medicine a grant is advancing

the study of snake venoms and defeating inoculations.

"At a later day the Institution may possibly adopt plans

recommended by eminent advisers of the rank of Professor Simon

Newcomb, who points out that analysis and generalization are

to-day much more needed than further observations of a routine

kind. He has also had a weighty word to say regarding the

desirability of bringing together for mutual attrition and

discussion men in contiguous fields of work, who take the

bearings of a great problem from different, points of view."

George Iles,

Inventors at Work

Chapter XIX, page 276

Doubleday, Page & Co., New York

https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/48454

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Electrical:

A New Electric Phenomenon.

Writing recently in the London Times, Professor

Silvanus P. Thompson has described a discovery of effects

which "appear to point to a true electric momentum." "To two

men, Professor Nipher, of St. Louis, and Dr. Mathias Cantor,

of Würzburg, the question seems to have occurred whether, if a

flow of electricity is caused abruptly to turn its path round

a sharp corner, anything is observable in the neighbourhood of

the sharp corner, that would suggest a momentum of the

electric corpuscles. Nipher employed as conductor a

sharply-bent splinter of bamboo, carrying a high-tension

discharge from a large influence machine. Cantor used a thin

metallic film of gold or platinum formed by deposition on the

faces of a glass plate bevelled to a sharp edge; the current

being provided by a battery. Nipher, investigating by photographic

plates, discovered that the current passing the sharp

corner emitted radiations akin to the X-rays, and capable of

giving shadow pictures, even through ebonite 3/16 of an inch

thick. He has also used thin metal wires bent into a series of

sharp corners, and finds that at every corner some of the

electrons leave the wire, tending to persevere in their

original direction of movement rather than undergo a sudden

change of direction. Cantor, exploring electrically with a

wire attached to a charged insulated electrometer, found the

electrometer discharged by the emanations (or radiations) from

the acute angle of his conducting film. Later, but without

knowledge of what Nipher had accomplished, Cantor also exposed

a photographic plate to the angle of the film, and found it

marked with streaks as if charged particles had left the angle

in a particular direction. Both experimenters had already made

numerous observations under different circumstances before

publishing their results. Nipher’s discovery was communicated

to the American Philosophical Society in the early summer, and

an account of his work appeared in Science of July 17

last [1909] . Cantor’s observations were announced to the

German ‘Naturforscher’ meeting at Cologne on September 23.

"If," remarks Professor Thompson, "we accept the modern

doctrine that all inertia in what we call matter is due to the

magnetic field surrounding a moving charge of electricity,

this newly-discovered effect takes its natural place beside

the other known effects."

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: TELEGRAPHY:

The Printer System.

The Electrical Review of January 2, 1909, gave the

following account of the extent to which the "printer system"

of telegraphy had then come into use in the United States:

"Over fifty printer circuits are now in regular operation on

the Western Union lines, between leading business centres of

the United States, and additional wires are being equipped as

fast as the printer apparatus can be installed. This is a

system of rapid automatic telegraphy by which telegrams are

transmitted at a high rate of speed and received at their

destination printed on the regular message forms by a

typewriter automatically operated by the electrical impulses

transmitted over the wire. The appearance of the message as

received is identical with a message turned out by the most

expert typewriter operator on Morse circuits. The messages are

ready for delivery as soon as they come off the wire, and the

only attention required by the typewriter as it receives the

messages from the wire is that of removing the blank when the

message is completed and supplying a fresh, sheet to the

machine for the next message."

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Wireless Telegraphy.

Statement from Marconi.

"Up to the commencement of 1902 the only receivers that could

be practically employed for the purposes of wireless

telegraphy were based on what may be called the coherer

principle—that is, the detector, the principle of which is

based on the discoveries and observations made by S. A.

Varley, Professor Hughes, Calsecchi Onesti, and Professor

Branly. Early in that year the author was fortunate enough to

succeed in constructing a practical receiver of electric

waves, based on a principle different from that of the

coherer. … The action of this receiver is in the author’s

opinion based upon the decrease of magnetic hysteresis, which

takes place in iron when under certain conditions this metal

is exposed to high frequency oscillations of Hertzian waves. …

"This detector is and has been successfully employed for both

long and short distance work. It is used on the ships of the

Royal Navy and on all trans-Atlantic liners which are carrying

on a long-distance news service. It has also been used to a

large extent in the tests across the Atlantic Ocean. … The

adoption of this magnetic receiver was the means of bringing

about a great improvement in the practical working conditions

of wireless telegraphy by making it possible to do away with

the troublesome adjustments necessary when using coherers, and

also by considerably increasing the speed at which it is

possible to receive, the speed depending solely on the ability

of the individual operators. Thus a speed of over 30 words a

minute has been easily attained. …

"In the spring of 1903 the transmission of news messages from

America to the London Times was attempted, and the

first messages were correctly received and published in that

newspaper. A breakdown in the insulation of the apparatus at

Cape Breton made it necessary, however, to suspend the

service, and, unfortunately, further accidents made the

transmission of messages unreliable, especially during the

spring and summer.

{598}

In consequence of this, the author’s company decided not to

attempt the transmission of any more public messages until

such time as a reliable and continuous service could be

maintained and guaranteed under all ordinary conditions. … In

October, 1903, it was found possible to supply the Cunard

steamship Lucania during her entire crossing from New

York to Liverpool with news transmitted direct to that ship

from Poldhu and Cape Breton."

G. Marconi,

Recent Advances in Wireless Telegraphy

(Annual Report Smithsonian Institution, 1905-1906,

pages 137-142).

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

The Real Problem.

"It is well to remember that the year 1903 is the earliest

date at which radio-telegraphy could be regarded as really

workable, and of material practical utility. Previous to then,

‘wireless ’ working was very uncertain, but in that year tuning

devices were introduced, the principle of which was originally

due to Sir Oliver Lodge; and it is these that have made so much

difference in the application of Hertzian waves for the

purposes of telegraphy. Practical success in radio-telegraphy

should not, in fact, be judged from the point of view of the

distance at which signals can be sent—or received—but rather

from the standpoint of non-interference and secrecy. The

essential element in wireless telegraphy—above all others—is,

indeed, a discriminating or selective method. For the main

purposes of radio-telegraphy, immunity from interference by

syntony is essential. Thus a selective system in time of war

would be invaluable; a non-selective system almost worse than

useless. Syntonic wireless telegraphy entails in the first

place, a similar rate of oscillation, or time—i. e., a similar

wave length—at the sending and receiving ends. Indeed, the

real problem in wireless telegraphy is to arrange the

receiving apparatus so that it is alive to notes of one

definite frequency, or pitch, but deaf to any other notes,

even though of but slightly different pitch. This is effected

by the proper adjustment of inductance and capacity, as first

shown by Sir Oliver Lodge. … It is, however, at present,

impossible to secure really complete secrecy from any method

of open wave radiation. A radio-telegraphist, with the right

apparatus and a knowledge of the tune, could upset any system

of Hertzian wave telegraphy. It should, therefore, be clearly

understood that there are, as yet, definite limits to the

practical results of tuning for securing absolute selectivity

and secrecy."

Charles Bright,

The Useful Sphere for Radio-Telegraphy

(Westminster Review, April, 1908).

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

Singular Unexplained Phenomena.

Speaking at Stockholm, Sweden, on the occasion of his

receiving the Nobel Prize, in December, 1909, Mr. Marconi gave

the following account of some unexplained phenomena that are

experienced in the working of radio-telegraphy. He said that

"a result of scientific interest which he first noticed during

the tests on the steamship Philadelphia and which was a

most important factor in long distance radio-telegraphy was

the very marked and detrimental effect of daylight on the

propagation of electric waves at great distances, the range by

night being usually more than double that attainable during

daytime. He did not think that this effect had yet been

satisfactorily investigated or explained. … He was now

inclined to believe that the absorption of electric waves

during the daytime was due to the ionization of the gaseous

molecules of the air effected by ultra-violet light, and as

the ultra-violet rays which emanated from the sun were largely

absorbed in the upper atmosphere of the earth, it was probable

that the portion of the earth’s atmosphere which was facing

the sun would contain more ions or electrons than that portion

which was in darkness, and therefore, as Sir J. J. Thomson had

shown, this illuminated and ionized air would absorb some of

the energy of the electric waves. Apparently the length of

wave and amplitude of the electrical oscillations had much to

do with this interesting phenomenon, long waves and small

amplitudes being subject to the effect of daylight to a much

smaller degree than short waves and large amplitudes. …

"For comparatively short waves, such as were used for ship

communication, clear sunlight and blue skies, though

transparent to light, acted as a kind of fog to these waves. …

It often occurred that a ship failed to communicate with a

near-by station, but could correspond with perfect ease with a

distant one. … Although high power stations were now used for

communicating across the Atlantic, and messages could be sent

by day as well as by night, there still existed short periods

of daily occurrence during which transmission from England to

America, or vice versa, was difficult."

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

Transatlantic Service.

"The Transatlantic wireless service was inaugurated in

October, 1907, between Ireland and Canada, the charges being

reduced from 1s. per word for business and private messages

and 5d. per word for Press messages to 5d. and 2½d.

respectively, these charges not including the land line

charges on both sides of the Atlantic. …

"The first wireless messages across the Atlantic were sent

from the Canadian station at Table Head, in Cape Breton, in

1902. This station was afterwards removed to its present site,

five miles inland, and there greatly enlarged. Ever since 1902

Mr. Marconi has been conducting experiments and making new

discoveries and improvements until, at the present day,

wireless telegraphy across the Atlantic, over a distance of

2000 miles, is an assured success. … Press traffic … was

started on October 17, 1907. On February 3, 1908, the service

was extended to private and business telegrams between

Montreal and London. The number of words transmitted during

the past year is in the neighbourhood of 300,000."

Correspondence of the London Times,

June 25, 1909.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

Equipments at Sea.

Extent of the Service.

Compulsory Legislation Pending.

"Although an installation was carried on the St. Paul for one

trip in 1899, the credit of being the pioneers in the use of

wireless telegraphy on the ocean belongs to the North-German

Lloyd and Cunard Companies. The first vessel fitted was the

Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse, and the lead of the Germans was

immediately followed by the English company. Both vessels were

fitted by the Marconi Company, which has the distinction of

being the first company to equip vessels on a commercial

basis. … The Marconi Company alone has up to the present

fitted nearly 200 merchant ships, while the United Wireless

Telegraph Company has fitted nearly 170 ships. …

{599}

"A very large number of vessels engaged in the coasting trade

of America and on the Great Lakes are fitted with wireless

telegraphy; the American list shows that 133 vessels are

equipped, while a statement issued by the United Wireless

Telegraph Company shows 31 other vessels to have been fitted

up to April 2, besides 15 Great Lake steamers either fitted or

in course of equipment. …

"Nearly 500 warships belonging to nine different countries

have been fitted, or are in course of equipment, with

radio-telegraphy. According to the American list the United

States Navy has been foremost among the navies of the world in

the use of ‘wireless.’ On October 1 last 173 United States

warships were fitted with various systems. The Berne lists,

issued up to May 1 last, show Great Britain to have 157

vessels equipped, Germany 80, Netherlands 11, Denmark 9, and

Spain 5.

"In February last the United States House of Representatives

passed a Bill providing that ‘every ocean passenger steamer

certified to carry 50 passengers or more, before being granted

a clearance for a foreign or domestic port 100 miles or more

distant from the port of her departure from the United States,

shall be equipped with an efficient radio-telegraph

installation, and shall have in her employ and on board an

efficient radio-telegrapher.’ … The Bill, it is understood,

will be considered by the Senate in the autumn, and will it is

thought be passed after it has undergone some slight

modification. Following the example of the United States

Congress a Bill has been introduced in the Canadian House of

Commons. … An Italian Royal Decree dated March 14 last

provides that all vessels of whatever nationality clearing

from Italian ports with emigrants shall carry a wireless

installation. So far as this country [Great Britain] is

concerned no legislative action is likely to take place, at

least for the present."

Correspondence of the London Times,

July 2, 1909.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

The Cry that brought Help to the Steamship "Republic."

On the 23d of January, 1909, the service of the wireless

telegraph to imperilled ships was illustrated by an incident

which thrilled the world. In a dense fog, off the island of

Nantucket, 26 miles distant, the steamship "Republic," of the

White Star Line, was struck amidships by an Italian liner, the

"Florida." Two passengers on the former were killed and two

were seriously injured, while four sailors of the other were

killed. Both steamers were shattered to the sinking point, but

the state of the "Republic" was the worse. Fortunately she was

equipped with the wireless apparatus for telegraphy, and its

operator, "Jack" Binns, was a man equal to the emergency. His

appealing signals, "C. Q. D." ("Come Quick! Danger"), were

flashed out into all surrounding space, and brought many

responses from sea and shore; but then came the difficulty of

finding the sinking ships in the black fog. The first rescuing

vessel to reach their vicinity was the "Baltic" of the "White

Star Line," and she was helped in her groping to them, not

only by the ceaseless exchange of wireless messages, but by

the sounding of the submarine bell of the Nantucket lightship.

The "Baltic" was fitted with receivers for taking guidance

from these bells, as her Captain described afterwards in a

published account of his search. "On my ship," he said, "there

are two apertures on either side of the bow, which you might

call submarine ears. They are connected by wires with a

telephone receiver on the bridge. By listening at this

telephone and switching the instrument from the starboard

‘ear’ to the port ‘ear’ and back again, you can hear the faint

tones of the lightship’s submarine bell when you get in range

of it. If the tone is louder through the starboard ‘ear’ than

through the port ‘ear,’ you know the lightship is on your

starboard side. If the tone is exactly the same through both

‘ears,’ you know the lightship is dead ahead. This apparatus

helped me greatly."

Nevertheless, the "Baltic’s" search for the "Republic" went on

through twelve hours, like that of "a hound on the scent," as

the Captain described it. Meantime, the passengers of the

"Republic" had been transferred to the "Florida," which seemed

well afloat, and the "Baltic" now took everybody from both,

the total exceeding 1500. The "Republic" was then towed toward

Martha’s Vineyard, but sank a few miles from land, her Captain

remaining until the last minute on board. The conduct of all

connected with the peril and the rescue was fine, and none

more so than that of the sleepless and tireless operator of

the wireless telegraph.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

Marconi Coast Stations in Great Britain taken over by

the British Government.

The following announcement was made by the British Postmaster

General in the House of Commons on the 30th of September,

1909:

"I am glad to say that arrangements have been completed with

the Marconi Company for the transfer to the Post Office of all

their coast stations for communication with ships, including

all plant, machinery, buildings, land, and leases, &c., and

for the surrender of the rights which they enjoy under their

agreement with the Post Office of August, 1904, for licences

or facilities in respect of coast stations intended for such

communication.

"In addition, the Post Office secures the right of using, free

of royalty, the existing Marconi patents and any future

patents or improvements, for a term of 14 years, for the

following purposes:—Communication for all purposes between

stations in the United Kingdom and ships, and between stations

on the mainland of Great Britain and Ireland on the one hand

and outlying islands on the other hand, or between any two

outlying islands; and (except for the transmission of public

telegrams) between any two stations on the mainland; and on

board Post Office cable ships. The inclusive consideration to

be paid to the company is £15,000.

"The arrangement is in no sense an exclusive one. All the

stations will, under the International Radio-Telegraphic

Convention, be open for communication equally to all ships,

whatever system of wireless telegraphy they may carry; and the

Post Office will be free to use or to experiment with any

system of wireless telegraphy at its discretion. All inland

communication of messages by wireless telegraphy will be

entirely under the control of the Post Office. The company

will retain the licence for their long-distance stations at

Poldhu and Clifden, which are primarily intended for

shore-to-shore communication with America. Arrangements have

also been made with Lloyd’s for the transfer to the Post

Office of their wireless stations for communication with

ships, and for the surrender of all claims to licences for

such communication."

{600}

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

Notes of Recent Progress.

A despatch from Seattle, March 5, 1909, reported that "the

steamship Aki Maru of the Nippon Yusen Kaisha fleet

accomplished her recent passage from Yokohama, Japan, to Puget

Sound, a distance of 4,240 miles, without losing communication

with wireless stations on either the Japanese or American

coasts. The accomplishment was made possible by relaying

messages through other vessels of the company, which were

picked up between the Aki Maru and the coast. The Aki Maru was

able to communicate directly with the Japanese coast stations,

when she was 1,400 miles away."

According to Paris correspondence of the London Daily

Telegraph, quoted in the New York Evening Post of

August 21, "wireless messages from New York are now received

or intercepted almost daily by the military station on the

Eiffel Tower. Occasionally radio telegrams have also been

received from Canada, which, it is believed, forms a record in

wireless telegraphy. The communications are at present only of

a desultory nature, but the officer, Commandant Ferie, who is

in charge of the station, hopes to be able soon to organize a

regular service for government, and, perhaps, also for

commercial, purposes. The new apparatus which is now being set

up in the underground office on the Champ de Mars will be more

powerful than any preceding ones, and will be ready probably

by the end of next month. Wireless messages will then be

exchanged regularly between Paris and the eastern coast of the

United States, and perhaps also with Canada."

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

Electro-Chemistry: The Study of the Infinitely Little.

"A new branch of physical chemistry has lately been developed

from the study of the infinitely little which promises to be

the most important science of the future; for it deals most

intimately with the problems of life. This subject is called

electro-chemistry. It is based upon the effect of electricity

in revealing the important reactions and motions of the

smallest particles of matter. The literature of this subject

in current periodicals already exceeds that of any other

department of physical science. Until a comparatively late

day, heat and light were considered the principal agents which

chemists employed to study the reactions of matter. In the new

subject of electro-chemistry, electricity occupies the first

place, as a destroyer and a readjuster; and heat and light are

merely subordinate parts of its manifestations, differing from

it only in length of waves in the ether. The to-and-fro

motion, which is our incontestable fact, is an electrical

vibration. When we consider the investigations in

electro-chemistry, we perceive that the most important actions

of electricity are not those we are conscious of in their

great practical applications; it is rather in subtle and

silent effects that it works its greatest changes on life and

matter."

John Trowbridge,

The Study of the Infinitely Small

(Atlantic Monthly, May, 1902).

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

Entomological Study: What we Owe to it?

Practical Affairs.

"The insect friends and enemies of the farmer are getting

attention. The enemy of the San José scale was found near the

Great Wall of China, and is now cleaning up all our orchards.

The fig-fertilizing insect imported from Turkey has helped to

establish an industry in California that amounts to from fifty

to one hundred tons of dried figs annually, and is extending

over the Pacific coast. A parasitic fly from South Africa is

keeping in subjection the black scale, the worst pest of the

orange and lemon industry in California."

Message of President Roosevelt to Congress, 1904.

"The business man, always on the outlook for a dividend, has

sometimes complained that some of our inquiries do not seem to

him practical, but he must have patience and faith. A few

years ago no knowledge could seem so useless to the practical

man, no research more futile than that which sought to

distinguish between one species of a gnat or tick and another;

yet to-day we know that this knowledge has rendered it

possible to open up Africa and to cut the Panama canal."

A. E. Shipley,

on Research in Zoology, at Meeting of

British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1909.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

Esperanto.

Dr. Zamenhof, a Russian physician, inventor of the proposed

international language called Esperanto, published his first

pamphlet on the subject in 1887; but it was not until ten

years later that the prospect of its extensive use as such

began to be realized. "It was well received, first in Russia,

then in Norway and Sweden. Then it was taken up in France, by

M. de Beaufront. The latter had himself invented an artificial

language, but gave it up as soon as he became acquainted with

the admirable work of his Russian competitor. He is the man

who forced the world at large to stop and seriously consider

Esperanto as the solution of the great problem proposed by men

like Roger Bacon, Descartes, Pascal, Leibnitz, Locke,

Condillac, Voltaire, Diderot, and so many others. From France

it went to Germany, Austria, Switzerland, Italy, and finally

to England, where thirty societies of Esperantists were

created within a little over a year. …

"The general principle upon which Dr. Zamenhof has worked is

this: to eliminate all that is accidental in our national

languages, and to keep what is common to all. In consequence,

and strictly speaking, he invents nothing; he builds entirely

with material that has been in existence for a long time.

Here, then, is the way in which he proceeds regarding the

various elements that are necessary to the formation of a

language.

"The Sounds.

Sounds that are peculiar to one language are eliminated. The

English th and w are not found in French or

German, therefore they are dropped. On the other hand, the

French u, the German ü, and the French nasals do

not exist in English; they too are dropped. The Spanish

ñ and j, and the German ch, have the same

fate. Thus, only sounds which are found everywhere are kept,

and no one will have any difficulty about pronunciation, no

matter to what country he belongs. Spelling is of course

phonetic: one and the same sound for one letter. There are no

mute letters, as in French; neither are there double letters.

…

{601}

"The Accent is always on the penultimate syllable.

Esperanto reminds one of Italian, when spoken, and has proved

extremely melodious for singing.

"The Vocabulary. The principle of internationalism is

applied here in a most ingenious fashion. Dr. Zamenhof

proceeded thus: he compared the dictionaries of the different

languages, and picked out first those words which are common

to them all. He spelled them according to the phonetic system,

dropped the special endings in each idiom, and adopted them as

root-words in his proposed language. … Then he picked out

those which appear in most languages, although not in all. …

For the remaining words,—and there are comparatively few

left,—which are never the same in the different languages, Dr.

Zamenhof selected them in such a manner as to make the task of

acquiring Esperanto equally difficult or equally easy for all

concerned."

A. Schinz,

Esperanto: the Proposed Universal Language

(Atlantic Monthly, January, 1906).

The sixth international Congress of teachers and promoters of

Esperanto is appointed to be held at Washington in 1910. An

influential Esperanto Association has been organized in the

United States, under the presidency of Dr. D. O. S. Lowell, of

the Boston Latin School.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

Eugenics: The Science and Art of being Well-born.

"We know that the old rule, ‘Increase and multiply,’ meant a

vast amount of infant mortality, of starvation, of chronic

disease, of widespread misery. In abandoning that rule, as we

have been forced to do, are we not now left free to seek that

our children, though few, should be at all events fit, the

finest, alike in physical and psychical constitution, that the

world has seen?

"Thus has come about the recent expansion of that conception

of eugenics—or the science and art of being well-born,

and of breeding the human race a step nearer towards

perfection—which a few among us, and more especially Mr.

Francis Galton, have been developing for some years past.

Eugenics is beginning to be felt to possess a living actuality

which it was not felt to possess before. Instead of being a

benevolent scientific fad, it begins to present itself as the

goal to which we are inevitably moving. … Human eugenics need

not be, and is not likely to be, a cold-blooded selection of

partners by some outside scientific authority. But it may be,

and is very likely to be, a slowly growing conviction—first

among the more intelligent members of the community, and then

by imitation and fashion among the less intelligent

members—that our children, the future race, the torch-bearers

of civilisation for succeeding ages, are not the mere result

of chance or Providence, but that, in a very real sense, it is

within our grasp to mould them, that the salvation or

damnation of many future generations lies in our hands, since

it depends on our wise and sane choice of a mate. …

"Eventually, it seems evident, a general system, whether

private or public, whereby all personal facts, biological and

mental, normal and morbid, are duly and systematically

registered, must become inevitable if we are to have a real

guide as to those persons who are most fit or least fit to

carry on the race. Unless they are full and frank, such

records are useless. But it is obvious that for a long time to

come such a system of registration must be private. … Through

the munificence of Mr. Galton and the co-operation of the

University of London the beginning of the attainment of these

eugenic ideals has at length been rendered possible. The

senate of the University has this year appointed Mr. Edgar

Schuster, of New College, Oxford, to the Francis Galton

Research Scholarship in Natural Eugenics. It will be Mr.

Schuster’s duty to carry out investigations into the history

of classes and of families, and to deliver lectures and

publish memoirs on the subject of his investigations. It is a

beginning only, but the end no man can foresee."

Havelock Ellis,

Eugenics and St. Valentine

(Nineteenth Century, May, 1906).

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

The Gasoline Engine.

Writing in 1905, in an article entitled "The Age of Gasoline,"

contributed to the American Review of Reviews, Mr. F.

K. Grain, M. E., gave this brief account of the rapid

development of its use as a producer of power, threatening to

supersede coal: "About fifteen years ago we first began to

hear much of the gasoline engine, which was then in a very

crude state. Its possibilities, however, were so attractive,

and the field for its use so large,—practically

unlimited,—that inventors and manufacturers at once bent their

energies to its development, with the result that the gasoline

engine has reached a degree of perfection in the past few years

that is surprising in view of the fact that the designers were

working out a new problem in a practically unknown field, and

consequently had no data, theoretical or practical, of any value

to assist. … As a motive power, utilized by means of the

internal-combustion engine, gasoline is at this time

revolutionizing travel, through the automobile. The

automobile, in turn, has been the means of adapting gasoline

to propulsion of railway trains, as this form of power is

found especially useful on short lines where the traffic is

light. Several railroads are now building gasoline motor cars

of considerable size. …

"The gasoline engine as now made is an adaptation of the steam

engine, employing the gas produced by gasoline as a means of

energy. Contrary to the general understanding, the gas or

gasoline engine is but a high-pressure caloric motor. The

power in the gasoline motor is derived by igniting the gas

produced in the cylinder, which in turn by its heat expands,

the atmosphere imparting energy to the piston by its

expansion. A common error is the supposition that the

explosion of the gas produces the power, the same as a blow

from a hammer, whereas it is the heat generated by the

ignition of the compressed gases acting expansively."

One of the speakers at a Congress of Applied Chemistry held in

London in May, 1909, said that it seemed almost certain that

for most purposes on land the internal combustion engine would

before long replace the steam engine, at any rate for moderate

powers; for whereas the best types of the latter furnish only

about 12 per cent, of the energy of the fuel in the form of

work, the former can ordinarily be made to yield 25 per cent.,

and in the case of the Diesel engine the return is as much as

37 per cent.

{602}

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Interferometer, The:

Principle of the Invention of Professor Michelson for

Infinitesimal Measurements.

Suggestion of an Unvarying Unit of Measurement.

"In the measurement of length or motion a most refined

instrument is the interferometer, devised by Professor A. A.

Michelson, of the University of Chicago. It enables an

observer to detect a movement through one five-millionth of an

inch. The principle involved is illustrated in a simple

experiment. If by dropping a pebble at each of two centres,

say a yard apart, in a still pond, we send out two systems of

waves, each system will ripple out in a series of concentric

circles. If, when the waves meet, the crests from one set of

waves coincide with the depressions from the other set, the

water in that particular spot becomes smooth because one set

of waves destroys the other. In this case we may say that the

waves interfere. If, on the other hand, the crests of waves

from two sources should coincide, they would rise to twice

their original height. Light-waves sent out in a similar mode

from two points may in like manner either interfere, and

produce darkness, or unite to produce light of double

brilliancy. These alternate dark and bright bands are called

interference fringes. When one of the two sources of light is

moved through a very small space, the interference fringes at

a distance move through a space so much larger as to be easily

observed and measured, enabling an observer to compute the

short path through which a light-source has moved. … Many

diverse applications of the interferometer have been

developed, as, for example, in thermometry. The warmth of a

hand held near a pencil of light is enough to cause a wavering

of the fringes. A lighted match shows contortions. … When the

air is heated its density and refractive power diminish: it

follows that if this experiment is tried under conditions

which show a regular and measurable displacement of the

fringes, their movement will indicate the temperature of the

air. This method has been applied to ascertain very high

temperatures, such as those of the blast furnace. Most metals

expand one or two parts in 100,000 for a rise in temperature

of one degree centigrade. When a small specimen is examined

the whole change to be measured may be only about 1/10000

inch, a space requiring a good microscope to perceive, but

readily measured by an interferometer. It means a displacement

amounting to several fringes, and this may be measured to

within of a fringe or less; so that the whole displacement may

be measured to within a fraction of one per cent. Of course,

with long bars the accuracy attainable is much greater.

"The interferometer has much refined the indications of the

balance. In a noteworthy experiment Professor Michelson found

the amount of attraction which a sphere of lead exerted on a

small sphere hung on an arm of a delicate balance. The amount

of this attraction when two such spheres touch is proportional

to the diameter of the large sphere, which in this case was

about eight inches. The attraction on the small ball on the

end of the balance was thus the same fraction of its weight as

the diameter of the large ball was of the diameter of the

earth,—something like one twenty-millionth. So the force to be

measured was one twenty-millionth of the weight of this small

ball. In the interferometer the approach of the small ball to

the large one produced a displacement of seven whole fringes."

George Iles,

Inventors at Work,

pages 214-218 (Doubleday, Page & Co., New York).

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

International Congresses of Science.

The most notable of the gatherings at St. Louis in 1904,

connected with the Louisiana Purchase Exposition, was the

Congress of Arts and Science.

See (in this Volume)

ST. LOUIS: A. D. 1904.

Hardly less important from some points of view was the meeting

of the First Pan-American Scientific Congress, at Santiago,

Chile, beginning on the 25th of December, 1908. It had been

preceded by three scientific congresses of the Latin-American

states, at Buenos Aires in 1898, at Montevideo in 1901, and at

Rio de Janeiro in 1905. The Pan-American comprehensiveness was

given to a fourth one by an official invitation from the

Chilean Government to the Government of the United States to

send delegates to the meeting, and a further invitation from

the Chilean Committee of Organization to fifteen of the

prominent universities of the United States to do the same.

The response to the invitation was cordial, and both of the

American continents were well represented at the Congress. The

programme of topics for discussion included a number of

historically and politically scientific questions of specially

American interest, such, for example, as the following:

"An explanation of the reasons why the colonies of English

America were able to unite into a single state after they had

attained their independence, while those of Spanish America

never succeeded in establishing a permanent union.

"The extent to which America has come to possess a

civilization, as well as interests and problems, different

from those of Europe.

"Given the special circumstances of the states of the New

World, would it be feasible to create an American

international law? and if so, upon what bases should it rest,

and how should it be composed?"

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: The Moving Picture Show.

The Millions entertained by it in the United States.

In 1908, in the United States, "the moving-picture show drew

an attendance of 4,000,000 daily, a total attendance of more

than a billion; or an average of one visit a month to this

form of amusement for every man, woman, and child in the whole

country. Already this infant industry has developed to a point

where $50,000,000 is invested in it, and 7,000 moving-picture

houses are scattered over the country. Of the larger cities,

Chicago has at present 313 moving-picture shows, and probably

will have 500 before the end of the present year. New York has

300, St. Louis 205, Philadelphia 186, San Francisco 131,

Pittsburgh 90, and Boston 31. Hundreds of smaller cities and

towns have from one to a dozen, and the craze has extended to

Mexico, Central and South America, and the Panama Canal Zone.

Nearly 1,000,000 feet, or 190 miles, of films are shown every

day in the United States. … Making of these films is in itself

an enormous business. The organization which controls them not

only has agents photographing scenes in every part of the

world, but maintains theatres and out-of-door establishments,

where complete plays and all sorts of other activities are

presented before the camera."

New York Evening Post.

{603}

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Opsonins:

A remarkable new Discovery in Biology.

Discovery of the functions of the white corpuscles found in

the blood of animals was begun, it is said, by Dr. Augustus

Waller, in 1843, and continued in much later years by

Professor Metchnikoff, who was associated with the work of

Pasteur. The latter determined the surprising and extremely

important fact that the white corpuscles or cells are

essentially minute living creatures, which serve the larger

creature they inhabit as a sanitary guard, defending it

against the invasion of microbes that are hostile to its

health. They pursue and devour these malignant invaders;

whence the name that has been given to them, of "phagocytes,"

or "eating cells."

"When we study the process familiarly known as ‘inflammation,’

we find the most perfect illustration at once of the duties of

the white blood-cells and of the new phase and meaning of a

common occurrence which are revealed by research.

‘Inflammation’ is a process which follows upon a large variety

of injuries, and which marks the onset and course of many

diseases, from a scratch on the finger to an inflammation of

the lungs. … Given a simple scratch and the phagocytes

stimulated by the injury to the tissues will come hurrying to

the scene of the accident like ambulance men, eager to assist

in the removal of any deleterious matter, and to give their

aid in the healing process and in the formation of the new

tissue, the production of which will complete the cure. But

given a scratch that inoculates the finger with ‘dirt,’ which

is only another name for microbes, and the nature of

inflammation becomes clearer to us. In a few hours the finger

will begin to feel painful; its temperature will rise; it will

appear red and ‘inflamed,’ and it will exhibit swelling. Later

on, if we puncture the swelling, we shall find a yellow fluid,

which we name ‘pus,’ or ‘matter,’ escaping from the puncture.

Now to what are the symptoms of inflammation due? The plain

answer is, that they represent the results of a great

migration of phagocytes from the blood-vessels, destined to

attack, and if possible remove, the infective particles which

threaten to do us injury. The inflammation, in this view, is

the evidence of a battle being fought in our favour, and often

with very long odds against us. If our phagocytes gain a

complete victory, we escape the suppuration which we saw to

result in the shape of the ‘festering’ finger. If, on the

other hand, they sustain defeat, they will fight on, leaving

their dead behind. It is the dead white blood-cells, which

have fallen in the fray, which constitute the ‘pus’ or

‘matter’ we find in wounds. … These dead cells, like the

corpses of soldiers who fall in battle, later become hurtful

to the organism they in their lifetime were anxious to protect

from harm, for they are fertile sources of septicaemia and

pyaemia (blood-poisoning)—the pestilence and scourge so much

dreaded by operative surgeons.

"Such is the story which forms the natural prologue to the

history of ‘Opsonins.’ For many a day after the publication of

Metchnikoff’s discoveries regarding the germ-killing power of

the phagocytes, it was held that these living cells alone

accomplished the duty of disposing of troublesome invaders.

Later on, other opinions were advanced to the effect that

while the phagocytes did undoubtedly accomplish their work in

the direction indicated, they demanded aid to that end from an

outside source. This source was indicated and represented by

the plasma or blood-fluid itself. The fluid part of the blood

had long been known to possess germ-killing properties, but

the extent of its powers in this direction had not been duly

determined, nor had the important point been settled whether

the plasma as a whole or only part thereof aided the white

blood-cells in their forays on microbes. … Researches made

prior to the year 1903 gave cause for the belief in the

importance of the blood-plasma in whole or in part, but it was

in the year just named that very important investigations were

undertaken with the view to determining the exact status of

the blood-fluid in work of bactericidal kind. Drs. Wright and

Douglas of St. Mary’s Hospital, London, undertook a piece of

research conducted on lines somewhat different from those on

which previous work of this nature had been carried on. They

proceeded first of all by the aid of delicate processes to

separate the blood-corpuscles from the blood-fluid. The white

blood-cells were thus kept in a medium or fluid of neutral

kind, while the blood-fluid itself on the other hand was

obtained free from its corpuscles. Next in order an emulsion

of certain microbes capable of producing disease was made in a

solution of salt. When the phagocytes, alive, of course, in

their neutral fluid, were allowed access to the germs they did

not attack them. It was as if two contending armies had been

brought face to face, waiting to attack, but restrained by

some negotiations proceeding between the commanders. The case

was at once altered, and the battle began, when the

experimenters brought the separated blood-fluid into the

field. Added to the germs and to the phagocytes these

elements, which had been ‘spoiling for a fight,’ joined issue,

and the white blood-cells performed their normal work of

microbe-baiting. There was but one inference to be drawn from

these facts. Clearly, the addition of the blood-fluid supplied

some condition or other, necessary for the development of the

fighting powers of the cells. … Our investigators are of the

opinion that the real source of the power possessed by the

blood-fluid or ‘plasma’ is to be sought and found in

substances contained therein and called ‘Opsonins.’ We can now

appreciate the meaning of this term. It is derived from the

classic verb for catering, for preparing food or for providing

food. The view taken of opsonic action justifies the use of

the word, for it is believed that these substances perform

their share of the germ-destroying work, not by urging on or

stimulating the phagocytes to the attack, but, on the

contrary, by acting on the microbes, by weakening their powers

of resistance and by rendering them the easy prey of the white

blood-cells. The ‘Opsonins’ are carried by the blood-stream

everywhere, and it is when they come in contact with any

microbe-colonies in the body that they exert their specific

action on the germs. … The idea that the more active our white

blood-cells are, and the more extensive and complete their

work, the greater the amount of ‘Opsonins’ present, is one

which seems to be founded on a rational basis. This view

regards these substances as the real cause of phagocytic

activity. That ‘Opsonins’ furthermore appear to possess

definite degrees of power seems proved by the observation that

a person’s blood may contain sufficient to deal with one

disease in the way of stimulating the phagocytes to work,

while the same quantity would not equal half that required to

effect a satisfactory attack on another and different disease.

What has been called the ‘opsonic index ’ of a person is the

standard, if so we may call it, or measure of his germ-killing

power, in so far as the amount of ‘Opsonins’ contained in his

blood is concerned. By a technical procedure and calculation

the experimenter can compute the opsonic power of a given

specimen of blood."

Andrew Wilson,

About Opsonins

(Cornhill, January, 1907).

{604}

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Medical.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Physical:

The New Conceptions of Electricity, Matter and Ether.

Statement by Madame Curie.

Sir Joseph Thomson’s Address to the British Association

at Winnipeg.

Sir Oliver Lodge on the Ether of Space.

"One point which appears to-day to be definitely settled is a

view of atomic structure of electricity, which goes to confirm

and complete the idea that we have long held regarding the

atomic structure of matter, which constitutes the basis of

chemical theories. At the same time that the existence of

electric atoms, indivisible by our present means of research,

appears to be established with certainty, the important

properties of these atoms are also shown. The atoms of

negative electricity which we call electrons, are found to

exist in a free state, independent of all material atoms, and

not having any properties in common with them. In this state

they possess certain dimensions in space, and are endowed with

a certain inertia, which has suggested the idea of attributing

to them a corresponding mass.

"Experiments have shown that their dimensions are very small

compared with those of material molecules, and that their mass

is only a small fraction, not exceeding one one-thousandth of

the mass of an atom of hydrogen. They show also that if these

atoms can exist isolated, they may also exist in all ordinary

matter, and may be in certain cases emitted by a substance

such as a metal without its properties being changed in a

manner appreciable by us.

"If, then, we consider the electrons as a form of matter, we

are led to put the division of them beyond atoms and to admit

the existence of a kind of extremely small particles able to

enter into the composition of atoms, but not necessarily by

their departure involving atomatic destruction. Looking at it

in this light, we are led to consider every atom as a

complicated structure, and this supposition is rendered

probable by the complexity of the emission spectra which

characterize the different atoms. We have thus a conception

sufficiently exact of the atoms of negative electricity.

"It is not the same for positive electricity, for a great

dissimilarity appears to exist between the two electricities.

Positive electricity appears always to be found in connection

with material atoms, and we have no reason, thus far, to

believe that they can be separated. Our knowledge relative to

matter is also increased by an important fact. A new property

of matter has been discovered which has received the name of

radioactivity. Radioactivity is the property which the atoms

of certain substances possess of shooting off particles, some

of which have a mass comparable to that of the atoms

themselves, while the others are the electrons. This property,

which uranium and thorium possess in a slight degree, has led

to the discovery of a new chemical element, radium, whose

radioactivity is very great. Among the particles expelled by

radium are some which are ejected with great velocity, and

their expulsion is accompanied with a considerable evolution

of heat. A radioactive body constitutes, then, a source of

energy.

"According to the theory which best accounts for the phenomena

of radioactivity, a certain proportion of the atoms of a

radioactive body is transformed in a given time, with the

production of atoms of less atomic weight, and in some cases

with the expulsion of electrons. This is a theory of the

transmutation of elements, but differs from the dreams of the

alchemists in that we declare ourselves, for the present at

least, unable to induce or influence the transmutation.

Certain facts go to show that radioactivity appertains in a

slight degree to all kinds of matter. It may be, therefore,

that matter is far from being as unchangeable or inert as it

was formerly thought; and is, on the contrary, in continual

transformation, although this transformation escapes our

notice by its relative slowness."

Madame Curie,

Modern Theories of Electricity and Matter

(Annual Report, Smithsonian Institution, 1905-1906,

pages 103-104).

A remarkable summary of recent advances in physical science,

by Sir Joseph Thomson, in his presidential address at the

opening (August 25, 1909) of the seventy-ninth annual meeting

of the British Association for the Advancement of Science,

held at Winnipeg, Canada, contains what is, without doubt, the

most successful of endeavors to give some understanding of the

new conceptions of matter, ether and electricity, with which

scientists are now working, to minds that have not been

scientifically trained. Sir Joseph treats the subject at more

length than can be given to it here, but abridgment seems

possible without robbing it of the more important parts of its

rich content of information:

"The period which has elapsed since the Association last met

in Canada [1897] has been," said the President, "one of almost

unparalleled activity in many branches of physics, and many

new and unsuspected properties of matter and electricity have

been discovered. The history of this period affords a

remarkable illustration of the effect which may be produced by

a single discovery; for it is, I think, to the discovery of

the Röntgen rays that we owe the rapidity of the progress

which has recently been made in physics. A striking discovery

like that of the Röntgen rays acts much like the discovery of

gold in a sparsely populated country; it attracts workers who

come in the first place for the gold, but who may find that

the country has other products, other charms, perhaps even

more valuable than the gold itself. The country in which the

gold was discovered in the case of the Röntgen rays was the

department of physics dealing with the discharge of

electricity through gases, a subject which, almost from the

beginning of electrical science, had attracted a few

enthusiastic workers, who felt convinced that the key to

unlock the secret of electricity was to be found in a vacuum

tube.

{605}

Röntgen, in 1895, showed that when electricity passed through

such a tube the tube emitted rays which could pass through

bodies opaque to ordinary light; which could, for example,

pass through the flesh of the body and throw a shadow of the

bones on a suitable screen. … It is not, however, to the power

of probing dark places, important though this is, that the

influence of Röntgen rays on the progress of science has

mainly been due; it is rather because these rays make gases,

and, indeed, solids and liquids, through which they pass,

conductors of electricity. … The study of gases exposed to

Röntgen rays has revealed in such gases the presence of

particles charged with electricity; some of these particles

are charged with positive, others with negative, electricity.

The properties of these particles have been investigated; we

know the charge they carry, the speed with which they move

under an electric force, the rate at which the oppositely

charged ones recombine, and these investigations have thrown a

new light, not only on electricity, but also on the structure

of matter. We know from these investigations that electricity,

like matter, is molecular in structure, that just as a

quantity of hydrogen is a collection of an immense number of

small particles called molecules, so a charge of electricity

is made up of a great number of small charges, each of a

perfectly definite and known amount. … Nay, further, the

molecular theory of matter is indebted to the molecular theory

of electricity for the most accurate determination of its

fundamental quantity, the number of molecules in any given

quantity of an elementary substance.

"The great advantage of the electrical methods for the study

of the properties of matter is due to the fact that whenever a

particle is electrified it is very easily identified, whereas

an uncharged molecule is most elusive; and it is only when

these are present in immense numbers that we are able to

detect them. …

"We have already made considerable progress in the task of

discovering what the structure of electricity is. We have

known for some time that of one kind of electricity—the

negative—and a very interesting one it is. We know that

negative electricity is made up of units all of which are of

the same kind; that these units are exceedingly small compared

with even the smallest atom. … The size of these corpuscles is

on an altogether different scale from that of atoms; the

Volume of a corpuscle bears to that of the atom about the same

relation as that of a speck of dust to the Volume of this

room. Under suitable conditions they move at enormous speeds,

which approach in some instances the velocity of light. The

discovery of these corpuscles is an interesting example of the

way Nature responds to the demands made upon her by

mathematicians. Some years before the discovery of corpuscles

it had been shown by a mathematical investigation that the

mass of a body must be increased by a charge of electricity.

This increase, however, is greater for small bodies than for

large ones, and even bodies as small as atoms are hopelessly

too large to show any appreciable effect; thus the result

seemed entirely academic. After a time corpuscles were

discovered, and these are so much smaller than the atom that

the increase in mass due to the charge becomes not merely

appreciable, but so great that, as the experiments of Kaufmann

and Bucherer have shown, the whole of the mass of the

corpuscle arises from its charge.

"We know a great deal about negative electricity; what do we

know about positive electricity? Is positive electricity

molecular in structure? Is it made up into units, each unit

carrying a charge equal in magnitude though opposite in sign

to that carried by a corpuscle? … The investigations made on

the unit of positive electricity show that it is of quite a

different kind from the unit of negative; the mass of the

negative unit is exceedingly small compared with any atom; the

only positive units that up to the present have been detected

are quite comparable in mass with the mass of an atom of

hydrogen; in fact they seem equal to it. This makes it more

difficult to be certain that the unit of positive electricity

has been isolated, for we have to be on our guard against its

being a much smaller body attached to the hydrogen atoms which

happen to be present in the vessel. … At present the smallest

positive electrified particles of which we have direct

experimental evidence have masses comparable with that of an

atom of hydrogen.

"A knowledge of the mass and size of the two units of

electricity, the positive and the negative, would give us the

material for constructing what may be called a molecular

theory of electricity, and would be a starting point for a

theory of the structure of matter; for the most natural view

to take, as a provisional hypothesis, is that matter is just a

collection of positive and negative units of electricity, and

that the forces which hold atoms and molecules together, the

properties which differentiate one kind of matter from

another, all have their origin in the electrical forces

exerted by positive and negative units of electricity, grouped

together in different ways in the atoms of the different

elements. As it would seem that the units of positive and

negative electricity are of very different sizes, we must

regard matter as a mixture containing systems of very

different types, one type corresponding to the small

corpuscle, the other to the large positive unit. Since the

energy associated with a given charge is greater the smaller

the body on which the charge is concentrated, the energy

stored up in the negative corpuscles will be far greater than

that stored up by the positive. The amount of energy which is

stored up in ordinary matter in the form of the electrostatic

potential energy of its corpuscles is, I think, not generally

realized. … This energy is fortunately kept fast bound by the

corpuscles; if at any time an appreciable fraction were to get

free the earth would explode and become a gaseous nebula. The

matter of which I have been speaking so far is the material

which builds up the earth, the sun, and the stars, the matter

studied by the chemist, and which he can represent by a

formula; this matter occupies, however, but an insignificant

fraction of the universe; it forms but minute islands in the

great ocean of the ether, the substance with which the whole

universe is filled.

{606}

"The ether is not a fantastic creation of the speculative

philosopher; it is as essential to us as the air we breathe.

For we must remember that we on this earth are not living on

our own resources; we are dependent from minute to minute upon

what we are getting from the sun, and the gifts of the sun are

conveyed to us by the ether. It is to the sun that we owe not

merely night and day, springtime and harvest, but it is the

energy of the sun, stored up in coal, in waterfalls, in food,

that practically does all the work of the world. … On the

electro-magnetic theory of light, now universally accepted,

the energy streaming to the earth travels through the ether in

electric waves; thus practically the whole of the energy at

our disposal has at one time or another been electrical

energy. The ether must, then, be the seat of electrical and

magnetic forces. We know, thanks to the genius of Clerk

Maxwell, the founder and inspirer of modern electrical theory,

the equations which express the relation between these forces,

and although for some purposes these are all we require, yet

they do not tell us very much about the nature of the ether.

"Let us consider some of the facts known about the ether. When

light falls on a body and is absorbed by it, the body is

pushed forward in the direction in which the light is

travelling, and if the body is free to move it is set in

motion by the light. Now it is a fundamental principle of

dynamics that when a body is set moving in a certain

direction, or, to use the language of dynamics, acquires

momentum in that direction, some other mass must lose the same

amount of momentum; in other words, the amount of momentum in

the universe is constant. Thus, when the body is pushed

forward by the light, some other system must have lost the

momentum the body acquires, and the only other system

available is the wave of light falling on the body; hence we

conclude that there must have been momentum in the wave in the

direction in which it is travelling. Momentum, however,

implies mass in motion. We conclude, then, that in the ether

through which the wave is moving there is mass moving with the

velocity of light. The experiments made on the pressure due to

light enable us to calculate this mass. …

"The place where the density of the ether carried along by an

electric field rises to its highest value is close to a

corpuscle, for round the corpuscles are by far the strongest

electric fields of which we have any knowledge. We know the

mass of the corpuscle, we know from Kaufmann’s experiments

that this arises entirely from the electric charge, and is

therefore due to the ether carried along with the corpuscle by

the lines of force attached to it. … Around the corpuscle

ether must have an extravagant density; whether the density is

as great as this in other places depends upon whether the

ether is compressible or not. If it is compressible, then it

may be condensed round the corpuscles, and there have an

abnormally great density; if it is not compressible, then the

density in free space cannot be less than the number I have

just mentioned. With respect to this point we must remember

that the forces acting on the ether close to the corpuscle are

prodigious. … I do not know at present of any effect which

would enable us to determine whether ether is compressible or

not. And although at first sight the idea that we are immersed

in a medium almost infinitely denser than lead might seem

inconceivable, it is not so if we remember that in all

probability matter is composed mainly of holes. We may, in

fact, regard matter as possessing a bird-cage kind of

structure in which the Volume of the ether disturbed by the

wires when the structure is moved is infinitesimal in

comparison with the Volume enclosed by them. If we do this, no

difficulty arises from the great density of the ether; all we

have to do is to increase the distance between the wires in

proportion as we increase the density of the ether."

Some English journals, in discussing Sir Joseph Thomson’s

address at Winnipeg, spoke doubtingly of its scientific

soundness, regarding it as too speculative, representing

conclusions in advance of what physical science had obtained a

real warrant to draw. These newspaper critics were called

sharply to account by Sir Oliver Lodge, and told that they

were suspicious of Sir Joseph’s statements only because they

knew nothing of the data on which he founded them.

In a magazine article of the previous year, Sir Oliver Lodge

had already traversed part of the ground covered by the

impressive review of Sir Joseph Thomson. In that article he

said of the present conception of the ether of space, as

accepted among the leaders of physical science:

"When a steel spring is bent or distorted, what is it that is

really strained? Not the atoms—the atoms are only displaced;

it is the connecting links that are strained—the connecting

medium—the ether. Distortion of a spring is really distortion

of the ether. All strain exists in the ether. Matter can only

be moved. Contact does not exist between the atoms of matter

as we know them; it is doubtful if a piece of matter ever

touches another piece, any more than a comet touches the sun

when it appears to rebound from it; but the atoms are

connected, as the planets, the comets and the sun are

connected, by a continuous plenum without break or

discontinuity of any kind. Matter acts on matter solely

through the ether. But whether matter is a thing utterly

distinct and separate from the ether, or whether it is a

specifically modified portion of it—modified in such a way as

to be susceptible of locomotion, and yet continuous with all

the rest of the ether,—which can be said to extend everywhere,

far beyond the bounds of the modified and tangible portion

called matter—are questions demanding, and I may say in

process of receiving, answers.

"Every such answer involves some view of the universal, and

possibly infinite, uniform, omnipresent connecting medium, the

ether of space."

Oliver Lodge,

The Ether of Space

(North American Review, May, 1908).

[Transcriber's Note: The Michelson-Morley experiment 21

years earlier had cast doubt on the ether concept.

https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/70888]

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Radium and Radio-activity:

The Discovery by Professor and Madame Curie.

The Light it throws on many Scientific Problems.

Faraday’s Prophetic Anticipation.

The Dissolution of Atoms.

"In his first treatise on the X-rays, Röntgen [see in Volume

VI.] drew attention to the fact that they proceeded from those

parts of the Röntgen tubes where the glass, under the

influence of the impinging cathode rays, showed the most

fluorescence. It therefore seemed possible that the existence

of these mysterious rays was in some way dependent on

previously acquired fluorescence, and many physicists tried to

ascertain with the well-known Balmain dyes, which become

luminous after exposure to the light, if results could be

obtained resembling those with a Röntgen tube.

{607}

"Similar attempts by the French physicist, Henri Becquerel,

were crowned with success in an unexpected direction. He

exposed a uranium salt to the light, and then placing it in a

dark room on a photographic plate covered with opaque paper he

demonstrated the action of these rays on the plate through the

paper, thin sheets of metal, etc. But the supposed and

sought-for relation of the rays to the previous fluorescence

was not evident, for Becquerel obtained precisely the same

results with preparations of uranium which had not only not

been previously exposed directly to the light, but had

purposely been kept some time in darkness and could therefore

display no stored-up luminescence. He had, however, discovered

the uranium or Becquerel rays. …

"At Becquerel’s suggestion Madame Curie undertook a systematic

investigation of all the chemical elements and established the

fact that with none of them, excepting uranium and thorium,

could an appreciable effect indicating rays be obtained with

her apparatus. On the other hand, she found that many of the

minerals investigated showed noticeable action in this

direction. The fact that a few of them, the uranium

pitchblende, for example, from Joachimsthal, Bohemia, emitted

rays three or four times stronger than those of pure uranium,

and which could not therefore be announced as uranium rays,

led her to suppose that in the pitchblende itself, apart from

the uranium, there must exist a still more powerful

radioactive substance. It is a matter of record how, in this

research, which might serve as a model for such work, she and

her husband, so soon afterwards to lose his life by a

deplorable accident, succeeded in tracing this supposed

substance more and more accurately, and finally in obtaining

it pure. Madame Curie thus became the discoverer of radium, a

new element possessed of wonderful, of fabulous qualities.

"Besides Madame Curie no other investigator but Professor

Braunschweig, so far as I know, has yet succeeded in obtaining

pure radium."

Franz Himstedt,

Radioactivity (Annual Report, Smithsonian Institution,

1905-1906, pages 117-118).

"The phenomena of radio-activity revive interest in the

prophetic views of Michael Faraday. In 1816, when he was but

twenty-four years of age, he delivered a lecture at the Royal

Institution in London on Radiant Matter. In the course of his

remarks there occurs this passage:—‘If we now conceive a

change as far beyond vaporization as that is above fluidity,

and then take into account the proportional increased extent

of alteration as the changes arise, we shall perhaps, if we

can form any conception at all, not fall short of radiant

matter; and as in the last conversion many qualities were

lost, so here also many more would disappear. It was the

opinion of Newton, and of many other distinguished

philosophers, that this conversion was possible, and

continually going on in the processes of nature, and they

found that the idea would bear without injury the applications

of mathematical reasoning—as regards heat, for instance. If

assumed, we must also assume the simplicity of matter; for it

would follow that all the variety of substances with which we

are acquainted could be converted into one of three kinds of

radiant matter; which again may differ from each other only in

the size of their particles or their form. The properties of

known bodies would then be supposed to arise from the varied

arrangements of their ultimate atoms, and belong to substances

only as long as their compound nature existed; and thus

variety of matter and variety of properties would be found

co-essential.’"

George Iles,

Inventors at Work,

pages 204-205 (Doubleday, Page & Co., New York).

"An ascertained commercial value of £4 per milligramme

(equivalent to £114,000 per ounce) has been placed upon radium

by a contract just entered into between the British

Metalliferous Mines (Limited) and Lord Iveagh and Sir Ernest

Cassel for the supply of 7½ grammes (rather more than a

quarter of an ounce) of pure radium bromide. This very large

order for radium will be supplied from the above named

company’s mine near Grampound Road in Cornwall."

London Times, June 21, 1909.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

The Mono-Rail Gyroscopic System.

A mechanical invention not yet developed, but which seems more

than likely to count among the most important of the next few

years, is that known as the Brennan mono-rail system, which

balances cars and trains of cars on a single rail by use of

the principle of the gyroscope. It was first exhibited by its

English inventor, Mr. Louis Brennan, in model form, before the

Royal Society, in 1907, and won so much confidence in its

possibilities that the British War Office and the India Office

gave financial assistance to meet the cost of the long

experiments that were necessary for adapting the system to

service on a large practical scale. The result of these

experiments was exhibited in public trials at New Brompton,

England, and, subsequently, at New York, in the later part of

1909. The following account of the exhibition at New Brompton

was given by The Times:

"The car with which the test runs were carried out is 40 ft.

in length and 10 ft. in width; its weight is 22 tons, and it

is designed for a load of 10 to 15 tons. The weight of the

gyroscopes, of which there are two, is 1½ tons, each having a

diameter of 3 ft. 6 in. The speed of rotation is 3,000 r. p.

m., or considerably less than it was in the 6 ft. model

exhibited before the Royal Society. It would be possible for

the car to obtain the necessary power by collecting current

from an overhead wire with a consequent saving of weight, but

in the present example the motive power is provided by two

Wolseley petrol engines, one of 80 h. p., and the other of 20

h. p., driving two direct-current shunt-wound motors of the

Siemens type. It is not necessary that the car should be

propelled electrically, and steam or other motive power could

be employed; but in any case it would be necessary to spin the

gyroscopes electrically, this method being ideal for the

purpose. The air is exhausted from the gyroscope cases, the

pressure in them being equivalent to from ½ in. to 5/8 in. of

mercury. It is hoped in future installations to design the

gyroscopes for higher speeds, and in that case it would be

possible to reduce the size and weight of the equipment. In

this first car the gyroscopes run in the vertical plane, but

that is merely for convenience, the essential feature being

that the trunnions should be at right angles to the track. …

{608}

"Several experimental trips were made on the factory circular

track as well as on the straight, and the car travelled with

remarkable steadiness throughout. It is not likely that the

Brennan mono-rail will find any wide field of application in

this country, but there would appear to be great advantages in

the system for mountain railways in India and elsewhere, and,

indeed, it seems suitable for adoption in any country where

new railways are being planned. The inventor lays stress on

the absolute safety of the system at speeds ranging up to

about 150 miles per hour."

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

Sanitary.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

Submarine Signal Bells.

In May, 1909, it was announced from Washington that "the

Government, recognizing the substantial service rendered to

shipping by submarine bells, has decided to extend their

installation from time to time to light vessels and stations

on both coasts and upon the great lakes. At present forty-six

of the light vessels are thus equipped, and the signals which

they send out are of undoubted aid to deep-water navigation.

Canada, England, Germany, Holland, France, Sweden, and Denmark

are following suit. The bells operate during fogs and at night

and the sound waves emitted by the bell under water have been

known to travel as far as twenty-seven miles. These sound

waves are picked up by the receiving microphones on board

ships, and by the code signal of each station the vessel’s

navigator is able to tell where he is."

See (in this Volume) above,

ELECTRICAL: WIRELESS TELEGRAPHY:

THE CRY THAT BROUGHT HELP.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

The Turbine Steam Engine.

Its Successful Development.

First Use on Ocean Steamers.

The "Lusitania" and "Mauretania."

"For a long time and well into the nineteenth century, water

was lifted by pistons moving in cylindrical pumps. Meantime

the turbine grew steadily in favor as a water motor, arriving

at last at high efficiency. This gave designers a hint to

reverse the turbine and use it as a water lifter or pump: this

machine, duly built, with a continuous instead of an

intermittent motion, showed much better results than the

old-fashioned pump. The turbine-pump is accordingly adopted

for many large waterworks, deep mines and similar

installations. This advance from to-and-fro to rotary action

extended irresistibly to steam as a motive power. It was clear

that if steam could be employed in a turbine somewhat as water

is, much of the complexity and loss inherent in reciprocating

engines would be brushed aside. A pioneer inventor in this

field was Gustave Patrich De Laval, of Stockholm, who

constructed his first steam turbine along the familiar lines

of the Barker mill. Steam is so light that for its utmost

utilization as a jet a velocity of about 2,000 feet a second

is required, a rate which no material is strong enough to

allow. De Laval by using the most tenacious metal for his

turbines is able to give their swiftest parts a speed of as

much as 1400 feet a second. His apparatus is cheap, simple and

efficient; it is limited to about 300 horse-power. Its chief

feature is its divergent nozzle, which permits the outflowing

steam to expand fully with all the effect realized in a steam

cylinder provided with expansion valve gear. Another device of

De Laval which makes his turbine a safe and desirable prime

mover is the flexible shaft which has a little, self-righting

play under the extreme pace of its rotation.

"Of direct action turbines the De Laval is the chief; of

compound turbines, in which the steam is expanded in

successive stages, the first and most widely adopted was

invented by the Honourable Charles A. Parsons of

Newcastle-on-Tyne. … In 1894 Mr. Parsons launched his

Turbinia, the first steamer to be driven by a turbine. Her

record was so gratifying that a succession of vessels,

similarly equipped, were year by year built for excursion

lines, for transit across the British Channel, for the British

Royal Navy, and for mercantile marine service. The

thirty-fifth of these ships, the Victorian of the Allan

Line, was the first to cross the Atlantic Ocean, arriving at

Halifax, Nova Scotia, April 18, 1905. She was followed by the

Virginian of the same line which arrived at Quebec, May

8, 1905. Not long afterward the Cunard Company sent from

Liverpool to New York the Carmania equipped with steam

turbines, and in every other respect like the Caronia of the

same owners, which is driven by reciprocating engines of the

best model. Thus far the comparison between these two ships is

in favor of the Carmania. The new monster Cunarders, the

Lusitania and the Mauretania, each of 70,000

horse power, are to be propelled by steam turbines. The

principal reasons for this preference are thus given by

Professor Carl C. Thomas:—Decreased cost of operation as

regards fuel, labor, oil, and repairs. Vibration due to

machinery is avoided. Less weight of machinery and coal to be

carried, resulting in greater speed. Greater simplicity of

machinery in construction and operation, causing less

liability to accident and breakdown. Smaller and more deeply

immersed propellers, decreasing the tendency of the machinery

to race in rough weather. Lower centre of gravity of the

machinery as a whole, and increased headroom above the

machinery. According to recent reports, decreased first cost

of machinery."

George Iles,

Inventors at Work,

pages 452-456

(Doubleday, Page & Co., New York).

In August, 1908, the Lusitania made the voyage from

Queenstown to New York in 4 days and 15 hours; again in

February, 1909, in 4 days, 17 hours and 6 minutes. In

September, 1909, the Mauretania crossed from New York

to Queenstown in 4 days, 13 hours and 41 minutes.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

The Washington Memorial Institution.

Extension of the Usefulness of Scientific Work in Departments

of the Government.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901.

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:

The Nobel Prizes.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

See also

EARTHQUAKES.

----------SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:  End--------

----------SCOTLAND: Start--------

SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901 (March).

Census.

According to the returns of the decennial enumeration made on

the night of the 31st of March, 1901, the population of

Scotland that day, "including those in the Royal Navy, and

belonging to the Mercantile shipping in Scottish Ports or on

Scottish waters, number 4,472,000 persons, of whom 2,173,151

are males, and 2,298,849 females.

"When compared with the corresponding population as enumerated

at the Census of 1891, a total increase of 446,353 is found to

have occurred; the male increase being 230,434, and the female

215,919.

{609}

The percentage rate of increase of both sexes during the

decennial period is 11.09—that of the males being 11.86, and

of the females 10.37. The corresponding total rate of increase

during the preceding decennium, 1881-1891, was 7.77 per cent.

… The rate at the present Census for Scotland is, with the

exception of that at 1881, the highest since the decennial

period 1821-1831. …

"In 19 Counties an increase in the population has taken place,

in 14 a decrease. The highest rate of increase—both sexes

combined—is in Linlithgow, 24.4 per cent.; followed by Lanark

with an increase of 21.1 per cent.; Stirling with one of 20.6

per cent.; Renfrew with one of 16.5 per cent.; Dumbarton with

one of 16.2 per cent.; Kincardine with one of 15.3 per cent.;

Fife with one of 15.0 per cent. The greatest falling off

occurs in Berwick, 4.6 per cent.; in Orkney, 5.7 per cent.; in

Roxburgh, 8.8 per cent.; in Caithness 8.9 per cent.; in

Wigtown, 9.4 per cent.; and in Selkirk 15.8 percent. Inverness

stands almost as it was, having increased but 0.1 per cent.,

and the minimum rate of falling off as to population is in

Banff, 0.3 per cent., and Argyll, 0.6 per cent. …

"Among the larger Burghs the increase of population varies not

a little. Thus, in Motherwell, which heads the list, the

increase during the decennial period 1891-1901, is at the rate

of 62.5 per cent. Partick follows with a rate of increase of

48.6 per cent.; Wishaw with one of 36.8 percent.; Hamilton

with one of 31.8 per cent.; Kirkcaldy with one of 25.5

percent.; Falkirk with one of 24.3 per cent.; Govan with one

of 24.2 per cent.; Coatbridge with one of 21.3 per cent.;

Aberdeen with one of 22.9 per cent.; Kilmarnock with one of

20.1 per cent.; Paisley with one of 19.5 per cent.; Airdrie

with one of 16.5 per cent.; Glasgow with one of 15.5 per

cent.; Ayr with one of 15.1 per cent.; Edinburgh with one of

14.8 per cent.; Dunfermline with one of 14.1 percent.; Leith

with one of 12.6 per cent.; Inverness with one of 10.3 per

cent.; Perth with one of 9.9 per cent.; Greenock with one of

7.4 per cent.; and Dundee with one of 4.5 percent.; while

Arbroath indicates a decrease at the rate of 1.9 per cent."

Preliminary Report to Parliament.

The division of population between town districts and rural

districts is shown in the following table:

Groups of Districts.          Males.     Females.    Total.

Town Districts             1,404,382    1,520,698   2,925,080

(Pop. 2,000 and upwards)

Mainland-Rural Districts     479,009      495,172     974,841

Insular-Rural Districts       58,666       67,060     125,726

Total                      1,942,717    2,082,930   4,025,647

SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.

Mr. Carnegie’s great Gift to Universities and Students.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.

SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.

Decision of the House of Lords against the Union, in 1900,

of the Free Church with the United Presbyterian.

All Property given to the Opposing Remnant.

"In 1900, the United Free Church was formed by the union of

the majority of the Free Church with the entire body of the

United Presbyterians, …

See, in Volume VI. of this work,

SCOTLAND: A. D. 1900)

A new organisation placed in the field of Church politics in

Scotland almost equals in respect of numbers and resources to

the Established Church. The small minority opposed to this

union inside the Free Church seceded, held some of the

churches and manses by force, defying authority to the extent,

in one instance, of a month’s imprisonment, and retained the

denomination of ‘The Free Church of Scotland.’ As their

fathers left a ‘vitiated’ Establishment on purpose to preserve

the freedom and purity of the National Church, so they refused to

enter the new union, in order, by standing out, to save the

principles, doctrines, and purposes identified with the

Disruption of 1843. This minority of not more than

twenty-seven ministers and as many congregations, mostly

located in fastnesses beyond the Grampians, is now the Free

Church of Scotland, with Presbytery, Assembly, Moderator—in

short, with the offices and institutions, on a condensed

scale, which are essential in Presbyterian polity. These few

determined people claim to be the faithful remnant of the

Disruptionists. Like Milton’s Abdiel, ‘unshaken, unseduced,

unterrified,’ nor moved to ‘swerve from truth’ or ‘change

their constant mind,’ they claim to have kept their loyalty,

their love, their zeal in the cause of the Disruption through

all the temptations of an age in thought Pyrrhonist, in

morality lax, and in religion Latitudinarian. On the

assumption that they alone were the Free Church, they invoked

the aid of the Civil Courts in their defence. The Court of

Session—both the Ordinary and the Inner Courts—decided in

favour of the United Free Church. Home-made law could not

satisfy the minority, and, on appeal, the House of Lords

reversed the judgment of the Court of Session, declaring the

remnant to be the Free Church of Scotland, and finding that

the United Free Church was a modern composite body which, on

the evidence of its ambidextrous and Latitudinarian

constitution, had abandoned the fundamental doctrines and

principles held by the Disruptionists. In consequence of this

decision, the property of the Free Church, as it existed prior

to the union of 1900, now belongs to the remnant of the

Disruptionists.

"From the side of the losing United Free Church a bitter cry

has arisen against this finality in law. The decision is

formally accepted, yet denounced as unjust and incompetent, as

denying toleration and the right to change its creed to an

autonomous body; and there are murmurs about of the necessity

of an appeal to Parliament. … It seems the rankest injustice

to transfer more than one million in invested funds, nearly a

thousand church buildings, three superior colleges devoted to

the training of Divinity students (one in Edinburgh, another

in Glasgow, and a third in Aberdeen), the magnificent Assembly

Hall in Edinburgh, with the offices attached, probably also

much property in foreign missions, from the United Free Church

to this remnant of Disruptionists, the custodians of the dying

embers of Obscurantism in Scotland."

J. M. Sloan,

The Scottish Free Church

(Fortnightly Review, September, 1904).

{610}

To consider the situation created by the decision of the House

of Lords, a Royal Commission was appointed, which investigated

all the questions involved and reported its findings in April,

1905. In the judgment of the Commission, the Free Church (the

"Wee Frees," as that body was now commonly dubbed) had neither

the numbers nor the resources for putting to their proper use

the enormous endowment which it claimed. At the same time

there would be no justice in delivering those endowments

unconditionally to the United Free Church. It was recommended,

accordingly, that a Commission be constituted by Act of

Parliament to take charge of the whole property and funds

involved, and to arrange for the allocation of the same, to

the end of securing "adequate provision for the due

performance of the purposes for which the funds were raised

and the trusts on which they are held." A Bill in accordance

with this recommendation was passed during the next session of

Parliament.

On the request of the General Assembly of the Church of

Scotland, the same Act enabled the Church to change the

formula of subscription required from its ministers, under the

Act of 1693, so that, on being ordained, a minister shall only

make a "declaration of his faith in the sum and substance of

the doctrine of the Reformed Churches therein contained,

according to such formula as may from time to time be

prescribed by the General Assembly."

SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1909.

Peace followed by Threatened Conflict in

the Coal Mining Industry.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: SCOTLAND.

SCOTLAND: A. D. 1909.

Working of the Old Age Pensions Act.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS.

----------SCOTLAND: End--------

SCOTT, James Brown:

Technical Delegate to the Second Peace Conference.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

SCOTT, Captain K. T.:

Commander of Antarctic Expedition.

See (in this Volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION.

SEAL FISHERY NEGOTIATIONS.

"Negotiations for an international conference to consider and

reach an arrangement providing for the preservation and

protection of the fur seals in the North Pacific are in

progress with the governments of Great Britain, Japan, and

Russia. The attitude of the governments interested leads me to

hope for a satisfactory settlement of this question as the

ultimate outcome of the negotiations."

Message of the President of the United States to Congress,

December 6, 1909.

SEATTLE: A. D. 1909.

The Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition.

"The fair at Seattle," said The World's Work of August,

1909, "is beautiful; that goes without saying, for the best of

man’s art is fitted to the best of Nature’s workmanship to

make a balanced and blended picture never excelled in the long

list of great exhibitions. But better than that, the fair at

Seattle is a definite commercial lesson—and lessons in

commerce last forever. Primarily, the fair is teaching the

people of the United States to know the Pacific coast;

secondarily, it is teaching them a little of Alaska, a little

of Japan, and a little of the Philippines. And the distinctive

feature of this particular fair is the determined effort to

make those lessons true." This seems to describe the

impression which the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition made

generally on the visitors who went to it with an intelligent

purpose in going. It gave them what they went to see, with

fidelity, with fulness, and in most attractive forms of

display. Like its Northwestern predecessor, at Portland, four

years before, it was an almost startling revelation of the

possibilities of planting and ripening in cities, states, and

their social institutions, that lie within trivial spaces of

time in this wonderful present age.

The Exposition was on the grounds of Washington University,

and seven of the principal buildings erected for it were of

permanent construction and remain for the use of the

University. Again, as at Portland, the most interesting of

these buildings architecturally was that for the forestry

exhibit, built of logs and other timber in a state as nearly

natural as it could be kept.

The Exposition was open from June 1st until October 16, and

registered about 3,740,000 visitors.

SEBAHEDDIN.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

SECTARIAN SCHOOL QUESTION.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1903;

also

CANADA: A. D. 1905.

SEDDON, Richard J.: Prime Minister of New Zealand.

His Death.

See (in this Volume)

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1906-1909.

SEGNATURA, The.

See (in this Volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1908.

SEIYU-KAI.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1902 (August); 1903 (June), and 1909.

SELFRIDGE, Lieutenant T. E.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

SENATORS, United States:

Proposed Election by Direct Popular Vote.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES SENATORS.

SENEGAMBIA: A. D. 1904.

Cession of a portion of territory by England to France.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

SENUSSIA,

SENOUSSI:

The Pan-Islamic Movement in Africa.

Sidi Mahomed bin Ali es Senussia and his Sect.

His Doctrine and its Aim.

"We have recently heard, principally apropos of the

disturbances in Egypt, a considerable amount concerning

Pan-Islamism. Taking into consideration how much has been

written on this subject, it is surprising to find how little

has been said concerning one of the principal organisations

for the propagation of Pan-Islamism. I refer to the sect known

as Senussia. … At this present moment there is throughout

Africa very general discontent among the native population,

not only in Mohammedan countries, but universally over the

length and breadth of the entire continent. …

"It is a comparatively easy matter to so influence any warlike

Moslem people to religious enthusiasm that they are instantly

ready in arms to strike a blow for the faith. But the most

significant and sinister symptom of this anti-Christian

crusade is that the message carried by the Senussia agents is,

‘Wait, for the time is not yet ripe. Rest now, but when the

hour arrives, rise, slay, and spare not.’ Taking into

consideration the fact that the Senussia sect was founded in

1835, that its rise has been enormously rapid, and that its

propaganda has been actively and diligently preached in

British possessions for many years past, with scarcely one

definite item of intelligence concerning it being known, it

shows clearly that the motive power and organising

intelligence must be something considerably above the average.

…

{611}

"The sect was founded in 1835 by Sidi Mahomed bin Ali es

Senussia, otherwise known as Sheikh Senussi, an Algerian Arab

born near Mostaganem towards the end of the Turkish dominion.

A lineal descendant of the prophet Mahomed, he first gained a

reputation for sanctity at Fez. He then proceeded to Mecca,

where he commenced preaching. However his success, which was

remarkably rapid, caused great local jealousy and he had

perforce to fly to Egypt. He started a zawia or monastery at

Alexandria, but being excommunicated by the Sheikh el Islam at

Cairo, he was again compelled to seek safety in flight. This

time he fled across the Lybian desert to Jebel el Akhdar near

Benghazi on the north coast, where he again established a

zawia, and in a short time had obtained a considerable

following. There he lived and preached, and died in 1859 or

1860, having firmly established the Senussia sect. He was

succeeded by his son Mahomed.

"The doctrine preached by the Sheikh Senussi, and which still

comprises the doctrines and aims of his disciples, was as

follows: To free the Mahommedan religion from the many abuses

which have crept into it. To restore, under one universal

leader, the former purity of faith. Finally, and most

especially, to free all Moslem countries, more particularly

those in Africa, from the dominion of the infidel."

H. A. Wilson,

The Moslem Menace

(Nineteenth Century, September, 1907).

"The growth of the Senoussi has been one of the most striking

developments of modern Islam. They have adopted an active

missionary policy and have spread southwards through heathen

Africa, while their organization has been framed with the idea

of including and coordinating all existing brotherhoods. The

Senoussi have established in all countries where the Moslem is

governed by an alien race a system of occult government side

by side, and coinciding in its boundaries, with the state

administration. This occult government exists in Algeria,

Egypt, and India, and its emissaries are at work in Nigeria.

The Senoussi now include within their brotherhood practically

all the Sunnis, that is the majority of Moslems in Arabia,

Turkey, North Africa, Turkestan, Afghanistan and East Asia.

The Shiites, who predominate in Persia, are alone prevented by

their conception of orthodoxy from being Senoussi.

"The Senoussi had their headquarters at Djarboub, but some

twenty years ago it was decided to send their official

representative to Constantinople, and the venerable Mokkadem

who occupies this position is even more powerful in councils

than the Sheik ul Islam, who, nominated by the Sultan,

occupies in the hierarchy the place of Expounder of the Law,

second only to that of the Caliph, the ‘Shadow of God on

Earth.’"

A. R. Colquhoun,

Pan-Islam

(North American Review, June, 1906).

See, also, in Volume VI., page 835.

SERGIUS, Grand Duke,

Assassination of.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

SERVIA.

See (in this Volume)

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

SEVASTOPOL:

Riot and Naval Mutiny.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

SHACKLETON, LIEUTENANT ERNEST H.:

Antarctic Explorations.

See (in this Volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION.

SHA-HO, BATTLE OF THE.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

SHANGHAI: A. D. 1902.

Withdrawal of Foreign Troops.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1902.

SHANGHAI: A. D. 1905.

Boycott of Americans and American Goods.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

SHANGHAI: A. D. 1909.

International Opium Commission.

See (in this Volume)

OPIUM PROBLEM.

SHAW, LESLIE M.:

Secretary of the Treasury.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.

SHEIKH-UL-ISLAM, The:

His Authority and Function at Constantinople.

See (in this Volume)

SENUSSIA.

SHEIKH-UL-ISLAM, The:

His Part in the Turkish Constitutional Revolution.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY; A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

SHEMSI PASHA,

Assassination of.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

SHERIAT, The.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

SHERMAN ANTI-TRUST ACT, of 1890.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.

SHERMAN ANTI-TRUST ACT, of 1890.

Action of National Civic Federation on its Amendment.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

SHERMAN, James S.:

Elected Vice-President of the United States.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

SHEVKET PASHA, Mahmud:

Commander of the Turkish Constitutional Forces.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

SHIPBUILDING AGREEMENT (BRITISH) OF 1908, THE.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

SHIPPING COMBINATION, North Atlantic.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: INTERNATIONAL.

SHIRÉ HIGHLANDS:

Their Suitability for European Colonization.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA.

SHIRTWAIST-MAKERS’ STRIKE, THE.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.

SHONTS, Theodore P.:

Chairman of the Panama Canal Commission.

See (in this Volume)

PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1905-1909.

SHOOA-ES-SULTANEH.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

SHORT BALLOT REFORM.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

SIA-GU-SHAN HILL, CAPTURE OF.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (May-January).

SIAM: A. D. 1902.

Treaty with France.

By a fresh treaty with Siam, secured in October, 1902, France

won from that kingdom another piece of territory to add to her

Indo-China domain. The new acquisition is between the Rolnos

and Piek Kompong Tiam rivers, on the Great Lake. In return

France restores the port of Chantabun, which she has held for

a long time without right, and which she agreed to restore in

1899.

See (in Volume VI.)

SIAM.

{612}

SIAM: A. D. 1904.

Declaration of England and France touching Influence in Siam.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

SIAM: A. D. 1905.

Suppression of Gambling and Edict for

the Extinction of Slavery.

An official notification of the suppression of gambling and a

royal edict decreeing the abolition of the last remnants of

slavery in the Kingdom of Siam were communicated to the

American Government, through its Minister at Bangkok, in March

and April, 1905. In part, the former stated:

"His Majesty has long been impressed by the fact that although

the revenue derived from gambling is an important factor in

the finances of the Kingdom the evils resulting therefrom are

much greater than the benefits. People expend in gambling not

only their own wealth but the wealth of others. They devote to

gambling time during which they should be attending to their

work. Under present conditions large sums of money which come

into the hands of the gambling farmers are sent out of the

kingdom. Gambling is also responsible for much of the crime

that is committed. The abolition of gambling would, therefore,

not only result in an improvement in the morals of the people

and in increased industry, but money now expended therein

would remain in circulation within the country, thereby adding

to the wealth of the community. In order, however, to replace

the loss of the revenue derived from gambling, some taxes must

be increased and new taxes devised. In the increase of certain

of these taxes it will be necessary to enter upon negotiations

with foreign powers. Gambling cannot, therefore, be suppressed

at once, but must be gradually abolished. His Majesty,

therefore, has been pleased to order the abolition of gambling

within the period of three years."

The decree concerning slavery opens thus:

"Although slavery in our realm is very different from slavery

as it has existed in many other countries—most slaves being

persons who have become so voluntarily and not by force and

the powers of the master over the slaves being strictly

limited—yet we have always considered that the institution,

even in this modified form, is an impediment to the progress

of our country. We have, therefore, from the commencement of

our reign, taken steps, by the enactment of laws and

otherwise, for the abolition of slavery. … We now deem it time

to take more sweeping measures which will gradually result in

the entire disappearance of slavery from Siam." Accordingly, a

law is decreed as follows: "All children born of parents who

are slaves shall be free without the execution of the

condition stated in the law of Pee Chau. No person now free

can be made a slave. If any person now a slave shall hereafter

become free he cannot thereafter again become a slave.

Wherever any person is now held a debt slave, the master shall

credit upon the principal of the debt for which he is held a

slave the sum of four (4) tieals for each month after the 1st

of April, 124, provided that no credit shall be allowed for

any time during which the slave may desert his master. If a

slave changes his master, no increase shall be made in the

debt for which he is actually held."

SIAM: A. D. 1909.

Treaty with Great Britain, Ceding three States

in the Malay Peninsula.

By a treaty with Siam, signed on the 10th of March, 1909,

Great Britain added 15,000 square miles to her dominion in the

Malay Peninsula. Siam renounced, in favour of Great Britain,

her suzerain rights over the native States of Kelantan,

Trengganu, and Kedah, and perhaps other districts, in the

Peninsula. In return the British Government consented to

certain modifications in the extra-territorial rights enjoyed

by British subjects in Siam. The Government of the Federated

Malay States will advance to Siam the capital, about

£4,000,000, required for the construction of railways in

Southern Siam, by which it is hoped that direct railway

communication will soon be established between Bangkok and

Singapore. Kelantan lies 374 miles distant from Singapore and

about 500 from Bangkok, on the shore of the China Sea. It is a

purely Malay State under the rule of a Rajah, who has not,

like his predecessors, adopted the higher title of Sultan, but

who claims to be an independent Sovereign, though he has been

compelled to acknowledge the King of Siam as his suzerain.

This condition of affairs has led to the transfer of his

allegiance, very much, it is said, against his wish.

SIENKIEWICZ, HENRY K.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

SIFTON, CLIFFORD: CANADIAN MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR.

How he started the "American Invasion"

of the Canadian Northwest.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.

SIGANANDA.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: NATAL: A. D. 1906-1907.

SILVER:

Suspension of Free Coinage in Mexico.

See (in this Volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.

SILVER EXCHANGE, WITH THE ORIENT.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE: ASIA: A. D. 1909.

SIMON, GENERAL ANTOINE:

President of Haiti.

See (in this Volume)

HAITI: A. D. 1908.

SIMPLON TUNNEL.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1903.

SINHA, Satyendra Prasanna:

Appointment as a Member of the Executive Council

of the Viceroy of India.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

SINN FEIN, THE.

See (in this Volume)

IRELAND: A. D. 1905.

SIOUX INDIANS:

Colony in Nicaragua.

See (in this Volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA: NICARAGUA.

SIPAHDAR, The.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

SIPIAGIN, M.:

Assassination of.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

SLAVERY:

In Portuguese Africa.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA: PORTUGUESE: A. D. 1905-1908.

SLAVERY:

Abolition in Siam.

See (in this Volume)

SIAM: A. D. 1909.

SLAVERY:

Legal, but not Practical Ending in Zanzibar.

See (in this Volume)

ZANZIBAR: A. D. 1905.

SLEEPING SICKNESS.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH.

SLOCUM, CONSUL-GENERAL C. R.:

Report on Affairs in the Congo State.

See (in this Volume)

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

"SLOCUM," BURNING OF THE.

See (in this Volume)

"GENERAL SLOCUM."

SMALL HOLDINGS ACT.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.

{613}

SMIRNOFF, GENERAL.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

SMITH, CHARLES E.:

Postmaster-General.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

SMITH, GOLDWIN:

On Discontent in India.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

SMITH, CONSUL-GENERAL JAMES A.:

Report on Affairs in the Congo State.

See (in this Volume)

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

SMITH, JAMES F.:

Governor-General of the Philippine Islands.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1906-1907.

SYNDER, R. M.:

Municipal "Boodler" of St. Louis.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: ST. LOUIS.

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

The Housing and Town-Planning Act.

A Housing and Town Planning Bill, brought over from the

previous session of Parliament, was introduced anew in April,

1909, by Mr. John Burns, President of the Local Government

Board. It passed the Commons and went in November to the

Lords, who gave it amendments which were thought to have

brought it to wreck. The House of Commons would not accept

them; but many in both Houses were keenly anxious for

legislation on the subject, and private negotiation brought

about a compromise of their differences, securing the

enactment in a fairly satisfactory form.

The first part of the Act aims at improving the dwelling

accommodation of the working classes, both by making it

obligatory on all local authorities to provide new housing

where required, and also by elaborate provisions for sanitary

inspection. Every county council is required to appoint a

public health and housing committee and also a medical officer

of health, who shall devote his whole time to the supervision

of the county area. Almost all working class dwellings in the

country are covered by provisions ensuring that they shall be

kept fit for human habitation throughout their tenancy.

Enlarged powers of compulsory purchase, of closing and of

demolition are also conferred upon local authorities or their

authorized agents.

The provisions of the Act relating to town-planning are

commended by The Times as marking "a new departure in

legislation in this country. Hitherto new centres of

population have been allowed to grow up, and existing urban

areas have been allowed to expand, without control or

prevision. The result has too often been that the haphazard

development of land in the vicinity of urban centres has

produced slums, prevented the orderly growth of towns, and

involved enormous expenditure in clearing sites, widening

streets, and providing necessary open spaces. The Bill aims at

securing in the future sanitary conditions, amenity, and

convenience by enabling schemes to be made under which

building land will be developed with due regard to future

requirements. With this end in view the Local Government Board

are empowered to authorize local authorities to prepare town

planning schemes in connexion with land likely to be used for

building purposes, or to adopt any such schemes proposed by

owners of land. The schemes are to have effect, however, only

if approved by the Local Government Board. The Bill provides

for the payment of compensation to any person whose property

is injuriously affected by the making of a town planning

scheme, and, on the other hand, the local authority is

empowered to recover from any person whose land is increased

in value by the making of the scheme a proportion of the

amount of that increase."

In anticipation of the passage of this important Act, a party

of eighty representatives of municipalities and other bodies

in Great Britain who would be concerned in its administration

passed the Easter holidays of 1909 in some of the German

cities which are most famous for the manner in which they have

dealt with the problems of town-growth. The four cities

selected were Cologne, Dusseldorf, Frankfurt, and Wiesbaden,

each of which has formulated its own way of dealing with the

problem and offers a different point of view.

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: PRUSSIA: A. D. 1905.

A Government Bureau of Charities.

In 1905 a law passed by the Prussian Diet created a national

Charity Bureau, the duties of which are stated as follows:

(1) To follow the development of charity work and keep the

government informed of this development;

(2) to advise the state of conditions which justify change in

existing laws or the passing of new laws, or which suggest

change in government methods;

(3) to draw up opinions and make proposals which will help in

framing laws for the benefit of the people;

(4) to take general control of relief stations in case of

great calamities.

It will also be the duty of the department

(1) to establish relations between different charity

organizations, suggest improvements in the methods of these

organizations, and economize the forces of the various bodies;

(2) to follow the progress of charitable work and make an

index and collection of all literature relating to the

subject;

(3) to give information and advice in reference to

philanthropic endeavor when requested to do so;

(4) to make reports to the state at short intervals in

reference to the development and progress of the work in the

nation at large;

(5) to draw up opinions and make proposals for the improvement

or better organization of the charity propaganda in part or as

a whole;

(6) to take charge of the development of the work in any

section;

(7) to assist in putting in operation any suggestions or plans

which may be made or worked out for the improvement of social

conditions.

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1900-1909.

The National Civic Federation.

Its Origin.

Its Purposes.

Its Organization.

Its Work.

The Federation was organized in 1900, in Chicago, after a

succession of national conferences had been held upon such

subjects as Primary Election Reform, Foreign Policy and Trusts

and Combinations. It consisted of an advisory council of five

hundred members and an Executive Committee. On the Executive

Committee were several of the members of the present National

Executive Committee, including Franklin MacVeagh, Archbishop

Ireland, Samuel Gompers, John Mitchell, D. J. Keefe, John W.

Stahl, and Benjamin Ide Wheeler. The prospectus, published at

the time, stated the purpose of the organization to be as

follows:

{614}

"… To organize the best brains of the nation in an educational

movement toward the solution of some of the great problems

related to social and industrial progress; to provide for

study and discussion of questions of national import; to aid

thus in the crystallization of the most enlightened public

opinion; and, when desirable, to promote legislation in

accordance therewith."

"Fifteen national subjects were named, and it was expected

that from time to time the formation of committees would

result having as their special province the consideration of

the subjects suggested.

"By vote, it was decided to take up for discussion, through

national conferences, the three subjects of industrial

arbitration, taxation and municipal ownership. The first

conference, that on industrial arbitration, was held at

Chicago, in December, 1900, and resulted in the organization

of the Industrial Department, with A. C. Bartlett, of Chicago,

chairman. In the following June a national conference on

taxation was held in Buffalo, resulting in the formation of

the Department on Taxation, with Edwin R. A. Seligman as

chairman. It was the intention to hold the Conference on

Municipal Ownership in New York the following December, but in

the meantime a number of large strikes, especially the Steel

Strike, the National Machinists’ strike and a threatened

Anthracite Coal Strike absorbed so much of the energy and

attention of the active members of the Federation at that time

that the Public Ownership Conference was postponed for the

time being.

"Through the work done by the committee in connection with the

coal and steel strikes, Senator Hanna became interested in the

organization, and in December of that year was made President

of the organization. His selection for that office, together

with the appointment of other men of national reputation on

the committee, attracted the attention of the country to the

organization. For two years following that department was the

only one prominent before the public, and its work in the

prevention of strikes and lockouts was naturally regarded as

the only purpose of the organization. The conferences held

during this period were naturally confined to the subject of

conciliation and collateral phases of the work. As national

labor disturbances then became less frequent after two years

of this special work the organization was able to resume its

original programme, holding itself, however, in readiness to

concentrate its energies on the industrial work at any time

the need might arise.

"It was at this time that the national conference on

immigration was called, and the Department of Immigration

organized. After that a national commission on Municipal

Ownership was formed, and by that time the public began to

take interest in the broader aspects of the organization.

Later came the establishment of the Industrial Economics

Department, which has taken up some of the most important

problems of the day, including Socialism and Trusts and

Combinations. The holding of a national conference on

Political Reform resulted in the organization of a department

especially devoted to these subjects.

"While the subjects to be taken up by the organization are

determined by the Executive Committee, the fact is here

emphasized that in devoting itself to other matters than

questions relating to strikes and lockouts, the organization

has not deviated from, but has returned to, its original

lines."

The National Civic Federation Review,

March, 1909.

The following additional particulars of the organization and

operations of the Federation are drawn from a pamphlet

statement of 1909:

"The membership of the Federation is drawn from practical men

of affairs, whose acknowledged leadership in thought and

action makes them typical representatives of the various

elements that voluntarily work together for the general good.

Its National Executive Committee is constituted of three

factors: the general public, represented by the church, the

bar, the press, statesmanship and finance; employers,

represented by large manufacturers and the heads of great

corporations, and employers’ organizations; and labor,

represented by the principal officials of national and

international organizations of wage-earners in every important

industry.

"There are useful organizations of farmers, manufacturers,

wage-earners, bankers, merchants, lawyers, economists and

other distinct but interacting elements of society, which hold

meetings for discussion of affairs peculiar to their own

pursuits and callings. The Federation, in addition to its

Departments for the accomplishment of specific purposes,

provides a forum where representatives of all these elements

of society may meet to discuss national problems in which they

have a common interest.

"Twelve national conferences have thus been held upon such

subjects as Primary Election and Ballot Reforms, Foreign

Policy, Trusts, Conciliation and Arbitration, Taxation, and

Immigration. These conferences have usually been attended by

delegates appointed by Governors of States and by

representatives selected by various commercial, industrial,

and educational bodies.

"The present activities of the Federation are exercised

through the following agencies:

"Trade Agreement Department,

"Industrial Conciliation Department,

"Industrial Economics Department,

"Industrial Welfare Department,

"Public Employés’ Welfare Department,

"The Woman’s Department,

"Public Ownership Commission,

"Immigration Department,

"Political Reform Department.

"The Trade Agreement Department [John Mitchell, Chairman]

consists of employers and representatives of workingmen, who

make agreements as to hours, wages and conditions of

employment. The membership of the department is equally

divided between employers and labor leaders, the employers

being officers of steam and street railway companies, coal

operators, the publishers of large daily papers, building

contractors, brewers, stove manufacturers, shippers’

associations, while labor is represented by officials in

corresponding crafts. …

"The Conciliation Department [Seth Low, Chairman] deals

entirely with strikes, lock-outs and arbitration. The services

of this department have been enlisted in about five hundred

cases, involving every conceivable phase of a problem

interwoven with or underlying an industrial controversy. Its

membership extends to every industrial centre, and includes

representatives of leading organizations of employers and of

wage-earners. Through this membership information of any

threatened trouble between capital and labor usually reaches

the headquarters, from one side or the other, in advance of

any public rupture. …

{615}

"The Department of Industrial Economics [Nicholas Murray

Butler, Chairman] was formed to promote discussion of

practical economic problems. Its membership is composed of

leading economists, including the heads of the departments of

political economy in universities, lecturers and economic and

legal authors; editors of the daily press, of politico-social

magazines, of trade papers and of labor journals;

representatives of the pulpit; large employers and

representatives of labor. This department has arranged a

programme for the discussion, by the ablest experts to be

procured, of each of the vital and frequently irritating

questions that arise in the Conciliation Department in

connection with the prevention or settlement of controversies.

…

"The Industrial Welfare Department [the work of which is

conducted by a number of sub-committees, at the head of one of

which is the President of the United States, William H. Taft,

as Chairman of the committee which studies the welfare of the

Public Employés of the country, and the general Chairman of

which is William H. Willcox] is composed of employers of labor

in stores, factories, mines and on railroads. It is devoted to

interesting employers in improving the conditions under which

employés in all industries work and live. In extending the

practice of Welfare Work the department has found of especial

value conferences of employers, held under its auspices in

different parts of the country, for the interchange of

experiences. Illustrated literature is widely distributed, and

stereopticon lectures are given. A bureau of exchange is

maintained at headquarters, where descriptive matter, plans

and photographs relating to betterments in different

industries may be obtained by employers.

"Some of the subjects involved are;

"Sanitary Work Places:

Systems for providing pure drinking water;

for ventilation, including the cooling of super heated

places, and devices for exhausting dust and removing gases;

for lighting work places;

and for guarding machinery;

wash rooms with hot and cold water, towels and soap;

shower baths for molders and stationary firemen;

emergency hospitals;

locker rooms;

seats for women;

laundries for men’s overalls or women’s uniforms;

the use of elevators for women, and luncheon rooms.

"Recreation:

The social hall for dancing parties, concerts, theatricals,

billiards, pool or bowling;

the gymnasium, athletic field, roof garden, vacations and

summer excursions for employés, and rest rooms or

trainmen’s rest houses.

"Educational:

Classes for apprentices;

in cooking, dressmaking, millinery;

first aid to the injured;

night classes for technical training;

kindergartens and libraries.

"Housing:

Homes rented or sold to employés, and boarding houses.

"Provident Funds:

For insurance, pensions, savings or lending money in

times of stress.

"The Woman’s Department [of which Mrs. William H. Taft is

Honorary Chairman, Mrs. Horace Brock, Chairman, and which has

a strong corps of other officers] "is composed largely of

women who are themselves stockholders or who are financially

interested in industrial organizations (including railroads,

mills, factories, mines, stores and other work places) through

family relationships, and who therefore naturally should be

interested in the welfare of workers in enterprises from which

they draw their incomes; there are also, among other

influential members, the wives of public officials.

"The object of this department is: ‘To use its influence in

securing needed improvements in the working and living

conditions of women and men wage-earners in the various

industries and governmental institutions, and to co-operate,

when practicable, in the general work of the Federation.’ …

"The Public Ownership Commission [Melville E. Ingalls,

Chairman], appointed by the Executive Council of the

Federation, is composed of one hundred prominent men

representing practically every shade of opinion on the

subject. …

"The Department of Immigration [Franklin MacVeagh, Chairman]

is composed of men selected to represent every locality in the

Union affected by the admission of aliens.

"This Department was organized at the request of the National

Immigration Conference, held in New York City, December 6-8,

1905, this conference being attended by more than five hundred

delegates appointed by Governors of States, leading

commercial, agricultural, manufacturing, labor and economic

organizations, and by prominent ecclesiastical and educational

institutions. It undertook an investigation of all important

phases of the immigration problem, the Department being

organized into seven distinct committees. …

"Largely through the work of the Immigration Department,

Congress was induced to appoint a Commission on Immigration,

which commission has, with unlimited funds at its disposal,

undertaken a large part of the work that had been planned by

the Federation’s department. In fact, two members of that

department are on the commission and have utilized all the

material gathered by the Federation’s experts, relating to

both white and Oriental immigration. …

"The organization of a Political Reform Department was the

practical outcome of a National Conference on that subject

held in New York City, March 6 and 7, 1906, under the auspices

of The National Civic Federation. The Conference was attended

by delegates from all parts of the country, appointed by

congressmen, governors, mayors, municipal and political reform

bodies, and representing all shades of political opinion.

"It is the purpose of the Political Reform Department to teach

practical politics, and especially to organize the young men

of the country and induce them to participate actively,

through their respective party organizations, in governmental

affairs--Federal, State and municipal."

{616}

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: A. D. 1904-1909.

The American Civic Association.

"Organized effort for the systematic making of a beautiful

America did not manifest itself until within comparatively

recent years. Prior to 1904 there had been various short-lived

state associations, a few interstate societies and two

national organizations, working with the same general objects

in view. But at St. Louis, in 1904, the year of the great

exposition, a merger of the two national organizations brought

forth the American Civic Association which, since that time,

has carried on with increasing success and popular support the

greatly needed work for a 'More Beautiful America’; and since

that time it has been recognized as the one great national

agency for the furtherance of that work. With its purpose as

stated in its constitution clearly before it, it has

constantly widened the circle of its usefulness until recently

they were grouped under fifteen general departments, each

department headed by an expert in his or her particular

specialty.

"In classifying its varied activities, the Association

announces that it aims ‘to make American living conditions

clean, healthful, attractive; to extend the making of public

parks; to promote the opening of gardens and playgrounds for

children and recreation centers for adults; to abate public

nuisances—including objectionable signs, unnecessary poles and

wires, unpleasant and wasteful smoking factory chimneys; to

make the buildings and the surroundings of railway stations

and factories attractive; to extend the practical influence of

schools; to protect existing trees and to encourage

intelligent tree planting; to preserve great scenic wonders

(such as Niagara Falls and the White Mountains) from

commercial spoliation.’

"So vigorously has it pursued these activities that it has

seen some of them develop to such proportions that they were

ready to swing off from the parent circle into spheres of

their own. Such was the case with the playground movement,

which for years was fostered most energetically by the

American Civic Association until it grew into an independent

organization known as the National Playground Association, and

which is now an agency of splendid achievements in its one

specialized function."

Richard B. Watrous,

The American Civic Association

(The American City, October, 1909).

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: A. D. 1907.

The Sage Foundation for the Improvement of Social

and Living Conditions.

One of the most notable of gifts from private wealth for the

endowment of undertakings to promote the general welfare of

mankind was made by Mrs. Russell Sage, in 1907, when she

placed a fund of $10,000,000 in the hands of trustees, to be

administered under the name of The Russell Sage Foundation. On

the announcement of this endowment, Mrs. Sage, through her

counsel, Mr. Henry W. de Forest, authorized the following

statement, which explains clearly and fully the purposes

contemplated:

"I have set aside $10,000,000 for the endowment of this

foundation. Its object is ‘the improvement of social and

living conditions in the United States.’ The means to that end

will include research, publication, education, the

establishment and maintenance of charitable and beneficial

activities, agencies, and institutions, and the aid of any

such activities, agencies and institutions already

established.

"It will be within the scope of such a foundation to

investigate and study the causes of adverse social conditions,

including ignorance, poverty and vice, to suggest how these

conditions can be remedied or ameliorated, and to put in

operation any appropriate means to that end. It will also be

within the scope of such a foundation to establish any new

agency necessary to carry out any of its conclusions, and

equally to contribute to the resources of any existing

agencies which are doing efficient and satisfactory work, just

as the present General Education Board, organized to promote

higher education, is aiding existing colleges and

universities. While its scope is broad, it should preferably

not undertake to do within that scope what is now being done

or is likely to be effectively done by other individuals or by

other agencies with less resources. It will be its aim to take

up the larger and more difficult problems, and to take them up

so far as possible in such a manner as to secure co-operation

and aid in their solution. In some instances it may wisely

initiate movements with the expectation of having them

maintain themselves unaided after once being started. In other

instances it may start movements with the expectation of

carrying them on itself. Income only will be used for its

charitable purposes, because the foundation is to be permanent

and its action continuous. It may, however, make investments

for social betterment, which themselves produce income.

"While having headquarters in New York city, where I and my

husband have lived and where social problems are most pressing

and complicated, partly by reason of its extent and partly

because it is the port of entry for about a million immigrants

a year, the foundation will be national in its scope and in

its activities. I have sought to select as my trustees men and

women who are familiar with social problems and who can bring

to their solution not only zeal and interest, but experience

and judgment.

"The bill for incorporation of the endowment further provides:

The corporation hereby formed shall have power to take and

hold, both by bequest, devise, gift, purchase, or lease,

either absolutely or in trust, for any of its purposes, any

property, real or personal, without limitation as to amount or

value, except such limitation, if any, as the legislature

shall hereinafter impose, to convey such property and to

invest and reinvest any principal, and deal with, and expend

the income of the corporation in such manner as in the

judgment of the trustees will best promote its objects."

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: A. D. 1907-1908.

The Pittsburg Survey.

A remarkable Investigation of Living Conditions in

a great Industrial Center.

"Under the name of the Pittsburgh Survey, Charities

Publication Committee has carried on a group of social

investigations in this great steel district. In a sense we

have been blue-printing Pittsburgh. Our findings will be

published in a series of special numbers … covering in order:

"I.—The People;

"II.—The Place;

"III.—The Work.

"Full reports are to be published later in a series of Volumes

by the Russell Sage Foundation, and, throughout, the text will

be reinforced with such photographs, pastel, maps, charts,

diagrams and tables as will help give substance and reality to

our presentations of fact. …

{617}

"The Pittsburgh Survey has been a rapid, close range

investigation of living conditions in the Pennsylvania steel

district. It has been carried on by a special staff organized

under the national publication committee which prints this

magazine. It has been financed chiefly by three grants, of

moderate amount, from the Russell Sage Foundation for the

Improvement of Living Conditions. It has been made practicable

by co-operation from two quarters,—from a remarkable group of

leaders and organizations in social and sanitary movements in

different parts of the United States, who entered upon the

field work as a piece of national good citizenship; and from

men, women and organizations in Pittsburgh who were

large-minded enough to regard their local situation as not

private and peculiar, but a part of the American problem of

city building.

"The outcome has been a spirited piece of interstate

co-operation in getting at the urban fact in a new way. …

"The main work was set under way in September, 1807, when a

company of men and women of established reputation as students

of social and industrial problems spent the month in

Pittsburgh. On the basis of their diagnosis, a series of

specialized investigations was projected along a few of the

lines which promised significant results. The staff has

included not only trained investigators but also

representatives of the different races who make up so large a

share of the working population dealt with. Limitations of

time and money set definite bounds to the work, which will

become clear as the findings are presented. The experimental

nature of the undertaking, and the unfavorable trade

conditions which during the past year have reacted upon

economic life in all its phases, have set other limits. Our

inquiries have dealt with the wage-earners of Pittsburgh (a)

in their relations to the community as a whole, and (b) in

their relation to industry. Under the former we have studied

the genesis and racial make-up of the population; its physical

setting and its social institutions; under the latter we have

studied the general labor situation; hours, wages, and labor

control in the steel industry; child labor, industrial

education, women in industry, the cost of living, and

industrial accidents.

"From the first, the work of the investigations has been

directed to the service of local movements for improvement.

For, as stated in a mid-year announcement of the Survey, we

have been studying the community at a time when nascent social

forces are asserting themselves. Witness the election of an

independent mayor three years ago, and Mr. Guthrie’s present

fight to clear councils of graft. Within the field of the

Survey and within one year, the Pittsburgh Associated

Charities has been organized; the force of tenement inspectors

has been doubled and has carried out a first general housing

census, and a scientific inquiry, under the name of the

Pittsburgh Typhoid Commission, has been instituted into the

disease which has been endemic in the district for over a

quarter of a century. A civic improvement commission,

representative in membership and perhaps broader in scope than

any similar body in the country, is now in process of

formation.

"A display of wall maps, enlarged photographs, housing plans,

and other graphic material was the chief feature of a civic

exhibit held in Carnegie Institute in November and December,

following the joint conventions in Pittsburgh of the American

Civic Association and the National Municipal League. The local

civic bearings of the Survey were the subject of the opening

session of these conventions. Its economic aspects were

brought forward at a joint session of the American Economic

Association and the American Sociological Society at Atlantic

City in December."

P. U. Kellogg,

The Pittsburgh Survey

(Charities and the Commons, January 2, 1909).

See (in this Volume),

CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY;

CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW;

LABOR PROTECTION, ETC.;

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT;

PUBLIC HEALTH;

POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF;

ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.

SOCIAL DEMOCRATS.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIALISM: ENGLAND, AND FRANCE;

also GERMANY: A. D. 1903;

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907;

DENMARK: A. D. 1906.

SOCIAL REVOLUTIONISTS.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907, and 1906-1907.

SOCIALISM: AT LARGE: A. D. 1909.

The Socialist Press in all Countries.

According to a list of the Socialist Press, in the world at

large, published in November, 1909, by the International

Bureau of Socialists, at Brussels, fifty-seven Socialist daily

newspapers are published in Germany. English Socialists have

three weekly publications, and one that appears monthly. There

is a daily Socialist journal in the Argentine Republic, a

weekly review in Australia, and in Austria two daily

publications and a bi-weekly review. The Socialists in Belgium

publish four daily organs; those of Bulgaria support two

bi-weekly reviews; and those of Canada one weekly review. One

daily Socialist newspaper circulates in Denmark, and four

weekly publications in Spain. In the United States there are

four daily and eight weekly publications and a monthly

magazine. France has two daily Socialist newspapers and ten

weekly Socialist periodicals. In Greece the Socialists support

a weekly publication, in Holland a daily one, and in Hungary

both a daily and a weekly one. In Italy there are four daily

Socialist newspapers; and a single one in Norway, Poland, and

Sweden respectively. Socialists living in Switzerland have

three daily and three weekly organs; while those in Russia

have 20 monthly or bi-monthly ones, most of which are

published secretly. In Rumania and Sweden there are also

Socialist publications.

SOCIALISM: AUSTRALIA:

Government Ownership of Railways.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: AUSTRALIA.

SOCIALISM: AUSTRIA: A. D. 1903.

Adoption of a Resolution against Alcoholic Drinking by

the National Convention of the Social Democracy.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM: AUSTRIA.

SOCIALISM: BELGIUM: A. D. 1904.

Socialist Losses in the Belgium Elections.

See (in this volume)

BELGIUM: A.D. 1904.

SOCIALISM: DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.

Socialists Contending for Disarmament.

See (in this Volume)

DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.

{618}

SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

The Principal Socialist Organizations of the Present Day. --

"There are four principal organizations actively engaged in

gaining adherents to the cause of Collectivism as a practical

policy, all over the kingdom. They are:

(1) The Social Democratic Party, formerly Social Democratic

Federation, and familiarly known as S. D. F.;

(2) the Fabian Society;

(3) the Independent Labour Party or I. L. P.;

(4) the Clarion Fellowship and Scouts.

There are several others of minor importance, though not to be

ignored, for they all represent the spread of the central idea

of Socialism. Among them is the Church Socialist League, which

is significant as being a society of convinced Socialists

within the Church of England holding that the ‘community

should own the land and capital collectively and use them

co-operatively for the good of all.’"

The oldest organization "began as the Democratic Federation in

1881, became the Social Democratic Federation in 1883, and has

recently changed its name to the Social Democratic Party. Its

object, according to the programme as revised in 1906, is:

"‘The socialization of the means of production, distribution,

and exchange, to be controlled by a democratic State in the

interests of the entire community, and the complete

emancipation of labour from the domination of capitalism and

landlordism, with the establishment of social and economic

equality between the sexes.’

"It demands a large number of ‘immediate reforms,’ including

the following:

"Abolition of the Monarchy.

Abolition of the House of Lords.

Payment of members of Parliament and administrative

bodies.

Adult suffrage.

Referendum.

Legislative and administrative independence for all

parts of the Empire.

Repudiation of the National Debt.

Abolition of indirect taxation and a cumulative tax on

all incomes exceeding £300.

Elementary education to be free, secular, industrial,

and compulsory for all classes.

Age for school attendance to be raised to 16.

State maintenance of all school children.

Abolition of school rates.

Nationalization of land, of trusts, railways, docks,

and canals.

Public ownership of gas, electric light, water supply,

tramways, omnibuses, &c., food and coal supply;

State and municipal banks, pawnshops, restaurants,

public ownership of hospitals, cemeteries, and the

drink traffic.

A legal eight-hours day;

no employment under 16 years;

public provision of work for unemployed at trade union rates;

free State insurance against sickness, accident, old age,

and disability;

a minimum wage of 30s. a week;

equal rates of pay for both sexes.

Compulsory construction of healthy dwellings by public bodies.

Free administration of justice and legal advice.

Judges to be ‘chosen by the people.’

Abolition of capital punishment.

Disestablishment and disendowment of all State Churches.

Abolition of standing armies and establishment of

national citizen forces. …

"The Social Democratic Party is the most downright and

straightforward of the larger Socialist organizations. It is

more outspoken and consistent, less hazy and opportunist, than

the Independent Labour Party or the Fabian Society. It derives

its inspiration from the Social Democrats of Germany and

boldly upholds the ideal of revolutionary Socialism."

The Fabian Society, which comes next "in point of age, is at

the opposite end of the scale in regard to policy. It was

founded in 1884, on American inspiration, as a sort of mutual

elevation society, but adopted Socialistic principles from

Germany. Its ‘basis’ is thus stated:

"‘The Fabian Society consists of Socialists. It therefore aims

at the reorganization of society by the emancipation of land

and industrial capital from individual and class ownership and

the vesting of them in the community for the general benefit.

In this way only can the natural and acquired advantages of

the country be equitably shared by the whole people.

"‘The society accordingly works for the extinction of private

property in land and of the consequent individual

appropriation, in the form of rent, of the price paid for

permission to use the earth, as well as for the advantages of

superior soils and sites.

"‘The society further works for the transfer to the community

of the administration of such industrial capital as can

conveniently be managed socially.’

"It is not surprising that thorough-going Socialists denounce

the Fabians as make believe, Socialism-and-water ‘comrades,’

and hardly worthy to be called ‘comrades’ at all, an honour

which the Fabians, for their part, show no desire to claim.

Nevertheless, the Fabians are a very influential element in

the Socialist movement. … The Fabian Society is numerically

small, but growing rapidly, and that largely by the formation

of provincial branches. The headquarters are in London, where

it had in March last [1908] 1085 members out of a total of

2015. … Eleven Fabians are members of Parliament, and the

society supports the Labour party; but its real work lies

outside of politics, and is carried on chiefly by the

distribution of literature and by lectures. It contains

several well-known writers, and may almost be called a

literary society. The output of tracts and leaflets sold and

distributed last year was over 250,000. … Among the best-known

Fabians are Mr. Granville Barker, the Reverend R. J. Campbell,

the Reverend Stewart D. Headlam, Mr. Chiozza-Money, M. P., Mr.

Bernard Shaw, Mr. Sidney Webb, and Mr. H. G. Wells, who has,

however, recently seceded. Many members belong also to other

Socialist organizations. …

"The third large organization on the list is the Independent

Labour Party. It is considerably younger than the Social

Democratic Party and the Fabian Society, but much larger and

politically far more powerful than either or both together. In

character it comes between them, being more opportunist and

supple than the former, less nebulous and elusive than the

latter. It was formally inaugurated at Bradford in 1893, under

the leadership of Mr. Keir Hardie. The following are the

principal [demands] in the official prospectus, revised for

1908-1909:

"‘1. A maximum of 48 hours working week, with the

retention of all existing holidays and Labour Day, May 1,

secured by law.

"‘2. The provision of work to all capable adult applicants at

recognized trade union rates, with a statutory minimum,

of sixpence per hour.

{619}

"‘In order to remuneratively employ the applicants, parish,

district, borough, and county councils to be invested with

powers to

(a) Organize and undertake such industries as they may

consider desirable.

(b) Compulsorily acquire land; purchase, erect, or

manufacture buildings, stock, or other articles for carrying

on such industries,

(c) Levy rates on the rental values of the district and

borrow money on the security of such rates for any of the

above purposes.

"‘3. State pensions for every person over 50 years of age, and

adequate provision for all widows, orphans, sick, and disabled

workers.

"‘4. Free secular, moral, primary, secondary, and University

education, with free maintenance while at school or

University.

"‘5. The raising of the age of child labour, with a view to

its ultimate extinction.

"‘6. Municipalization and public control of the drink traffic.

"‘7. Municipalization and public control of all hospitals and

infirmaries.

"‘8. Abolition of indirect taxation and gradual transference

of all public burdens on to unearned incomes with a view to

their ultimate extinction.

"‘The Independent Labour Party is in favour of adult suffrage,

with full political rights and privileges for women, and the

immediate extension of the franchise to women on the same

terms as granted to men; also triennial Parliaments and second

ballot.’ …

"The most prominent individuals in the Independent Labour

Party are Mr. Keir Hardie, M. P., its father and guide; Mr.

Ramsay Macdonald, M. P., who pulls the political strings; Mr.

Philip Snowdon, M. P., who is an active pamphleteer; and Mr.

Bruce Glasier, who edits the Labour Leader. This

organization, by far the most important in Great Britain,

takes much less part in international Socialism than the

Social Democratic Federation, with which it has never agreed

very well. …

"The ‘Clarion’ organizations, - which make the fourth of the

more important Socialist organizations, need only a brief

mention here. They are not regular societies, like the others,

but merely propagandist agencies organized by the

Clarion newspaper and manned by Socialists who belong

to other bodies or to none. … The agencies include the

Clarion vans, which travel round the country and

proselytize; the Clarion fellowship societies, which

are social bodies, and the Clarion scouts, who are

young recruits, organized for special purposes."

From a series of Articles on

"The Socialist Movement in Great Britain,"

in the London Times, January, 1909.

SOCIALISM:

Work of the Anti-Socialist Union.

An Anti-Socialist Union in Great Britain is conducting a

training school for speakers and workers whom the union sends

into the constituencies to controvert the arguments of

Socialist orators. Of the 175 students who entered the

training school soon after the inauguration of the union in

1908 about 50 were reported the next year as qualified to take

an active part in the anti-Socialist campaign. In reply to an

appeal for volunteers, nearly 2,000 applications were received

from men and women who were anxious to enter the training

school.

SOCIALISM: FRANCE:

The Trade Union Version of Socialism.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION; FRANCE: A. D. 1884-1909.

SOCIALISM: A. D. 1909.

The Classes to which the Socialist Principle appeals.

Strength of Socialist Political Parties.

Their Leadership.

"The agriculturist loves the land which he usually owns, and

would scout the idea of becoming a farmer under the State,

which would be his position under a Socialistic regime; he is

frugal, hard-working, and thrifty to the point of avarice, but

intolerably narrow, suspicious and bigoted. Among this class

Socialism can hardly make proselytes, nor can it do so to any

great extent among tradesmen and commercial men, who are

either their own masters or who hope to set up for themselves

when they have amassed a small capital. We therefore find

ourselves reduced to two classes, the artisans and the

professions, and it is among these that we must seek the

Socialist voters of France. … In France, thanks to the fact

that members of Parliament are paid, the professional classes

are available for the recruiting of labour leaders; indeed the

younger section is naturally attracted to the Socialist

standard. As regards this particular class, we can find in

Great Britain no parallel. … Young Britons appear to be too

busy with their sports or social pleasures to study political

questions, so that we can hardly compare them with the

continental ‘Intellectuals.’ The ‘Intellectual’ is essentially

a product of modern Europe and is principally to be found in

France, Germany and Russia. He is almost invariably highly

educated, in sympathy with foreign progress, a humanitarian

and imbued with ideas either somewhat or very much ahead of

his time. The French ‘Intellectual’ is at his best in the

twenties; he may then be quixotic, but he generally knows his

subject and is fired with generous enthusiasms. … This curious

factor must never be lost sight of when the Socialist movement

in any European country is examined. In Great Britain members of

the educated classes almost invariably belong to one of the

two great political parties; but in France they are willing to

join hands with the masses, not only as leaders, but with a

view to the true enthronement of the people. It is probably

for this reason that the Socialist party has made so much

headway in France. Such being the soldiers and officers who

march under the Red Flag, it is not surprising that their

political organisation should have grown so powerful. The

Socialist party has hardly suffered from the ups and downs of

political life; every election has sent it back to power with

a greater number of seats to its credit; at the present time

the party has 74 representatives in the Chamber of Deputies,

to whom we must add, in certain cases, 135 Radical Socialists.

… The ‘Unified Socialists’ of the uncompromising type hold 53

seats, and the Independent Socialists 21; if we add these two

figures to the 135 Radical Socialists, we find that they form

a considerable portion of the 591 members. Though they have

not an absolute majority, the weight of these 209 advanced

votes is such as to colour very strongly modern legislation,

and there is no reason to doubt that their progress will

continue up to a certain point."

W. L. George,

France in the Twentieth Century,

chapter 8 (John Lane Co., New York, 1909).

SOCIALISM: Germany: A. D. 1902.

The Socialist Congress on Alcoholic Drinks.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM: GERMANY.

SOCIALISM: A. D. 1903.

Gains of the Socialists in Elections to the Reichstag.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1903, and 1906-1907.

{620}

SOCIALISM: A. D. 1903.

Opposition among Workmen.

A great Congress of 200 delegates from bodies of German

workingmen opposed to Socialism, said to represent a total of

620,000, was held in October, 1903, at Frankfort-on-the Main.

Its object was to promote effective organization of workmen,

to which end it appealed to "all unorganized German workmen to

join those industrial organizations which do not make enmity

between the classes their principle."

SOCIALISM: A. D. 1908.

Socialists win Seats in the Prussian Diet for the First Time.

See (in this Volume)

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1908.

SOCIALISM: A. D. 1909.

Statistics reported to the Socialist Congress.

The annual report to the Socialist Congress at Leipzig stated

that the German Social Democratic party has a membership of

571,050 men and 62,259 women—total 633,309. The number of men

had increased during the past year by 13,172, and the number

of women by 32,801. There are said to be now only 20 Reichstag

constituencies in which there is no Socialist organization.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

SOCIALISM: Italy: A. D. 1904.

Gains in the Election claimed by the Socialists.

See (in this Volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1904 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

SOCIALISM: A. D. 1909.

Gains in Italian Elections.

See (in this Volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

SOCIALISM: NEW ZEALAND.

Government Ownership of Land.

Graduated Taxation.

Public Loans to Farmers.

See (in this Volume)

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1905.

SOCIALISM: SPAIN: A. D. 1909.

Socialist-Republican Alliance.

See (in this Volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

SOCIALISM: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.

Socialist Platform adopted by the Western Federation

of Miners.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D). 1899-1907.

SOCIALISTIC POLITICAL PARTIES.

See (in this Volume)

PARTIES, POLITICAL.

SOKOTO:

British, Capture and Occupation.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (NIGERIA).

SOMALILAND.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA: SOMALILAND.

SONE, Viscount:

Japanese Resident-General in Korea.

See (in this Volume)

KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.

SONNINO, BARON: PRIME MINISTER OF ITALY.

See (in this Volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1906-1909.

SOUDAN.

See (in this Volume)

SUDAN.

SOUFFRIÈRE, LA: VOLCANIC ERUPTION OF.

See (in this Volume)

VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES.

----------SOUTH AFRICA: Start--------

SOUTH AFRICA:

Suitable and Unsuitable Parts of South

Africa for European Settlement.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

The Last Year of the Boer-British War.

The Concentration Camps.

Kitchener’s Block-house System and Protected Areas.

The Opening of Negotiations for Peace.

Text of the Treaty concluded.

When Volume VI. of this work went to press, in April, 1901,

and its record of events was closed, the dreadful Boer-British

War had still a little more than another year to be prolonged

through; but it was to be, as it had been throughout the past

year, a sheerly destructive prosecution of guerrilla warfare

by separate bands of the indomitable Boers. The operations of

such warfare,—its raids, its counter "drives," its little

battles and skirmishes, its captures and recaptures, its

breaking of railway lines, and the like,—cannot be detailed in

a work like this. Nothing of any decisive effect was done at

any time, on either side, to constitute an important event in

the war. There was simply a wearing process in operation which

went on, in an inexorable and horrible slow way, till the

country on which it worked was a desert, and the endurance of

its surviving people was worn out.

In November, 1900, Lord Kitchener had succeeded Lord Roberts

in the British command. He decided to empty the contested

regions of their non-combatant population, by gathering it

into "concentration camps," thus resorting to a measure which

the Spaniards had employed in Cuba, and which the Americans

had copied from them in the Philippines. Accordingly, on the

21st of December, 1900, he had issued to general officers a

"Memorandum" in which he said:

"Lord Kitchener desires that General Officers will, according

to the means at their disposal, follow this system in the

Districts which they occupy or may traverse. The women and

children brought in should be camped near the railway for

supply purposes, and should be divided in two categories,

viz.: 1st. Refugees, and the families of Neutrals,

non-combatants, and surrendered Burghers. 2nd. Those whose

husbands, fathers, and sons are on Commands. The preference in

accommodation, &c., should of course, be given to the first

class. The Ordnance will supply the necessary tents and the

District Commissioner will look after the food on the scale

now in use.

"It should be clearly explained to Burghers in the field,

that, if they voluntarily surrender, they will be allowed to

live with their families in the camps until it is safe for

them to return to their homes."

In "The Times History of the War in South Africa" it is

remarked on this order: "The policy was inspired by two

motives. In the first place, it was supposed that the removal

of the families would induce fighting Boers to surrender, and

would thus shorten the War. In the second place, it was a

measure of humanity towards the unprotected occupants of

lonely farms. The decision was taken somewhat lightly. In its

primary object it failed absolutely. Far from providing an

inducement to surrender, it lifted from the fighting burghers

a load of embarrassment. To the British, military consequences

were disastrous. To the Boers the gain was twofold. On the

shoulders of their enemy lay the heavy tasks of removal and

maintenance, involving enormous expense and a grave hindrance

to military operations, while they themselves, relieved of all

responsibility for their women and children, were free to

devote their energies with a clear conscience to the single

aim of fighting.

{621}

While one of the British aims was signally defeated, the

other, that of humanity, was at first only partially attained.

The scheme for the concentration camps was lacking in

foresight. Adequate provision was not made for the hosts of

refugees requiring shelter. The regular medical and sanitary

staff were already fully occupied with the needs of the army,

and men were lacking for the organisation and supervision of

the camps. Sites chosen on purely military grounds often

proved wholly unsuitable. Too much reliance was placed on the

capacity for self-help to be shown by the Boers themselves,

and the Boers proved to be helpless, utterly averse to

cleanliness and ignorant of the simplest elements of medicine

and sanitation. The result was that for a certain period there

was a very high rate of mortality among these unfortunate

people."

The Times History of the War in South Africa,

Volume v., chapter 3

(Low, Marston & Co., London).

With better success Kitchener adopted and steadily perfected a

block-house system, by which lines of barrier were drawn

across the country in different directions, and protected

areas were formed. The system and its working are thus

described in the history quoted above:

"One of the first reforms undertaken by Kitchener when he

assumed command in South Africa was the strengthening of the

railways. At that time the defences of the lines were of the

simplest description, consisting almost wholly of open

trenches at stations, bridges and culverts, while the line

itself was patrolled by small parties of mounted men. In

laying out these trench defences, the principal object kept in

view was to render them inconspicuous and thus immune from

artillery fire. The system required enormous numbers of men

both for patrol work and for manning the long lines of

trenches. … It was clear that some form of permanent or

semi-permanent defence must be adopted, if security was to be

gained and the railway guards reduced. Early in January,

accordingly, the first blockhouses were constructed. …

"Planted at first only at stations, bridges, culverts,

important cuttings and curves—at the points, in fact, which

experience had proved to be most vulnerable—blockhouses came

to be established at regular intervals of about a mile and a

half down the whole extent of a line. This interval was

steadily lessened. Ultimately it became as small as 400 yards

on the Delagoa line and was reduced even to 200 yards on some

portions of the Cape railways. A continuous fencing of barbed

wire ran along the line; elaborate entanglements surrounded

each blockhouse, and the telephone linked up the whole system.

A somewhat later development was a deep trench bordering the

line of barbed wire and running to within 100 yards of each

blockhouse. …

"Until July the system was confined to the railways; but in

July the idea first took definite shape of throwing blockhouse

lines across country, and thus creating fenced areas of

manageable size within which the Boers could be dealt with

piece-meal. It is important to note that these lines almost

invariably followed roads, which thus became to all intents

and purposes as safe as railways. In other words, a great

number of additional lines of communication were opened up and

secured, and the striking power of the army proportionately

increased. …

"While a thousand yards, or thereabouts, was the usual

interval between cross-country blockhouses, the rule was

invariably followed that each must be in sight of its

neighbour on either side. The wire fence spanning this

interval always ran in the form of an obtuse angle, so that

fire could be directed along it from both ends without risk to

either blockhouse. In order to secure accurate fire in the

dark, rests were provided for the correct alignment of rifles.

Ordinary barbed wire was used at first, but the Boers became

such adepts at cutting it that a quarter-inch unannealed steel

wire, specially manufactured in England, had to be

substituted. In Cape Colony, an eight-strand cable,

manufactured in special 'rope walks' established at

Naauwpoort, was largely used. Not to be daunted, the Boers

took to uprooting the stays and levelling the fence bodily.

The stays, accordingly, had to be anchored securely to heavy

rocks sunk deep in the ground. As on the railways, alarms of

all sorts were devised to give the garrisons notice of an

attempt to tamper with the fence. A spring-gun would fire,

dangling biscuit tins would rattle, a weight would drop in the

blockhouse, and on any such signal the garrison would fire

down the line of the fence. But, when all precautions were

taken, it was impossible, on dark nights, to prevent

determined bodies of Boers from passing the barrier. The

passage could be made dangerous and difficult; that was all. …

Exaggerated hopes were built on the efficacy of the lines as

barriers to determined men. … The Boers, for a long time to

come, viewed with disdain the eruption of tiny forts. It was

only by degrees that they awoke to the realization that they

were taken like flies in a spider’s web. … Communication

between commanders became more and more difficult;

concentrations on a large scale impossible.

"The ramifications of the blockhouse system and the slow

formation of protected areas were not the only signs that the

day of conquest was approaching. Within these areas, under the

able and energetic administrations of Lord Milner, who

returned to South Africa in August, and, in the Orange River

Colony, of the Deputy Administrator, Sir H. Goold-Adams,

marked progress was beginning to be made in the establishment

of civil industry and in administrative reconstruction. …

"With regard to the Boer non-combatant population, an

important modification of policy was initiated in December.

Orders were issued to all columns that no more families, save

those in actual danger of starvation and those belonging to a

privileged class, … were to be brought into the concentration

camps. Since most of the accessible farms had already been

emptied, the order applied mainly to the women and children

who had preferred, in defiance of hardship, to accompany the

commandos and who lived in nomadic laagers. The Boers, however

much they had railed in the past against the inhumanity of the

camps, were soon to realise and admit the essential humanity

of the concentration system. The embarrassment and anxiety

caused by the helpless non-combatants in their midst was to

grow day by day.

{622}

Finally, at the Vereeniging Conference, the truth received

frank and undisguised expression. ‘To-day,’ said Botha, ‘we

are only too glad to know that our women and children are

under British protection.’ The wretchedness of those who

remained on the veld became, indeed, a powerful argument for

submission."

The Times History of the War in South Africa,

chapters 10, 11, 14

(London, Low, Marston & Co.).

It was not until March, 1902, that the men of authority on

both sides of the war began to give tokens of a mutual

disposition to discuss terms of peace. In the previous

January, the government of the Netherlands had offered to act

as intermediary between Great Britain and the Boers, and the

proffer had been declined, the British government repeating

its determination to accept no foreign intervention. At the

same time it was suggested that, inasmuch as Mr. Steyn and Mr.

Schalk Burger, the chiefs of the Orange Free State and of the

Transvaal burghers, respectively, were understood to be

invested with full powers of government, including the power

of negotiation, those gentlemen could open, if they wished,

direct communication with Lord Kitchener, who had already been

instructed to forward to his government any offers that he

might receive. On the 7th of March this correspondence was

sent by Lord Kitchener, without comment, to the Transvaal

government, then established at Stroomwater. The suggestion in

it was rightly taken as an invitation, and acting President

Schalk Burger at once asked for a safe-conduct for himself and

the other members of his government into the British lines,

with intimations of a wish for opportunity to meet the members

of the Free State government, in order that they might concert

proposals for peace. His wishes were readily complied with. On

the 22d he entered the British lines, and all possible aid was

given him in getting together the men whom he wished to

consult. Some were brought away from active fighting, which

went on without them, no pause on the military side being

permitted for a single day, while the parleying of a month

went on.

The Transvaal and Free State governments met on the 9th of

April, at Klerksdorp, under British safe-conduct, and, after

debate among themselves on that day and the next, sent a

telegram to Lord Kitchener, requesting him to meet them and

receive from them a proposal of peace. He replied promptly,

inviting them to his headquarters at Pretoria, and there they

were received on April 12th. Their proposal was on the basis

of political independence for the two Boer states, under "an

enduring treaty of friendship and peace" with the British

government, as well as a customs, postal and railway union

with the adjoining British colonies, and with concessions of

the franchise to Uitlanders in the Transvaal. Kitchener could

give no consideration to a proposal of this nature; but

consented, after much discussion to cable it to London. At, a

second meeting on the 14th (when Lord Kitchener was joined by

Lord Milner, the British High Commissioner in South Africa) he

had the answer of the British government to produce. It

declared with emphasis that the government could not

"entertain any proposals based on the continued independence

of the former republics, which have been formally annexed to

the British Crown." To this the Boer officials replied that

they had no power to negotiate on any other basis than that of

independence, and they asked for an armistice, to enable them

to consult their people. This was refused, but, after some

parleying, it was arranged that they should have free use of

the railway and telegraph, and that military operations should

be so conducted as to allow opportunities for meetings in all

parts of the country, at which thirty burghers from each re-

public should be elected, with authority to act for the

people. These representatives were to meet on the 15th of May,

at Vereeniging, to determine the answer they would give.

Between the 11th and the 15th of May immunity was promised to

all commandos whose leaders should be chosen as

representatives, and this practically operated as an armistice

during those days.

"History records no precedent," says The Times History of the

War, "for the state of affairs which existed in South Africa

between April 18 and May 15, 1902. War went on, but, to borrow

a metaphor from football, the ball of war was continually

rolling into ‘touch.’ Kitchener loyally carried out his

undertaking to the Boer leaders. Commandos were allowed to

assemble and confer unmolested; officers and messengers

scoured the country by road and railway with free passes,

passing through British outpost lines, receiving the unstinted

hospitality of their foes, and occasionally, to the chagrin of

a junior British officer, undergoing accidental capture,

followed by immediate release on the production of the magic

pass. Steyn, indeed, was too ill to take part in all this

activity and had retired to a farm near Wolmaransstad. But De

Wet, with amazing energy, travelled over the whole of the Free

State, inspiring the burghers with his leader’s fiery spirit.

At eight successive meetings he personally addressed

practically the whole of the commandos and secured unanimous

resolutions against any surrender of independence. The

Transvaal leaders were scarcely less active, though the

purport of their activity was by no means the same." These

chiefs of the Transvaal, Louis Botha and others, were disposed

to end the struggle for independence; those of the Free State,

inspired by their unconquerable President, were not.

On the 15th of May the officials of the two Boer governments

met the sixty delegates from the burghers at Vereeniging, and

the question between surrender and a hopeless continuation of

war was threshed out. The Free State delegates and a few of

the Transvaalers had been bound by pledges to vote against any

surrender of independence; but in the end they were persuaded

by their own legal advisers that such a restriction on the

free action of a delegate was contrary to the principles of

law; and gradually the question of independence gave place to

other matters of consideration in the discussion of terms. On

the 19th a sub-committee was appointed to consider those

details, and several days of bargaining with Kitchener and

Milner, at Pretoria, ensued. There was much use of the cable

meantime, to secure assent in London to what might be done.

The result was a draft treaty which Lord Milner assured the

Boer Commissioners was absolutely final, and must be accepted

or rejected without any change, on or before the 31st of May.

{623}

They took it to the convention at Vereeniging on the 29th, and

there, in two days of stormy debate, the no-surrender party,

led by Steyn and De Wet, made their last stand. When the

decisive vote was taken, their ranks were reduced to six,

against fifty-four. The Boer commissioners returned at once to

Pretoria, with the accepted draft-treaty, and it was signed on

the night of the 31st, a little less than an hour before the

expiration of the fixed term of grace. The following is the

text of this treaty, which ended one of the worst of modern

wars:

"General Lord Kitchener of Khartoum, Commander-in-Chief, and

His Excellency Lord Milner, High Commissioner, on behalf of

the British Government;

"Messrs. S. W. Burger, F. W. Reitz, Louis Botha, J. H. De la

Rey, L. J. Meyer, and J. Krogh on behalf of the Government of

the South African Republic and its burghers;

"Messrs. M. T. Steyn, W. J. C. Brebner, C. R. de Wet, J. B. M.

Hertzog, and C. H. Olivier, on behalf of the Government of the

Orange Free State and its burghers, being anxious to put an

end to the existing hostilities, agree on the following

points:

"Firstly, the burgher forces now in the Veldt shall at once

lay down their arms, and surrender all the guns, small arms,

and war stores in their actual possession, or of which they

shall have cognizance, and shall abstain from any further

opposition to the authority of his Majesty King Edward VII.,

whom they shall acknowledge as their lawful sovereign.

"The manner and details of this surrender shall be arranged by

Lord Kitchener, Commandant-General Botha, Assistant

Commandant-General J. H. De la Rey, and Commander-in-Chief de

Wet.

"Secondly, burghers in the Veldt beyond the frontiers of the

Transvaal and of the Orange River Colony, and all prisoners of

war who are out of South Africa, who are burghers, shall, on

their declaration that they accept the status of subjects of

His Majesty King Edward VII., be brought back to their homes,

as soon as transport and means of existence can be assured.

"Thirdly, the burghers who thus surrender, or who thus return,

shall lose neither their personal freedom nor their property.

"Fourthly, no judicial proceedings, civil or criminal, shall

be taken against any of the burghers who thus return for any

action in connexion with the carrying on of the war. The

benefit of this clause shall, however, not extend to certain

deeds antagonistic to the usages of warfare, which have been

communicated by the Commander-in-Chief to the Boer generals,

and which shall be heard before a court-martial immediately

after the cessation of hostilities.

"Fifthly, the Dutch language shall be taught in the public

schools of the Transvaal and of the Orange River Colony when

the parents of the children demand it; and shall be admitted

in the Courts of justice, whenever this is required for the

better and more effective administration of justice.

"Sixthly, the possession of rifles shall, on taking out a

licence in accordance with the law, be permitted in the

Transvaal and the Orange River Colony to persons who require

them for their protection.

"Seventhly, military administration in the Transvaal and in

the Orange River Colony shall, as soon as it is possible, be

followed by civil government; and, as soon as circumstances

permit it, a representative system lending towards autonomy

shall be introduced.

"Eighthly, the question of granting a franchise to the natives

shall not be decided until a representative constitution has

been granted.

"Ninthly, no special tax shall be laid on landed property in

the Transvaal and Orange River Colony to meet the expenses of

the war.

"Tenthly, as soon as circumstances permit there shall be

appointed in each district in the Transvaal and the Orange

River Colony a Commission, in which the inhabitants of that

district shall be represented, under the chairmanship of a

magistrate or other official, with a view to assist in the

bringing back of the people to their farms, and in procuring

for those who, on account of losses in the war, are unable to

provide for themselves food, shelter, and such quantities of

seed, cattle, implements, etc., as are necessary for the

resuming of their previous callings.

"His Majesty’s Government shall place at the disposal of these

Commissions the sum of £3,000,000 for the above-mentioned

purposes, and shall allow that all notes issued in conformity

with Law No. 1, 1900, of the Government of the South African

Republic, and all receipts given by the officers in the Veldt

of the late Republics, or by their order, may be presented to

a judicial Commission by the Government, and in case such

notes and receipts are found by this Commission to have been

duly issued for consideration in value, then they shall be

accepted by the said Commission as proof of war losses

suffered by the persons to whom they had originally been

given. In addition to the above-named free gift of £3,000,000,

His Majesty’s Government will be prepared to grant advances,

in the shape of loans, for the same ends, free of interest for

two years, and afterwards repayable over a period of years

with three per cent. interest. No foreigner or rebel shall be

entitled to benefit by this clause."

The following military statistics of the War, as conducted on

the British side, were published in a Parliamentary paper soon

after its close:

The garrison in South Africa on August 1st, 1899, consisted of

318 officers and 9,622 men; reinforcements sent between then

and the outbreak of hostilities, October 11th, 1899, totaled

12,546. Thereafter the troops sent up to May 31st, 1902,

reached the great total of 386,081, besides 52,414 men raised

in South Africa. The final casualty figures are: Killed,

5,774; wounded, 23,029; died of wounds or disease, 16,168.

A return made to Parliament in April, 1902, of the estimated

amount of war charges in South Africa that had been and would

be incurred up to the 31st of March, 1903, gave the following

figures:

For the first year of the war (1899-1900), £23,217,000; for

the second year, £65,120,000; for the third year, £71,037,000;

for the year in which it ended, £63,600,000. Total,

£222,974,000.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902.

Cape Colony and Natal at the Colonial Conference, London.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE.

{624}

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1903.

Repatriation and Resettlement of the Boers in

the Transvaal and Orange River Colony.

Work of the first Eight Months of Restored Peace.

The following passages from a report dated March 14, 1903,

made by Governor Viscount Milner to Mr. Chamberlain, British

Secretary for the Colonies, will give some intimation of the

task of reconstruction and restoration which the war had

imposed on the victors, and the vigor with which it was

performed:

"The Terms of Surrender were signed at Pretoria on the 31st

May, 1902, but the Civil Government could not really begin to

take over the administration of the new Colonies, and

especially the country districts, for nearly a month after

that date. At Lord Kitchener’s request no attempt was made to

enter into possession of those districts until after the

surrender of the Commandos, and though that surrender was

accomplished with extraordinary celerity and smoothness,

something like three weeks elapsed before any Civil officer

could even set out for the house or tent, generally a tent,

allotted to him in the wilderness which we were about to take

over, devoid, as it was, of crops, of stock, of population,

and, to a large extent, of habitable dwellings. The period

over which this review extends is, therefore, one of about

eight months—from the end of June, when the work of

restoration commenced, till the end of February. …

"To begin with the Prisoners of War. The Vereeniging Terms

entitled something over 33,000 people to be restored to

liberty, and if they happened to be burghers imprisoned out

side South Africa, to be brought back to their homes as soon

as transports could be provided and their means of subsistence

assured. Of this large number upwards of 24,000 were in

prisoners’ camps in St. Helena, Bermuda, India and Ceylon;

upwards of 1,000 were in a prisoners’ camp, at Simons Town,

and about 1,200 were prisoners elsewhere in South Africa. Of

the rest the great majority had been allowed to live in

Concentration Camps, while the balance were on parole in

different parts of South Africa and a few in Europe. The

principal difficulty in connection with the prisoners was, of

course, the bringing back and distribution of the 24,000 odd,

who were at prisoners’ camps oversea. …

"The prisoners of war, on their return to South Africa, were,

in the first place, with few exceptions, sent to the

Concentration Camps of their respective districts, there to

rejoin their families, if they had them, and to return

together with them to their homes. They thus, in the majority

of cases, helped to swell the enormous number of people for

whom the Repatriation Departments of the two colonies had to

provide the means of transport to their homes, and, as a

general rule, the means of subsistence for months after such

return, as well as the seeds, instruments and animals

necessary to enable them to raise a crop. … In the eight and a

half months that we have been at work, we have restored about

200,000 of the old Burgher population in the two Colonies to

their homes, including all the inhabitants in the

Concentration Camps in the Transvaal, the Orange River Colony,

the Cape Colony and Natal, and the Prisoners of War. …

"By hook or by crook we had succeeded by the end of 1902, in

enabling the people to sow a fairly large mealie crop, besides

a considerable amount of forage, potatoes and other

vegetables. The change in the attitude of the farming

population, about that time, was very noticeable. The extreme

depression which characterised them two or three months

earlier had almost completely passed away, and they were

looking forward to the future with much more hopefulness. I

may say that almost the whole time, even when the outlook was

blackest, their attitude towards the Government was not

otherwise than a friendly one. They showed, with few

exceptions, great patience under hardships, and much energy

and resourcefulness in making the best of the small means at

their disposal."

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.

Death of Cecil Rhodes.

Survival of his Influence and his Policy.

Dr. Jameson, as his representative, made Premier

of Cape Colony.

On the 26th of March, 1902, two months before the end of the

British-Boer war, Cecil J. Rhodes died at Cape Town, and his

death removed the most powerful of the personal influences

that would have been reckoned on for determining the results

of the war. He had been the master-spirit in South Africa for

nearly thirty years. Indications of the part he had taken in

the expansion of the British dominion in that part of the

world, and in the conflict of British with Dutch ambitions

which produced the war, will be found in Volume VI. of this

work (see, especially, pages 460-466, 470-471, and 475-477, in

that Volume).

Had he lived and been in health there can be no doubt that he

would have been a leading actor in the political

reconstruction of British South Africa since the war. He had

been the Premier of Cape Colony from 1890 to the end of 1895;

then his career was clouded by the "Jameson raid" into the

Transvaal, and he was forced to resign. But the cloud would

have cleared, as it has cleared from Jameson. Indeed, the new

career of Dr. Jameson, since 1904, when a general election in

Cape Colony brought the party of the Progressives into power,

and put the former chief lieutenant of Cecil Rhodes in the

place of Sir J. Gordon Sprigg as Prime Minister of the

colonial Government, is indicative of the new career that

would have opened to Rhodes. It is the Rhodes policy and the

Rhodes influence that has prevailed, as was said by Mr. Edward

Dicey in an article written at the time:

"When Rhodes’ life came to a sudden and melancholy end,

Jameson felt the best way he could show his respect for his

dead friend was to carry on the work of his lifetime. Amongst

the Progressives there were several public men who, in normal

circumstances, might have been selected as leaders of the

party, but there was a well-grounded conviction that the man

who could best carry on Rhodes’ policy, with the least breach

of continuity, was Jameson. Even the few British colonists who

had not altogether condoned the Raid, felt that there was no

one so qualified to lead the Progressive Party as the author

of the Raid. The result was that Jameson was appointed, by

acclamation, the political successor of Rhodes. It was under

the new leader that the battle of the general election in the

Cape Colony has been fought and won.

{625}

The Progressive majority in the Cape Parliament is small; but,

in spite of all disintegrating influences, it may be trusted

to hold together till a Redistribution Bill has been passed.

When the influence of the Bond was supreme in the Cape

Parliament, the electoral divisions were manipulated in such a

manner as to give thinly populated, rural constituencies equal

representation with that enjoyed by the comparatively densely

populated urban constituencies. This arose from the fact that

in the country the Dutch settlers outnumbered the British,

while in the town the British composed the vast majority of

the electorate. The simplest way to rectify this abuse was to

remodel the existing electoral system, by making population

the basis of representation. This reform, however, was open to

the objection that it practically disfranchised a large number

of rural constituencies in which the Boers were in a majority.

On Jameson being appointed Prime Minister, after Sir Gordon

Sprigg’s compulsory retirement, his first step was to

introduce a new Redistribution Bill based on a less invidious

principle than its predecessor."

Edward Dicey,

The New Cape Premier

(Fortnightly Review, April, 1904).

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.

The Labor Question.

Investigation and opposing Reports by a Commission.

Adoption of Ordinance to admit Unskilled Non-European Laborers.

Beginning of Importation of Chinese Coolies.

The Political Side of the Question.

Debate in the British Parliament.

Early in 1903 Lord Milner appointed a Commission to

investigate and report on the labor question in South Africa,

which is a question between the mining people, who maintain

that the needful supply of labor for profitable mine-working

is not procurable, at rates which mine-owners can afford, from

any other than an Asiatic source, and their opponents who deny

the need of bringing either Chinese or East Indian coolies

into the mining fields. In November the Labor Commission

produced a majority and a minority report, the former agreeing

substantially with the mine-owners, the latter in contention

with them. The signatures to the majority report were ten in

number, the latter were but two. In the discussion of the

reports which took place in the Legislative Council of the

Transvaal late in the year, one speaker made the statement

that he was authorized by General Louis Botha to say that he

and all the Dutch he represented were opposed to the

introduction of Asiatics. A resolution favoring the

introduction of Chinese was adopted in the Council by a vote

of 22 to 4.

Ultimately, against the protests of a great majority of the

Boer population, an ordinance to regulate the introduction

into the Transvaal of unskilled non-European laborers was

adopted by the Legislative Council. It applied to males of

other races than those indigenous to Africa south of 12

degrees north of the Equator. The ordinance was to be

administered by an official superintendent; the laborers were

to be brought in by licensed persons only; they were to be

employed only in the Witwatersrand district, and only in

unskilled labor connected with the production of minerals, and

they were to be sent back to the country of their origin, at

the expense of their importer, at once on the termination of

their contract, which should not be for a longer term than

three years, renewable for two more. Provisions as to their

treatment, their passport identification, their restricted

residence, etc., were very precise and minute. The importation

of Chinese coolies under the provisions of this ordinance began

in June, 1904. At the end of the year over 20,000 had been

brought in.

That the question has its political as well as its industrial

side, and is one which concerns democracy no less than labor,

is shown in the following: "The political and industrial

position of the Rand, and, in some degree of the Transvaal as

a whole, is almost unique. The only parallel that comes to

mind is that of the town and district of Kimberly. A

considerable European community is dependent—on the Rand

entirely, throughout the Transvaal very largely—on a single

industry for the maintenance of its prosperity. This

dependence necessarily places great power in the hands of the

small group of men who are the owners, or represent the

owners, of the capital by which the industry has been created

and is now worked. Their influence is supreme. No law which

threatened their interests could be placed on the Statute

Book. Men who offer any effective opposition to their

wishes—like Mr. Wybergh, the Commissioner of Mines, Mr.

Creswell, the manager of the Village Main Reef Mine, Mr.

Moneypenny, the editor of the chief Johannesburg

newspaper—find it impossible to retain their positions. Two

dangers, and two only, threaten the permanency of this

supremacy—the Trade Union and the ballot, the combination of

the men employed and the possibility of an unsympathetic

majority in the legislature when a system of self government

is restored. Both these dangers would be increased in degree,

and brought nearer in time, by a large and rapid growth of the

white population.

"‘If 200,000 native workers were to be replaced by 100,000

whites,’ said Mr. Rudd, one of the directors of the

Consolidated Goldfields Company, ‘they would simply hold the

Government of the country in the hollow of their hand, and,

without any disparagement to the British labourer, I prefer to

see the more intellectual section of the community at the

helm!’ ‘ With reference to your trial of white labour for

surface work on the mines,’ wrote Mr. Tarbutt, another

director of the same important company and the chairman of the

Village Main Reef Company, in an often-quoted letter to Mr.

Creswell, 'I have consulted the Consolidated Goldfields

people, and one of the members of the board of the Village

Main Reef has consulted Messrs. Wernher, Beit and Co., and the

feeling seems to be one of fear that if a large number of

white men are employed on the Rand in the position of

labourers, the same troubles will arise as are now prevalent

in the Australian Colonies, i. e., that the combination of the

labouring classes will become so strong as to be able to more

or less dictate, not only on questions of wages, but also on

political questions, by the power of the votes when a

Representative Government is established.’

{626}

There have been other declarations of the same tenour; and,

indeed, no one who is acquainted with the views that prevail

among the circles of South African finance would seek to deny

that this dread of a second Australian democracy influencing

the political and economic future of the Rand is one of the

chief motives that direct the policy of the more far-sighted

men among those groups. …

"White labour, coupled with improved mechanical appliances,

stands established as the feasible remedy for the admitted

shortage in the number of Kaffir workers. To reject it in

favour of the introduction of Chinese is a policy which has

natural attractions for the owners of the mines. It is a

policy which should not have won the support of the

representatives of the British people."

Herbert Samuel,

The Chinese Labour Question

(Contemporary Review, April, 1904).

The bringing of Asiatic laborers into the mines was resisted

as strenuously in Cape Colony as by the Boer burghers and the

non-mining interests in general of the Transvaal. The leading

colony addressed a petition on the subject personally to King

Edward, saying: "Such an immigration, hampered and restricted

as it is proposed to be by stringent regulations, would, even

if it were possible to enforce such regulations, which is

doubtful, introduce a servile element, alien to the country,

destitute of rights, or interests, either in the present or

future of South Africa, and worked for the benefit of masters,

in many cases non-resident, thus constituting what would

practically be a slave state, in close contact with the other

free communities of South Africa. Your petitioners feel that

the introduction of such a class of labour would place an

obstacle in the way of the natural growth alike of European

and native elements in the population. …

"Such an importation would decide whether South Africa is in

future to constitute one of those great free communities under

the British flag, the growth of which shed so much lustre on

the reign of your august predecessor, or whether it is to be

ranked as a mere plantation worked in the interest and for the

benefit of foreign holders. Your petitioners therefore most

earnestly pray that your Majesty may be pleased to withhold

your sanction from any measure having for its object the

importation of Asiatics into South Africa, and by so doing

save them and those who may come after them from consequences

that will be fatal to their peace and prosperity."

Parliamentary Papers, 1904

(Cd. 1895), page 133.

Mr. Chamberlain, Secretary of State for the Colonies, returned

to England in March, 1903, from a visit to South Africa, and

made an extended statement in Parliament soon afterwards of

his observations and his conclusions from what he had seen. On

the labor question, then the subject of greatest agitation in

South Africa, he stoutly supported the mine-owners in their

contention that native labor, and supplies from beyond the

Zambesi, to supplement the Kaffir supply, is a necessity of

the mining industry; that white labor is impossibly expensive,

and that the feeling against the introduction of Asiatic labor

seemed invincibly strong. There was not, he maintained, the

slightest foundation for the charge that the mine-owners

wanted forced labor or slavery in any shape or form, but that

they must have cheap labor if the mines were to be worked.

A few days later Lord Lansdowne, the Foreign Secretary,

received a deputation from various missionary societies to

protest against a proposed exportation of native labor from

Central to South Africa. In reply to them he said that the

Government had no more in view at present than an experiment

with 1000 laborers, who would be taken from British Central

Africa to the Rand District of the Transvaal and employed

there under regulations very carefully framed. If

objectionable results were found the experiment would be

carried no farther. This was followed by warm debate on the

subject in the House of Commons, where Sir William Harcourt

and others denounced the greed of the mining companies,

insisting that the mines could not pay fair wages simply

because the rich mines were over-capitalized and the low-grade

mines had been developed only for sale. Mr. Chamberlain again

championed the mine-owners, and defended the policy of the

Government, which sought, he said, to promote the general

prosperity of the country by getting as many of the mines as

possible into working order. The debate had no practical

result.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1908.

Hostility to British Indian Immigration.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: A. D. 1903-1908.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1904.

Census of all British South Africa.

Whites and Natives.

A general census taken in 1904 showed a total white population

in all British South Africa--south of Zambesi—of 1,135,655,

and a colored population of 5,169,338. The distribution of

this in the several colonies was as follows; Cape Colony,

580,380 white, 1,825,172 colored; the Transvaal and Swaziland,

300,225 white, 1,030,029 colored; Natal, 97,109 white,

1,011,645 colored; Rhodesia, 12,623, white, 593,141 colored;

Orange River Colony, 143,419 white, 241,626 colored;

Basutoland, 895 white, 347,953 colored; Bechuanaland, 1,004

white, 119,772 colored.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1905.

Importation of Chinese Coolies Suspended

by orders from London.

The Liberal Ministry in Great Britain, under Sir Henry

Campbell-Bannerman, which succeeded the Conservative-Unionist

Ministry of Mr. Balfour on the 10th of December, 1905, had

been seated but twelve days when a despatch was cabled by Lord

Elgin, Secretary for the Colonies, to Lord Selborne, the High

Commissioner in South Africa, that "the experiment of the

introduction of Chinese laborers should not be extended

farther until they could learn the opinion of the colony

through an elected and really representative Legislature, and

they had accordingly decided that the recruiting, embarking

and importation of Chinese coolies should be arrested pending

a decision as to the grant of responsible government to the

Colony"—that is, the Transvaal.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1905-1907.

Fulfillment by the British Government of the Promises

of the Treaty of the Vereeniging Treaty.

Representative Government restored to the Boer States.

The seventh stipulation in the Vereeniging Treaty of May 81,

1902, which ended the Boer-British War (see above, A. D.

1901-1902), contained the promise, on the part of the British

Government, that "military administration in the Transvaal and

in the Orange River Colony shall, as soon as possible, be

followed by civil government; and, as soon as circumstances

permit it, a representative system tending towards autonomy

shall be introduced."

{627}

On the 31st of March, 1905, the first step toward the

fulfillment of this pledge was taken, by the issue of letters

patent from the crown (without action of Parliament, inasmuch

as the Boer States, in the eye of the law, had been under the

suzerainty of the British sovereign, had been in revolt, had

been subjugated, and were directly subject to the crown, as

conquered territory), conferring a Constitution of Civil

Government on the Transvaal. It gave popular representation in

a legislature of a single chamber, styled the Legislative

Assembly. Not exceeding thirty-five of the members of this

body were to be elected, and from six to nine others were to

be appointed by the High Commissioner of South Africa,—in

which office Lord Milner had been succeeded of late by Lord

Selborne. Every burgher of the former Transvaal Republic not

disqualified by conviction for treason since May 31, 1902, was

to be entitled to vote in the election of representatives; and

so were all white males of British birth occupying premises at

an annual rental of not less than $50, or possessed of capital

to the value of $500. The debates in the Assembly were to be

in English—not in English or Dutch, like the English or French

of the Parliament of Canada; but there is a provision that the

Speaker may permit a member to use the Dutch language. No bill

passed by the Legislative Assembly which should subject the

natives to disabilities or restrictions could become law until

it had received the sanction of the Colonial Office in London.

This organization of a partially representative colonial

government extended only to the Transvaal. The Orange River

Colony remained still under the Crown Colony system, which had

been the status hitherto of both the Boer states since the

close of the war.

This limited realization of the promise of representative

government to the Boers was undoubtedly all that could be

expected from the Conservative Ministry in England, which went

out of power soon after it had conferred the Transvaal

Constitution. Its successors, of the British Liberal party,

soon broadened the basis of self-government in the Transvaal,

by a new constitutional instrument, which was outlined to

Parliament on the 1st of August, and issued December 6th,

1906. This made the legislature a bicameral body, having, for

the time being, an upper Council of 15 appointed members,

which, however, it was said to be the intention of the

Government to extinguish at no distant day. The elective

Assembly was to be composed of sixty-nine members, elected by

secret ballot for terms of five years. Every adult male of

twenty-one years of age who had been a resident for six

months, except members of the British garrison, was entitled

to vote. The general lines of the old Boer magisterial

districts were followed, and, on the basis of the census

figures of 1904 the Rand would have 32 members, Pretoria 6,

Krugersdorp 1, and the rest of the country 30. The

constitution prohibited Chinese contract labor, and no more

coolies could be imported into the country after November 15.

Either the English or the Dutch language could be used for

public business, and naturalization was made easy, but the

Boers’ request for woman suffrage was denied.

A Constitution framed on similar lines was given to the Orange

River Colony within the same year.

In the first elections for the Transvaal Assembly there were,

besides Socialists and labor organizations, three parties

engaged in a somewhat embittered contest. "The Progressives

are the party of the great mining houses on the Rand; the

Nationalist party is composed of British electors opposed to

the enormous political influence which the mining houses have

hitherto exercised; while the Boers at Johannesburg and

Pretoria and in the rural constituencies are organized in Het

Volk. There was a coalition between the Nationalists and Het

Volk. These two parties united against the Progressives, and

adopted as the chief plank in their platform a declaration

that the one question on which the election must turn was,

‘Who shall control the Transvaal—the people or the mining

houses?’ The Progressives on their part insisted that the

question was, ‘Shall the Transvaal be governed by the people

of the Transvaal, or from Downing Street?’ They were aggrieved

by the action of the British Government in making legislation

concerning non-European labor subject to review in London, and

in the campaign they made no attempt to conceal their

hostility to the Campbell-Bannerman Government. In this way

the question of Chinese labor was forced to the front. The

Nationalists and Het Volk coalition was successful," and

General Lotus Botha, who has been the leading spirit and

guiding mind among the Boers since the war ended, became the

Prime Minister of the Transvaal Government then organized.

It has been fortunate for the Transvaal, and no less for South

Africa at large, that so large-minded and strong a leader of

the subjugated race was found for the trying period in which

victors and vanquished were to have peace and friendship

established between them.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1906-1907.

Revolt of the Zulus in Natal.

Their Grievances.

An extensive and determined revolt of the Zulus living within

the Colony of Natal broke out late in January, 1906, as the

consequence of an attempt to collect a poll-tax levied on them

by the colonial Parliament. A police sergeant and two or three

native policemen were killed in the first melée, and from that

time until near the end of the following summer there was war.

That it was prosecuted with fierceness, if not actual

ferocity, by the whites of the Colony, is made manifest by the

fact that about 3500 Zulus are said to have been slain and

2000 taken prisoners. The principal Zulu leader, a chief named

Bambaata, was killed in a battle fought in June, and the

revolt declined from that time. Sigananda, another chief, was

condemned to death, and twelve prisoners, convicted by

court-martial of complicity in the original murder of police

officers, were executed; while thirty-eight others were

sentenced to imprisonment for two years.

A serious question between the colony and the

Imperial-Government arose in connection with these military

trials. The sentences to death, confirmed by the governor and

the Natal ministry, were about to be carried out, when Mr.

Winston Churchill, with the approval of Lord Elgin, Colonial

Secretary, cabled to the Natal premier ordering the suspension

of the execution pending an investigation by the Liberal

government, on the contention that the natives should have

been tried in a civil court.

{628}

Premier Smyth refused to obey, but the governor postponed the

executions, whereupon the Natal ministry resigned. Much

indignation was evident in England, as well as in the colony,

against what was regarded as an unwarrantable interference in

colonial affairs by the Imperial government. The matter was

concluded by Lord Elgin cabling to the governor of Natal that

the home government had no intention of interfering in

colonial matters, and that, upon the receipt of full

information, it recognized the right and competency of the

Natal ministry to decide the question at issue.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1907 (April-May).

Imperial Conference at London.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

Formation of the Legislative Union of South Africa.

The Framing of the Constitution.

Compromise on the Race Question of Franchise.

British Imperial Assent.

The Royal Proclamation of Union.

Very quickly after the placing of the Boer colonies on a

footing of political equality with their English neighbors a

fresh desire for South African Union, in which they, who had

fought to the death for its prevention only six years before,

now shared, began to be earnestly voiced. Its genesis was

explained clearly by a correspondent of the London

Times of May 24, 1909, who wrote "Economic causes of a

special character assisted the process. A great wave of

commercial depression, following hard upon the golden

expectations of the peace, passed over the whole country, but

made itself specially felt in the coast colonies. Here the

situation was painful in the extreme. It was a tale of

deficit, of retrenchment, of heroic Budgets. But far beyond

the rolling hills of the Karoo and the flat tableland of the

Orange River there was a wealthy State, a State with a

surplus. The Transvaal, possessing in Johannesburg the

principal centre of opulence and the chief market for produce,

was in a position to exert economic pressure upon colonies

whose principal source of revenue was derived from the profits

upon their railways and from the sale of their goods to the

great city on the high veld. The poorer colonies lived, so to

speak, upon the custom of the Transvaal, and were unable to

ignore, however much they might dislike, their position of

dependence. A rate war or a tariff war between the Transvaal

and the coast colonies could hardly end with a victory for

Cape Town or Durban, and so by a process of reasoning which

was not always pleasantly illustrated the coast colonies came

to accommodate themselves to the view that some form of

arrangement as to railways and Customs was desirable in their

own interests. Other causes contributed to illumine and

enlarge the horizon. A Zulu rebellion in Natal brought home

the common danger to the white community from native unrest or

from mistakes made by a weak colonial Government in its native

policy; the grant of responsible government to the two

conquered Colonies tended, not only to bring the English and

Dutch leaders into habitual communion, but to give to the

progressive section of the community a pressing interest in

the construction of a Government which should be strong enough

to resist the influences of the back veld."

The first action taken to transform the desire for Union into

a movement to that end was early in May, 1908, by a convention

of officials from the several colonies, assembled at Pretoria

to negotiate a new customs agreement and to arrange

intercolonial railway rates. The railway situation was nearly,

if not quite, the most serious one that brought pressure to

bear on some of the colonies, forcing them to seek a union in

which conflicts of interest would be overcome. It was a

situation which the High Commissioner, Lord Selborne,

described briefly, in a review of the many reasons for Union

which he addressed to the Governors and Lieutenant-Governors

of the several colonies, on the 7th of January, 1907:

"Of all the questions fruitful in divergence of opinion or of

interest to the Colonies of South Africa, there is none so

pregnant with danger," he wrote, "as the railway question. It

is not an exaggeration to say that a field more thickly sown

with the seed of future quarrel and strife than the

[State-owned] railway systems of South Africa does not exist.

As long as the Governments of the five British Colonies in

South Africa are wholly separated from, and independent of,

each other, their railway interests are not only distinct but

absolutely incompatible. There is a competitive struggle

between the ports of Cape Colony and of Natal to snatch from

each other every ton of goods which can be snatched. The

Orange River Colony desires as many tons of goods as possible

to be passed to the Transvaal through its territory, but it is

to the interest of Cape Colony that no such tons of goods

should pass into the Transvaal through the Orange River

Colony. … In the same way it is to the interest of Natal to

pass the goods consigned to the Transvaal from Durban into the

Transvaal at Volksrust, and not at Vereeniging through the

Orange River Colony. Thus the interests of Cape Colony, of

Natal, and of the Orange River Colony conflict the one with

the other. But when it comes to considering the railway

interests of the Transvaal, then it will be found that the

interest of the Transvaal is diametrically opposed to the

interests of Cape Colony, of Natal, and of the Orange River

Colony. The Transvaal loses revenue on every ton of goods

which enters the Transvaal by any other route than that from

Delagoa Bay [on the Portuguese coast]. … If the [Transvaal

Government] were as indifferent to the welfare of the three

sister Colonies as every State in Europe is to the welfare of

every other State, the Transvaal would see that all the trade

to the Transvaal came exclusively through Delagoa Bay. And

what then would be the position of the railways and the

finances of the three sister Colonies and of the ports of Cape

Colony and of Natal? This divergence, this conflict of railway

interests, this cloud of future strife, would vanish like a

foul mist before the sun of South African Federation, but no

other force can dissipate it."

That a railway and customs convention should start the action

which united the colonies of South Africa happened as

logically, therefore, as the happenings which derived the

American Federal Constitutional Convention of 1787 from a

River and Harbor Convention at Annapolis in 1786.

{629}

The South African Railway convention, before adjourning,

adopted a resolution recommending the appointment of delegates

from each colony to a convention for the framing of a

Constitution of United Government. Cape Colony led off in

approving the proposal, followed within a day or two by the

Transvaal and Orange River Colony, and a week later by Natal,

where the strongest opposition was developed. The

apportionment of delegates to the Convention was, for Cape

Colony 12, for the Transvaal 8, for Orange River and Natal 5

each. On the 12th of October these delegates assembled at

Durban, in Natal, under the presidency of Sir Henry de

Villiers and were in session there until the 5th of November,

when they adjourned to meet again at Cape Town, November 23.

Their labors were not concluded until the 3d of February,

1909, when all differences had been harmonized or compromised

and a draft Constitution approved, which every delegate signed

that day.

The Constitution was officially published on the 9th of

February, with a recommendation that the several Parliaments

should meet on March 30 to consider the draft, and that the

Convention should meet again in May on a day to be fixed by

the president of the Convention and the Premiers in

consultation. The final draft to be submitted to the

Parliaments in June. Then a committee of delegates appointed

by the Governments to proceed to England to facilitate the

passing of the Act.

This programme was successfully carried through. Cape Colony

and Natal contended for certain amendments to the draft

Constitution, but the Transvaal and Orange River colonies

approved the instrument and instructed their delegates to

support it as a whole. The General Convention was reassembled

at Bloemfontein, capital of the Orange River Colony, on the 3d

of May, when it discussed the proposed amendments and agreed

to eight of them. As thus amended the draft was adopted in

June by the parliaments of each of the four colonies, and sent

with that endorsement to the Imperial Government for the seal

of Sovereign Law. It was followed by an official mission,

composed of nineteen members, who represented, as a London

journal remarked, "almost the whole of the driving power in

South African politics," including, of course, such former

antagonists as General Botha and Dr. Jameson, now shoulder to

shoulder in powerful leadership of the movement for South

African Union.

One feature of the Constitution, as framed by the four

colonies and presented for the imperial approval, was

profoundly repugnant to English feeling. It was the product of

a compromise in the colonial convention, which ran a curious

parallel to that in the American constitutional convention of

1787, which gave the Southern States a representation in

Congress for their slaves. The question of elective franchises

and legislative representation for the colored natives had

troubled the South African union-making, just as the slavery

question had troubled the American. Cape Colony had conferred

the suffrage on its qualified colored citizens, and refused to

disfranchise them; the other colonies had disfranchised all

races but the white, and refused to allow a possible election

from the Cape Colony to the Union Parliament of any other than

members of European descent. The necessary compromise which

secured the Union left the Cape franchise undisturbed for the

present, but exposed to a future chance of being overruled;

and it barred all but European humanity from both houses of

the general Parliament.

This compromise was opposed with unyielding resolution by a

strong party in Cape Colony, led by two former premiers, Mr.

W. P. Schreiner and Sir J. Gordon Sprigg. Mr. Schreiner went

to England to appeal there to the Imperial Parliament against

the sanctioning of these provisions of the proposed

Constitution.

Mr. Schreiner found in Great Britain almost universal sympathy

with the feeling that he represented. In Parliament and out,

it was expressed by all parties; but there went with it a

prevailing opinion that the matter in question and the

attending circumstances were such that the Imperial Parliament

ought not to refuse assent to the action of the colonies. The

Prime Minister, Mr. Asquith, set forth the reasoning to this

conclusion very clearly and concisely, when, on the 19th of

August, he moved, in the House of Commons, the third reading

of the South Africa Bill. "I wish," he said, "in submitting

this motion to the House, to take the opportunity of putting

on record the fact that this Bill, consisting of over 150

clauses and a very complicated schedule, has, after the most

careful consideration by this House, been passed without

amendment. It would, however, be a totally false impression

were it suggested that as regards all provisions of this Bill

there is unanimity of opinion in the House. In particular as

regards some of the clauses which deal with the treatment of

natives—the access of native members to the Legislature—as

everybody who has followed the debate can see, there is not

only no difference of opinion, but absolute unanimity in the

way of regret that those particular provisions should have

been inserted in the Bill. I wish before the Bill leaves the

Imperial Parliament to make it perfectly clear that we here

have exercised, and I think wisely and legitimately exercised,

not only restraint of expression, but reserve of judgment in

regard to matters of this kind, simply because we desire that

this great experiment of establishing free self-government in

South Africa should start on the lines and in accordance with

the ideas of our fellow-citizens there which they have

deliberately and after long consideration come to.

"It is perfectly true that the Imperial Government cannot

divest itself of responsibility in this matter. We do not do

so. I think that if we have yielded, as we have, on points of

detail—on some points on which many of us feel very

strongly—to the considered and deliberate judgment of South

Africa, it has been because we thought it undesirable at this,

the last, stage in the completion of an almost unprecedentedly

difficult task to put forward anything that could be an

obstacle to the successful working of the Bill. Speaking for

myself and the Government, I venture to express not only the

hope, but the expectation, that in some of these matters that

have been discussed in this House, both on the second reading

and in the Committee stage, the views which have been so

strongly expressed, and practically without any dissent, will

be sympathetically considered by our fellow-citizens in South

Africa.

{630}

For my part I think, as I have said throughout, that it would

be far better that any relaxations of what almost all of us

regard as unnecessary restrictions upon the electoral rights

and eligibility of our native fellow-subjects there should be

carried out spontaneously and on the initiative of the South

African Parliament rather than that it should appear to be

forced on them by the Imperial Parliament here."

The Bill had already passed the House of Lords. It received

the royal approval on the 20th of September; and, on the 2d of

December, the Union of South Africa was proclaimed, to be of

effect on and after the 31st of May, 1910.

Soon after the passage of the Bill, announcement was made that

the Prince of Wales would visit South Africa to open the Union

Parliament, as he had done on the opening of the Parliament of

the Australian Commonwealth, in 1901.

In December it was made known that the Right Honourable

Herbert Gladstone would be the first Governor-General of

United South Africa.

For the text of the South African Constitution:

See (in this Volume)

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1909.

The Native Protectorates.

Their Condition and Circumstances on the Eve of

the Inauguration of the Union of South Africa.

"It should not be forgotten that the protectorates are in

being to-day not because this particular arrangement of

protection was economically necessary or inevitable, nor even

because the general relationship of the native tribes of South

Africa made it the best that could be devised. The fact is

that they came into existence at different times and as

definite and probably expedient results of various fortuitous

crises in a chaotic native political history, which is at

least characteristic of South Africa. …

"To-day the protectorates are to a considerable degree

isolated native communities, so far at any rate as they are

concerned with any possible united feeling among the other

native tribes of South Africa. They are carefully guarded by

their responsible officials from interference and possible

harm from outside their own territories—that is from taking

any considerable interest or partnership in the real or

fancied troubles of neighbouring states. They are in a

sense—and more than a political sense—inside a ring fence.

"As regards the relationship between the native inhabitants

and the white settlers of the several protectorates, there are

no striking points of difference. In Basutoland no land is

held under white ownership. Such white residents as there are,

apart from officials and missionaries, are there as traders

and storekeepers. No land rights have been alienated to white

men. In the Bechuanaland Protectorate certain areas are held

by white men, but at the same time very large areas are

reserved entirely for native uses. In Swaziland the

relationship was, until a few months ago, upon a very

different basis—a position surely unique in the history of the

British colonial possessions. I have not space to describe

even briefly the extraordinary intricacy of the concessions

troubles or the heroic measures found necessary to effect a

settlement at once just to the concessionaire and the native.

It must be sufficient to say that today about half the area of

the country is held in white ownership, while rather more than

one-third is reserved for the exclusive use and benefit of the

natives. In Zululand certain areas of land are held by whites,

but the bulk of land is held in native possession. In each

case, however, it is not probable that any more land will be

alienated for purposes of sale or settlement by whites. It may

be accepted without doubt, I think, that the natives will

retain in perpetuity the land they hold at present. It will be

seen that the material interests of the natives, at any rate

as regards land, have been well guarded in the three

protectorates."

R. T. Coryndon,

The Position of the Native Protectorates

(The State, South Africa, September, 1909).

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1909.

Introduction of Proportional Representation.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: SOUTH AFRICA.

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1909.

Native Labor Supplanting the Chinese.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: SOUTH AFRICA. A. D. 1909.

----------SOUTH AFRICA: End--------

SOUTH AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

See (in this Volume)

American Republics.

SOUTH CAROLINA, and Interstate and West Indian Exposition.

See (in this Volume)

CHARLESTON: A. D. 1901.

SPAIN: A. D. 1870-1905.

Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

SPAIN: A. D. 1898-1906.

Gains from the Loss of Cuba and the Philippines.

Growth of Close Relations with the Spanish-American States.

"In many a war it has been the vanquished, not the victor, who

has carried off the finest spoils. Cuba and the Philippines

have been like a tumor in the side of Spain, dragging her down

in the race of civilization. They have drained her life-blood

and disturbed all her national activities. Only a serious

surgical operation could remove this exhausting excrescence;

and Spaniards themselves have been the first to recognize that

the operation, though painful, was in the highest degree

beneficial. Not even the most Quixotic of Spaniards dreams of

regaining these lost possessions. The war has been beneficial

in at least two different ways. It has had a healthy economic

influence, because, besides directing the manhood of Spain

into sober industrial channels, it has led to the removal of

artificial restrictions in the path of commercial activity. It

has been advantageous morally, because it has forced even the

most narrow and ignorant Spaniard to face the actual facts of

the modern world.

"The war has had a further result in leading to a movement,

for a closer sympathy between Spain and the Spanish states of

South America. The attitude of these states towards the mother

country has hitherto been somewhat unsympathetic; they have

regarded her as hopelessly opposed to all reform; the

hostility of Spain to the aspirations of Cuba and their own

earlier struggles for freedom amply accounted for such an

attitude. Now there is nothing to stand in the way of a

movement towards approximation which has already begun to

manifest itself, and may ultimately possess a serious

significance."

Havelock Ellis,

The Spirit of Present-Day Spain

(Atlantic Monthly, December, 1900).

{631}

"Thoughtful Spaniards will tell you that a change has come

over their country with the close of last century, and that

this change has been developing since the accession of their

young King. The starting-point of this evolution in national

life was the close of the short struggle with the United

States and the loss of what remained of their colonial empire.

That turning-point in the modern annals of Spain caused a deep

impression in the minds, not only of the governing classes of

the country, but of the hard-working middle classes and of the

masses themselves. … Almost immediately after conclusion of

the peace treaty, first a few and then more and more Spaniards

dared to speak out what at heart they felt, however sore and

resentful—namely, that foreign and colonial foes had rendered

Spain a service by ridding her of the colonies that hampered

her revival in Europe and in fields of action and enterprise

nearer home. This feeling spread widely among the masses and

middle classes when they perceived the first-fruits of the

concentration of the resources and energies of the nation in

Spain between 1899 and 1905. Much capital had flowed back from

the former colonies, especially from Cuba and the Philippines,

and promoted a rapid increase in enterprises of every

kind—banks, financial establishments, mines, industries,

syndicates, trusts, shipping-interests that, developing,

perhaps, too rapidly, were led to overproduction, and thus

gave rise to local crises at Bilbao, Barcelona, Santander,

Cadiz, Malaga. The rebound of the last year of the nineteenth

century and of the first few years of the twentieth was a

consequence also of the recovery of Spanish credit, effected

by a vigorous reorganization of Spanish finance and budgets by

the late Señor Villaverde, and by the gallant resolution with

which Governments and Parliaments, backed by the press and

public opinion, undertook to honor both the domestic

engagements of Spain herself, and the engagements that

resulted from saddling her treasury and budget with the debts

of Cuba and the Philippines, and with the cost of the last and

previous civil wars in the lost colonies. The restoration of

Spain’s credit abroad and at home, the successful levelling of

her budgets with a surplus revenue annually of several

millions of dollars since 1900, dispelled the fears of her

native capitalists; and they too, large and small, came

forward to invest in mines, banks, companies and railways."

World-Politics

(North American Review, November, 1905).

SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904.

Four Years of Political Shuffling in the Government.

End of the Queen Dowager Regency.

Coronation of the Young King, Alfonso XIII.

Death of Sagasta.

A New Ministry, of Liberals, was formed in March, 1901, with

the veteran leader, Praxedes Mateo Sagasta, at its head; but

the military party was represented in the Government by

General Weyler, as Secretary for War. Measures undertaken by

the Government against unauthorized religious orders, to bring

them under surveillance, gave rise to anti-clerical

disturbances in some parts of the Kingdom, and were defiantly

opposed by the Church. Legislative elections held in June gave

the Government 280 seats, leaving but 70 to the Opposition;

but any party controlling the conduct of elections in Spain

was said to be able to secure whatever majority it desired.

The general condition of confusion and disturbance was

continued in 1902, and constant recourse was had, in one

region or another, to declarations of a "state of siege,"

involving martial law. General Weyler fought a battle of a

week’s duration in February at Barcelona, with rioting

consequent on a general strike.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: SPAIN.

On the 17th of May, his sixteenth birthday, Alfonso XIII.,

whose father, Alfonso XII., died before he was born, and who,

consequently, had been, nominally and constitutionally, King

of Spain since his birth, entered on the actual exercise of

royal functions. He was crowned that day, and the regency of

his mother came to an end. The coronation ceremonies were

splendid; the oath taken by the young King was very simple: "I

swear by God upon the Holy Bible to maintain the constitution

and laws. If so I do, may God regard me; if I do not, may he

call me to account." There is reason to believe that he took

this oath with a serious sense of the responsibilities he

assumed; but influences at Court, military, clerical, and

otherwise reactionary, were stronger than the influence of his

constitutional advisers for a few years, and the political

distractions of the time were increased. The attempted action

of Government against unauthorized religious orders ended in a

compromise which gave authorization to every order demanding

it.

On the 3d of December, 1902, Sagasta and his Cabinet resigned,

and a Conservative Ministry, under Señor Silvela, was formed.

On the 5th of January following Sagasta died. The liberalism

he represented had no substantial unity left, nor were the

opposing groups in a condition to give more consistency or

strength to the Government. A new Ministry under Senor

Villaverde succeeded that of Silvela in May, and was succeeded

in turn by another in December, with Señor Maura at its head.

Premier Maura, formerly of Sagasta’s party, but latterly more

Conservative, held the reins for a full year, escaping two

attempted assassinations in 1904, and giving place to General

Azcarraga on the 14th of December in that year. The General

was less fortunate, for he enjoyed the honors of the prime

ministry but six weeks.

SPAIN: A. D. 1903.

Agreement for Settlement of Claims against Venezuela.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

SPAIN: A. D. 1904 (April).

Declarations of England and France touching Spanish

interests in Morocco.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

SPAIN: A. D. 1905-1906.

Unsatisfactory State of the Kingdom.

Rapid Succession of Changes in the Government.

Disorders in Catalonia.

The King’s Marriage.

Attempted Assassination of the King.

Proposed Anti-Clerical Law, which came to naught.

In the character of its political parties, in the condition of

its finances and in the general circumstances of the country,

Spain appeared to be in an increasingly unsatisfactory state.

Four changes of Ministry occurred within the year 1905, and no

Government was found able to project any policy that promised

permanency and definiteness of line.

{632}

Don Ramon Villaverde succeeded General Azcarraga as Premier in

January, and was succeeded in the following June by Don E.

Montero Rios, who had Don Jose Echegaray, the eminent poet,

dramatist, novelist, and banker, for his Minister of Finance.

In turn, Señor Montero Rios, after a reconstruction of his

Cabinet in October with the help of the King, gave way at the

end of November to Señor Moret. The Azcarraga and Villaverde

Ministries had been Conservative; those of Montero Rios and

Moret were of the Liberal type. The Parliament, which should

have been convened early in the year, but was not called

together until the middle of June, contained no majority which

any Ministry could trust, and all the leaders in Spanish

politics were afraid of it. Fresh elections in September gave

the Montero Rios Ministry a decided majority; but it had

quarrels within itself, and threatening disorders had arisen

in many parts of the country, especially in half-rebellious

Catalonia, which it seems to have lacked courage to face. An

arrogant, insubordinate temper had been developed among the

officers of the army, who disputed the supremacy of civil over

military authority; and in many ways the conditions in the

kingdom gave cause for grave anxiety to thoughtful minds.

Not much, if any, quieting of the disturbed conditions in

Spain came during the next year. The Government stooped to a

compromise with the insolent military faction, so far as to

allow press offenses against officers of the army to be dealt

with by courts-martial. On the 31st of May, 1906, King Alfonso

was married to the English Princess Ena of Battenberg, who

previously entered the Roman Catholic Church, much to the

disturbance of Protestant feeling in England. The wedding

festivities at Madrid were nearly made tragical by an

anarchist attempt to kill the royal pair. As they returned

from the marriage ceremony to the palace a wretch named Matteo

Morales threw a bomb into the midst of the procession of

carriages, killing a number of attendant people, but missing

those for whom it was intended. The coolness and readiness of

mind shown by the young king, and by his bride, excited

general admiration, and indicated a strength of character that

augured well for Spain.

In July the Moret Ministry found it expedient to resign, and

the administration of Government passed to a new Cabinet,

under Captain-General Lopez Dominguez. Then a strange change

of attitude toward the Church of Rome was given for a brief

time to the Spanish Government, as though it had caught the

temper of France. There had been signs of a disposition toward

some independence of secular policy a few years before, when

the strenuous opposition of the Church failed to prevent the

passage of a Spanish law which authorized civil marriage

between persons legally qualified, whatever their creed might

be. The Church continued its hostility to this law until it

succeeded, in 1900, in securing an amendment which restricted

the right of civil marriage to parties one of whom should not

be a Catholic. Public opinion does not seem to have approved

that concession, and the original provisions of the law were

now restored. This drew on the Government a fierce clerical

attack; in the face of which it brought forward, in October, a

project of law which seems to have been modelled very closely

on that French Associations Law, of 1901, by which all

religious orders, along with other associations, were brought

under surveillance and regulation by the State.

See in Volume VI. of this work,

FRANCE: A. D. 1901,

and, in this Volume,

FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

This Spanish measure proposed to allow no religious order to

be established in the kingdom without parliamentary

authorization. It would empower the Government to withdraw the

authorization of any order or association that it found

dangerous to public tranquility or morals; it would permit any

member of an order to renounce his or her vows; it would

dissolve any order whose members were foreigners or whose

directors lived abroad; it would command monasteries and

convents to open their doors to representatives of the proper

civil authority at any time; it would limit the property held

by religious orders to the need of the objects for which they

were instituted and put a limit on the gifts and bequests they

could receive.

This seemed an extraordinary measure to come even under

discussion in Spain. Some of the Liberal leaders were prompt

in declaring opposition to it, and its passage through the

Cortes was probably impossible; but it came to no vote. Debate

on it, opened on the 27th of November, was brought soon to an

abrupt and not well-explained end. The Prime Minister resigned

suddenly, in consequence of alleged intrigues; Señor Moret,

recalled to office, was forced to retire again almost at once;

a new Ministry was formed by the Marquis Vega de Armijo, and

nothing more appears to have been heard of the proposed

Associations Law.

SPAIN: A. D. 1906.

At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco question.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

SPAIN: A. D. 1907.

Franco-Spanish Bombardment of Casablanca.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

The Maura Conservative Ministry.

Unpopularity of the War in Morocco.

Insurgency in Barcelona.

The Ferrer Case.

The Moret Ministry.

Municipal Reform.

Present Parties.

The Ministry of Marquis Armijo de la Vega held the Government

little more than a month, giving way to Señor Maura and his

party, who returned to power in January, 1907. Five changes of

administration had occurred within a year and a half.

Elections in April yielded the Government a majority, and the

birth of an heir to the throne on the 10th of May gave much

satisfaction to the country. The Liberals, however, were so

indignant at the manipulation of the elections to the lower

chamber that, on the advice of their leader, Señor Moret, they

took no part in the senatorial elections which followed, later

in May; and this proved singularly embarrassing to the

Government. Bomb explosions and other anarchist outrages,

centering in Barcelona, but not confined to that turbulent

city, were being dreadfully increased, and a ministerial Bill

was brought before the Cortes in January, 1908, providing

measures of suppression so drastic, especially in its dealing

with the Press, that a most formidable opposition was stirred

up. The Government stood stoutly by the Bill for months, until

its control of the Cortes was shaken by the coalition that

took form against it.

{633}

In the end it withdrew the Anarchist Bill, but raised another

obstinate and threatening storm by the proposal of a Local

Administration Bill, quite startlingly revolutionary in its

plans for giving more independence to municipalities and

provincial councils. Contest over this Bill went on till early

in February, 1909, when Premier Maura came to an understanding

with Señor Moret, leader of one of the Liberal groups, which

enabled a part of the extensive measure, relating to

municipalities, to be passed. Among other things, this new

enactment made voting in the municipalities compulsory, and

elections held since are reported to have shown a heavy

increase of vote, proving effectiveness in the law. The other

section of the Bill, dealing with provincial councils, was

held over for subsequent action in the Cortes, and had not

been disposed of when Premier Maura and his Cabinet were

driven to resign, in October, 1909.

The causes of the overthrow of the Maura Ministry came

primarily from the serious war with the tribesmen of the Riff,

Morocco, into which Spain had been drawn in the midsummer of

1909.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1909).

The war was exceedingly unpopular from the beginning, and made

more so by early reverses in its prosecution. Riotous

outbreaks and labor strikes occurred in several parts of the

Kingdom, but most fiercely at the turbulent city of Barcelona,

where they were suppressed with a severity which embittered

feeling against the Government. This feeling was excited to a

climax in October by the military trial and execution, at

Barcelona, of Professor Francisco Ferrer. Professor Ferrer was

a teacher of high standing and wide acquaintance in Europe,

extremely radical in his political opinions, and accused of

disseminating seditious doctrines in the school which he

conducted at Barcelona. The military authorities there put him

under arrest on the charge of having been a principal

instigator of the revolutionary rising in July. He was tried

by court-martial, without just opportunity for defence,

according to common belief, and summarily shot, the Government

disregarding many appeals from all parts of Europe for its

intervention in the case. An extraordinary excitement

throughout the world was produced by this tragedy, and it was

felt in Spain with reverberant effect. After violent speeches

in the Chamber of Deputies, October 20, Señor Maura felt it

necessary to resign, and the Liberal leader, Señor Moret y

Prendergast, was called by the King to take the Government in

hand.

The Moret Ministry made a speedy good beginning in domestic

policy, by reviving, in some degree, the further undertaking

of reform in local administration which Señor Maura had

attempted two years before. This was now done by a decree,

designed to clear away the mass of ordinances and special

decrees by which the existing municipal law has been gradually

choked since it was enacted in 1877, and to restore to

municipal bodies the liberty and initiative that they were

originally supposed to possess. Señor Moret and his party had

supported Premier Maura’s Local Administration Bill in 1907;

but it had been opposed and defeated by the class of

politicians who are trained to a distaste for any sort of

political reform. According to all accounts, the Moret

Ministry, with a much mixed and uncertain support in the

Cortes, has thus far done well.

Municipal elections were held throughout Spain December 12,

and the introduction of compulsory voting brought out an

unprecedented vote, from which the Republicans and Liberals

drew most. Altogether, there are said to have been chosen 481

Republicans, Liberals, and Democrats, 253 Conservatives, and

over a hundred Radicals of various shades. Madrid elected 12

Republican councillors, 2 Liberals, 1 Democrat, and 7

Conservatives, thus giving the Republicans an absolute

majority. Valencia chose 15 Republicans, against 10 of all

other parties. In Valladolid, 12 Liberals, 6 Republicans, and

3 Conservatives were elected; in La Coruña, 7 Republicans, 3

Liberals, and 3 others; in Córdoba, 10 Republicans, 6

Liberals, and 6 Conservatives.

In present politics the Republicans are said to have gone into

alliance with the Socialist or Labor party; the alliance

having its leader in a Señor Lerroux, of Barcelona, who

returned lately from a long political exile, and who has had

warm receptions in a number of the chief cities, where he made

stirring speeches. "Señor Lerroux," says a correspondent,

writing from Madrid in December, "preaches neither anarchism

nor atheism nor anti-militarism. But he asks for the abolition

of the Monarchy and of the religious orders. He would make the

army the humble servant of the State, promote lay education

and local autonomy, and do away with indirect taxation. And he

looks for the realization of this programme to a well-timed

revolution. Such are the ideas with which the bulk of the

Republican-Socialist coalition will go to the polls at the

next general election. Between these two extremes—the

Conservatives, representing the Monarchy, the aristocracy, and

the Church, and the Republican-Socialist alliance,

representing revolution—we see the present Government

balancing itself uneasily, with a foot in each camp, amenable

to pressure from both, and without any independent means of

support, save that which it enjoys in virtue of its temporary

control of the political machine."

----------SPAIN: End--------

SPALDING, Bishop John L.:

On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

SPANISH AMERICA: A. D. 1906.

Growth of Close Relations with Spain.

See (in this Volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1898-1906.

SPERRY, Rear-Admiral Charles S.:

Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

SPERRY, Rear-Admiral Charles S.:

Commanding the American Battleship Fleet.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

SPHAKIANAKIS, Dr.

See (in this Volume)

CRETE: A. D. 1905-1906.

SPIERS, Bishop:

Murder of.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1905.

{634}

SPITZBERGEN CONFERENCE.

"The Norwegian government, by a note addressed on January 26,

1909, to the Department of State, conveyed an invitation to

the government of the United States to take part in a

conference which, it is understood, will be held in February

or March, 1910, for the purpose of devising means to remedy

existing conditions in the Spitzbergen Islands. This

invitation was conveyed under the reservation that the

question of altering the status of the islands as countries

belonging to no particular State, and as equally open to the

citizens and subjects of all States, should not be raised.

"The European Powers invited to this conference by the

government of Norway were Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany,

Great Britain, Russia, Sweden, and the Netherlands.

"The Department of State, in view of proofs filed with it in

1906, showing the American possession, occupation, and working

of certain coal-bearing lands in Spitzbergen, accepted the

invitation under the reservation above stated, and under the

further reservation that all interests in those islands

already vested should be protected, and that there should be

equality of opportunity for the future. It was further pointed

out that membership in the conference on the part of the

United States was qualified by the consideration that this

government would not become a signatory to any conventional

arrangement concluded by the European members of the

Conference which would imply contributory participation by the

United States in any obligation or responsibility for the

enforcement of any scheme of administration which might be

devised by the conference for the islands."

Message of the President of the United States

to Congress, December 6, 1909.

SPOILS SYSTEM:

Cause of Corruption in the United States Customs Service.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

See (in this Volume)

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM.

SPRECKELS, Rudolph.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

SPRIGGS, SIR J. GORDON.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.

SPRIGGS, SIR J. GORDON.

Opposition to the Disfranchisement of Blacks

in South Africa.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

SPRING-RICE, SIR C.:

British Minister to Persia.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

STACKELBERG, General.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.

STANDARD OIL COMPANY:

Suit by the Government for its Dissolution.

Decree of the U. S. Circuit Court.

Appeal to the Supreme Court.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

STATE LEGISLATION, Need of Unity in.

See (in this Volume)

LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.

"STATE RIGHTS":

The question in Australia.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.

STEUNENBERG, EX-GOVERNOR FRANK, OF IDAHO:

His assassination.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1899-1907.

STEVENS, DURHAM WHITE:

Adviser to the Korean Foreign Office, by Japanese Selection.

His assassination.

See (in this Volume)

KOREA; A. D. 1905-1909.

STEVENS, JOHN L.:

Chief Engineer of the Panama Canal.

See (in this Volume)

PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1905 and 1905-1909.

STEYN, PRESIDENT M. T.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

STOCK EXCHANGE, NEW YORK:

Report on its Operations.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

STOCKHOLM: A. D. 1909.

Lockout and attempted General Strike.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: SWEDEN.

STOLYPIN, P. A.:

Premier of the Russian Government.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906, 1907, and after.

STONE, ELLEN M.:

Capture by Brigands in Turkey and Ransom paid for Release.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1901-1902.

STÖSSEL, GENERAL.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY); (FEBRUARY-AUGUST),

and A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

STRAUS, OSCAR S.:

Secretary of Commerce and Labor.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.

STRAUS, OSCAR S.:

On the Chinese Exclusion Laws and their Administration.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

STRIKE, A GENERAL: THE IDEA OF IT.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1884-1909.

STRIKES.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION.

STUNDISTS, POLITICAL IDEAS OF THE.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1902.

SUBMARINE SIGNAL BELLS.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: SUBMARINE SIGNAL BELLS.

SUBWAYS, NEW YORK.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1909.

SUCCESSION DUTIES:

Treaty concerning, between England and France.

See (in this Volume)

DEATH DUTIES.

SUGAR TRUST, THE FRAUDS OF THE.

See (in this Volume)

Combinations, Industrial, &c.:

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.

SUDAN, THE WESTERN: A. D. 1903.

English Ascendancy established in Nigeria.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (NIGERIA).

SUDAN, THE WESTERN: A. D. 1907.

Great Changes wrought in Ten Years.

The new Khartoum.

"After Khartoum had fallen the palace was looted and

demolished, but on its ruins another stately pile has arisen

wherein Gordon’s memory is kept green by a tablet marking the

fatal spot where on the 26th of January, 1885, he was done to

death. And even as a new palace sprang up on the ashes of the

old, so likewise after a thorough clearing away of the ruins

of Gordon’s city, a new Khartoum has been planned and built on

the ancient site. This new city lies at an altitude of 1263

feet above sea level, has a moderate yearly rainfall of but

some forty inches, and a mean annual temperature of 84°

Fahrenheit; by water it is 1560 miles from the source of the

Nile at Ripon Falls, and 1920 miles from the Rosetta mouth of

that fertilising river. Slowly but surely vaccination is

reducing the small-pox mortality among the Soudanese; the old

mosquito-breeding pools have been filled up, and the mosquito

brigade is still doing good work. Thus the new Khartoum may be

said to enjoy a fairly salubrious climate, which, moreover,

should yearly become more and more healthy. …

{635}

"South of Khartoum proper, across the desert race-course and

golf-links, and hard by what remains of Gordon’s

fortifications, dwell, each in their own settlement with its

distinctive huts, the divers native tribes who make up the

city’s indigenous population. Probably the new Khartoum of

to-day, with Omdurman and the near villages, totals nearly one

hundred thousand souls, and, considering that its geographical

situation so admirably adapts itself to fostering the

expansion of trade, I venture to predict that in another fifty

years Khartoum will contain half a million inhabitants. …

"The material condition of the people is improving; indeed, it

is already prosperous. For the first time in their history the

Soudanese are an absolutely free people, living under a

Government anxious to protect them from injustice and to

promote their welfare; it is hard for stay-at-home Britishers

to realise adequately how far-reaching is this change in a

land ‘where slavery in one form or another has been for

thousands of years a permanent and universal institution.’ …

"To Lord Cromer’s wise counsel and untiring efforts the new

Soudan owes much, and in 1901 the Shillook and Dinka

representatives fully recognised this, when, using for the

simple ceremony a sort of dark green fez, they crowned him

their king. In the name of his own great Sovereign, whose

ensign holds sway on every continent and on all known seas,

his Lordship promised that the sacred law of Islam shall be

respected; and the very remarkable agreement of the 19th of

January, 1899, gave to this hitherto down trodden people their

Magna Charta, for Article II. stipulates that ‘the British and

Egyptian flags shall be used together, both on land and water,

throughout the Soudan.’"

W. F. Miéville,

The New Khartoum

(Nineteenth Century, January, 1908).

SUEZ CANAL:

Renewed Agreements between England and France.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

SUFFRAGE, Political.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE.

SUFFRAGETTES.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

SUGAR-BOUNTY CONFERENCE, AND CONVENTION.

As the result of a Conference, at Brussels, in which Germany,

Austria-Hungary, Belgium, France, Spain, Great Britain, Italy,

the Netherlands, Sweden and Norway were represented, a Convention

was framed and signed March 5, 1902, the occasion for which is

set forth in these words:

"Desiring, on one hand, to equalize the conditions of

competition between beet and cane sugars from different

sources, and, on the other hand, to promote the development of

the consumption of sugar; considering that this double result

can only be attained by the suppression of bounties as well as

by limiting the surtax"—the high contracting parties concluded

a convention, the first article of which binds them as

follows:

"to suppress the direct and indirect bounties by which the

production or export of sugar may benefit, and they agree not

to establish bounties of this kind during the whole duration

of the said convention. In view of the execution of this

provision, sweetmeats, chocolates, biscuits, condensed milk,

and all other analogous products which contain in a notable

proportion sugar artificially incorporated, are to be classed

as sugar. The above paragraph applies to all advantages

resulting directly or indirectly, for the different categories

of producers, from the fiscal legislation of the States,

notably:

(a) The direct bounties granted to exports.

(b) The direct bounties granted to production,

(c) The total or partial exemptions from taxation

granted for a part of the manufactured output.

(d) The profits derived from surplusages of output,

(e) The profits derived from the exaggeration of the

drawback.

(f) The advantages derived from any surtax in excess of

the rate fixed" in a subsequent article.

Further articles elaborate the programme of measures for

carrying out this agreement. It was to come into force from

September 1, 1903; to remain in force during five years from

that date, and if none of the high contracting parties should

have notified the Belgium Government, twelve months after the

expiration of the said period of five years, of its intention

to have its effects cease, it should continue for one year,

and so on from year to year.

Papers relating to the Foreign Relations

of the United States, page 80.

Under this Convention, a Permanent Commission was established

at Brussels. In July, 1907, this Commission gave attention to

a suggestion from the Government of Great Britain, "to the

effect that if Great Britain could be relieved from the

obligation to enforce the penal provisions of the Convention

they would be prepared not to give notice on the first of

September next of their intention to withdraw on the 1st of

September, 1908, a notice which they would otherwise feel

bound to give at the appointed time." The ensuing discussion

and correspondence resulted in the signing, on the 28th of

August, 1907, of "An Additional Act to the Sugar Convention of

March 5, 1902," renewing it for a fresh period of five years

from September 1, 1908, with the privilege to any one of the

contracting parties to withdraw after September 1, 1911, on

one year’s notice, "if the Permanent Commission, at the last

meeting held before the 1st September, 1910, have decided by a

majority of votes that circumstances warrant such power being

granted to the contracting States. The request of Great

Britain was granted in the following article of the Additional

Act:

"Notwithstanding Article I, Great Britain will be relieved,

after the 1st September, 1908. from the obligation contained

in Article IV of the Convention. After the same date the

Contracting States may demand that, in order to enjoy the

benefit of the Convention, sugar refined in the United Kingdom

and thence exported to their territories shall be accompanied

by a certificate stating that none of this sugar comes from a

country recognized by the Permanent Commission as granting

bounties for the production or exportation of sugar."

Parliamentary Papers, 1907,

Commercial, Number 10 (Cd. 3780).

SULLY-PRUDHOMME, RENÉ FRANÇOIS ARMAND.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

SULTAN AHMED MIRZA,

The young Shah of Persia.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

SUMATRA: A. D. 1909 (June).

Earthquake in Upper Padang.

See (in this Volume)

EARTHQUAKES: SUMATRA.

{636}

SUNDAY OBSERVANCE:

Legal institution of a weekly Rest Day.

Recent Legislation in Europe.

The Canadian Lord’s Day.

A British Parliamentary Paper, published in the spring of

1909, gave information, gathered by the diplomatic

representatives of the Government, relative to legislation in

many foreign countries bearing on the observance of Sunday, or

otherwise prescribing a weekly Day of Rest. The facts

presented in these reports were discussed editorially by the

London Times in an article from which the following is

quoted.

"Within quite recent years the principle of the weekly

rest-day has been enforced, with various practical

modifications, in most of the chief Continental countries. It

forms, indeed, a striking vindication of the claim for the

observance of one day’s rest in seven—which was recognized

among Eastern races long before the days of Moses—that while

Sunday work has shown a regrettable, if in some ways scarcely

avoidable, tendency to increase in this country, steps to

restrict it have been widely taken elsewhere. While the

English Sunday has been becoming in some respects more

‘Continental,’ the actual Continental Sunday has shown a

distinct tendency to approximate to our own. … The review

provided by the present report of the legislation already in

force in France, Germany, Austria, Belgium, Holland, and other

leading industrial States gives plenty of examples of the way

in which the general principle of making Sunday a day of rest

has been accommodated to the necessities of a modern

community. The case of France is particularly interesting,

since the French method of observing Sunday has traditionally

provided the English public with the most familiar contrast

with its own. In France the law establishing a statutory

weekly day of rest, and making that day Sunday, was passed so

recently as in 1906. In common with the similar legislation

passed in other countries, it allows partial and carefully

regulated exceptions, to provide for the necessary sale of

food, and for such uninterrupted attention as is required, for

example, by foundries. But the application of the law is both

thorough and extensive, while supplementary legislation is to

be introduced, with the support of the Government, to extend

its benefits to all servants of the State and to all other

workers on railways, tramlines, and steamboat services who do

not already enjoy it. On the other hand, while the report

bears decided witness to the efficiency and success with which

the law has been enforced, it notes certain points on which

concession is being made by the Government in deference to the

strong demands of certain interests which claimed that they

were being unjustly sacrificed. …

"The law seems at first to have aroused opposition among many

shopkeepers, especially those who were handicapped by

competition with rivals whose business was carried on by

members of the family, and therefore was not affected by it. …

The difficulty is now said to be settling itself, as the

public is gradually learning to restrict its shopping to

week-days, when there is a wider field of choice. The

encouraging evidence provided by the operation of the law of

1906 in France is supported more or less explicitly by the

reports forwarded by His Majesty’s representatives in other

parts of Europe. The aim and method of the various enactments

show a prevailing similarity, and where they have already been

sufficiently long in operation for a fair estimate to be made,

their success seems to be recognized with but few exceptions.

Material is not available in every case for forming a full

opinion of the completeness with which the law of rest has

been enforced. In Vienna, however, it is expressly reported

that its administration is effective; and although no such

statement is expressly made in the case of Germany, it appears

improbable that the regulations, though less stringent than

those of some other States, are lightly disregarded."

The Canadian "Lord’s Day Act" of 1906 is a measure of much

stringency. Making numerous well-defined and carefully guarded

exceptions for "works of necessity and mercy," and for such

railway service as is subject to provincial regulation, the

prohibitions of the Act include the following:

"To sell or offer for sale or purchase any goods, chattels, or

other personal property, or any real estate, or to carry on or

transact any business of his ordinary calling, or in

connection with such calling, or for gain to do, or employ any

other person to do, on that day, any work, business, or

labour." "To require any employee engaged in any work of

receiving, transmitting, or delivering telegraph or telephone

messages, or in the work of any industrial process, or in

connection with transportation, to do on the Lord’s Day the

usual work of his ordinary calling, unless such employee is

allowed during the next six days of such week twenty-four

consecutive hours without labour." "To engage in any public

game or contest for gain, or for any prize or reward, or to be

present thereat, or to provide, engage in, or be present at

any performance or public meeting, elsewhere than in a church,

at which any fee is charged, directly or indirectly." "To run,

conduct, or convey by any mode of conveyance any excursion on

which passengers are conveyed for hire, and having for its

principal or only object the carriage on that day of such

passengers for amusement or pleasure." "To shoot with or use

any gun, rifle or other similar engine, either for gain, or in

such a manner or in such places as to disturb other persons in

attendance at public worship or in the observance of that

day." "To bring into Canada for sale or distribution, or to

sell or distribute within Canada, on the Lord’s Day, any

foreign newspaper or publication classified as a newspaper."

----------SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES: Start--------

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:

Summary of Decisions (1901-1906) touching

the Governmental Regulation of Corporations.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:

Decision in the Case of the

Trans-Missouri Freight Association.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:

On Constitutionality of Utah Law restricting Hours of

Adult Labor in Mines.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:

In the Northern Securities Case.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D). 1901-1905.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:

In the "Beef Trust" Cases, so-called.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:

On Interstate Commerce Act of 1887.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:

Limiting Police Power to regulate Hours of Labor.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

{637}

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:

In the Tobacco Trust Case of Hale vs. Henkel.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1906.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:

Concerning the Isle of Pines.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1907 (APRIL).

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:

In Case of Virginia Railroads vs. the State

Corporation Commission of Virginia.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:

On the Constitutionality of the "Commodities Clause"

of the Hepburn Act.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:

On the Right of a State to Specially Limit the Hours

of Labor for Women.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:

Limiting State Authority in matters touching

Interstate Commerce.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1908.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:

On Law against Rebating in Armour Packing Company Case.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:

Invalidating Debts to an Illegal Combination.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:

Affirming Fines on the New York Central Railroad Company.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

----------SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES: End--------

SUTTNER, BARONESS BERTHA VON.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

SWADESHI MOVEMENT.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

SWALLOW, SILAS E.:

Nomination for President of the United States.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).

SWARAJ.

The Hindu term for self government.

SWAZILAND.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1909.

"SWEATING," ENGLISH ACT TO SUPPRESS.

The Trade Boards Bill.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES REGULATION.

----------SWEDEN: Start--------

SWEDEN: A. D. 1901.

Unveiling of Monument to John Ericsson.

The Nobel Prizes.

The First Awarding of them.

A monument to the memory of John Ericsson, the

Swedish-American inventor, was unveiled at Stockholm with

impressive ceremonies on the 14th of September, 1901, that

being the date of the reception of his remains at Stockholm

eleven years before.

The first award of the munificent prizes for beneficial

services to mankind, instituted by the will of Alfred Bernard

Nobel, the eminent Swedish engineer and inventor, was made on

the 10th of December, 1901.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

SWEDEN: A. D. 1903.

Agreement for Settlement of Claims against Venezuela.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

SWEDEN: A. D. 1905.

Secession of Norway from the Union of Crowns.

Acceptance by King Oscar of his Practical Deposition.

See (in this Volume)

NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.

SWEDEN: A. D. 1906.

At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco Question.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

SWEDEN: A. D. 1908.

Municipal Office opened to Women.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

SWEDEN: A. D. 1908 (April).

Treaty with Denmark, England, France, Germany,

and the Netherlands, for maintenance of the Status

Quo on the North Sea.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

SWEDEN: A. D. 1909.

Franchise Reform Legislation.

During many successive years, earnest attempts by the Swedish

Government, strongly backed by liberal majorities in the

Second or popular Chamber of the Riksdag, to answer the public

demand for a broadening of the suffrage, were defeated in the

First Chamber, whose members are elected by the provincial

Landstings and by municipal corporations. Success was not

attained until 1909, when a Franchise Reform Bill,

establishing universal suffrage and proportional

representation, was passed by the Riksdag on the 10th of

February, by larger majorities. According to a Press report

from Stockholm, "the leader of the Liberals declared in the

Lower House that, though his party had originally opposed it,

they would now vote for the Bill, as the country demanded a

solution of this long pending question. The Social Democrats

and a few extremists of the Liberal party voted against it,

considering it unacceptable in principle and inadequate

because it excluded female suffrage. In the Upper House the

Bill was opposed by a few uncompromising Conservatives, to

whom it seemed too democratic."

SWEDEN: A. D. 1909.

Lockout and Attempted General Strike.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: SWEDEN.

SWEDEN: A. D. 1909 (October).

Arbitration of Frontier Dispute with Norway.

See (in this Volume)

NORWAY: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

----------SWEDEN: End--------

SWIFT & COMPANY et al.,

THE CASE OF THE UNITED STATES AGAINST.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

SWITZERLAND:

Backwardness of Woman Suffrage.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1870-1905.

Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1902.

General Election.

The general election, in October, of representatives in the

Federal Assembly, returned 97 Radicals, 35 Catholic

Conservatives, 25 Moderate Liberals, 9 Socialists, and 1

Independent, being a total of 167. The previous Chamber had

contained but 147, the increase of population having raised

the number of representatives.

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1902.

Use of the Referendum and Initiative down to that time.

See (in this Volume)

REFERENDUM.

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1905.

Rupture between Radicals and Socialists.

Completion of the Simplon Tunnel.

The coalition hitherto maintained between Radical and

Socialist parties was broken entirely in the elections of

October, 1905, because of the anti-military attitude of the

latter, who sought to have all national feeling and policy

sunk in international sentiments and principles. The

Socialists elected but two representatives in the National

Council. In April the completion of the Simplon Railway

Tunnel, furnishing a second passage through the Alps, was

celebrated with much rejoicing. The work of boring this

twelve-mile length of tunnel had been begun in 1898.

See, also, (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: SWITZERLAND.

SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1909.

Acquisition of the St. Gothard Tunnel and Railway

by the Government.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: SWITZERLAND.

{638}

SYDOW, REINHOLD.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

SYNDICATES, German.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL (in Germany).

SYNDICATS AND SYNDICALISM, French.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1884-1909.

SZELL MINISTRY.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903.

T.

TABAH INCIDENT, THE.

See (in this Volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1905-1906.

TABRIZ, SIEGE OF.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

TACNA AND ARICA QUESTIONS.

See (in this Volume)

CHILE: A. D. 1907.

TAFF-VALE DECISION.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1900-1906.

----------TAFT, WILLIAM H.: Start--------

TAFT, WILLIAM H.

President of the Second Philippine Commission.

Civil Governor of the Philippines.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

TAFT, WILLIAM H.

Secretary of War.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.

TAFT, WILLIAM H.

Report on the Purchase of the Friars’ Lands.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902-1903.

TAFT, WILLIAM H.

Organization of Provisional Government in Cuba.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

TAFT, WILLIAM H.

Special Report on the Philippine Islands.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

TAFT, WILLIAM H.

Elected President of the United States.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

TAFT, WILLIAM H.

Inauguration and Inaugural Address.

Cabinet Appointments.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

TAFT, WILLIAM H.

On the Tariff.

See (in this Volume)

TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

TAFT, WILLIAM H.

Statement, as President, relative to the

Tariff Maximum and Minimum Clause.

See (in this Volume)

TARIFFS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

TAFT, WILLIAM H.

Tour of the United States.

Meeting with President Diaz, of Mexico.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).

TAFT, WILLIAM H.

Legislation Recommended for the Conservation

of Natural Resources.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION, &c.: UNITED STATES.

TAFT, WILLIAM H.

On Injunctions in Labor Disputes and on the Expediting

of Civil and Criminal Procedure.

See (in this Volume)

LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.

TAFT, WILLIAM H.

Special Message on "Trusts" and on Interstate Commerce.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910,

and RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910.

----------TAFT, WILLIAM H.: End--------

TAI HUNG CHI.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1906.

TAI HUNG-TZE: GRAND COUNCILLOR OF CHINA.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October).

TAIREN.

See (in this Volume)

DALNY.

TAI-TZE-HO, BATTLES AT THE.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

TAKAHIRA KOGORO:

Japanese Minister at Washington and Plenipotentiary

for negotiating Treaty of Peace with Russia.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

TAKUSHAN HILL, CAPTURE OF.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

TALIENWAN,

Re-named Dalny.

Later named Tairen, by the Japanese.

TAMMANY HALL:

Struggles with it.

See (in this Volume)

NEW YORK CITY.

TANG SHAO YI.

See (in this Volume)

OPIUM PROBLEM: CHINA.

TANGIER: A. D. 1905.

The German Emperor’s Speech.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

----------TARIFFS: Start--------

TARIFFS: Australia:

The question in the First Parliament.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901-1902.

TARIFFS: Tariff Excise Act.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR REMUNERATION: THE NEW PROTECTION.

TARIFFS: Austria-Hungary: A. D. 1907.

Settlement of the Austro-Hungarian Tariff Question.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1907.

TARIFFS: Balkan States: A. D. 1905.

Serbo-Bulgarian Customs Union.

See (in this Volume)

BALKAN STATES: BULGARIA AND SERVIA.

TARIFFS: British Empire: A. D. 1909.

Resolutions of Empire Congress of Chambers of Commerce.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

TARIFFS: Canada:

Attitude of Canadian Manufacturers’ Association toward Great

Britain and the United States on Tariff Questions.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1903-1905.

TARIFFS: Canada and Germany:

German retaliation for Discriminating Duties in Favor

of British Goods.

Consequent on the discrimination in favor of British goods

which was granted in the Canadian tariff of 1897, Germany took

action which is explained in the following, from the Canadian

side of the official correspondence that ensued:

"Prior to July 31, 1898, Canada, as a portion of the British

Empire, received the most favourable tariff treatment in

Germany, under the terms of the treaty which had long existed

between that country and Great Britain. On the date named,

that treaty, having been denounced by the British Government,

ceased to have effect. Provisional agreements have since been

entered into from time to time between Great Britain and

Germany. Canada, however, has been excluded from the benefit

of such agreements. The products of Canada are no longer

admitted into Germany on the favoured terms known in the

German tariff as 'conventional duties,' but are specially

excluded therefrom and made subject to the higher duties of

the general tariff. The reason assigned by the German

Government for this discrimination against Canada is the

enactment by the Dominion of legislation granting preferential

tariff rates to the products of Great Britain.

{639}

The undersigned desires to point out that the policy of the

Canadian Government was not designed to give to any foreign

nation more favoured treatment than was to be allowed to

Germany. The Canadian policy has been confined to a

readjustment of the commercial relations of the Dominion with

the British Empire of which it is a part, a domestic affair

which could hardly be open to reasonable objection by any

foreign government. It would therefore seem that the action of

Canada afforded no just ground for complaint by Germany. The

undersigned is of opinion that there has been some

misconception of the Canadian policy in this respect, and

hopes that upon further consideration the German Government

will see that Canada, in taking the step referred to, did not

forfeit her claim to the advantages accorded by Germany to the

most-favoured nations."

The German Government, however, maintained with firmness the

ground it had taken; but eleven years later, in 1909, a German

Canadian Economic Association at Berlin sent delegates to

Canada to confer with chambers of commerce and solicit efforts

for bettering commercial relations between them. The Montreal

Board of Trade declined to take any action, saying,

substantially: "the reprisals against Canada were commenced by

Germany on account of the granting of preference by the

Dominion to Great Britain. If Germany now finds that she has

made a mistake the Montreal Board holds that she should

restore Canadian products to the conventional tariff, when the

Canadian surtax on German goods will be automatically

removed."

Finally, an agreement was reached which ended this tariff war

between Germany and Canada. Announcement of it was made in the

Canadian Parliament on the 15th of February, 1910, and it went

into effect on the 1st of March.

TARIFFS: FRANCE: A. D. 1910.

A revision of the tariff, on which the French Parliament had

long been engaged, was completed and became law on March 29,

1910, going into effect April 1.

TARIFFS: France-Canada:

Commercial Convention with Great Britain concerning Canada.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1907-1909.

TARIFFS: Germany: A. D. 1902-1906.

The New Tariff Law and seven Special Tariff Treaties

with European Countries.

A changed Commercial Policy.

In the Diet of the Empire the committee which had been

laboring long and arduously on a tariff bill reported the

measure in October, and its increase of duties, which the

government did not favour, was stoutly opposed by Socialists,

Radicals, and Liberals; but the Conservatives, representing

the protected interests, constrained the government to

withdraw its opposition and the bill was carried through as a

whole, without change.

"How deliberately the Germans go about their tariff policy;

how thoroughly they study all the strong and weak points in

their adversaries’ positions; with what scientific care they

measure their own manifold interests; how carefully they

guard, in their work of tariff legislation, against disturbing

the stability of existing business conditions may best be seen

from the way in which the new tariff has been adopted. As

early as 1898—i. e., more than five years before the

expiration of the old tariff treaties—a Commission of

government experts and leading representatives of the

industrial and commercial interests was organized to make a

detailed study of the needs of every industry whose products

were in any way affected by the tariff. After five years of

incessant work of that character, in which more than 2,000

experts took part, the new general or so-called ‘autonomous’

tariff was enacted into law (but not put into effect) by the

German Reichstag.

"The new tariff law adopted on December 25, 1902, with rates

considerably raised, formed the basis of diplomatic

bargaining, of which it took more than two years to conclude

commercial treaties with the following seven countries:

Austria-Hungary, Russia, Italy, Switzerland, Belgium, Roumania

and Servia. These treaties, which considerably reduce some of

the rates provided for in the tariff of 1902, were enacted

into law on February 22d of this year, [1905], and together

form the new so-called ‘conventional’ tariff, which will be

applied to all countries enjoying ‘most favored nation’

privileges. Deliberate and cautious as these steps have been,

the new tariff is not to be thrust upon the business community

of the Empire on short notice, but the country is given one

full year in which to adjust itself to the new rates. Hence

the date for giving effect to the new tariff law has been set

for March 1, 1906."

N. I. Stone,

The New German Customs Tariff

(North American Review, September, 1905).

The chief point of interest for the United States in this law

is to be found, not so much in the high rates adopted, as in

the statement made in the Reichstag foreshadowing a changed

policy on the part of Germany in making new commercial

treaties. On the final day of the tariff debate Dr. Paasche,

one of the leaders of the majority, asserted that the

government had promised that it would no longer extend treaty

advantages to other countries than those that reciprocate with

corresponding concessions. ‘We expect,’ said Dr. Paasche,

‘that the government will undertake a thorough revision of all

the treaties containing the most favored-nation clause.

Promises of this kind were made to us in committee. We have

absolutely no occasion to concede anything to such nations as

are glad to take what we give by treaty to other countries

without making us any concessions in return. The United States

has introduced a limitation of the most-favored-nation clause;

we have every reason to act in precisely the same manner."

W. C. Dreher,

A Letter from Germany

(Atlantic Monthly, March, 1903).

In March, 1905, a few weeks after the conclusion of the last

of the seven special tariff treaties referred to above, which

modify the general German tariff of 1902-1906, in favor of the

nations which became parties to them, the Consul-General of

the United States at Berlin sent to the State Department at

Washington the following table, showing, with reference to

forty-six of the principal articles of German import from

America (1) the then maximum or autonomous duty as paid under

the tariff of 1879; (2) the same duties as modified and

reduced by then existing treaty concessions; (3) the new

autonomous duties that were to go into effect in 1906, and (4)

the amounts to which each of these rates of duty would be

reduced on merchandise coming from certain of the seven

European countries which had just concluded treaties of

commerce with Germany.

{640}

The figures show in all cases, unless otherwise specified, the

amount in American currency of duty per double centner (100

kilograms or 220.4 pounds):

Merchandise.

Tariff                New tariff law of     Difference.

1902 (to go into

(adopted in 1879).     effect in 1906).

Maximum.  Reduced     Autonomous.  Reduced

by treaty.               by treaty.

Wheat        $1.19    $0.83         $1.78       $1.30      $0.58

Rye           1.19      .83          1.66        1.19        .47

Oats          .95       .67          1.66        1.19        .47

Barley        .53       .47          1.66         .95        .71

Corn          .47       .38          1.19         .71        .48

Wheat Flour  2.50      1.74          4.36        2.42       1.94

Malt           .95      .85          2.44        1.37       1.07

Potatoes     Free.     Free.          .59        1.24        (a)

Hops         4.76      3.38         16.66        4.76      11.90

Dried apples,

pears,

apricots,

peaches      .96       .95           2.38         .95       1.43

Dried Prunes                         2.38        1.19       1.19

Fresh apples

in barrels   Free.    Free.          2.38        1.19       1.19

Sausages    4.76      4.04          16.66        9.52       7.14

Lard        2.38      2.38           2.97        2.38        .59

Salted

Meats       4.76      4.04          10.71      8.33-9.25    2.38-1.46

Butter      4.76      3.80           7.14      4.76         2.38

Cheese      4.76      4.76           7.14      3.57-4.76    3.57-2.38

Eggs         .71       .47           1.42       .71          .71

Margarine   4.76      3.80           7.14      4.76         2.38

Wood Alcohol  Free    Free           4.76      Free.        4.76

Cows and

oxen,

per head    2.14      2.14           4.28      1.90         2.38

Horses,

per head    4.76      4.76        21.42-85.68  7.14-28.56  14.28-57.12

Hogs,

per head    1.42      1.19           4.28      2.14         2.14

Shoes,

coarse     11.90     11.90          20.23      20.23         …

Shoes,

medium     16.66     15.47          28.86      23.80        5.06

Shoes,

fine      16.66     15.47          42.84      30.70        7.14

Lumber,

rough       …         …              1.42         .47        .95

Lumber,

dressed      2.38    2.38            2.38        2.38         …

Sewing

machines     5.71    5.71            8.33        2.85       5.48

Sewing

machines,

power       5.71     5.71            4.76        1.90       2.86

Electrical machinery

a. Under 500 kilograms (

1,102 pounds) per 100 kilograms   2.14        2.14         …

b. 500 to 3,000 kilograms

(1,102 to 6,614 pounds)           1.66        1.42        .24

c. More than 3,000 kilograms         1.42         .95        .47

Machine tools:

a. 250 kilograms

(551 pounds or less),

per 100 kilograms.                4.76        2.85       1.91

b. 250 to 1,000 kilograms

(551 to 2,205 pounds)             2.85        1.90        .95

c. 1,000 to 3,000 kilograms

(2,205 to 6,614 pounds)           1.90        1.42        .48

d. 3,000 to 10,000 kilograms

(6,614 to 22,046 pounds)          1.42        1.19        .23

Over 10,000 kilograms              .97         .97         …

Telegraph instruments,

telephones, electric

lighting and power

apparatus.                          14.28    (b).95-9.52     (b)

Railway and

street cars                          2.38        .71        1.67

Motor cars and motor

bicycles, each:

a. 50 kilograms

(110 pounds) or less, each        35.70       …           …

b. 50 to 100 kilograms

(110 to 220 pounds), each         28.56       …           …

c. 100 to 250 kilograms

(220 to 550 pounds), each         21.42       …           …

d. 250 to 500 kilograms

(550 to 1,110 pounds)             14.28      9.52        4.76

e. 500 to 1,000 kilograms

(1,110 to 2,220 pounds)            9.52      5.95        3.57

f. 1,000 kilograms and over           4.76      3.57        1.19

(a) Free from August 1 to February 14.

(b) According to weight.

"It needs but a glance at this list," said Consul-General

Mason, "to show how important will be the concessions granted

to one or more of the seven treaty nations, and how formidable

will be their competition in the German market against similar

goods coming from countries which, for want of a reciprocal

treaty or other convention, will be subject to the autonomous

or unmodified tariff in exporting goods into Germany."

On the 1st day of March, 1906, this tariff came into effect,

and the tariff arrangements of Germany with the United States,

under which the latter had enjoyed important concessions,

secured by the "most favored nation" agreement in its

commercial treaty with Germany, came to an end.

TARIFFS: A. D. 1909.

Economic Results of the Protective System.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1009 (APRIL).

TARIFFS: Great Britain: A. D. 1909.

List of articles on which Import Duties are collected.

The following is a complete list of the articles enumerated in

the British tariff as subject to import duties:

Beer; Cards, Playing; Chicory; Cocoa; Coffee;

Fruit, dried or otherwise preserved without sugar;

Spirits and Strong Waters (including all alcoholic

liquors, cordials and other alcoholic preparations);

Sugar (including all confectionery, sugar-preserved

fruits, and other sugared preparations);

Tea; Tobacco, in all forms; Wine.

TARIFFS: A. D. 1909.

Question of Preferential Trade raised by Mr. Chamberlain.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).

TARIFFS: The United States: A. D. 1908-1909.

The Demand for Tariff Revision.

Its Expression in the Presidential Election.

The Action of Congress and the President.

The Payne-Aldrich Tariff Act.

For more than a decade prior to the presidential election of

1908 the popular demand for a revision of the exorbitantly

protective duties imposed by the so-called Dingley Tariff of

1897 had been steadily rising in the United States, and making

itself heard by men in public life. It had penetrated the mind

of the great captain-general of the protectionist forces.

{641}

President McKinley, as early as 1901, and his last public

utterance, addressed to a multitude at the Pan American

Exposition, in Buffalo, on the 5th of September, the day

before he was struck down by a murderous anarchist, contained

this wise admonition on the subject:

"We have a vast and intricate business, built up through years

of toil and struggle, in which every part of the country has

its stake, which will not permit of either neglect or of undue

selfishness. No narrow, sordid policy will subserve it. The

greatest skill and wisdom on the part of manufacturers and

producers will be required to hold and increase it. … Our

capacity to produce has developed so enormously, and our

products have so multiplied, that the problem of more markets

requires our urgent and immediate attention. Only a broad and

enlightened policy will keep what we have. No other policy

will get more. … We must not repose in fancied security that

we can forever sell everything and buy little or nothing. If

such a thing were possible, it would not be best for us or for

those with whom we deal. We should take from our customers

such of their products as we can use without harm to our

industries and labor. Reciprocity is the natural outgrowth of

our wonderful industrial development under the domestic policy

now firmly established. What we produce beyond our domestic

consumption must have a vent abroad. … If perchance some of

our tariffs are no longer needed for revenue or to encourage

and protect our industries at home, why should they not be

employed to extend and promote our markets abroad?"

TARIFFS: The Party-Platform Promises of 1908.

But President McKinley’s words fell on deaf ears, among those

to whom he had been leader and guide in this department of

economic policy hitherto. They gave no heed to his new

counsels of moderation for seven years. Even treaties of

commercial reciprocity, which he had learned to appreciate

since his own tariff-making was done, were negotiated in vain

by the executive department of Government, to be scorned and

rejected by the Senate. By 1908, however, the claim of the

many-millioned consumers of the nation, for some relief from

the intolerable cost to which almost every necessary of living

had been worked up by the protective tariff lever, had risen

to a pitch which compelled some attention from the managers of

political parties and drew from them promises in the

"platforms"  prepared for the presidential and congressional

canvassing of that year.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908, APRIL-NOVEMBER)

The National Republican Convention at Chicago, which nominated

Mr. Taft for the presidency, made this distinct and emphatic

pledge:

"The Republican party declares unequivocally for a revision of

the tariff by a special session of Congress, immediately

following the inauguration of the next President, and commends

the steps already taken to this end, in the work assigned to

the appropriate committees of Congress, which are now

investigating the operation and effect of existing schedules.

In all tariff legislation the true principle of protection is

best maintained by the imposition of such duties as will equal

the difference between the cost of production at home and

abroad, together with a reasonable profit to American

industries. We favor the establishment of maximum and minimum

rates to be administered by the President under limitations to

be fixed in the law, the maximum to be available to meet

discriminations by foreign countries against American goods

entering their markets, and the minimum to represent the

normal measure of protection at home."

The National Convention, at Denver, of the Democratic party,

supposedly confirmed in opposition to the whole theory of

tariff protection by all its doctrinal history, made this

declaration:

"We favor immediate revision of the tariff by the reduction of

import duties. Articles entering into competition with

trust-controlled products should be placed upon the free list,

and material reductions should be made in the tariff upon the

necessaries of life, especially upon articles competing with

such American manufactures as are sold abroad more cheaply

than at home, and graduated reductions should be made in such

other schedules as may be necessary to restore the tariff to a

revenue basis."

The Republican Party elected its candidate for the presidency,

with a majority in Congress, and was given the greater

opportunity to redeem its pledge, while the Democratic Party

obtained sufficient representation in both branches of

Congress to aid and influence the promised revision with

important effect. President Taft, in his inaugural address,

spoke impressively of the urgent duty thus laid on Congress,

saying:

"A matter of most pressing importance is the revision of the

tariff. In accordance with the promises of the platform upon

which I was elected, I shall call Congress into extra session,

to meet on the fifteenth day of March, in order that

consideration may be at once given to a bill revising the

Dingley act."

TARIFFS:

The Making of the Payne-Aldrich Tariff.

The new Congress, as called by the President, was convened on

the 15th of March, 1909, and a provisional tariff bill was

introduced in the House of Representatives on the 18th by

Chairman Payne of its Ways and Means Committee. This Bill was

a product of the work of the House Committee of the preceding

Congress, which had been giving hearings on successive tariff

schedules since November. Naturally the protected interests

swarmed to Washington, with attorneys and technical experts,

and their side of every argument for and against existing

duties was heard in its most persuasive form. Naturally, too,

the unprotected consumers, less able to combine, were

represented at the hearings in no such potent way, and their

side of most arguments, according to all accounts, was but

feebly pressed. Mr. Charles Francis Adams, who has the habit

of plain speech, wrote a letter to Congressman McCall, of

Massachusetts, while these hearings were in progress, in which

he characterized a conspicuously greedy part of the clamorers

for high duties in terms that were savagely rough, but not

entirely undeserved. "Speaking after the fashion of men," he

said, "they are either thieves or hogs. I myself belong to the

former class. I am a tariff thief, and I have a license to

steal. It bears the broad seal of the United States and is

what is known as the ‘Dingley Tariff.’ I stole under it

yesterday; I am stealing under it today; I propose to steal

under it to-morrow.

{642}

The Government has forced me into this position, and I both do

and shall take full advantage of it. I am therefore a tariff

thief with a license to steal. And—what are you going to do

about it? The other class come under the hog category; that

is, they rush, squealing and struggling, to the great

Washington protection trough, and with all four feet in it

they proceed to gobble the swill. … To this class I do not

belong. I am simply a tariff thief. … But, on the other hand,

I am also a tariff reformer. I would like to see every

protective schedule swept out of existence, my own included.

Meanwhile, what inducement have I to go to Washington on a

public mission of this sort? A mere citizen, I represent no

one. … Meanwhile, have it well understood that my position is

exactly the position of tens of thousands of others scattered

throughout the country; to ask us to put aside our business

affairs and at our own expense to go to Washington on a

desperate mission is asking a little too much."

The Bill introduced by Mr. Payne was under debate in the House

for three weeks, and passed on the 10th of April. In the

Senate it was then nominally taken into consideration by the

Finance Committee of that body, but that Committee, in fact,

under the dominating lead of its chairman, Senator Aldrich,

framed a new and protectively stiffened Bill, changed in 847

particulars from that of the House. A little more than twelve

weeks were required for this more arduous labor of Mr.

Aldrich, which the Senate approved by the passage of the Bill

on the 8th of July. On the 9th it went to a conference

committee of the two Houses; and there the President’s

influence, not much exerted, apparently, until now, wrung a

few important concessions to the great public of consumers,

which the special interests guarded by a majority in Congress

had been determined not to yield. The American people owe it

to President Taft’s insistence that their shoes may be

cheapened by a free importation of hides, and that lumber for

their houses and coal for warming them may come from Canada at

a slightly lower rate of duty than before; but he failed to

loosen the grip of the woolen and cotton interests on the

protected prices at which they are clothed.

After twenty days of battle the conferees reached agreement,

July 29; the House adopted their report on the 31st, the

Senate on the 5th of August. It was signed at once by the

President, and went into effect the next day.

In the House the Bill was adopted by a vote of 195 to 183,

twenty Republicans voting against it and two Democrats in its

favor. In the Senate the vote stood 47 to 31, the negative

including seven Republicans, and one Democratic senator

recording himself on the side of the Bill. The opposing

Republicans in both Houses were stigmatized as "insurgents,"

and the autocratic Speaker of the House, Cannon, of Illinois,

presumed, so far as the powers of his office would stretch, to

"read them out" of their party. In their struggle to secure a

more honest fulfilment of the election promises of both

parties, and more loyalty to the welfare of the people at

large, the Republican "insurgents" had no such compact and

earnest support from the Democrats of Congress as even party

considerations gave reason to expect.

After signing the Bill, the President gave out a statement for

publication, in part as follows:

"I have signed the Payne tariff bill because I believe it to

be the result of a sincere effort on the part of the

Republican party to make a downward revision, and to comply

with the promises of the platform as they have been generally

understood, and as I interpreted them in the campaign before

election.

"The bill is not a perfect tariff bill or a complete

compliance with the promises made, strictly interpreted, but a

fulfilment free from criticism in respect to a subject matter

involving many schedules and thousands of articles could not

be expected. It suffices to say that, except with regard to

whiskey, liquors, and wines, and in regard to silks and as to

some high classes of cottons—all of which may be treated as

luxuries and proper subjects of a revenue tariff—there have

been very few increases in rates.

"There have been a great number of real decreases in rates,

and they constitute a sufficient amount to justify the

statement that this bill is a substantial downward revision,

and a reduction of excessive rates.

"This is not a free trade bill. It was not intended to be. The

Republican party did not promise to make a free trade bill.

"It promised to make the rates protective, but to reduce them

when they exceeded the difference between the cost of

production abroad and here, making allowance for the greater

normal profit on active investments here. I believe that while

this excess has not been reduced in a number of cases, in a

great majority, the rates are such as are necessary to protect

American industries, but are low enough, in case of abnormal

increase of demand, and raising of prices, to permit the

possibility of the importation of the foreign article, and

thus to prevent excessive prices."

"The administrative clauses of the bill and the customs court

are admirably adapted to secure a more uniform and a more

speedy final construction of the meaning of the law. The

authority to the President to use agents to assist him in the

application of the maximum and minimum section of the statute,

and to enable officials to administer the law, gives a wide

latitude for the acquisition, under circumstances favorable to

its truth, of information in respect to the price and cost of

production of goods at home and abroad, which will throw much

light on the operation of the present tariff and be of primary

importance as officially collected data upon which future

executive action and executive recommendations may be based.

"The corporation tax is a just and equitable excise measure,

which it is hoped will produce a sufficient amount to prevent

a deficit, and which, incidentally, will secure valuable

statistics and information concerning the many corporations of

the country, and will constitute an important step toward that

degree of publicity and regulation which the tendency in

corporate enterprises in the last twenty years has shown to be

necessary."

{643}

TARIFFS:

New Apparatus of Tariff Administration.

The President’s remarks in the next to the last paragraph of

the above statement have reference to an important section of

the Tariff Act, which authorized the creation of a Board of

General Appraisers, a Customs Court of Appeals, and an agency

for the collection of information. The Board is to consist of

nine general appraisers of merchandise, the salary of each to

be $9,000 per annum, who shall possess all the powers of a

Circuit Court of the United States. To these general

appraisers all cases of dissatisfaction with the amount and

rates of duties levied by the appraisers and assistant

appraisers at the various ports would be referred; the board

to exercise both judicial and inquisitorial functions. The

Customs Court was to be composed of a presiding Judge and four

associate Judges appointed by the President, each to receive a

salary of $10,000 per annum; to be a Court of Record, with

jurisdiction limited to Customs cases, and to have several

judicial circuits, including Boston, New York, Philadelphia

and Baltimore, New Orleans and Galveston, Chicago, Seattle,

Portland and San Francisco, and such other places as may be

found necessary.

More important, however, than either of these creations was

the third one, embodied in a brief clause of the Act, which

reads:

"To secure information to assist the President in the

discharge of the duties imposed upon him by this section, and

the officers of the Government in the administration of the

customs laws, the President is hereby authorized to employ

such persons as may be required."

The President availed himself promptly of this permission to

have assistance from a commission or bureau of tariff

information, and on the 11th of September it was announced

that he had chosen for the service three well-qualified

gentlemen, namely: Professor Henry C. Emery, of Yale,

chairman; James B. Reynolds, of Massachusetts, assistant

secretary of the treasury, and Alvin H. Sanders, of Chicago,

editor and proprietor of the Breeders’ Gazette. In announcing

the selection of the board, the following statement was made

at the Executive Offices: "The President and the secretary of

the treasury have agreed upon the plan that these three

gentlemen are to constitute the board and are to be given

authority to employ such special experts as may be needed in

the investigation of the foreign and domestic tariff."

The important direction that was given at once by President

Taft to this Tariff Board, as he has named it, was explained

in his Message to Congress, December 6, 1909, as follows:

"An examination of the law and an understanding of the nature

of the facts which should be considered in discharging the

functions imposed upon the Executive show that I have the

power to direct the tariff board to make a comprehensive

glossary and encylopædia of the terms used and articles

embraced in the tariff law, and to secure information as to

the cost of production of such goods in this country and the

cost of their production in foreign countries. I have

therefore appointed a tariff board consisting of three

members, and have directed them to perform all the duties

above described. This work will perhaps take two or three

years, and I ask from Congress a continuing annual

appropriation equal to that already made for its prosecution.

I believe that the work of this board will be of prime utility

and importance whenever Congress shall deem it wise again to

readjust the customs duties. If the facts secured by the

tariff board are of such a character as to show generally that

the rates of duties imposed by the present tariff law are

excessive under the principles of protection as described in

the platform of the successful party at the late election, I

shall not hesitate to invite the attention of Congress to this

fact, and to the necessity for action predicated thereon.

Nothing, however, halts business and interferes with the

course of prosperity so much as the threatened revision of the

tariff, and until the facts are at hand, after careful and

deliberate investigation, upon which such revision can

properly be undertaken, it seems to me unwise to attempt it.

The amount of misinformation that creeps into arguments pro

and con in respect to tariff rates is such as to require the

kind of investigation that I have directed the tariff board to

make, an investigation undertaken by it wholly without respect

to the effect which the facts may have in calling for a

readjustment of the rates of duty."

TARIFFS:

The Corporation Tax.

The Corporation Tax mentioned in the final paragraph of the

President’s statement is one imposed by an incongruous section

of the Tariff Act, designed for revenue additional to the

expected yield of import duties. It exacts one per cent. of

the net earnings in excess of $5000 of all corporations, joint

stock companies, and associations organized for profit and

having a capital stock represented by shares, and all

insurance companies. Foreign corporations are liable for the

tax to the extent of their business in the United States. The

net income upon which the tax is paid is to be ascertained by

deducting from the gross income of the corporation all

ordinary and necessary expenses of operation and maintenance;

all uncompensated losses actually paid within the year on its

bonded or other indebtedness not exceeding the paid-up capital

stock; all Federal and State taxes already paid and all

amounts received by it as dividends upon stock of other

corporations subject to the tax hereby imposed.

Holding corporations were exempted in the original Bill. That

exemption was struck out, but the Conference Committee adopted

the original clause. Corporations exempted from the tax

are:—Labour organizations, fraternal beneficiary societies,

orders or associations operating under the lodge system, and

providing for the payment of life, sick, accident, and other

benefits to their members and dependents; domestic building

and loan associations organized and operated exclusively for

the mutual benefit of their members, and any corporation or

association organized and operated exclusively for religious,

charitable, or educational purposes, no part of the profits of

which inures to the benefit of any private stockholder, or

individual, but all the profit of which is in good faith

devoted to these purposes.

TARIFFS:

Two Opposite Views of the new Tariff.

The Payne-Aldrich Tariff has been and will long be a subject

of bitterly contentious discussion, from opposite standpoints

of disgusted disappointment and happy satisfaction, before a

large indifferent audience, which takes such legislation as

belonging to an established order of conditions in the United

States. For a fair presentation of the conflicting judgments,

two carefully chosen reviews of the Act, from the two points

of view, by unquestionably representative writers, are quoted

below. The first is from President Woodrow Wilson, of

Princeton University, as follows:

{644}

"The methods by which tariff bills are constructed have now

become all too familiar and throw a significant light on the

character of the legislation involved. Debate in the Houses

has little or nothing to do with it. The process by which such

a bill is made is private, not public; because the reasons

which underlie many of the rates imposed are private. The

stronger faction of the Ways and Means Committee of the House

makes up the preliminary bill, with the assistance of

‘experts’ whom it permits the industries most concerned to

supply for its guidance. The controlling members of the

Committee also determine what amendments, if any, shall be

accepted, either from the minority faction of the Committee or

from the House itself. It permits itself to be dictated to, if

at all, only by the imperative action of a party caucus. The

stronger faction of the Finance Committee of the Senate, in

like fashion, frames the bill which it intends to substitute

for the one sent up from the House. It is often to be found at

work on it before any bill reaches it from the popular

chamber. The compromise between the two measures is arranged

in private conference by conferees drawn from the two

committees. What takes place in the committees and in the

conference is confidential. It is considered impertinent for

reporters to inquire. It is admitted to be the business of the

manufacturers concerned, but not the business of the public,

who are to pay the rates. The debates which the country is

invited to hear in the open sessions of the Houses are merely

formal. They determine nothing and disclose very little. …

"One extraordinary circumstance of the debates in the Senate

should receive more than a passing allusion. The Republican

party platform had promised that the tariff rates should be

revised and that the standard of revision should be the

differences between the cost of producing the various articles

affected in this country and in the countries with which our

manufacturers compete. One of our chief industrial competitors

is now Germany, with its extraordinary skill in manufacture

and the handicrafts and its formidable sagacity in foreign

trade; and the Department of State, in order to enable

Congress the more intelligently to fulfil the promises of the

party, had, at the suggestion of the President, requested the

German Government to furnish it with as full information as

possible about the rates of wages paid in the leading

industries of that country,—wages being known, of course, to

be one of the largest items in the cost of production. The

German Government of course complied, with its usual courtesy

and thoroughness, transmitting an interesting report, each

portion of which was properly authenticated and vouched for.

The Department of State placed it at the disposal of the

Finance Committee of the Senate. But Senators tried in vain to

ascertain what it contained. Mr. Aldrich spoke of it

contemptuously as ‘anonymous,’ which of course it was not, as

‘unofficial,’ and even as an impertinent attempt, on the part

of the German Government, to influence our tariff legislation.

It was only too plain that the contents of the report made the

members of the controlling faction of the Finance Committee

very uncomfortable indeed. … It would have proved that the

leaders of the party were deliberately breaking its promise to

the country. It was, therefore, thrown into a pigeonhole and

disregarded. It was a private document.

"In pursuance of the same policy of secrecy and private

management, the bill was filled with what those who discovered

them were good-natured or cynical enough to call ‘jokers,’

—clauses whose meaning did not lie upon the surface, whose

language was meant not to disclose its meaning to the members

of the Houses who were to be asked to enact them into law, but

only to those by whom the law was to be administered after its

enactment. This was one of the uses to which the ‘experts’

were put whom the committees encouraged to advise them. They

knew the technical words under which meanings could be hidden,

or the apparently harmless words which had a chance to go

unnoted or unchallenged. Electric carbons had been taxed at

ninety cents per hundred; the new bill taxed them at seventy

cents per hundred feet;—an apparent reduction if the

word feet went unchallenged. It came very near escaping the

attention of the Senate, and did quite escape the attention of

the general public, who paid no attention at all to the

debates, that the addition of the word feet almost doubled the

existing duty.

"The hugest practical joke of the whole bill lay in the

so-called maximum and minimum clause. The schedules as they

were detailed in the bill and presented to the country,

through the committees and the newspapers,—the schedules by

which it was made believe that the promise to the country of a

‘downward’ revision was being kept by those responsible for

the bill, were only the minimum schedules. There lay at the

back of the measure a maximum provision about which very

little was said, but the weight of which the country may come

to feel as a very serious and vexatious burden in the months

to come. In the case of articles imported from countries whose

tariff arrangements discriminate against the United States,

the duties are to be put at a maximum which is virtually

prohibitive. The clause is a huge threat. Self-respecting

countries do not yield to threats or to ‘ impertinent efforts

on the part of other Governments, to affect their tariff

legislation.’ Where the threat is not heeded we shall pay

heavier duties than ever, heavier duties than any previous

Congress ever dared impose.

"When it is added that not the least attempt was made to alter

the duties on sugar by which every table in the country is

taxed for the benefit of the Sugar Trust, but just now

convicted of criminal practices in defrauding the Government

in this very matter; that increased rates were laid on certain

classes of cotton goods for the benefit, chiefly, of the

manufacturers of New England, from which the dominant party

always counts upon getting votes, and that the demand of the

South, from which it does not expect to get them, for free

cotton bagging was ignored; that the rates on wool and woollen

goods, a tax which falls directly upon the clothing of the

whole population of the country, were maintained unaltered;

and that relief was granted at only one or two points,—by

conceding free hides and almost free iron ore, for

example,—upon which public opinion had been long and anxiously

concentrated; and granted only at the last moment upon the

earnest solicitation of the President,—nothing more need be

said to demonstrate the insincerity, the uncandid, designing,

unpatriotic character of the whole process. It was not

intended for the public good. It was intended for the benefit

of the interests most directly and selfishly concerned."

Woodrow Wilson,

The Tariff Make-Believe

(North American Review, October, 1909).

{645}

The second quotation is from an article in The Atlantic

Monthly, by Honorable Samuel W. McCall, Congressman from

Massachusetts, setting forth reasons for a moderate

satisfaction with the Act:

"The certain method of determining just what the Payne Act

does, is, as I have said, to take its paragraphs in detail and

scrutinize the new duties in comparison with those which they

have supplanted. Such a course will show the exact character

and number of the increases and decreases. Those who have no

other means of comparison at hand may safely take the table

prepared by the Honorable Champ Clark of Missouri, Democratic

leader in the House of Representatives, and produced by him

July 31 last, in his speech in the House of Representatives

against the Conference Report on the bill. It is true that in

commenting upon it he showed that he was a trifle rusty on his

Cobden, and made the amount of actual revenue the test,—a

method only less weird than that based upon the average ad

valorem, for it is demonstrable that a purely free-trade

tariff after the British model would provide us a greater

revenue than does the Payne Act. While the table given by Mr.

Clark exaggerates in some cases the extent of the increases,

it will clearly appear from it that on the whole the decreases

so vastly outnumber the increases as to make the new law seem

almost revolutionary in character. If one takes the schedules

in their order, he will find in the first schedule, which

relates to chemicals, that the increases are a bare half-dozen

in number, and include fancy soaps and alkaloids of opium and

cocaine, while the decreases are more than fifty, and include

many of the articles which are in general consumption, such as

sulphur, various forms of soda, potash, lead, and sulphate of

ammonia, the last of which is put on the free list.

"The second schedule shows a slight increase upon the smaller

sizes of plate glass, and this increase is many times offset

by decreases upon fire and other brick, gypsum, various kinds

of window-glass, nearly all the grades of marble, and other

important articles.

"In the metal schedule there is an increase in fabricated

structural steel, zinc ore, and a very few other items, some

of which relate to articles not manufactured when the Dingley

law was passed; but, on the other hand, the basic article of

iron ore is reduced from forty to fifteen cents per ton, the

lowest ad valorem that it has had in the history of the

country; pig iron is reduced from four dollars to two dollars

and a half per ton, scrap iron and steel from four dollars to

one dollar per ton, bar iron from six-tenths to three-tenths

of a cent a pound, cotton ties from five-tenths to

three-tenths of a cent per pound, steel rails from seven

dollars and eighty-four cents to three dollars and ninety-two

cents per ton. There are nearly a hundred other reductions in

the metal schedule: in fact, the reductions in this schedule

are so general, and in some cases so drastic, that it may be

said, practically, that these duties have been cut in two.

"The lumber schedule shows but two unimportant increases,

while the schedule generally is cut nearly forty per cent. One

grade of sawed boards is reduced from one dollar to fifty

cents per thousand feet, and all other sawed lumber from two

dollars to a dollar and a quarter per thousand. Fence posts

are put on the free list. Dressed lumber, telephone poles,

railroad ties, and other important products of wood, are very

much reduced.

"Notwithstanding the attempt that is being made to create a

sectional feeling in the West, the only schedule covering

necessary articles in which increases predominate is the

agricultural schedule. The duties are also increased upon

champagnes and other wines, brandy, ale, beer, tobacco, silks,

high-priced laces, and various other articles, which for want

of a better term, are called luxuries.

"Bituminous coal is reduced from sixty-seven cents to

forty-seven cents per ton, which with the exception of a very

brief period, is in value the lowest duty we have ever imposed

upon it.

"Agricultural implements are reduced, and a provision added

admitting them free of duty from any country which admits our

agricultural machinery free.

"Works of art more than twenty years old are put on the free

list.

"Hides of cattle are put on the free list, and an enormous

reduction made, not merely on all the products of these hides,

but on nearly all articles of leather. Sole leather is cut

from twenty to five per cent ad valorem, upper leather from

twenty to seven and a half per cent, and boots and shoes from

twenty-five to fifteen per cent, and, on important kinds, to

ten per cent. … The two great textile schedules are

practically unchanged. The wool duty is politically the most

powerful of any in the tariff. The farmers of the country have

been pretty thoroughly educated to the belief, whether rightly

or wrongly, that the free-wool agitation, culminating in the

tariff of 1894, was responsible for the slaughter of their

flocks. Their representatives formed the strongest single

element behind the passage of the Dingley law; and, in the

session just ended, their strength was so great as to

discourage any assault upon the wool duties. These duties

range from forty to more than one hundred per cent of the

value, and so long as they are maintained at such a high point

it is idle to talk of any very material reduction on woolens

or worsteds. The centre of the entire schedule is the duty

upon wool. … Every duty in this schedule from top to bottom

might have been cut ten per cent without trenching upon the

necessary amount of protection.

"The Dingley duties upon cottons were greatly less than those

in the woolen schedule. This was doubtless due to the fact

that we are the great cotton-producing nation, and our

manufacturers are at no disadvantage in raw material with any

of their foreign competitors. … These duties are so

complicated that it is difficult for one who is not an expert

to understand them; but according to the best experts, they

are, at least, no higher in the Payne Act than the Dingley

duties were intended to be, and were interpreted to be for

four years after the passage of the act."

{646}

The following is from an article in the American Review of

Reviews, September, 1909:

"Summing up the changes made in the tariff as shown in the

various Senate documents, the new act has increased the

Dingley rates in 300 instances, while reducing them in 584

cases. The increases affect commodities imported in 1907 to

the value of at least $105,844,201, while the reductions

affect not more than $132,141,074 worth of imports. Four

hundred and forty-seven million dollars’ worth of imports (on

the basis of 1907) remain subject to the same duties as under

the Dingley tariff. That is to say, 65 per cent of the total

imports remain subject to the old rates, more than fifteen per

cent of the total will be subject to higher duties, the

average increase amounting to 31 per cent. over the Dingley

rates; and less than 20 per cent. of the imports are to be

subject to lower duties, the reduction being estimated about

23 per cent. below the Dingley rates. All of these figures

greatly underestimate the increases of duty for the following

reasons: First they do not take into account the numerous

changes (nearly all increases of duty) due to classification,

similar to the instances cited in the case of sawn wood,

structural iron, and cotton cloth; second a large part of the

imports subject to ad valorem duties will now be assessed on

the basis of domestic prices instead of the prices in foreign

markets (with due allowance for freight and duty), as has

hitherto been the case; and, finally, the possibility, even if

remote, of the application of maximum rates to imports from

some of the foreign countries, which will amount on the

average to an increase of more than 50 per cent. over the new

rates. The real increase of duty will not be accurately known

for a year, until we have full returns of the imports and

duties actually levied under the new law under the decisions

of the Board of General Appraisers and the new Customs Court."

TARIFFS:

Certain Outside Effects.

As between the United States and France, the situation

produced by the new Tariff Act, which caused existing

commercial agreements between the two countries to be

abrogated on the 31st of October, 1909, was explained as

follows in a Press despatch of September 22 from Washington:

"The State Department has received from Consul-General Mason

at Paris the text of the announcement by the French government

of the abrogation of the several commercial agreements with

the United States by the action of President Taft in

conformity with the provisions of our new tariff act.

"‘Under and in consequence of these conditions,’ the French

announcement says, ‘there is reason to decide that the decrees

dated July 7, 1893, May 28, 1898, and February 21, 1903, which

constitute the measure of the application of the

Franco-American agreement for merchandise produced in the

United States and the Island of Porto Rico shall cease to be

enforced on October 31, 1909.’

"On that date the articles produced in the United States and

exported to France will pay what is known in France as its

general tariff, but which in effect is its maximum rates of

duty. The principal articles of export from the United States

under this agreement are mineral oils and coffee from Porto

Rico. At the same time articles imported from France into the

United States under these agreements will pay our regular or

highest rate. These include canned meats, fresh and dried

fruits, manufactured and prepared pork meats, lard, and a few

other articles of less importance."

The effect of the Payne-Aldrich Tariff Act on trade between

the United States and Canada was left an open question,

dependent on a decision which President Taft must make on or

before April 1, 1910. Section 2 of the Law expressly provides

the President with power to treat "any dependency, colony, or

other political subdivision having authority to adopt and

enforce tariff legislation" as a separate fiscal entity. The

question for the President to decide is whether Canada, by

reason of her preferential treatment of the Mother Country or

by reason of the commercial treaty which she is about to

conclude with France, will be judged guilty of "undue

discrimination" and unworthy of the minimum rates.

Looked at from the English standpoint, it is thought that he

"can hardly declare so natural a relationship as the existing

British preference to be ‘unduly’ discriminatory when a

similar relationship exists between Cuba and the United

States, and when Porto Rico, Hawaii, and the Philippines

actually enjoy reciprocal free trade with America and with

America alone."

A more practical consideration in the matter, however, is that

suggested in the following, from a Boston newspaper, which

remarks:

"According to the Department of Commerce and Labor, there are

now 147 branch factories in Canada, representing a capital of

$125,000,000, established by United States concerns which

formerly supplied their Canadian trade with the product of

industry on this side the national border. This is the result

of retaliatory legislation in Canada invited by our own tariff

against Canadian imports. If further tariff war is invited by

the imposition of the maximum schedules against Canada, still

more United States capital will go over the line to provide

employment and wages for Canadian workmen."

The Monetary Times, of Toronto, made an exhaustive

inquiry on this subject late in 1909, and found 168 American

manufacturing concerns in Canada, representing an estimated

investment of $226,000,000.

The spirit in which President Taft will interpret the maximum

and minimum clause of the Act, and exercise his discretion in

applying it, was indicated by him in his Message to Congress,

December 6, 1909, when he said: "By virtue of the clause known

as the ‘Maximum and Minimum’ clause, it is the duty of the

Executive to consider the laws and practices of other

countries with reference to the importation into those

countries of the products and merchandise of the United

States, and if the Executive finds such laws and practices not

to be unduly discriminatory against the United States,

the minimum duties provided in the bill are to go into force.

Unless the President makes such a finding, then the maximum

duties provided in the bill, that is, an increase of 25 per

cent. ad valorem over the minimum duties, are to be in force.

Fear has been expressed that this power conferred and duty

imposed on the Executive is likely to lead to a tariff war. I

beg to express the hope and belief that no such result need be

anticipated.

{647}

"The discretion granted to the Executive by the terms ‘unduly

discriminatory’ is wide. In order that the maximum duty shall

be charged against the imports from a country, it is necessary

that he shall find on the part of that country not only

discrimination in its laws or the practice under them against

the trade of the United States, but that the discriminations

found shall be undue; that is, without good and fair reason. I

conceive that this power was reposed in the President with the

hope that the maximum duties might never be applied in any

case, but that the power to apply them would enable the

President and the State Department through friendly

negotiation to secure the elimination from the laws and the

practice under them of any foreign country of that which is

unduly discriminatory. No one is seeking a tariff war or a

condition in which the spirit of retaliation shall be

aroused."

On the 19th of January, 1910, the President issued the first

of his proclamations relative to the operation of the maximum

and minimum rates of duty. Six countries, namely Great

Britain, Russia, Italy, Spain, Switzerland, and Turkey, were

designated as entitled to the minimum rates. Negotiations with

Germany and France were understood to be still in progress,

which might, it was hoped, clear away the differences that

obstructed a similar concession to those countries. In the

case of Germany, the difficulty related to the exclusion of

American meats.

A second proclamation, February 7, announced the conclusion of

an agreement with Germany which gave to each country the

minimum rates of the other. This agreement had been ratified

by the Reichstag on the 5th.

Negotiations with France and with Canada occupied more time,

being protracted in the latter case almost to the limit of the

period prescribed in the Act. Terms of agreement were arrived

at in both instances, and, in the end, the President was not

called on to apply the maximum rates to any country.

----------TARIFFS: End--------

TARSUS:

Moslem attack on Armenians.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

TARTARS:

Holy War against Armenians in the Caucasus.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

TASHINCHIAO, Battle of.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN; A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

TAVERA, DR. T. H. PARDO DE.

See (in this Volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

TAXATION:

Graduated Taxation of Land.

See (in this Volume)

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1905.

TAXATION:

Progressive Taxation of Fortunes.

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WEALTH, THE PROBLEMS OF.

TAYLOR, EDWARD R.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

TEACHERS:

English and American Interchange of Visits.

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EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

TEAMSTERS’ UNION:

Strike at Chicago.

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LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-JULY).

TECHNICAL EDUCATION.

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EDUCATION.

TEHERAN:

TEHRAN:

Revolutionary events in.

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PERSIA.

TELEGRAPHERS’ STRIKE:

In France.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH-MAY).

TELEGRAPHERS’ STRIKE:

In Russia.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

TELEGRAPHERS’ STRIKE:

In the United States.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

TELEGRAPHY.

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SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ELECTRICAL.

TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH MERGER, United States.

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COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

TELISSU, Battle of.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

TELLES, Sebastião.

See (in this Volume)

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

TEMPERANCE.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

TENEMENT HOUSE REFORM.

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NEW YORK: A. D. 1900-1903.

TERRITORIAL FORCE, THE BRITISH.

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WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

TEWFIK PASHA.

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TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

TEXAS: A. D. 1906-1909.

Successful Prosecution of the Waters-Pierce Oil Company.

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COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.:

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

THEOTOKIS MINISTRY.

See (in this Volume)

GREECE: A. D. 1906, and 1909.

THIBET.

See TIBET.

THOMSON, Sir Joseph:

Presidential Address to British Association for the

Advancement of Science, at Winnipeg.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: RECENT: PHYSICAL.

THOMSON, J. J.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

TIBET: A. D. 1902.

Russo-Chinese Treaty for Control of the Country.

"A Russo-Chinese treaty concerning Tibet was negotiated [in

the later months of 1902] … by Yung-lu. And as it had to be

notified to the Chief-Lamas of the different Buddhist

countries, it became possible to obtain the confidential

communication of its text immediately on its conclusion. This

text, which I published a month ago in the Frankfurter

Zeitung, and which has since been admitted as correct by

Russian semi-official papers, runs as follows:

"Article 1st.

Tibet being a territory situated between Central China and

Western Siberia, Russia and China are mutually obliged to care

for the maintenance of peace in that country. In case troubles

should arise in Tibet, China, in order to preserve this

district, and Russia, in order to protect her frontiers, shall

despatch thither military forces on mutual notification.

{648}

"Article 2nd.

In case of apprehension of a third Power’s contriving,

directly or indirectly, troubles in Tibet, Russia and China

oblige themselves to concur in taking such measures as may

seem advisable for repressing such troubles.

"Article 3d.

Entire liberty in what concerns Russian orthodox as well as

Lamaist worship will be introduced in Tibet; but all other

religious doctrines will be absolutely prohibited. For this

purpose, the Grand-Lama and the Superintendent of the Orthodox

Peking Mission are bound to proceed amicably and by mutual

assent, so as to guarantee the free propagation of both

religions and take all necessary measures for avoiding

religious disputes.

"Article 4th.

Tibet shall be made, gradually, a country with an independent

inner administration. In order to accomplish this task, Russia

and China are to share the work. Russia takes upon herself the

reorganisation of the Tibetan military forces on the European

model, and obliges herself to carry into effect this reform in

a good spirit and without incurring blame from the native

population. China, for her part, is to take care of the

development of the economic situation of Tibet, and especially

of her progress abroad."

Alexander Ular,

England, Russia, and Tibet

(Contemporary Review, December, 1902).

TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.

British Enforcement of Unfulfilled Promises.

The Peaceful Mission of Colonel Younghusband which forced

its way to Lhasa.

For a dozen years prior to 1902 there had been unfulfilled

promises from China to India of a settlement of trade

relations between Tibet and the latter, so far as the nominal

suzerain at Peking had power to settle them. In that year the

Chinese Government proposed to send a Commissioner to the

Tibetan frontier to discuss matters there, and the Viceroy of

India, assenting promptly to the proposal, commissioned

Colonel Younghusband, in June, 1903, to proceed, with the

British Political Officer in Sikkim, to Khamba Jong, for a

meeting with Chinese and Tibetan representatives. The mission

was escorted by 200 native troops, and reached the meeting

place in July, but found no Chinese or Tibetan envoys on the

spot. It remained encamped at the appointed place for six

months or more, Colonel Younghusband returning personally

meantime to Simla to report the situation and receive

instructions. A reserve force was stationed in Sikkim to

protect the mission in case of need.

Early in 1904 the mission moved forward, over the Tang Pass,

to Tuna, where it halted again until the end of March, no

envoys appearing, but many marks of hostility shown. Then,

after being reinforced,—as the intention of Tibetans to oppose

its further advance had become plain,—its march was resumed.

Thrice attacked within the next few days and forced to severe

fighting, it reached Gyangtse on the 11th of April, where it

was halted again until near the end of June, in a camp

established on the plain. There Colonel Younghusband received

a communication from the Chinese Resident or Amban at Lhasa,

promising to meet him in three weeks. This was followed

immediately however by a fierce attack of the Tibetans on the

British camp. The assault was repelled, but bombardment of the

camp was opened from a neighboring fort. The Mission now

abandoned attempts to maintain its peaceful character, and

with approval of the governments behind it, both in India and

Great Britain, prepared to force its way to Lhasa and extort

fulfilment of the promises on the strength of which it had

been sent. General Macdonald, who held the military command,

brought up further reinforcements, and the expedition, now

numbering about 1000 British and 2000 native troops, after

capturing the fort at Gyangtse which had harassed it, set

forth on its march to Lhasa July 14th. It met with slight

resistance in the Karola Pass, across which a wall had been

built; but otherwise it found little but the natural obstacles

of the mountain country to overcome. Lhasa was reached, but

not entered in force, on August 3d. The Dalai Lama had left

the city, but had appointed an intelligent monk to act as

regent in his place. With him and with the Chinese Amban

Colonel Younghusband succeeded in negotiating the treaty

desired, which was signed September 7th. As soon as possible

thereafter the expedition started on its return, but suffered

severely from the cold and snows of the mountains before India

was reached. Its total death roll was 411, of which only 37

officers and men had died from battle-wounds.

By the treaty secured, the Tibetan Government was pledged to

carry out former agreements concerning the marking of

boundaries and the opening of trade at three marts; to arrange

a fixed tariff; to maintain certain roads from the frontier;

and to make no territorial, political, or commercial

concession to any foreign Power without granting similar or

equivalent concessions to Great Britain. It also undertook to

pay an indemnity for the cost of the British expedition,

pending the payment of which the Chumbi Valley should be held

by a British force.

TIBET: A. D. 1907.

Convention between Great Britain and Russia relative to Tibet.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

TIBET: A. D. 1910.

Chinese Authority strengthened in Tibet.

Flight of the Dalai Lama.

His formal Deposition.

The Dalai Lama, who had fled from Lhasa in 1904, on the

approach of the British expeditionary force under Colonel

Younghusband, did not return to Tibet until more than five

years later. Meantime he had visited Peking, where he was

coldly received, and seems to have wandered widely through the

Empire. During his absence the Chinese authority in Tibet had

been strengthened, and his return was followed by a

considerable reinforcement of troops to support the Ambans who

represent the Chinese Government at Lhasa. Exactly what

friction arose then has not yet been made clear; but, in

February, 1910, the Lama fled again from his capital, into

India, and on the 25th he was solemnly deposed from his sacred

office by an imperial decree.

TIEN-TSIN:

Delivered to the Chinese Viceroy.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1902.

TIGER HILL.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

TILAK, BAL GANGADHAR:

His Trial and Imprisonment.

See (in this Volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.

TIRPITZ, Admiral:

On German Navy-building.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

TISZA MINISTRY.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903; 1905-1906.

{649}

TITTONI MINISTRY.

See (in this Volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1905-1906.

TOBACCO FARMERS’ UNION, IN KENTUCKY:

Its Night-Riders.

See (in this Volume)

KENTUCKY: A. D. 1905-1909.

TOBACCO TRUST:

Suit of the Government against it.

Report of Commissioner of Corporations.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES:

A. D. 1901-1906; 1905-1906; 1907-1909; and 1909.

TOGO, Admiral:

In the Russo-Japanese War.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.

TOLSTOI, COUNT LYOFF:

His Challenge to the Russian Government.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.

TOMUCHENG.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

TORONTO: A. D. 1909.

Meeting of International Council of Women.

See (in this Volume)

WOMEN, INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF.

TOWN-PLANNING LEGISLATION.

See (in this Volume)

SOCIAL BETTERMENT: ENGLAND; A. D. 1909.

TRADE BOARDS BILL, THE ENGLISH.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES REGULATION.

TRADE UNIONS.

Disputes.

Agreements:

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION.

TRANSANDINE RAILWAY TUNNEL.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: ARGENTINE-CHILE.

en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transandine_Railway

TRANS-MISSOURI FREIGHT ASSOCIATION, The Case of the.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.

TRANSVAAL, THE.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA.

TREPOFF.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

TRIPLE ALLIANCE, THE: A. D. 1902.

Renewal.

The Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy,

originally negotiated in 1879, was renewed in June, 1902, for

twelve years from May, 1903.

TRIPLE ALLIANCE, THE: A. D. 1905.

Effect of the Defeat of Russia in the War with Japan.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

TROUBETZKOI, PRINCE S. N.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

TRUSTS.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.

TSAI-TSE, PRINCE: HIS MISSION ABROAD.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908.

TSONTSHEFF, GENERAL:

Operations in Macedonia.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.

TSUSHIMA, NAVAL BATTLE OF.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

TUBERCULOSIS, THE CRUSADE AGAINST.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH.

TUNG FANG.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1906.

TURBINE ENGINE.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.

----------TURKEY: Start--------

TURKEY: A. D. 1901.

The Bulgarian Committee which directs Revolutionary

Operations in Macedonia.

Its Instructions to the Bands and Control of their Murders.

"The Committee which was originally formed at Sofia for the

purpose of conducting the nationalist campaign among the

Macedonians has been the dominant factor in the later

developments of the Macedonian problem, and is directly

responsible for all the periodical outbreaks which students of

Eastern politics have been accustomed to look for at the

approach of spring during the last few years. The nature of

this Society will be clearly appreciated from the following

document, which sets forth in unequivocal terms both the

Committee’s mission and the means resorted to for its

fulfilment. This document was seized on the Bulgarian

conspirators who in the spring of 1901 were arrested at

Salonica, tried, sentenced to fifteen years’ incarceration at

Rhodes, and permitted to escape a few months after. I obtained

a literal translation of it from an official source at the

time …:

"‘Each armed band to consist of Bulgarians belonging to each

particular district. Their duty is to carry out secretly the

orders given by the president of the committee. The bands are

armed with weapons furnished by the Committee. These bands are

formed by the revolutionary committees of each district or

village, and receive the military training necessary for their

purpose. These bands depend on the committees, and in their

turn distribute arms among those whom they enrol or gain over

to the cause. … The armed bands are placed under the command

of the local committees in accordance with the following

rules:

"‘To obey received instructions. By means of persuasion or

intimidation to place new recruits at the committees’

disposal. To put to death the persons indicated by the

committees. … Each band, under the command of the

revolutionary committee established in the district, to be

ready to raise the standard of revolt on being so ordered by

the local committee, which cannot act except by the order of

the president of the Sofia committee. … The bands shall also

commit political crimes: that is to say, they shall kill and

put out of the way any person who will attempt to hinder them

from attaining their ends, and shall immediately inform the

Sofia committee of the crimes committed. The instructions of

the bands must be kept quite secret, as the least indiscretion

may lead to great disaster. … "Acts of personal vengeance,

attacks on villages, and generally all kinds of unauthorised

attempts to raise a revolution are strictly forbidden, and

those who are guilty of such acts will be sentenced to death.

No murder shall be committed by the bands without a previous

decision taken by the committee, except those which are

inevitable in an accidental encounter.’

"The reports of the action of the Committee in Macedonia

during the last twelve months alone form a dossier   which leaves little doubt to the reader of average candour

that the regulations printed above are not allowed to remain a

dead letter, but that practice goes hand in hand with, or

rather outstrips, precept. The exploits of the Committee and

its brigands in the country may be classed under three heads:

extortion, intimidation, provocation. …

{650}

"Cases of wanton massacre, though not so numerous as the

atrocities committed with a material object in view, are not

uncommon. The victims in these cases are generally

Mohammedans. … The motive of these outrages is purely to

provoke reprisals—that is, a general massacre—and then pose as

the victims of Turkish cruelty and fanaticism, a cry which

never fails to move the nations of Europe to sympathy and

their Governments to intervention."

G. F. Abbott,

The Macedonian Question

(Nineteenth Century, March, 1903).

TURKEY: A. D. 1901-1902.

Abduction of Miss Ellen M. Stone, by Brigands.

The Ransom paid for her Release.

In a communication to the President of the United States,

March 24, 1908, the Secretary of State, Mr. Root, recited the

circumstances which attended the abduction by brigands, in

1901, of Miss Ellen M. Stone, an American missionary to

Turkey, as she travelled the highway from Raslog to Djumabala

in the Turkish Empire, and the necessary payment of a ransom

to her captors, to secure her release. In the judgment of Mr.

Root the Government should refund the ransom money to the

citizens from whom it was obtained by subscription at the

time, and his communication, as follows, was to that end:

"Our diplomatic and consular representatives in Turkey, in

correspondence with the Department of State, shortly after the

capture, indicated their belief that the motive therefor was

to obtain a ransom, and stated that they had requested the

Turkish officials to abstain from too close pursuit of the

brigands, lest the death of the captured might result. From

later correspondence with our representatives it appeared that

the brigands had retired to the mountains with the captive,

probably over the border into Bulgaria. The exact location of

the party during the captivity, however, is not established by

any evidence in the possession of the Department of State, nor

does it appear clearly of what government the bandits were

subjects.

"About October 1, 1901, the bandits opened negotiations for a

ransom, demanding £25,000, and transmitting a letter from Miss

Stone, asking that the sum demanded be paid and that pursuit of

the brigands by the Turkish troops be stopped. Our diplomatic

representatives were of the opinion that Miss Stone’s release

could only be obtained by the payment of the ransom, and the

State Department shared this view. Miss Stone’s friends, of

course, entered into correspondence with the Department

regarding the payment of the ransom, and were told that it

must be raised by private means.

"On October 3, 1901, the State Department wrote to the

Reverend Judson Smith, of the American Board of Commissioners

for Foreign Missions, Boston, Massachusetts, as follows: ‘It

seems imperative that the amount (of the ransom) should be

raised or pledged, so as to be available by your treasurer at

Constantinople in season to save Miss Stone. Statutory

prohibitions make it impossible for this Government to advance

the money or guarantee its payment. If paid by Miss Stone’s

friends, every effort will be made to obtain reimbursement

from whichever government may be found responsible under

international law and precedent. In the event of its proving

impossible to hold any foreign government responsible for the

capture and to secure the repayment of the money, this

Government is willing in the last resort to urge upon Congress

as strongly as possible to appropriate money to repay the

missionaries.’

"It is claimed that this assurance given by the Department in

its letter to Mr. Smith, to the effect that, as a last resort,

a recommendation would be made to Congress looking toward the

appropriation of a sum sufficient to pay the donors, was

largely instrumental in enabling Miss Stone’s friends to

secure the sum of $66,000, which was raised through public

subscription in this country by October 23, 1901, for the

purpose of effecting Miss Stone’s release. After negotiations

of considerable length, the brigands finally consented to

accept the amount raised and arrangements were made by United

States Minister Leishman for the payment of the money at a

point near Bansko, Macedonia, the Turkish authorities

consenting to withhold their troops from the vicinity of the

place in order that the negotiations might have a successful

issue. The release of the captive was not obtained so soon as

expected, but was finally reported by Minister Leishman on

February 23, 1902.

"After careful consideration of all the facts my predecessor,

Mr. Hay, decided on January 19, 1905, that it was not

advisable to attempt to hold the Turkish Government

responsible for the capture and to secure the repayment of the

money. Upon the subsequent application for reconsideration of

this decision Mr. Hay again, on April 11, 1905, reaffirmed the

judgment which he had originally expressed. Upon a further

review of the same subject I have come to the conclusion that

it is not advisable to reverse or change the conclusion which

Mr. Hay reached.

"It would seem, therefore, that the Executive Department is

bound to make good its promise to recommend to Congress that

money be appropriated to repay the ransom money, a promise

which was probably relied upon by many of those who

contributed of their private means to save the life of an

American citizen believed to be in the gravest peril.

Accordingly I have the honor to advise that Congress be

recommended to appropriate an amount sufficient to repay the

contributors."

60th Congress 1st Session, Senate Document No. 408.

TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.

Conventions for Building the Bagdad Railway.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.

Insurgent operations in Macedonia.

Horrible Retaliatory Atrocities.

Misery of the Macedonian Peasants.

Contradictory Reports and Views of the Situation.

Insurgent operations in Macedonia were opened in the fall of

1902 and continued the following year, and into 1904. Besides

an activity of insurgent bands and collisions with Turkish

soldiery, there were many dynamite explosions, wrecking a bank

at Salonica, blowing up a railway train, a passenger steamer,

and other outrages of that kind. Then came confused and

revolting accounts of a terrible retaliation by the Turks.

According to Dr. Dillon, the monthly reviewer of "Foreign

Politics" for The Contemporary Review, the substantial

facts of what occurred were these:

{651}

"The insurrection in Macedonia planned by outsiders and fixed

for last autumn [1902] proved abortive. The first shot should

have been fired in August, but the members of the

revolutionary agencies which organised the scheme quarrelled

among themselves at the Congress held during that month in

Sofia, and then split up into hostile factions. In the

committee of one of these sections, General Tsontsheff

occupied the foremost position, and he resolved on his own

initiative to stir up the Macedonians to rebellion. Now it

should be borne in mind that all these committees are composed

of so-called outsiders—that is to say, mainly Macedonian

refugees in Bulgaria, and that whether their aim be to get the

provinces annexed to Bulgaria or Servia, or to demand simple

autonomy, they meet with but little sympathy and less active

support in Macedonia itself, where there is a very intelligent

native organisation in favour of self-government. Tsontsheff

was therefore left largely to his own resources. On the 23rd

of September his adjutant, Nikoloff, crossed the frontier, but

owing to the Shipka festivities, it was not until the 15th of

October that Tsontsheff himself, who had meanwhile escaped

from prison, took the field. The scene of action was the

valley of the Struma, which a week later was wholly occupied

by the Turks, and the insurrection, which had hardly even

flashed, suddenly fizzled and went out. The natives warned by

their own committee had generally held aloof. But there were

people among them who, not content with holding back, resolved

to act in the spirit of the admonitions vouchsafed to them by

the Great Powers, and ordered the revolutionary bands to quit

the country, and when the latter refused, actually drove them

off with arms in their hands. …

"When the people had gone home the Turks came to search for

arms. The peasants denied that they possessed any, and then

the work of torture began. All who could, ran away, and, owing

to the height of the mountain passes and the enormous

snowdrifts, had to leave their wives and children behind.

Before this calamity overtook the place, the district of

Razlog had twelve hamlets and 3,665 Bulgarian houses

containing about 25,000 inmates. Of these Madame Bakhmetieff,

the American wife of the Russian minister in Sofia, counted

961 fugitives, besides some hundreds who found a refuge in the

Peshtshersky district. The entire number of able-bodied men

driven away from Razlog alone is about 1,500!

"In that loyal and well-conducted district there were fourteen

churches with twenty-two priests; of the latter eight escaped

to Bulgaria, one was killed, one arrested, and the fate of the

remainder is unknown. According to the statement of the priest

who, having made good his escape, found an asylum in the

Principality, their churches were defiled and destroyed by the

Turks. A considerable number of the remaining peasants are

said to have perished on the way over the mountains. Over

one-third, therefore, of the male population of the best

behaved district of Macedonia has been thus forced to flee the

country. …

"We have the authority of Madame Bakhmetieff—who travelled

about in the deep snow with the thermometer at 22 Celsius

below freezing point, to bring succour to the fugitives—for

saying that two priests of the villages of Oranoff and Padesh

were tortured in a manner which suggests the story of St.

Lawrence’s death. They were not exactly laid on gridirons, but

they were hung over a fire and burned with red hot irons. In

the Djumaisk District six churches were destroyed, and the

Church of St. Elias was turned into a stable, while the shrine

dedicated to the same saint in Shelesnitza was converted into

a water closet. The churches of Padesh, Troskoff and Serbinoff

were razed to the ground; the school buildings in the Djumaisk

District were used as barracks, and the teachers put in prison

or obliged to flee. The horror of the situation is

intensified, Madame Bakhmetieff says, by the fact that large

numbers of fugitives have been driven back by the Turks into

the interior southwards towards Seres, where their horrible

sufferings and their miserable end will be hidden from all who

might give them help or pity."

E. J. Dillon,

The Reign of Terror in Macedonia

(Contemporary Review, March, 1903).

Another view of the Macedonian situation is presented in the

following, from another of the English reviews:

"The Macedonian problem is desperate mainly because it has

been overlaid with abstractions. We talk of trouble in the

Balkans, of insurgent excesses, and Turkish atrocities,

without realising that these occasional and startling

phenomena are the product of a misery that is as constant as

it is uninteresting—and unbearable. We think of Turkish

misrule as an isolated and irrational fact, without

comprehending that it is a highly organised and quite

intelligent system, designed to promote the profit of a small

minority of officials, tax farmers, and landlords. It rests on

a substantial basis of corrupt and anti-social interest. The

political mismanagement is the least of all the evils it

produces. The reality behind the whole muddle of racial

conflicts, beyond the Chauvinism of the Balkan peoples and the

calculations of the greater Powers, is the unregarded figure

of the Macedonian peasant, harried, exploited, enslaved,

careless of national programmes, and anxious only for a day

when he may keep his warm sheepskin coat upon his back, marry

his daughter without dishonour, and eat in peace the bread of

his own unceasing labour. All our efforts might fail to bestow

upon him an ideal government—there are not the makings of a

harmonious nation in Macedonia. But politics are, after all, a

mere fraction of life. While Servia earns the contempt of the

civilised world, the Servian peasant sows in hope and reaps in

peace, keeping for winter evenings the tale of murdered

forbears and ravished ancestors. The Macedonian villager is

ignorant. But his leaders have heard of a far-off England

which twenty-five years ago flung them back under the heels of

the Turk, after Russia had won their freedom at San Stefano.

The tale runs that this same England then guaranteed them, at

Berlin, the amplest of reforms. And thereupon these simple men

will talk about their rights. It is for these they are

fighting."

H. N. Brailsford,

The Macedonian Revolt

(Fortnightly Review, September, 1903).

{652}

And still a third view in this which follows:

"The Turks are honestly doing their best to administer justice

indifferently. Again and again during my travels in Macedonia

I have admired the energy of Valis and Kaimakams, who hold

thankless posts with courage and determination. If the

Albanians could be kept in order and Bulgarian anarchism could

be suppressed, there would be no grievances in Macedonia

to-day. The Albanians are turbulent sportsmen, engaging as

individuals, but intolerable as neighbours. They must be made

to understand that no further nonsense will be permitted. The

Porte would be quite capable of reducing them to order if they

had not a powerful protector at hand. The Porte could also

reduce the Bulgarian conspirators if she did not fear to

arouse prejudice in Europe. The echo of former Bulgarian

‘atrocities’ (as resolute government was dubbed), paralyses

effective action. The Turks cannot punish Christian criminals

so long as Exeter Hall is on the qui vive to defend

them. Give the Sultan a free hand, and the Macedonian

conspiracy may be ended in a few weeks."

Herbert Vivian,

The Macedonian Conspiracy

(Fortnightly Review, May, 1903).

The British Government received the following representation

of facts from its Minister to Bulgaria, Mr. Elliott, in a

despatch dated May 19, 1903.

"There are some points which appear to me to be too frequently

lost sight of in apportioning responsibilities for occurrences

in Macedonia. In the first place, the term ‘Bulgarian’ is

applied indiscriminately to subjects of the Principality and

to Macedonians of Bulgarian race, and the former are made to

bear the blame for the actions of the latter. In the same way,

it appears to be believed that the ‘Bulgarian bands’ which

make incursions into Macedonia from the territory of the

Principality are composed of Bulgarian subjects, whereas the

latter probably do not contribute more than 10 per cent, of

the number of incursionists, the remainder being all

Macedonians, of whom there are some 200,000 in the

Principality."

The same Minister wrote from Sophia on the 1st of July: "All

the reports received concur in stating that every Turkish

official, civil and military, from Hilmi Pasha downwards, look

to war as the only means of escape from a situation which is

becoming intolerable. It is obvious that in such a war both

sides would have much to lose and little material advantage to

gain; but the Turks argue that if they could administer a

crushing defeat to Bulgaria, of which they have no doubt, they

would, even if they were afterwards obliged to withdraw,

obtain some years’ peace in Macedonia, by the destruction of

what they have been taught to believe, with some justification

in the past, is the centre of disaffection, though the real

cause of it is to be sought in their own maladministration.

The Bulgarians, although believing that the conquest of

Bulgaria would not prove the easy matter that the Turks seem

to imagine, are, for the most part, under no illusions as to

their ability to hold out single-handed against the Ottoman

Empire; they are unprepared, and they have apparently been

deserted by their protectors. They are, therefore, sincere in

their desire to do everything to avoid a conflict. But it does

not rest with them to avoid it. The Macedonian agitators will

naturally do all they can to provoke a war. It is therefore of

the most urgent importance that an attempt should be made by

the Turkish Government to restore the conditions of life in

Macedonia to something like their normal state. If the

persecutions of the last few weeks continue, it will be

impossible for the Government to restrain the Macedonians

established in this country."

Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 1875.

The condition of suffering in the region of country tormented

by this inhuman strife is indicated by such despatches as the

following, from the British Vice-Consul at Monastir, writing

September 23, 1903:

"According to the best data actually available, the number of

persons now wandering on the mountains homeless and destitute

cannot be estimated at less than 40,000, while the number of

Christians massacred may be safely put down at 3,000. Some of

my colleagues, notably the Austrian, French, and Italian

Consuls, have sent even higher figures to their embassies."

Parliamentary Papers

(Turkey, No. 2, 1904), Cd. 1879.

TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

The Mürzsteg Programme of Reforms in the Administration of

Macedonia.

During a meeting of the Emperors of Austria-Hungary and

Russia, in 1903, at Mürzsteg, in the Austrian Alps, a plan of

supervised administration in Macedonia (known since as the

Mürzsteg Programme), to be pressed on the Turkish Government,

was agreed upon by the two sovereigns and their advisers. With

the assent and support of the other Powers in Europe this was

submitted to the Porte, and was accepted in principle on the

25th of November; but it was not until the following May that

it could be said to have been brought at all into action.

Turkey "agreed

(1) to the appointment, for two years only, of Austrian and

Russian civil agents, with a limited staff of dragomans and

secretaries, to reside in the same place as the

Inspector-General, and to make tours in the interior,

accompanied by a Turkish official, to question the inhabitants

as to their grievances;

(2) to the appointment of an Italian general to reorganize the

gendarmerie;

(3) to consider the question of altering the administrative

districts so as to establish a more regular grouping of the

various nationalities;

(4) that neither race nor religion shall be a hindrance to

official employment;

(5) that an amnesty shall be granted to all persons implicated

in the insurrection, except those guilty of dynamite outrages;

and

(6) to exempt the inhabitants of destroyed villages from all

taxation for one year."

Annual Register, 1904, page 318.

General De Giorgis, of Italy, was appointed to the command of

the gendarmerie. Hostility to the arrangements of the Mürzsteg

programme in Albania was carried to the extent of open

warfare, and a number of serious engagements between Turkish

and Albanian forces occurred. Other collisions between the

various quarreling races—Greek, Bulgarian and Servian—were not

stopped by the reorganized gendarmerie. Turkish action

and inaction afforded about equal occasion for Bulgarian

complaints; but in April the Bulgarian and Turkish governments

came to mutual agreements, that the former would stop the work

of revolutionary committees within her territory, and that the

latter would carry out the reforms of the Mürzsteg programme

in good faith. No effective performance of either engagement

appears to have been secured.

{653}

TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

Incursions of Armenian

Revolutionists from Russia and Persia into Asiatic Turkey.

Exaggerated accounts of retaliatory Massacre.

Many bands of revolutionary Armenians who crossed the

frontiers from Russia and Persia during 1903 and 1904, making

incursions into Armenian Turkey, and bringing upon the

inhabitants there the tender mercies of Turkish troops, appear

to have been acting generally in cooperation with the

Bulgarian revolutionists in Macedonia. The consequent

barbarities were dreadful enough, no doubt, but were found to

be greatly exaggerated in the reports current at the time.

This was the conclusion of the British Ambassador to Turkey,

derived from investigations made on the ground by a consular

officer who traversed it with care. In a despatch dated August

16, 1904, the Ambassador, Sir N. O’Conor, related a

conversation on the subject that he had had with the Armenian

Patriarch, Mgr. Ormanian, as follows:

"In the course of conversation I told his Beatitude that I had

heard with deep concern the statements he had made to several

newspaper correspondents, to the effect that he believed that

between 6,000 and 9,000 persons had been massacred in the

Sasun and Talori districts during the late troubles, and that

I deeply regretted that upon my applying for precise

information which would enable me to make earnest

representations to the Grand Vizier, his Beatitude has sent me

word that he was unable to indicate the places at which these

massacres had taken place or to affirm that his reports were

based on really trustworthy information. His Beatitude replied

that he had had no means of controlling these reports, and

that he had communicated them to others as he had received

them. I said that, judging from the reports of His Majesty’s

Consul at Van, who had visited many of the districts in

question, the numbers of victims mentioned by his Beatitude

was grossly exaggerated. Captain Tyrrell was more inclined to

estimate the number at 900 than 9,000, and he had, moreover,

been unable to confirm the statements in the public press that

there had been any massacre of Armenians in the ordinary sense

of these words, although, no doubt, many innocent persons had

been killed both by the insurgents and the troops. … I did not

despair of following to the end the investigations which had

been set on foot by the Grand Vizier. If, however, his

Beatitude could now furnish me with more definite information,

I would do all in my power, in conjunction with my French and

Russian colleagues, to bring about a searching investigation

on the spot. Mgr. Ormanian replied that he was not in a

position to give me this information."

TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.

A "Holy War" in Arabia.

The Sheik Hamid Eddin contesting the Caliphate

with the Sultan.

"Under the obscure heading of ‘Rebellion in the Yemen,’ a

series of brief telegrams has recently appeared in the British

and American press, describing in skeleton language the

exploits of Sheik Hamid Eddin, the Sovereign of Hadramaut,

against the troops of the Turkish Sultan. Absorbed in the

contemplation of the Far-Eastern struggle, neither the writers

nor readers of the newspapers have yet found leisure to

reflect upon the meaning of the movement, which the Lord of

the Land of Frankincense is leading. … But the Government in

Constantinople, though it would fain throw dust in the eyes of

Europe, is itself painfully conscious of the menacing

character of the challenge which has gone forth from Arabia.

It is, indeed, impossible for it any longer to doubt that

Hamid Eddin, the namesake of Abdul Hamid, is contesting not

only the possession of Yemen, but also the spiritual supremacy

of Islam. A Holy War, in fact, has started in Arabia, and upon

its issue depend the fate of Mecca and the title of Caliph. …

"For several years, the propaganda proceeded on comparatively

peaceful lines. Only occasionally it was marked by collisions

with the Turkish troops. But, towards the end of 1903, the

Sheik entered the northern district of the Yemen and laid

siege to the Turkish garrison of Assyr. The engagement ended

disastrously for the Turks. … For a whole year the Turks

refrained from attempting any serious resistance to the

Arabian movement. In February of this year, however, they

succeeded in inflicting on Hamid Eddin a slight reverse, which

the authorities in Constantinople, for political reasons, at

once magnified into a disaster."

W. F. Bullock,

The Fight for the Caliphate

(North American Review, August, 1905).

TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1906.

Demand in Crete for Union with Greece.

Resignation of Prince George as High Commissioner.

Appointment of M. Zaimis.

See (in this Volume)

CRETE: A. D. 1905-1906.

TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1906.

Anti-British agitation in Egypt.

Encroachments on the Sinai Frontier.

The Tabah Incident.

See (in this Volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1905-1906.

TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

Continued Reign of Terror in Macedonia.

Financial Reform forced on Turkey by a Naval Demonstration.

Barbaric Warfare of Greek and Bulgarian Bands.

Efforts of Great Britain to secure further action by the Powers.

On the 17th of January, 1905, the Austro-Hungarian and Russian

Governments proposed to supplement the Mürzsteg Programme by a

measure of financial reform, which would empower the agencies

of the Imperial Ottoman Bank to "act as Treasurer and

Paymaster-General in the three vilayets of Salonika, Kossovo

and Monastir," to receive the net revenues of those vilayets,

and to "be intrusted with the issue of payments of whatever

nature and in whatever form." The Turkish Government submitted

a counter proposition, somewhat to the same purpose, on the

5th of March; and, after much discussion between the six great

Powers, of Austria-Hungary, Russia, Germany, Great Britain,

France, and Italy, they joined in a note to the Sublime Porte,

on the 8th of May, accepting the Turkish project of financial

reform, provided the Porte would consent to complete it by

adding the following:

"To supervise the execution of the financial reforms and the

application of the preceding Regulation, and to insure its

observation, the Governments will each nominate a financial

Delegate. These Delegates of the four Powers will act in

concert with the Inspector-General and the Austro-Hungarian

and Russian Civil Agents, whose functions were defined in the

Mürzsteg programme. The Commission thus formed will have all

the powers necessary for the accomplishment of its task, and

particularly for the supervision of the regular collection of

taxes, including also the tithe.

{654}

Before being finally settled, the budgets must be submitted to

the Commission, which will have the right to amend, under the

head of receipts and expenditure, any provision which may be

inconsistent with the existing laws or unsuited to the

economic and financial requirements of the country. With a

view to facilitating its task, the Commission will have the

power of nominating for each vilayet an inspector charged with

the supervision of the agents employed in the different

services of the Treasury."

The Porte declined to acquiesce in a proposal which it

declared to be "contrary to the essential principles of the

maintenance of the rights and independence of the Imperial

Government." The demand was persisted in by the six Powers,

inflexibly, and resisted as determinedly by the Sultan and his

Ministers, during more than six months of parley. By that time

the Powers had arranged for a joint naval demonstration, and

landed forces at Mytilene on the 26th of November. This

brought the Turkish Government to terms; details of the

financial reform were settled on the 16th of December, 1905,

and the international fleet was withdrawn.

Meantime conditions in the wretched country for which these

attempted reforms of government were being so deliberately and

laboriously prepared do not seem to have been much improved,

if at all. On the 4th of September, the British Ambassador,

Sir N. O’Conor, forwarded to his Government "a statistical

résumé of the despatches recording occurrences in Macedonia"

sent to him "by His Majesty’s Consuls at Salonica, Uskup, and

Monastir between the 1st of January and the 27th of August,"

giving "the number of deaths for which the various

nationalities and organizations are responsible" in those

eight months of the year. The statistics were as follows:

Christians killed by Bulgarian Komitajis [Committees], 69;

Moslems killed by Bulgarian Komitajis, 60;

Christians killed by Greek Komitajis, 211;

Moslems killed by Servian Komitajis, 12;

Christians killed by Servian Komitajis, 10:

total, 362.

Troops killed by various bands, 60;

Bulgar Komitajis killed by troops, 145;

Greek Komitajis killed by troops, 38;

Serb Komitajis, killed by troops, 83;

total 326.

Christians murdered by Moslems, 43;

Christians killed during military operations, 54;

total 97.

Throughout the next two years the monthly reports of British

consular officers and the despatches of the Ambassador at

Constantinople, as published in the British Blue Books, are

monotonous in their sickening enumeration of single murders,

wholesale massacres, destruction of villages, flights to the

mountains of starving refugees,—outrages and miseries beyond

description. On the 10th of June, 1906, the Consul-General at

Salonika wrote:

"The general state of insecurity in the disturbed areas tends

to grow worse rather than better, chiefly owing to the

increase in the numbers and activity of the Greek bands and a

slight recrudescence of Moslem crime, the most remarkable

cases of which are attributed to a band of fifteen Albanians,

who at the beginning of the month infested the forest country

north of Niausta, where they robbed and murdered with

impunity. The fact that their victims were nearly all Greeks

has given rise to the belief in Greek circles that they have

been acting in the interests of the Vlach and Bulgarian

propagandas, though, so far as I know, there is no evidence

whatever in support of this theory. The operations of Turkish

troops have been on the whole very successful as against the

small Bulgarian and Servian bands which still kept the field.

Four of the former and two of the latter were totally

destroyed, with comparatively small loss to the soldiery. It

will be seen that the loss of life by violence again amounts

to over 200 during the month. Of armed revolutionaries, about

40 Bulgarians, 19 Servians and 26 Greeks were accounted for,

at a loss to the Turkish army of 23 killed. The great majority

of the unarmed victims were Bulgarians, of whom 33 were killed

by Greek bands, 15 by soldiers or in operation by the troops,

about 15 by the Moslems, and 12 by Bulgarian Komitajis of

rival factions; while 11 Vlachs were killed by Greek bands, 14

Greeks by Albanian brigands, 1 Greek by Bulgarian Komitajis,

and 6 Mussulmans by Greek revolutionaries."

Conditions were still the same at the end of another year, and

in December, 1907, the British Government addressed a

memorandum on the subject to France and similarly to the other

Powers, reciting some of the recent facts reported by its

consular officers, and saying: "These facts and the

circumstances of the outrages committed afford striking

evidence of the manner in which the gradual extermination of

the Christian inhabitants is being tolerated in Macedonia,

where the Ottoman authorities have displayed an utter

incapacity to maintain public tranquility. It therefore

devolves upon the Powers to suggest the adoption of measures

which will put an end to such a condition of affairs, and His

Majesty’s Government earnestly hope that the French Government

will give their most serious consideration to the proposals

which they are about to put forward. … His Majesty’s

Government are profoundly convinced that the time has now

arrived when General Degiorgis and the foreign Staff Officers

should be intrusted with a full measure of executive control,

and when the force under his command should be properly

qualified for effective action by a substantial increase in

numbers and an adequate equipment."

To this communication there was no encouraging response from

any other Government; and on the 3d of March, 1908, the

British Foreign Minister, Sir Edward Grey, reopened the

subject, expressing the regret with which His Majesty’s

Government had received the replies made to their proposals.

"The situation is not beyond remedy, but it cannot be remedied

by half-measures. Were a Governor of Macedonia to be appointed

who would be given a free hand and be irremovable for a term

of years except with the consent of the Powers, and were an

adequate force of gendarmerie and European officers placed at

his disposal, His Majesty’s Government are convinced that the

country might be cleared of bands and pacified in a short

time."

{655}

The measure proposed to other Powers by the British

Government, in this communication of the 3d of March, 1908,

obtained the assent of none, but it opened a discussion of the

subject between London and St. Petersburg which brought Great

Britain and Russia together, in joint action that gave promise

of effective results. The negotiations ensuing, between the

two Governments led to the drafting of two schemes of further

reform in Macedonia, to be pressed upon the Porte. Great

Britain accepted the Russian scheme, submitted in the form of

an aide mémoire, dated July 2, 1908. Some inkling of

this new programme, which the European Concert of Powers was

about to be asked to support, had been given to the public by

this time, and it seems to have precipitated a revolutionary

conspiracy for the self-reformation of Turkish Government,

which had been in the process of organization for many years,

and which had now drawn near to the point of open action.

TURKEY: A. D. 1906.

A Troublesome Punctilio removed.

The United States represented at Constantinople

by an Ambassador.

"According to usage in Constantinople, an Ambassador may

obtain an audience at any time with the Sultan, and force many

items through even against the influence of both the Palace

and the Porte. But every representative lower than an

Ambassador can never appear before the Sultan except when

called for by His Gracious Majesty. This invitation can be

secured sometimes by indirect means; but when, for any reason,

the Sultan does not wish to see a Minister of any foreign

Power, the Palace officials can baffle him, if necessary, for

years. Now, the American representative is called ‘Envoy

Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary,’ and is outranked

by every Ambassador to Turkey. Hence, he lacks the

all-important privilege of approaching the Sultan uninvited."

Americus,

Some Phases of the Issues between

the United States and Turkey

(North American Review, May, 1906).

The obstacle to American influence with the Turkish Government

which is explained in the statement above was removed in 1906,

by raising the diplomatic representative of the United States

at Constantinople to the rank of Ambassador.

TURKEY: A. D. 1907-1909.

The Cretan Situation as dealt with by

the Four Protecting Powers.

See (in this Volume)

CRETE: A. D. 1907-1909.

TURKEY: A. D. 1908.

Building the Damascus to Mecca Railway.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: ASIATIC: A. D. 1908.

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (March).

The Races in Macedonia.

Struggle for Political Predominance.

The Bulgarian Propaganda.

"Macedonia, although a country of numerous tribes and tongues,

has a population of which the chief ethnic elements are Serbs,

Bulgarians, and Greeks. The last-named are numerically the

most important, while the Turks are, so to say, intruders.

Between Bulgarians and Serbs, a bitter struggle has been waged

for political predominance, each party being supported more or

less effectively by its kindred in the kingdom of Servia or

the Principality of Bulgaria. Both races in Macedonia speak

almost the same language, profess the same religion, and

inter-marry, so that the need of distinguishing between them

did not arise until the Bulgarian Church, freeing itself from

the Greek Patriarch, established an exarchate. Then all the

flock of the Exarchate was deemed to consist of Bulgarians,

although in reality many were Serbs; and the vigorous

proselytising campaign carried on by agents from the

Principality was successful in gathering many thousands more

into the true fold.

"Bulgaria had luck from the outset. Before this people had

been freed from the Mohammedan yoke the Turkish Government

favoured them because it hated the Serbs, who were believed to

be trying to gather together all Slavs and to found a powerful

Slav state. After the creation of the Bulgarian Principality

the Turks continued to wink at the Bulgarian propaganda in

Macedonia, because of Stambuloff’s anti-Russian and Turcophile

policy. And in this way crowds of Macedonians were won over to

the Bulgarian Exarchate. Moreover, the Prince’s Government

warmly seconded the efforts of its agents. Money was spent

liberally and judiciously. Many Macedonians who distinguished

themselves at school were sent to finish their education at

Sofia, where the most gifted among them received high places

in the civil service or the army. In time, however, peaceful

agitation gave way to filibustering expeditions, culminated in

bloodshed, and drove the Turks to repressive measures against

the Bulgarian element in Macedonia."

E. J. Dillon,

Foreign Affairs

(Contemporary Review, March, 1908).

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (July-December).

The Young Turk party and its Revolutionary organization.

Its Plans hurried by the Anglo-Russian project of a

new Macedonian Intervention.

Beginning and Rapid Spread of Revolt.

Proclamation of the Constitution of 1876.

Yielding of the Sultan.

Intense Joy in the Empire.

Election of a Parliament.

Until July 3, 1908,—the day after M. Isvolsky, Russian

Minister of Foreign Affairs, had dated (as stated above) his

aide mémoire of Macedonian Reform, which he and Sir

Edward Grey were about to submit to the Powers,—the Turkish

party since famous under the name of "the Young Turks" had

attracted not much general attention, and, even in diplomatic

circles, there does not seem to have been much known of the

extraordinary work of revolutionary propagandism and

organization it had done. Its leadership, seated at Salonika,

had been in a Committee, named formerly the Committee of

Liberty, but styled in later years the Ottoman Committee of

Union and Progress. Of the rise and origin of this Young Turk

party, the following account was written some years before it

leaped into public fame, by the veteran apostle of political

liberty, Karl Blind:

"I remember its rise and origin in the sixties, when, between

1867 and 1868, a small group of Turkish exiles—namely, Zia

Bey, Ali Suavi, and Aghaia Effendi—lived in London. They

published here and in Paris an ably conducted journal, called

the Mukhbir (the ‘Advertiser’), copies of which are

still in my library. That paper came out under the auspices of

Mustafa Fazil Pasha, the well-known statesman who contributed

so much to the spread of public instruction and of Liberal

ideas by sending young students and others—among them, a

distinguished poet, Kemal—to Paris and London. In the

Mukhbir, parliamentary institutions and all other

desirable reforms were advocated.

{666}

"In 1876, the Sofia rising at Constantinople at last brought

about the introduction of a Charter under the young Sultan,

who had just come to the throne—the present Abdul Hamid the

Second. It was a popular movement, officered by the better

educated class of Mohammedans. In a famous rescript, the

Sultan said that ‘if his sire had lived longer, a

constitutional era would have been inaugurated under him.

Providence, however, had reserved for him (the son) the task

of accomplishing this happy transformation, which is the

highest guarantee of the welfare of his subjects.’ He went on

to denounce ‘the abuses which are the result of the arbitrary

rule of one or of some individuals.’ He then enumerated the

various reforms to be accomplished by the National Assembly:

responsibility of ministers; parliamentary right of control;

independence of the courts of justice; equilibrium of the

budget.

"All races and all creeds were represented in that Parliament,

which sat during 1877-1878: Turks and Armenians, Bulgars,

Greeks, Albanese, Syrians, and Arabs; Mohammedans,

Greco-Catholics, Armenian Christians, Protestants, and Jews.

Its debates, through the whole of which I went carefully at

the time in the French text of the Constantinople press,

exhibited a remarkable degree of ability. I learnt afterwards,

from men conversant with Turkish, and who had repeatedly been

present at the sittings, that these official reports had even

considerably toned down the liveliness of the discussions.

"I need not refer to the activity of Midhat Pasha, nor go into

the many useful reforms then debated, including freedom of the

press; equality before the law; liberty in matters of public

instruction; admission of all citizens, irrespective of race

and creed, to the various public employments; an equal

imposition of taxes; free exercise of every religious cult,

and so forth. …

"How did that Assembly come to grief? When the Russian army

arrived before the gates of Constantinople [in 1878], the

Sultan, pressed close by the Czar, and being at issue with the

representatives of the people on account of the exile of

Midhat and about budget questions, suddenly prorogued   Parliament. Alexander the Second, the ‘Divine Figure from the

North,’ was thus freed from the danger of hearing Liberal

subjects of his own uttering the cry: ‘Let us, by way of

reward for our sacrifices in blood and money in this war, have

parliamentary government as in Turkey!’

"Prorogued the Turkish National Assembly was, let it well be

remembered—not abolished; not dissolved even. Ever since, the

Young Turkish party has called for its restoration."

Karl Blind,

Macedonia and England’s Policy

(Nineteenth Century, November, 1903).

When it came to be known, in the spring or early summer of

1908, that Great Britain and Russia were concerting a fresh

proposal to the Powers of more thorough going intervention in

Macedonian affairs, the Young Turk leaders are said to have

been driven to a hurried rearrangement of their own plans.

They had not expected, it seems, to be in readiness for a

decisive movement until some months or a year hence; but they

could not afford to have the Concert of Europe as well as the

despotism of the Sultan to deal with in their revolutionary

undertaking, contemplating as that did a state of government

for Turkey which outside nations would have no right or need

to be meddlesome with. Hence they hastened preparations for an

explosion of the revolt they had organized so patiently, and

its first outbreaks chanced to occur just as M. Isvolsky had

signed and dated the statement of his scheme of intervention

for communication to other Powers.

The beginnings, on the 3d of July, were in the vilayet of

Monastir, where the officers and soldiers of two battalions,

at Resna and Presba, with some officials of the district,

formed themselves openly into a "Young Turk" band, seized arms

and the military chest, and went into the mountains. Similar

movements in the Kossovo and Salonika vilayets followed

quickly. On the 7th, at the city of Monastir, General Shemsi

Pasha, when setting forth to take command of operations

against the insurgents, was shot, and the soldiers of his

escort were reported to have allowed the assassins to escape

by firing in the air. Other murders of officers who showed

activity against the rebels were soon announced. The Ottoman

Committee of Union and Progress had now issued a manifesto,

announcing that the object of their League was to secure the

restoration of the Constitution of 1876, and appealing to the

Great Powers "to show their good will towards the peoples of

Turkey by earnestly urging His Majesty, the Sultan, to yield

to the legitimate demands of his subjects, who are loyal,

though in revolt against the shameful situation of their

country." The Committee protested solemnly that the League

entertained no hostility to non-Moslems; that it would avoid

useless bloodshed, and employ "energetic methods" only in

extreme cases against the enemies of liberty.

By the 22d of the month the Sultan had become sufficiently

alarmed to dismiss his Grand Vizier, Ferid Pasha, and call

Kiamil Pasha, the former Grand Vizier, to his council again.

Kiamil exacted conditions which his master was slow in

yielding to, and he seems to have been Grand Vizier de

facto for a short time before he accepted the responsible

title. Change of Ministry, however, did not check the

deepening and spreading of revolt. On the 23d of July the

Young Turks, having complete possession of the cities of

Monastir and Salonica, and of several lesser towns, made

solemn proclamation of the Constitution, with popular

demonstrations and ceremonies of prayer and speech in which

Moslems and Christians were joined. That night the Sultan held

long counsel with his Ministers, at the Palace, and before

morning the reestablishment of the suspended Constitution of

1876 was decided.

See (in this Volume)

CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY.

The morning papers of the 24th gave the decree to the public

of Constantinople and the news of it was flashed throughout

the Empire and to the ends of the earth. This was the message

that went from the Grand Vizier to Hilmi Pasha, Inspector

General at Salonika:

"In compliance with the wish expressed by the people and by

order of His Majesty the Sultan, the Constitution promulgated

on the 11th (23d) December, 1876, which had for various reasons

been withdrawn, has been again enforced. The General Assembly

(Senate and Chamber of Deputies) may assemble on the terms

prescribed by law. I beg you to convey this news to the

public."

{657}

According to all accounts of the time, the feeling evoked by

the announcement of a constitutionalized government—as soon as

the long oppressed people could be persuaded of its actuality

—was quite extraordinary, and it swept away temporarily, at

least, the enmities of religion and race to a remarkable

extent. What occurred, for example, at Beirut, in Syria, as

described by a missionary, was probably not exceptional in

that place. "Men gathered," he says, "in large groups.

Audiences and orators sprung up like mushrooms. The torrent of

eloquence that poured forth there was such as would put

Niagara to shame. There were people mingling together there

who during the past years had been bitterly antagonistic to

each other, but who now were showing their friendship in

public; Greek Orthodox and Mohammedan priests were embracing

each other; branches were cut down from the trees; rugs were

brought out from the houses; the streets were lined with

people offering their hospitality to their new-found brothers;

everywhere, even among the criminal classes, there were these

evidences of good fellowship."

Howard S. Bliss,

Address to National Geographic Society,

December 18, 1908.

On the night of the 26th of July the Sultan received a

deputation, headed by the Sheikh-ul-Islam, who petitioned for

the removal of certain obnoxious favorites of the "Palace

camarilla," and especially for the dismissal of the notorious

Izzet Pasha, one of his secretaries, who was hated and feared

above all. Abdul Hamid refused at first; but three days later

he ordered Izzet Pasha into exile and disgraced Ismail Pasha,

his Aide-de-camp, who was said to be the chief spy of the

military schools. Izzet succeeded, a few days later, in

escaping from the country, and so, undoubtedly, saved his

life.

On the 29th of July the British Ambassador at Constantinople,

Sir G. Lowther, sent the following telegram to Sir Edward

Grey:

"The Sultan has sworn on the Koran, as Caliph, not to repeal

the Constitution, and the Sheikh-ul-Islam has officially

notified the oath, which was registered at his Department, to

the people. It religiously binds not only Abdul Hamid but also

his successors in the Caliphate to govern in accordance with

the Constitution, and becomes part of the Sheri law. This step

was demanded by the Young Turkey and Constitutional party, in

order to prevent the Constitution being put aside, as was that

of 1876." On the 31st, announcement was made in the morning

papers of Constantinople that "a Hatti Humayun which is

binding on the successors of the Sultan will be publicly read

at the Porte confirming the Constitution." Subsequently, on

sending a copy of this instrument to his Government, Sir G.

Lowther remarked that "a Hatti Humayun is the most binding

form of legislation in the Ottoman Empire." In the present

case it seems to have supplemented as well as confirmed the

original Constitution, pledging equality of freedom and of

rights to all subjects of every race and religion; supremacy

of law; inviolability of the individual domicile;

inviolability of the Post; freedom of the Press; freedom of

Education, etc., etc.

The ministers and spies of the old regime of despotism and

corruption were now proceeded against with celerity and vigor.

Some escaped, some were imprisoned, some were killed by

enraged crowds of people. The latter was the fate of Fehim

Pasha, who had been at the head of the secret police. At the

same time exiles of an opposite character were returning to

their country and meeting with excited welcomes as they came.

Kiamil Pasha took his proper place as Grand Vizier on the 7th

of August, and formed a new Cabinet, with Tewfik Pasha as

President of the Council of State and Minister of Foreign

Affairs. In announcing the composition of the Cabinet,

Ambassador Lowther remarked: "Kiamil Pasha appears very wisely

to have taken the League of Union and Progress into his

counsels in forming his Ministry, all of whom were

incorruptible opponents of the old regime, while two of them

are Christians, in accordance with the principles of the

Constitution."

While practically dominating the Imperial Government on one

hand, the ruling Committee of the League was likewise bringing

to terms the lawless Bulgarian, Greek, and other bands which

had tortured and terrorized Macedonia so long, and was

respectfully but plainly intimating its expectation that

foreign management of the gendarmerie and the finances of that

region would soon be withdrawn. Already, as early as the 25th

of July, M. Isvolsky had withdrawn, for the time being, at

least, his project of further intervention, saying that

"Russia will follow with the most sympathetic attention the

efforts of Turkey to insure the working of the new regime. She

will abstain, for her part, from all interference calculated

to complicate this task, and will exercise all her influence

in order to obviate and prevent all disturbing action on the

part of the Balkan States." Of course the British Government

was moved by the same feeling, and, as the new order in Turkey

gave more and more promise of stability, the willingness to

suspend the foreign organization of gendarmerie in the

Macedonian provinces became general among the Powers. A

collective note, accordingly, was addressed to the Sublime

Porte in September, asking if the Imperial Government had any

objection to a provisional suspension of its contract with

foreign officers, with leave of absence to them sine

die. The Porte promptly acquiesced and the Macedonian

intervention came to an end.

Preparations for the election of representatives in the new

Parliament became active in October, the League of Union and

Progress sending agents into the provinces to give much-needed

instructions to officials and people as to what they must do

and how. The elections were conducted under a complicated

electoral law. Excepting foreign residents, natives in foreign

service, soldiers not on furlough, bankrupts, criminals, and a

few other classes, all male tax-payers twenty-five years of

age were made "electors in the first degree." By their vote

they chose, not the parliamentary representative, but

"electors in the second degree" who would meet subsequently

and make that choice. At the preliminary elections 250 to 750

voters were entitled to one elector; 750 to 1250 to two, and

so on. The representation in Parliament was by one Deputy for

25,000 to 75,000 electors of the first degree; two for 75,000

to 125,000,—and further at that rate. Candidates for

Parliament were to be not less than thirty years of age.

{658}

According to the Constitution the chosen Deputies to

Parliament were to assemble at Constantinople on the 30th of

October, old style; but inevitable delays in the elections

postponed the meeting of Parliament until the 17th of

December, on which day it was opened by the Sultan in person,

good order prevailing in the city. In a written Speech from

the Throne, read by his First Secretary, he offered as an

explanation of the long suspension of the Constitution of

1876, that, in consequence of the difficulties encountered in

operating the parliamentary system thirty years ago, it was

thought best that "the execution of the said Constitution

should be postponed until, by the progress of instruction in

my Empire, the capacity of my people should be brought up to

the desired level." As this was now believed to have been

accomplished, he had "proclaimed the Constitution anew without

hesitation, in spite of those who hold views and opinions

opposed thereto." With marked abruptness the Sultan’s speech

was then turned to some recent occurrences which have not yet

been touched in this narrative of events. Its reference to

them was in these words: "Whilst the Ministry formed under the

Presidency of Kiamil Pasha, to whom the office of Grand Vizier

was intrusted upon this change in the system of

administration, was occupied with organizing the new

Constitutional Administration, Prince Ferdinand, Prince of

Bulgaria and Vali of the Province of Eastern Roumelia,

departing, for whatever reason, from the loyalty due to our

Empire, proclaimed the independence of Bulgaria; and

immediately after this the Government of Austria-Hungary also

announced to the Porte and to the Cabinets of the other Great

Powers that it had decided to annex to the sphere of its

dominion Bosnia and Herzegovina, which were subject to the

temporary occupation and administration of Austria in

accordance with the Treaty of Berlin. These two important

events, which are prejudicial to existing legal rights and

relations, are occurrences which have moved me to very great

regret, and our Ministers have been intrusted with the task of

taking the necessary action consequent on these encroachments

and of safeguarding (he rights of the State. In regard to this

matter, and under all circumstances, the help and support of

Parliament are desired."

The concluding words of the Sultan’s brief speech were these:

"I open the Chamber of Deputies to-day with prayers for the

happiness and prosperity of our Empire and country. I am happy

to see in my presence the Deputies of my nation. My intention

to govern our country under the Constitution is absolute and

unalterable. Please God our Chamber of Deputies will

accomplish good work for our Empire and our nation, and our

fatherland will attain to happiness of every kind. May God

make us all the objects of His divine grace!"

TURKEY: A. D. 1909.

American Mission Schools.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: TURKEY AND THE NEAR EAST.

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (January-May).

Wise Moderation of the Young Turks.

Gathering of Opposition to them.

The Counter-Revolution of April 13.

Treacherous Agency of the Sultan in it.

Quick Recovery of Power by the Young Turks.

Battle in Constantinople.

Moslem attack on Armenians in Asiatic Turkey.

Deposition of Abdul Hamid.

Mohammed V. placed on the Throne.

The declaration of Bulgarian independence and the Austrian

annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, protested against by the

Sultan in his Speech from the Throne at the opening of the new

Parliament, on the 17th of December, are recounted at some

length in another place, with notice of the prolonged

anxieties they produced in Europe at large.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

In Turkey itself the feeling roused by these offensive

proceedings was overborne to a great extent by increasing

excitements in home politics at the time. The first unity of

welcome and support to the revolution, as organized by the

League of Union and Progress, was now being broken, as always

happens in such movements, by conflicts of ambition and

differences of opinion and aim. In other words, contentions of

party and faction were coming into play. The Young Turk

leaders of the League had manifestly conducted the whole

movement of revolution with extraordinary ability,

self-effacement, and restraint. The President of Robert

College, at Constantinople, Dr. C. Frank Gates, who must be

accounted a trustworthy observer of events in the Ottoman

capital, writing in The Outlook, November 7, 1908, of

"Turkey under the New Regime," paid this high tribute to its

chiefs:

"One of the most striking features of this movement to those

who have lived long in the country is the moderation shown by

the Young Turks. The regime which has been overthrown was

oppressive in the extreme, and all the people had suffered

terribly from it. The Turks have often said, ‘We suffer more

than the Christians.’ Many have predicted a day of terrible

retribution, when the old regime should fall into the hands of

its victims. But there have been no reprisals. Officers of the

army were killed in order to gain control of the army, a few

spies fell into the hands of the people and were killed, the

notorious Fehim Pasha was torn to pieces by the mob at

Broussa, but most of the rascals have been held for regular

trial, and the leaders of the new movement have firmly

insisted that it is no time for vengeance or for the

gratification of personal animosities; only one consideration

can be admitted, and that is the good of the country. Their

eyes are upon the future, not upon the past. This is

wonderful. If one could have expected a reign of terror

anywhere, here was the place to expect it, but it has not

come.

"The Young Turks have shown a practical wisdom in dealing with

the various parties and in solving the questions which have

arisen which commands the admiration of all. A friend who is

very well acquainted with the leaders in this movement said

the other day, ‘The most wonderful thing of all is the

committees.’ Properly speaking, there are no committees and no

tangible organization. There are men who stand behind the

present Government and practically guide and control it, but

they are content to be unknown and to work in silence. They

say, ‘It is the work of God,’ 'Do not congratulate us: thank

God.’

{659}

"The difficulties which these men have to face are enormous.

There is the difficulty of financing the Government, which is

aggravated by the fact that some of the provinces have

understood liberty as meaning freedom from taxes. Then there

is the difficulty of forming a programme for the new regime.

There have been two parties among the Young Turks, the

Committee of Union and Progress, and the Party of

Decentralization headed by Sebaheddin. … Sebaheddin has been

explaining his programme to popular audiences. His plan is to

have local assemblies in the provinces, to which shall be

relegated many of the functions which have been centralized in

Constantinople under the old regime."

The working of the new machinery of government went smoothly,

in appearance, for some weeks after this was written. On the

1st of January the Sultan gave a banquet to the Deputies of

Parliament at the Yildiz Kiosk, sitting with them at table and

speaking to them with eloquent piety and patriotism;

subsequently permitting a general kissing of his hands, which

performance of affectionate reverence was much disapproved by

some of the Turkish journals next day. A fortnight later Mr.

Hagopian, special correspondent at Constantinople of the New

York Evening Post, seemingly intimate in acquaintance

with the inner circles of parties, began to be sharply

critical of the Committee of Union and Progress, saying that

their "arrogant programme" "has led more enlightened Turks to

organize a new party, the Sons of Liberal Ottomans." Then he

speaks of what appears to be another party, "the association

of ‘Fedakiarans’ (Confederates), composed of all former

political exiles and prisoners who became free after the

establishment of the new regime. On the surface their aim is

said to be to assist all their unfortunate members who have

been brought to poverty, or disabled by the tortures of prison

and exile. Their membership within the last four months has

reached twenty thousand. …

"The mistake which the Young Turks committed in opposing

Kiamil Pasha, and in persecuting the Confederates," this

writer goes on to say, "has strengthened the cause of

Sabakheddin Bey and his followers. All the oppressed Christian

races, who welcomed the inauguration of a liberal government

in Turkey, were alarmed when a part of the young Turks came

forward as champions of Panislamism, and to-day they are

inclined to be in the rank and file of this new liberal

movement. The Young Turkish Parliament has shown a tendency to

be a Moslem institution."

A fortnight later Kiamil Pasha, the Grand Vizier, or Prime

Minister, as he preferred, it is said, to be called, dropped

Ali Riza Pasha, Minister of War, and Aarif Pasha, Minister of

Marine, from his Cabinet, appointing them to other posts,

which they declined; and this completed his breach with the

Committee of Union and Progress. Mr. Hagopian, in his next

letter to the Evening Post, averred that the Grand

Vizier had discovered a plot, organized by the Young Turks, to

dethrone the Sultan and proclaim Youssuf-Izeddin, elder son of

Abdul Aziz, the murdered former Sultan, and that he defeated

their project by the sudden change he made in the Ministries

of War and Marine. Other reporters from Constantinople to the

Press do not seem to have given credit to this explanation.

Whatever the inner facts may have been, the Young Turk

Committee proved stronger than the Grand Vizier, and they

forced his resignation on the 13th of February, by an

overwhelming vote in the Chamber of Deputies, 198 to 8, that

he "no longer possesses its confidence." He had commanded

foreign confidence more, perhaps, than any other Turkish

statesman, and his overthrow gave a serious shock for the

moment to the hopefulness with which the Turkish

constitutional experiment had come to be quite generally

regarded.

Hilmi Pasha, who had been Minister of the Interior under

Kiamil, was now called by the Sultan to be Grand Vizier, and a

new Cabinet was formed, Ali Riza Pasha resuming the portfolio

of the Ministry of War, and with it that of the Marine. The

administration was now entirely in harmony with the Committee

of Union and Progress. During the next two months there was

not much in Turkish affairs to command attention abroad. But

political hostility to the Committee of Union and Progress was

evidently increasing. The correspondent of the London

Times wrote to his paper from Constantinople in March

that "one of the most perplexing and disquieting features of

the situation since the fall of the late Cabinet has been the

persistent manner in which the Committee have denied that any

extra-Parliamentary pressure was employed to effect that

change, or that, since it was accomplished,

extra-Parliamentary forces have exercised any influence on the

conduct of affairs. Had they frankly admitted that such

influences had been, and were still, brought to bear—as,

indeed, the speech of the President of the Chamber implicitly

acknowledges—but that such interference was justified by

circumstances and would continue to be exercised until the

country had safely emerged from the critical period through

which it is passing, many who are now falling away from them

would have been found to agree, and few persons capable of

forming an unbiased opinion would have ventured to declare

that their contention was altogether unreasonable and

unjustifiable. By adopting a different course they have

alienated much of the sympathy and confidence they hitherto

commanded, and given rise to suspicions, quite possibly

unfounded, as to the purity of their motives, with the result

that the country, which needs and will long continue to need

the united energies of all its ablest and most enlightened

citizens, for the tremendous task of regeneration and

reorganization, is now weakened by a fierce party struggle,

and that many competent observers regard a fresh Ministerial

crisis as an event which cannot be delayed for many weeks."

The anticipated crisis came about four weeks after this had

been written, in a form much more serious than that of a mere

Ministerial collapse. It was precipitated by excitements that

followed the murder, on the 6th of April, of a political

journalist, Hassan Fehmi Effendi, editor of the

Serbesti, the organ of the Liberal party. As the

murdered man had been a vigorous critic and opponent of the

Committee of Union and Progress, that organization was accused

at once of having brought about his death.

{660}

This gave the start to agitations and demonstrations that were

secretly pushed for several days, until they culminated, on

the 13th, in an outbreak of soldiers and city mobs which

reversed for a time the Young Turk revolution of the previous

July. That the crafty Abdul Hamid had more than lent his hand

to the reactionary outbreak was universally believed; but when

it had accomplished the overthrow of Hilmi Pasha and his

Ministry the Sultan did not venture to call creatures of his

own to take their place. On the contrary, he gave the office

of Grand Vizier to Tewfik Pasha, one of the most respected and

independent of the elder officials of the Empire, charging

him, in an imperial rescript, "to form a Cabinet to conform

more directly to the sacred law and to maintain the

Constitution and guard public order." These words are

indicative of the nature of the hostility to the regime of the

Young Turks which had been worked up. Formerly, as appears in

one of the quotations above from Mr. Hagopian, the Young Turks

had been accused of being "champions of Pan-Islamism," and

their Parliament of showing "a tendency to be a Moslem

institution." Latterly, Moslem orthodoxy had been appealed to

against them on the charge that they were unfaithful to "the

sacred law" (the Sheriat), and that they were making the

Constitution a mere cover for designs that boded evil to

Islam. A fair inference from the contradictoriness of the

charges brought against them is decidedly favorable to the

party of the Young Turks.

At the outset of the revolutionary riot in Constantinople a

few murders were committed and some fatal shooting at random

was done, the victims including the Minister of Justice, an

Albanian Deputy and a few officers of the riotous soldiery;

but the mob-rising, as a whole, appears to have been kept

under singular restraint. No important members of the League

of Union and Progress are reported to have been killed. Those

who were in Constantinople escaped, and their ruling Committee

was soon established in activity at Salonika again, taking

measures which resulted quickly in the recovery of more than

the power that they had seemed for the moment to have lost.

That no reaction of substantial influences at Constantinople

against constitutional and representative government was

signified by what had occurred there was made plain by an

important proclamation, issued on the 16th of April, by the

Committee of the Ulema, the Moslem Doctors of the Sacred Law.

It was addressed to the Deputies and the Nation, in these

words:

"We are informed that certain Deputies, fearing for their

lives, wish to resign, while, on the other hand, the public

fears the return of despotic rule. The Committee of the Ulema,

which has never doubted that the Constitution is in entire

conformity with sacred law, and has not forgotten the burning

of Islamic books at Gulhaneh in the days of absolutism, will

defend the Constitution, which is in conformity with the

Sheriat, to the last, aided by the army and Parliament. Its

members consider it to be a religious duty to sacrifice their

lives for this end. They and the nation preserve the

confidence of Deputies, Moslem and non-Moslem alike, save such

as have resigned, or have fled and are thereby considered to

have resigned. Deputies, therefore, are informed that

henceforth those who resign will be considered traitors. Let

them do their duty justly and honourably, and they may be sure

of the support of the nation and the spiritual aid of the

Prophet. We beg the glorious army to maintain order and

discipline, following the counsels of the Ulema, for it is

thus that the Almighty will grant salvation to the country and

happiness in this world and the next."

But Asiatic Turkey was easily made distrustful and suspicious

of a change in government which appeared to lower the

authority and dignity of the Sultan-Caliph; and news of the

seeming triumph of that sacred sovereign in what had happened

at Constantinople must have had not a little to do with the

sudden outburst, on the 15th of April, of Moslem hostility to

the Armenian Christians in parts of Asia Minor and Syria. The

fighting and massacre then begun, and which continued for many

days, was most fiercely carried on within a circle of towns at

the corner where Syria and Asia Minor touch, and where the

Gulf of Iskanderun runs far into the land. On the northern and

western side, this piece of the Turkish dominion was the

ancient province of Cilicia, which Pompey added to the empire

of Rome; in which St. Paul was born, and which received its

modern name of Adana from Haroun al Raschid, the most famous

of the Caliphs of Bagdad,—thanks to "The Arabian Nights." In

and around its three principal towns, of Adana, Mersina, and

Tarsus, the first and worst of the atrocities occurred.

The League of Union and Progress had given way for an instant,

only, to the outbreak at Constantinople, which must have taken

its leaders by surprise. But the momentary reverse was a gift

of opportunity, in fact, to prove the astonishing energy of

ability that was in this remarkable body of men. They had been

betrayed by a considerable part, at least, of the division of

the army which garrisoned Constantinople, and which is said to

have been heavily bribed with money that must have come from

the Sultan’s purse. But the Second and Third Corps of the army

in Macedonia were unshaken in fidelity to them and their

cause. It was on Tuesday, the 13th of April, that their

opponents at the capital had their triumph; on Wednesday, the

14th, the two trusted corps were under orders from Salonika to

march on Constantinople. Nine days later Mahmud Shevket Pasha,

who commanded the movement, was in full possession of the

city, with the Sultan a prisoner, and the victorious general

was about to publish the following brief report of what had

been done in the interval:

"Our Second and Third Army Corps," he wrote, "being the

nearest to Constantinople, undertook as the executive power of

the whole Ottoman nation to shed the last drop of their blood

in defence of the Constitutional régime. Having

therefore taken counsel together and organized a force

sufficient for the purpose, they marched to Constantinople, in

order to counteract the effects of the despotic blow recently

struck at that régime, to subdue and chastise the

guilty, and to take the necessary measures for the prevention

of similar attempts in the future. Leaving Salonika on

Wednesday, I arrived the following day at San Stefano and gave

orders for a general movement preparatory to entering the

capital on Friday.

{661}

The troops quartered at the Ministry of War were compelled to

surrender before they had time to defend themselves. Only the

mutinous troops at Taslikishla and other barracks in Pera

offered any resistance to the army of occupation. These

barracks were accordingly bombarded and destroyed, their

garrisons being disabled or forced to surrender. As our heroic

army began operations at night and entered the town at dawn,

and as the inhabitants remained in their houses and the shops

were closed, there were no deaths in the civil population and

no disorder took place. The losses on both sides were heavy,

but the numbers are not yet known. I pray God that the hearts

of all Ottomans may rejoice at the news of this great victory

and that it may prove the dawn of a great future for our

country."

Military observers who accompanied Shevket Pasha and his army

are said to have been profoundly impressed by the masterly

handling of the whole operation, from start to finish. His

fellow Constitutionalists were equally impressed by the

qualities that he had revealed. A Press despatch to New York,

from Constantinople, April 26, reported:

"Schefket Pasha, commander of the Constitutional army, is the

man of the hour. The leading civilian members of the Committee

of Union and Progress desire him to be grand vizier in

succession to Tewfik Pasha, and he has been assured that a

majority of Parliament would gladly support a ministry under

his leadership in succession to the Tewfik ministry, which

resigned to-day. In reply to these proposals Schefket Pasha

said that the premiership afforded such a splendid opportunity

to assist in the political development of the country that he

would have rejoiced to accept the honor had it come to him

under any other circumstances, but that he could not accept it

while still leader of the army. To do so would not accord with

his ideas of civil and political liberty of action." This

seems to have been a true exhibit of the fine spirit and

intelligent patriotism of the man, and it added much to the

hopefulness of the regenerative undertaking of the Young

Turks. Shevket is an Arab, from Bagdad, who had his training

as a soldier in Germany and had lived in Europe twelve years.

What to do with Abdul Hamid was a question over which the

Committee of Union and Progress wasted very little time. He

became their captive on the 24th. On the 26th it was known

that he would be deposed and exiled to Salonika. His falsity

in all that he had professed of a willing adoption of

constitutional government, and his treacherous engineering of

the conspiracy against it, were believed to be open to no

doubt. It was probably not easy to save him from the doom of

death which he feared: but the men of calmly tempered mind and

will who had ruled the revolution from its beginning were

still in control. On the morning of the 27th a fetva or

formal decision by the Sheik-ul-Islam, authorizing the

deposition of Abdul Hamid from the Ottoman throne, was sent to

the National Assembly and read. It was in the form of a

question from that body, answered tersely by the supreme judge

of the law of Islam,—as follows:

"What becomes of an Imam [the title of the Sultan of Turkey as

head of the Orthodox faith] who has destroyed certain holy

writings, who has seized property in contravention to the

Sheri laws, who has committed cruelties in ordering the

assassination and imprisonment of exiles without any

justification under the Sheri laws, who has squandered the

public money, who, having sworn to govern according to the

Sheriat, has violated his oath, who, by gifts of money, has

provoked internecine bloodshed and civil war, and who no

longer is recognized in the provinces?" To this the

Sheik-ul-Islam replied: "He must abdicate or be deposed." At

once, by unanimous vote, the deposition of Abdul Hamid and the

succession of his younger brother, Mohammed Reschad Effendi

was pronounced by the National Assembly. The new Sultan was

proclaimed with impromptu ceremony in the afternoon, at the

Seraskierat, to which he went in the plain costume of a

Turkish gentleman. He was received by Mahmud Shevket Pasha and

his staff in the central court. The Grand Vizier, the

Sheikh-ul-Islam, Said Pasha, President of the Senate, and

Ahmed Riza, President of the Chamber, stood at the foot of the

stairs. All kissed hands, and the whole group, headed by his

Majesty, proceeded to a reserved chamber, the gallery above

the court being in the meantime crowded with Senators,

Deputies, officers, journalists, and ordinary sightseers. The

Deputies and Senators were then admitted to kiss hands, and a

prayer was recited. This ended the simple ceremony of the day;

but one of more solemnity occurred on the 10th of May, when

the Sultan received the sword of Osman—the equivalent of a

coronation—in the Mosque Ayub, which Christians are never

permitted to enter, and was conducted in an imposing

procession through the streets of the city.

Mohammed Reschad Effendi, who reigns as Mohammed V., was in

his sixty-fifth year when he came to the throne. Until the

revolution of the previous July he had been practically a

prisoner in one of the palaces on the Bosporus, surrounded by

the creatures of his jealous and suspicious brother, without

whose permission he could not leave the palace grounds.

Latterly he had enjoyed some degree of personal freedom, for

the first time in his life. An anonymous contributor to the

London Times, who had had an opportunity to meet him

since the revolution broke his bonds, wrote thus of the

interview:

"I had the privilege of a long conversation with Reschad when

I was in Constantinople in the autumn, on condition that the

visit should be conducted with some secrecy and should remain

secret until the return of Hamidianism was beyond the range of

possibility. I believe I was the first European whom he had

seen since the revolution of July mitigated the severity of

the reclusion enforced for 30 years by Abdul Hamid. The Heir

Apparent was still living in the Palace adjoining Dolma

Baghche, which had been his prison throughout the reign,

jealously guarded by the Sultan’s Pretorians at the entrances

from the main road, and by a gunboat moored in the Bosporus

opposite the water approach. …

"His Highness talked slowly and hesitatingly, often lowering

his voice to a whisper and casting furtive glances round the

room as if he was still haunted by the fear of spies, but he

listened eagerly while I told him of my own many journeyings

in Turkey, whose people I had known since the beginning of the

Hamidian régime, occasionally interrupting me with an

apposite remark, or asking for an explanation which showed

both interest and intelligence.

{662}

There was something strangely pathetic in this desire for

information about his own country, over which his Highness was

soon destined to reign. A full hour’s conversation left the

impression that, given favourable circumstances and good

advisers, the Prince was well qualified to preside over a

period of peaceful transition."

Punishment of the authors of the counter-revolution followed

quickly on the reestablishment of constitutional authority,

and it was sternly meted out. As Mr. Hagopian expressed the

feeling of the Young Turks, in his letter of April 26 to the

New York Evening Post, they "could not afford to be

lenient. The conspiracy of April 13," he added, "was no longer

a secret. In the last two days 15,000 soldiers and 6,000

hodjas and spies had been arrested. In their possession

over half a million dollars had been found. Where had this

money come from? Who could deny any longer that Abdul Hamid

drew from his bank about ten million dollars a month ago? His

favored son, Burhaneddin Effendi, went from barrack to barrack

and distributed the money among the soldiers. Former spies,

disguised in Turkish clergymen’s garments, went among the

troops and won them over with the Sultan’s bribes. Soldiers,

when arrested, were found to have an average of one hundred

dollars; some had two hundred, three hundred, and even five

hundred. Indeed, Abdul Hamid was the head of the conspiracy,

and the massacre in Adana was instigated by his emissaries

sent from Constantinople. The old and the new Yildiz cliques

were not less responsible." By the 12th of May thirty-eight

executions had been reported, most of them by hanging in

public places. "A member of the court-martial that sentenced

these men to death explained the reason of the public hangings

by saying that Constantinople was such a city of rumor and

traditions of corruption that, had the announcement been made

that these men had been executed in private, it would not have

been believed by the masses. It was desired to impress the

people with the fact that the guilty had been punished."

TURKEY: April-December.

Outbreak of Massacre in Southeastern Asia Minor.

The first news of the outbreak of massacre in southeastern

Asia Minor came to Europe and America in a telegram from

Constantinople, dated April 15, saying: "A massacre of

Armenians is in progress to-day at Mersina, a seaport of Asia

Minor on the Mediterranean." In this report the outbreak was

ascribed to the provocation of a murder of two Moslems by an

Armenian; but nothing that appeared subsequently gave any

confirmation to this. The Sultan has been accused of having

instigated the rising, as a means of starting complications

which might check the Young Turks; but that remains unproved.

Mersina, from which the first report of massacre came, is

thirty-six miles by railway from Adana, the capital of the

vilayet of that name and an important missionary station of

several American missionary organizations. Adana was a city of

about 45,000 inhabitants, mostly Mohammedans, but with

Armenians in considerable numbers and a few Greeks. The

Christian missions included important schools. In this city

the murderous mob had begun its work on the 14th of April, a

day prior to the Mersina report, and it is found to have been

the center of the deadly outbreak throughout. The Moslem fury

was directed against the Armenians, and, though two

missionaries were among the killed, they do not appear to have

been objects of attack, but to have suffered incidentally to

the efforts they made for the protection of their Armenian

neighbors and their schools. There were Turkish troops in the

city from the beginning of the slaughter, but they did nothing

to stop it for five days. According to some accounts the vali,

or governor, kept them shut up in quarters; according to others

they took part in the massacre. The Reverend Stephen

Trowbridge, who was in Adana during these terrible days,

declared a little later: "One man is responsible for the

disorders here. This is the vali himself. He had it in his

power to suppress lawlessness and massacre, but deliberately

refrained from doing so. He said simply: ‘We are not

responsible.’ The better class of Turks in Adana," Mr.

Trowbridge continued, "the members of the Committee of Union

and Progress, are deeply grieved and saddened at these

dreadful events. Some of them are ready to join us in relief

work for the Armenians. One Bey already has opened his house

to refugees." This gives color to the belief that the outbreak

was not mere mob-madness, but captained in some way from a

higher center of Turkish authority. Such, indeed, was the firm

conviction of many who were witnesses of what occurred.

Writing on the 24th of April from Tarsus, which bore its share

of the widespread attack, another missionary said: "The

massacres all began on the same day, Wednesday, the 14th,

showing, were there no other proof, that they were inaugurated

by telegraphic orders from Adana, probably from

Constantinople. The only places where the Christians took up

arms for a short time to defend themselves were Adana, Hadjin,

and near the battle-field of Issus; at the latter place they

are still holding out. The statement by Turkish officials that

there was an Armenian insurrection, that Turks were massacred,

and houses burned by the Christians, etc., etc., are simply

abominable lies. This cannot be put too strongly. … During

fifty long hours, while battle and murder and burnings were

going on all around our school and residence in Adana, the

vali, though he had hundreds of soldiers at the Konak, sent

not one to protect us and our property."

According to a report made some months later, after

investigations under the new Turkish regime, and quoted from a

Turkish newspaper, the number killed in all parts of the

province was 20,008; 620 were Moslems, and the remaining

19,400 were non-Moslems. Of the non-Moslems killed, 418 were

Old Chaldeans, 163 Chaldeans, 210 Armenian Catholics, 655

Protestants, 99 Greeks, and the remainder Gregorian Armenians.

The same report estimated the destruction of property as

having been equal to two-thirds of the entire wealth of the

province. The appearance of Adana and of the surrounding

country after the massacres were stopped was described by one

who made the journey from Tarsus to Adana, and who wrote:

{663}

"Leaving behind us the ruins of Tarsus, and the hundreds of

weeping widows and orphans there, we came by train to Adana.

Near the city the road runs for miles through vineyards and

gardens, in former days a beautiful sight. But now it is a

waste of desolation; all the houses of the Christians are

heaps of ruins; in and around those houses more than five

hundred were slain during the three terrible days of April.

The houses of Moslems have not been injured. We noted a like

contrast as respects the numerous farms on the plain between

Tarsus and Adana. And yet the charge is made, and believed,

that the Armenians were the aggressors!

"In the once prosperous Adana, nothing but ruins; it is like

the pictures I have seen of Pompeii. The wretched survivors

wander by twos and threes around the places where once stood

their happy homes; they look more like ghosts than human

beings, these pale, dejected, barefooted widows and orphans."

On the 12th of May, after the Young Turks had recovered power

at Constantinople, the Turkish Embassy at London gave out the

following announcement: "Order and tranquillity prevail

throughout the Sanjak of Djebel-i-Bereket. Troops are arriving

gradually and are being distributed according to the

necessities of each place. The local authorities at Adana are

about to proceed at once to confiscate stolen property and to

disarm Musulmans and non-Musulmans alike. This measure will be

adopted generally in the other parts of the vilayet as soon as

the troops which are coming from the various places have

reached the positions to which they have been assigned. The

authorities are very busily engaged in finding homes for

people who are without shelter and in supplying them with

food. A Commission for that purpose has been appointed at

Adana."

A Court Martial and a Parliamentary Commission were now sent

to Adana to investigate the massacre and punish the guilty.

Their work was soon showing results. On the 24th of May a

report came from Constantinople that "Ferid Pasha has informed

a representative of the Tanin that several of the soldiers who

took part in the recent massacres in Cilicia have been

arrested. Nine persons have already been condemned to death by

the Court-martial. With regard to the responsibility for the

outbreak, the Minister said that, while he could not

definitely ascribe it to official promptings, certain

officials had failed to do their duty, among them the

Mutesarrif of Jebel Bereket, who had been imprisoned pending

an inquiry into his conduct. The reactionaries had certainly

played a part in fomenting the outbreak, but other

elements—which the Minister did not specify—had contributed

thereto."

On the 13th of July it was reported that "an Imperial Iradeh

has been issued ordering the arrest of the ex-Governors of

Adana and Djebel Bereket, the commander of the Adana garrison,

and a number of notables of Cilicia, among whom is the editor

of the Itidal, the notorious Baghdadi."

Two days later it was said that "the ex-Governors of Adana and

Djebel Bereket have been sent to Adana under a strong escort.

Some 20 leading Moslem notables of Adana who have been

arrested will be immediately brought before a Court-Martial.

The Grand Vizier has given orders for a manifesto to be

prepared by the Sheikh-ul-Islam, demonstrating by means of

texts from the Koran and the Traditions that the duty of all

good Moslems is to treat Christians with justice and to regard

them as fellow-citizens with equal rights. It is to be

distributed by the kadis, muftis, and hodjas in every town and

village of the empire, and the most learned ulema are to take

it as their text in the sermons to be preached during next

Ramazan."

July 18th the court-martial was stated to have made a report

which concluded as follows:

"‘Fifteen persons have been already hanged, 800 deserve death,

15,000 deserve hard labour for life, and 80,000 deserve minor

sentences. If it is decided to proceed with the punishment, we

will draw a cordon around the town and deal expeditiously with

the matter.’ In view, however, of the general reconciliation

between the various elements, the Court-martial recommends a

general amnesty on the occasion of the National Fête."

The 11th of August brought accounts of the publication of a

declaration by a Commission of three ministers in the Turkish

Cabinet appointed to prepare it, acquitting the Armenians of

all responsibility for the outbreak at Adana. This

declaration, drawn up after a careful examination of the

reports of the members of the Parliamentary Commission on the

massacres and approved by the Council of Ministers, ascribes

the massacre to the ignorance of the population. "In the reign

of Abdul Hamid the people had become imbued with the idea that

every Armenian was a separatist at heart, and were therefore

averse from equality with the Armenian community. They had

become in consequence the tools of religious or political

agitators. The declaration censures severely the local

officials for their failure, not only to quell the outbreak,

but to warn the Government that the situation in Cilicia was

critical."

One of the Deputies of the Parliamentary Commission which

investigated matters at Adana gave, perhaps, a more distinct

idea of the causes that worked to produce the massacres, in an

interview published during August, when he said:

"The massacre in Adana had two strong causes: reaction and

tyranny. The joy of the July demonstrations [of 1908] had

scarcely passed when, at the beginning of August, tyrannical

tendencies began to appear. The former Mufti of Bakhcheh went

hither and thither declaring that liberty and the constitution

were the work of the Christians, that the constitution was

contrary to the Sheriat. In this way he stirred up Moslems

against the Christians and the constitution. In place of the

joy which appeared among all classes during the first days of

the constitution, a spirit of revenge and enmity against

non-Moslems began to spread."

Evidently the amnesty recommended by the Court-martial in July

was not granted; for the following telegram was sent from

Constantinople on the 12th of December to the London

Times: "Twenty-six Moslems, who were sentenced to death

in connexion with the Adana massacres in April last, were

executed at Adana yesterday and to-day. Order was maintained,

although the population was much moved, the women relatives of

the condemned publicly manifesting their grief. One Armenian

is awaiting execution."

{664}

Nevertheless the Armenians have not been satisfied with the

punishments inflicted, and the Armenian Patriarch resigned in

September, as a mark of protest, maintaining that the real

instigators of the massacres went unpunished.

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (May-December).

Hilmi Pasha, Grand Vizier.

Parliament opened by the new Sultan.

Constitutional Amendments on Religion and Education.

The Committee of Union and Progress.

Change of Ministry.

From the 1st to the 5th of May Tewfik Pasha was Grand Vizier,

by appointment from the new Sultan. Then, as had been

expected, Hilmi Pasha was called to his place, and remained at

the head of the Government until the last week of the year. On

the 20th of the month the Sultan in person opened the session

of Parliament, and, after a speech from the throne had been

read by the Grand Vizier, pronounced the following words: "I

have sworn to respect the Sheriat and the Constitution in its

entirety, and not to transgress for one instant from

safeguarding the national rights and interests of the country.

You must now in return take the necessary oath." The oath was

then taken by the Senators and Deputies in turn, his Majesty

watching the proceedings from the Imperial box. On the 24th

the Grand Vizier announced the programme of measures and

general policy to be undertaken by his Ministry, and received,

after debate, a vote of confidence by 190 to 5. The

reconstituted Government was now a fully organized fact.

Questions concerning the attitude of the State towards

religion and education, as it should be defined in the

Constitution, were among the earliest of high importance to be

brought before the Parliament. On the 8th of June it adopted

an amendment to the article in the Constitution of 1876

reading as follows:

See, (in this Volume)

CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY.

"Islam is the State religion.

"The State, while safeguarding this principle, guarantees the

free exercise of all cults recognized in the Empire, and

maintains the religious privileges granted to divers

communities, provided public order and morality be not

infringed."

On the subject of education the Constitution was amended to

read:

"Education is free.

"All schools are placed under the control of the Government.

The necessary measures shall be taken to assure to every

Ottoman subject a uniform system of education. There shall be

no interference with the religious education of the different

communities."

The Christian communities, especially the Greek, objected

strenuously to this, fearing that governmental control would

be found to mean the imposition of the Turkish language in all

schools, as an instrument of nationalization.

Another proposed amendment, making members of the Chamber of

Deputies eligible for the posts of Parliamentary

Under-Secretaries of State, failed to secure the requisite

two-thirds majority, and this was regarded as a defeat of the

civilian leaders of the "Young Turk" Committee of Union and

Progress, who were supposed to be desirous of holding the

posts in question, while sitting also in the Chamber.

The firm control of affairs which the Committee in question

had exercised throughout the revolutionary movement, while

keeping itself mysteriously anonymous in the background, had

been extraordinarily successful, indicative of high wisdom and

a very genuine public spirit. But the forces thus handled by

the Committee, especially in the military element of the

revolution, were growing restive, it would appear, under the

feeling of too much subordination, and gave increasing signs

of discontent with the invisibility of the wires by which they

were pulled. Without doubt, it was evidence of this which led

the Committee, at a meeting at Salonika, in October, to

resolve and announce that their organization should no longer

be a secret society, but open to public knowledge and directed

henceforth by a responsible executive. Whether the Committee

did or did not strengthen itself by thus coming into the open,

it has maintained its ascendancy and still exercises a

controlling power.

The second session of Parliament was opened by the Sultan, on

the 14th of November, with a speech of roseate contentedness

in its contemplation of Turkish affairs. Late in December a

change of Ministry occurred, in somewhat obscure connection

with a consolidation of steamer lines on the Euphrates. A

British line of steamers, known as the Lynch Line, which had

been running on that river since 1860, was being consolidated

with a Turkish line that the Turkish Government controlled,

and something in the transaction which raised an issue between

Parliament and the Grand Vizier. Hilmi Pasha, led the latter

to resign December 28. Nobody seems to have doubted, however,

that the real cause of his leaving office was in the

willingness of the Committee that he should do so. General

Mahmud Shevket, the able military leader of the Revolution,

was invited to form a Cabinet, but declined, as he is said to

have done before. The high office was then conferred on Hakki

Bey, Turkish Ambassador at Rome, and Mahmud Shevket Pasha

accepted office in his Cabinet as Minister of War.

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (October).

Railway and Irrigation Projects in the Tigris-Euphrates Delta.

Sir William Willcocks, the British engineer who has been

engaged for some time past in surveys for the Turkish

Government, having reference to irrigation and railway

improvements for the reclamation of the great Mesopotamian

region, made a report to the Ministry of Public Works at

Constantinople in October, 1909, of which the following

account was given to the Press through Reuter’s Agency:

"Sir William Willcocks advocates the construction of a railway

from Baghdad to the Mediterranean. The proposed railway would

start from Baghdad, cross the Euphrates at Feludia, and follow

the Valley to Hit. At Hit the line would take the Euphrates

Valley and traverse the flat desert in a straight line to El

Kaim, near Abu Kemal, the northern limit of the cataracts.

From El Kaim to Der Zor, the Euphrates has no cataracts, and

the river Khabour, which joins the Euphrates at Mayadin, the

ancient Rehoboth, is, like the Euphrates, navigable during the

whole year. These parts of the Euphrates and Khabour could be

extensively developed and all their products transported to El

Kaim by boat and thence by rail. From El Kaim the railway

would proceed to Tidmor (Palmyra) and follow the old trade

route over a flat desert supplied with water. From Palmyra the

line would go either to Homs or Damascus. The total length of

the railway from Baghdad to Damascus is placed at 880

kilometres.

{665}

"The report next deals with the works of irrigation to be

undertaken at once. These consist of barrages of the Hindich

canal, dams on the Habbania and Sakhlawia, and works for the

navigation on the Tigris. The total cost of the entire works

on the Euphrates is estimated at £T1,034,000, while that of

the works on the Tigris is placed at £T1,110,480. The cost of

the works to be undertaken forthwith attains the following

figures:—

On the Euphrates, £T822,700;

on the Tigris, £T710,000;

total, £T1,532,700.

The railway could be built in two years, while the irrigation

works would take eight years to complete. To begin with, one

million hectares of land would be restored to its former

prosperity out of five million hectares which comprise the

Tigris-Euphrates delta."

----------TURKEY: End--------

TUSKEGEE INSTITUTE:

Its Twenty-fifth Anniversary.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

TWEEDMOUTH, LORD:

First Lord of the Admiralty.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

TWO-HUNDRED-AND-THREE METRE HILL.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

TWO POWER STANDARD, NAVAL.

See (in this Volume)

War, The PREPARATIONS for.

TURNEY, DANIEL BRAXTON:

Nominated for President of the United States.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

TYRREL, Father George:

Writer of a Famous Letter on Questions of Religion.

His death.

The Reverend George Tyrrel, widely known as Father Tyrrel,

died on the 15th of July, 1909, at Storrington, Sussex,

England. He was the writer of a letter which gave a notable

impulse to the movement of thought in the Roman Catholic

Church known as "Modernism," which Pope Pius X. condemned as

heretical in his encyclical of 1907. The letter was addressed

to an English man of science (supposed to have been Professor

Mivart) who, being a Roman Catholic, found difficulty in

reconciling his scientific convictions with the tenets of his

Church. Parts of the letter obtained publication in Italy, and

led to the expulsion of Father Tyrrel from the Society of

Jesus. He then gave publication to the full text of the

letter, under the title of "A Much Abused Letter." On the

appearance of the encyclical against Modernism he criticised

it with keenness, and was virtually excommunicated from the

Church. The fact that on his death-bed, when stricken with

speechlessness, he received the sacraments of the Church, gave

rise to much controversy, as to his volition in the matter and

as to the justification of the priest who ministered to him.

Father Tyrrel had entered the Roman Church in 1879, under the

influence of the writings of Cardinal Newman.

TZE-HSI:

Dowager-Empress of China.

Her death.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

U.

UGANDA:

Its habitability by Whites.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA.

ULEMA, THE.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

UNDERFED SCHOOL CHILDREN.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF.

UNEMPLOYMENT, THE PROBLEM OF.

See (in this Volume)

POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF.

UNIFORM STATE LAWS.

See (in this Volume)

LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.

UNITED DRY GOODS COMPANIES.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

UNITED FREE CHURCH, OF SCOTLAND.

See (in this Volume)

SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.

UNITED MINE-WORKERS, OF AMERICA.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, OF SCOTLAND.

See (in this Volume)

SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904.

----------UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: Start--------

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (September).

The Assassination of President McKinley.

"On the sixth of September, President McKinley was shot by an

anarchist while attending the Pan-American Exposition at

Buffalo, and died in that city on the fourteenth of that

month. Of the last seven elected Presidents, he is the third

who has been murdered, and the bare recital of this fact is

sufficient to justify grave alarm among all loyal American

citizens. Moreover, the circumstances of this, the third

assassination of an American President, have a peculiarly

sinister significance. Both President Lincoln and President

Garfield were killed by assassins of types unfortunately not

uncommon in history; President Lincoln falling a victim to the

terrible passions aroused by four years of civil war, and

President Garfield to the revengeful vanity of a disappointed

office-seeker. President McKinley was killed by an utterly

depraved criminal belonging to that body of criminals who

object to all governments, good and bad alike, who are against

any form of popular liberty if it is guaranteed by even the

most just and liberal laws, and who are as hostile to the

upright exponent of a free people’s sober will as to the

tyrannical and irresponsible despot.

"It is not too much to say that at the time of President

McKinley’s death he was the most widely loved man in all the

United States; while we have never had any public man of his

position who has been so wholly free from the bitter

animosities incident to public life. His political opponents

were the first to bear the heartiest and most generous tribute

to the broad kindliness of nature, the sweetness and

gentleness of character, which so endeared him to his close

associates.

{666}

To a standard of lofty integrity in public life he united the

tender affections and home virtues which are all-important in

the make-up of national character. A gallant soldier in the

great war for the Union, he also shone as an example to all

our people because of his conduct in the most sacred and

intimate of home relations. There could be no personal hatred

of him, for he never acted with aught but consideration for

the welfare of others. No one could fail to respect him who

knew him in public or private life. The defenders of those

murderous criminals who seek to excuse their criminality by

asserting that it is exercised for political ends, inveigh

against wealth and irresponsible power. But for this

assassination even this base apology cannot be urged. …

"The blow was aimed not at this President, but at all

Presidents; at every symbol of government. President McKinley

was as emphatically the embodiment of the popular will of the

Nation expressed through the forms of law as a New England

town meeting is in similar fashion the embodiment of the

law-abiding purpose and practice of the people of the town. On

no conceivable theory could the murder of the President be

accepted as due to protest against ‘inequalities in the social

order,’ save as the murder of all the freemen engaged in a

town meeting could be accepted as a protest against that

social inequality which puts a malefactor in jail."

Message of President Roosevelt to Congress,

December 3, 1901.

See (in this Volume)

Buffalo: A. D. 1901.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (September).

Settlement of Boxer Indemnity from China.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (December).

Communication of German Claims and Complaints against Venezuela.

The President’s Reply.

Interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1901.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

The "Boom Years" in Trade and Investment of Capital.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

Efforts of Secretary Hay to maintain the "Open Door"

in Manchuria.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1902 (October-January).

The Second International Conference of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1902 (November-February).

Negotiation and Ratification of the Second Hay-Pauncefote

Treaty, relative to a Ship Canal between the Atlantic

and Pacific Oceans.

See (in this Volume)

PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1901-1902.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1903.

Urgency of President Roosevelt for more Effective Legislation

to control the Operation of so-called Trusts.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS: INDUSTRIAL, &c.:

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1903.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1903.

Purchase of Franchises and Property of French Panama Canal Co.

Failure of Canal Treaty with Colombia.

Secession and recognized Independence of Panama.

Treaty with the Republic of Panama.

Undertaking of the Canal.

See (in this Volume)

PANAMA CANAL.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1905.

The Cabinet of President Roosevelt during his First Term.

On succeeding the murdered President McKinley, to fill the

unexpired term, President Roosevelt retained his predecessor’s

Cabinet, three members of which remained in it throughout the

term. These were John Hay, Secretary of State, Ethan Allen

Hitchcock, Secretary of the Interior, and James Wilson,

Secretary of Agriculture. Lyman J. Gage, Secretary of the

Treasury, resigned in 1902 and was succeeded by Leslie M.

Shaw. Elihu Root, Secretary of War, was succeeded by William

H. Taft in 1904. John D. Long, Secretary of the Navy, retired

in 1902, to be succeeded by William H. Moody, who went two

years later to the Department of Justice, as Attorney-General,

taking the place of Philander C. Knox, and being followed in

the Navy Department by Paul Morton. Charles E. Smith,

Postmaster-General, left the Cabinet in 1902, and his place

was taken by Henry C. Payne, who was succeeded in turn by

Robert J. Wynne in 1904. The Department of Commerce and Labor,

created in February, 1903, was filled first by George B.

Cortelyou, until 1904, then by Victor H. Metcalf.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1905.

Urgency of President Roosevelt for more effective Railway Rate

Legislation.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1906.

Governmental Action against Corporate Wrongdoing.

A summary of Legislation, Litigation, and Court Decisions.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1909.

Progress of Civil Service Reform under President Roosevelt.

See (in this Volume)

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1909.

The great National Movement for an organized Conservation of

Natural Resources.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902.

Arbitration at The Hague of the Pious Fund Dispute with Mexico.

See (in this Volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1902.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (August).

Assertion to Germany of Principles involved in the Right of

Expatriation.

See (in this Volume)

NATURALIZATION.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (January).

Founding of the Carnegie Institution of Washington.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (February-March).

Visit of Prince Henry of Prussia.

A visit by Prince Henry of Prussia, brother of the German

Emperor, was an event of considerable importance, in what it

signified of friendly relations between Germany and the United

States. The Prince arrived on the 22d of February and remained

in the country until the 11th of March, visiting and being

entertained at Washington (and Mt. Vernon), Annapolis, West

Point, Philadelphia, New York, and making a six days trip into

the West.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (March).

Creation of a Permanent Census Bureau.

After long urging, Congress, in February, 1902, passed a bill

authorizing the organization of a permanent Census Bureau in

the Department of the Interior.

{667}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (May).

Unveiling of a Monument to Marshal de Rochambeau.

A joint resolution of the two Houses of Congress, in the

following words, was approved by the President on the 21st of

March, 1902:

"That the President be, and is hereby, authorized and

requested to extend to the Government and people of France and

the family of Marshal de Rochambeau, commander in chief of the

French forces in America during the war of independence, and

to the family of Marquis de Lafayette, a cordial invitation to

unite with the Government and people of the United States in a

fit and appropriate dedication of the monument of Marshal de

Rochambeau to be unveiled in the city of Washington on the

twenty-fourth day of May, nineteen hundred and two; and for

the purpose of carrying out the provisions of this resolution

the sum of ten thousand dollars is hereby appropriated, out of

any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, the

same, or so much thereof as may be necessary, to be expended

under the direction of the Secretary of State."

The invitation was conveyed to the President of France by an

autograph letter from President Roosevelt, while Secretary

Hay, at the same time, communicated it officially, through the

American Ambassador at Paris, to representatives of the

families of Marshal de Rochambeau and the Marquis de

Lafayette. France, in response, sent a battleship, the

Gaulois, bearing a general and an admiral, with two

aids each, and two officials from the foreign office. The

invitation was accepted by the present Count and Countess de

Rochambeau; and, as explained by Ambassador Porter in a

despatch, "Mr. Gaston de Sahune de Lafayette and his wife, not

being able to proceed to the United States, the invitation is

accepted for Mr. Paul de Sahune de Lafayette, who has been

living in the United States for the last two years and who

speaks English. He is the brother of Mr. Gaston de Sahune de

Lafayette."

The ceremonies of the unveiling of the monument took place at

Washington on the 24th of May, and were followed by official

hospitalities to the guests of the occasion at Washington,

Annapolis, West Point, New York, Newport, and Boston. With the

sailing of the Gaulois, on the 1st of June, the

formalities of the visit came to an end.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (May).

Establishment of the Republic of Cuba.

Transfer of Executive Authority from U. S. Military Governor

to President-elect Palma.

See (in this Volume )

CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (May-November).

The Restoration of the White House.

Until 1902 the residence and the executive offices of the

President of the United States were crowded together in the

historic White House, with increasing inconvenience and

impropriety. Many projects for their separation had been

discussed, involving generally the erection of a new mansion

for the chief magistrate; but they had no result until

President Roosevelt, with characteristic resolution, took the

matter in hand. His emphatic pronouncement that "under no

circumstances should the President live elsewhere than in the

historic White House" appealed strongly to a very common

public feeling, and smoothed the way for an undertaking which

speedily cleared the White House of its secretarial and

clerical offices and made it a fit and worthy residence for

the chief citizen of the Republic and his family.

On consultation with the Park Commission of Washington, and

especially with the architect, Mr. McKim, who was one of its

members, as to the expenditure of the annual appropriations of

Congress for repairs to the White House, it was decided to be

thriftless policy "to patch a building that needed thorough

reconstruction. When asked for his ideas as to such

reconstruction, Mr. McKim advised that a temporary one-story

building be located west of the White House, nearly on the

site once occupied by Thomas Jefferson’s offices, and be

distinctly subordinate to the main building; and that the

White House be restored to its original uses as a residence.

This solution commended itself to the President, but lateness

in the session of Congress seemed to make the project

impossible of immediate execution.

"The discussion was still in the academic stage when, one day

[in May, 1902], Mr. McKim outlined his ideas to the late

Senator McMillan, who straightway asked the cost of the

proposed changes. Pressed for an immediate answer, Mr. McKim

made a rough estimate. The Sundry Civil Appropriation Bill was

then pending in the Senate Committee on Appropriations, and

within an hour from the time the figures were given that

committee agreed to insert an item for the restoration of the

White House and for the construction of temporary executive

offices. To Senators Allison and Hale the President afterward

submitted the architect’s scheme; and when the item was

reached during the passage of the bill in the Senate, the plan

was received with favor, and the appropriation was agreed to

without objection."

It passed the House with equal promptitude. The President then

stipulated that "the work should be completed in time for the

next social season, and that the executive offices and the

living portion of the White House should be ready in November,

1902. That meant a campaign. Stones for floors and stairways

must be selected piece by piece at the distant quarry; steel

must be found to replace the over-tired wooden floor-beams;

velvets and silks must be woven; hardware must be fashioned;

and a thousand and one details must be looked after, because

in less than six months the White House was to be made over

from cellar to garret, and every piece of woodwork, every item

of furniture, each ceiling and panel and moulding, must be

both architecturally correct and also befitting a house of the

latter part of the eighteenth century. Such was the task which

the architects, Messrs. McKim, Mead & White, took upon

themselves. …

"The total amount which Congress placed in President

Roosevelt’s hands for both the executive offices and the

White House was $530,641, and he might expend the money either

by contract or otherwise in his discretion. This amount was

based on estimates furnished by the architects, with the

understanding that any portion saved on one item might be used

on others, a very happy proviso, as it turned out, because the

electric wiring had to be entirely renewed, new heating

apparatus provided, and even a new roof put on the house--all

unforeseen requirements. …

"At the outset the architects discovered that simply by

carrying out completely the early plans as to the exterior,

and by making certain rearrangements in the interior, the …

White House problems could be solved, at least for the

immediate future, without destroying one single feature of the

historic building. …

{668}

"By the restoration of the east and west terraces the White

House now rises from a stylobate 460 feet in length, thus

greatly enhancing the dignity of the structure. The roofs of

these terraces (which are level with the ground on the north)

are surrounded with stone balustrades bearing electric lamps."

Charles Moore,

The Restoration of the White House

(Century Magazine, April, 1903).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (June).

Reclamation (Irrigation) Act of Congress.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (October).

Failure of Projected Purchase of the Danish West Indies.

See (in this Volume)

DENMARK: A. D. 1902.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902-1903.

Friendly course of Germany in undertaking Proceedings,

with Great Britain and Italy, against Venezuela.

Recognition of the Monroe Doctrine.

Intermediation of the United States.

"If any proof were needed of Germany’s purpose to maintain

good relations with our country [the United States], her

course in the Venezuela matter has amply supplied it.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904]

Indeed, the fact that Germany came to an understanding with

our government before taking forcible measures against

Venezuela is of most momentous significance. Why? Because this

was the first explicit recognition of the Monroe Doctrine by

any Continental Power. It is a notable milestone passed in the

history of our country and its relations with European

governments. It gives the Monroe Doctrine a validity no longer

to be disputed. All this was instantly recognized in Germany.

‘America for the Americans,’ said a great Berlin daily, ‘has

become an irreversible fact.’ German Jingo organs were dazed,

and angrily exclaimed, ‘Must we ask permission at Washington

to collect our claims from Venezuela?’ Papers of more rational

temper, however, accepted Germany's course, as not only

without detriment to her dignity, but as in harmony with her

political interests. Indeed, this saner section of the German

press was even pleased that the government had thus made such

an emphatic disavowal of the aims and dreams of the noisy,

fantastic Pan-Germans."

W. C. Dreher,

A Letter from Germany

(Atlantic Monthly, March, 1902).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902-1903.

Extension of Civil Service Classification

to Rural Free Delivery Service.

Order concerning Unclassified Laborers.

See (in this Volume)

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902-1905.

Negotiation and Senatorial Destruction of the Hay-Bond

Reciprocity Treaty with Newfoundland.

See (in this Volume)

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (February).

Creation of the Department of Commerce and Labor in

the National Government.

The Bureau of Corporations.

"The establishment of the Department of Commerce and Labor,

with the Bureau of Corporations thereunder, marks a real

advance in the direction of doing all that is possible for the

solution of the questions vitally affecting capitalist and

wage-workers. The act creating the Department was approved on

February 14, 1903, and two days later the head of the

Department was nominated and confirmed by the Senate. Since

then the work of organization has been pushed as rapidly as

the initial appropriations permitted, and with due regard to

thoroughness and the broad purposes which the Department is

designed to serve. After the transfer of the various bureaus

and branches to the department at the beginning of the current

fiscal year, as provided for in the act, the personnel

comprised 1,289 employees in Washington and 8,836 in the

country at large. The scope of the Department’s duty and

authority embraces the commercial and industrial interests of

the Nation. It is not designed to restrict or control the

fullest liberty of legitimate business action, but to secure

exact and authentic information which will aid the Executive

in enforcing existing laws, and which will enable the Congress

to enact additional legislation, if any should be found

necessary, in order to prevent the few from obtaining

privileges at the expense of diminished opportunities for the

many.

"The preliminary work of the Bureau of Corporations in the

Department has shown the wisdom of its creation. Publicity in

corporate affairs will tend to do away with ignorance, and

will afford facts upon which intelligent action may be taken.

Systematic, intelligent investigation is already developing

facts the knowledge of which is essential to a right

understanding of the needs and duties of the business World.

The corporation which is honestly and fairly organized, whose

managers in the conduct of its business recognize their

obligation to deal squarely with their stockholders, their

competitors, and the public, has nothing to fear from such

supervision. The purpose of this Bureau is not to embarrass or

assail legitimate business, but to aid in bringing about a

better industrial condition—a condition under which there

shall be obedience to law and recognition of public obligation

by all corporations, great or small."

Message of the President to Congress,

December 7, 1903.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903 (February).

Passage of the Act to further regulate Commerce with Foreign

Nations and among the States, known commonly as

the Elkins Anti-Rebate Law.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903 (FEBRUARY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903 (October).

Settlement of the Alaska Boundary Question.

See (in this Volume)

ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903 (October).

Lease from Cuba of two Coaling and Naval Stations.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1903.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903 (October).

New Treaty with China.

Two Ports in Manchuria opened to Foreign Trade.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903 (October).

Commercial Relations with Germany as affected by the

new German Tariff Law.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (OCTOBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903-1904.

The Financial Crisis.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903-1904.

Contention against Canadian claims to Sovereignty over Land

and Sea in Hudson Bay Region.

Canadian Measures to establish it.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1903-1904.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903-1905.

Investigation and Prosecution of the "Beef Trust," so called.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

{669}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903-1906.

Unearthing of Extensive Frauds in the Land Office.

Late in December, 1902, the Secretary of the Interior

Department, the Honorable Ethan Allen Hitchcock, received

information which led him, with the President’s approval, to

demand the resignation of the Commissioner of the Land Office,

Binger Hermann, of Oregon. Mr. Hermann was a man of importance

in the Republican party, and he rallied powerful influences to

his support. They could not anchor him durably in the Land

Office, but they did delay his departure from it for about a

mouth, during which time he is said to have destroyed

thousands of letters and documents bearing on land frauds

which he was under suspicion of having protected and promoted.

Returning to Oregon from Washington he sought and obtained

from his party an election to Congress, to fill a vacancy

which death had caused opportunely, and this seemed to augment

his political power. But agents of the Interior Department

were in Oregon and other Western States at the same time,

gathering evidence which soon removed all doubt of the huge

conspiracy of fraud which Commissioner Hermann had been a

party to, and which had wide ramifications wherever public

lands of value were open to entry, under the Homestead Act,

the Desert Land Act, or the Timber and Stone Act.

The frauds were carried on under false appearances of

compliance with the requirements of law, and the dismissal of

Hermann had not cleared from the General Land Office all the

treacherous connivance which made them possible. Other allies

of the land-thieves were tracked to their official desks, some

at Washington, some in the Interior Department, some in

Congress, and some out in the land offices at the West. Then

the Federal Grand Jury at Portland, Oregon, began to turn out

indictments, on evidence handled by Francis J. Heney, now

entering on a famous career, as special prosecutor for the

Government. Mr. Heney was appointed by the President on the

recommendation of Secretary Hitchcock and Attorney-General

Knox, with neglect of advice from Oregon Senators and

Congressmen. One of the first of the indictments found struck

an Oregon Senator, John H. Mitchell, and brought him to a

prison sentence, which death rescued him from. Another put a

member of the House of Representatives, J. H. Williamson, on

trial; a third put its brand on a recently removed United

States District Attorney, John H. Hall. Binger Hermann, a

State Senator, and several special agents of the Land Office

were among the other subjects of prosecution, besides a large

number of private operators in the land-thieves’ ring.

These proceedings were at the beginning of vigorous measures

which have gone far towards, if not fully to the end of

arresting the frauds which were rapidly robbing the nation of

the last of its valuable public lands.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904.

Representation in the Interparliamentary Union.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904 (May).

Kidnapping of Mr. Ion Perdicaris at Tangier, for Ransom.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904 (May-October).

The Louisiana Purchase Exposition.

See (in this Volume)

ST. LOUIS: A. D. 1904.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904 (May-November).

The Presidential Election.

Parties, Candidates, and Platforms.

Election of President Roosevelt.

The questions of leading interest and influence in the canvass

preliminary to the Presidential election of 1904 were

undoubtedly those relating to the governmental regulation of

interstate railways and of the capitalistic combinations

called "trusts"; but those questions had not yet acquired the

height of importance in the public mind which they reached

before the next quadrennial polling of the nation occurred.

The question of tariff revision and a moderated protective

system, in the interest of the great mass of consumers, was

rising in interest, especially at the West; but that, too, was

but mildly influential in the campaign. As for the

imperialistic ambitions that had been excited for a time by

the conquests of 1898, they had cooled to so great a degree as

to offer no longer much challenge to opposition; opinion in

the country now differing on little more than the length of

time to which American guardianship over the Philippine

Islands should be allowed to run. The voters of the United

States, in fact, made their election between the men who were

offered to it as candidates, far more than between the parties

and the policies whom the candidates represented; and

President Roosevelt was reelected on personal grounds, in the

main, because the kind of vigorous character he had shown was

greatly to the liking of a large part of the people.

The first nominating convention to be held was that of the

Socialist party, whose delegates met at Chicago, May 2, and

nominated for President Eugene V. Debs, of Indiana; for

Vice-President Benjamin Hanford, of New York.

On the same day the United Christian Party, whose declaration

of principles appears below, met at St. Louis.

The Convention of the Republican Party, also held at Chicago,

came next in time, June 21, and, with Theodore Roosevelt, of

New York, for reëlection as President, it named for

Vice-President Charles Warren Fairbanks, of Indiana.

The Prohibition Party, in convention at Indianapolis, June 29,

named Silas C. Swallow, of Pennsylvania, for President, and

George W. Carroll, of Texas, for Vice-President.

On the 4th of July the People’s or Populist Party held

convention at Springfield, Illinois, and nominated Thomas E.

Watson, of Georgia, for President, with Thomas H. Tibbles, of

Nebraska, for Vice-President.

Meeting two days earlier, in New York City, but in session

some days longer, the Socialist Labor Party named for

President Charles Hunter Corregan, of New York, and for

Vice-President William Wesley Cox, of Illinois.

The convention of the Democratic Party opened its session, at

St. Louis, on the 6th of July. Its nominee for President was

Alton B. Parker, of New York; for Vice-President Henry G.

Davis, of West Virginia.

The National Liberty Party met at St. Louis on the 7th of July

and put forth its platform of principles.

The last of the nominations were presented on the 31st of

August, at Chicago, by a convention representing a new party,

the Continental, whose candidates then named declined and were

subsequently replaced by Austin Holcomb, of Georgia, for

President, and A. King, of Missouri, for Vice-President.

{670}

With some abridgment, the declarations of principles and

pledges of party policy adopted by these several conventions

on the main questions at issue are given conveniently for

comparison in the following arrangement by subjects:

Trusts.

The Republican Party contented itself with a brief boast of

"laws enacted by the Republican party which the Democratic

party failed to enforce," but which "have been fearlessly

enforced by a Republican President," and of "new laws insuring

reasonable publicity as to the operations of great

corporations and providing additional remedies for the

prevention of discrimination in freight rates."

The Democratic Party condemned with vigor the failure of

Republicans in Congress to prohibit contracts with convicted

trusts; declared that "gigantic trusts and combinations" "are

a menace to beneficial competition and an obstacle to

permanent business prosperity;" denounced "rebates and

discrimination by transportation companies as the most potent

agency in promoting and strengthening these unlawful

conspiracies against trade," demanded "an enlargement of the

powers of the Interstate Commerce Commission," "a strict

enforcement of existing civil and criminal statutes against

all such trusts, combinations and monopolies," and "the

enactment of such further legislation as may be necessary to

effectually suppress them."

The People’s Party set forth the proposition that, "to prevent

unjust discrimination and monopoly the Government should own

and control the railroads and those public utilities which in

their nature are monopolies." It should "own and operate the

general telegraph and telephone systems and provide a parcels

post." Corporations "should be subjected to such governmental

regulations and control as will adequately protect the

public," and demand was made for "the taxation of monopoly

privileges, while they remain in private hands, to the extent

of the value of the privileges granted."

The Continental Party contended for a guarded chartering by

Congress of "all railroad and other corporations doing

business in two or more States," and for having the "creating

of ‘corners’ and the establishing of exorbitant prices for

products necessary to human existence … made a criminal

offence."

The United Christian Party declared that "Christian government

through direct legislation will regulate the trusts and labor

problem according to the golden rule."

The Tariff.

The Republican Party declared "Protection" to be its "cardinal

policy," maintenance of the principles of which policy is

insisted upon; wherefore "rates of duty should be readjusted

only when conditions have so changed that the public interest

demands their alteration," and "this work cannot safely be

committed to any other hands than those of the Republican

party."

The Democratic Party, on the contrary, denounced "protection

as a robbery of the many to enrich the few," favored "a tariff

limited to the needs of the Government, economically

administered," and called for a "revision and gradual

reduction of the tariff by the friends of the masses, for the

commonwealth, and not by the friends of its abuses, its

extortions and its discriminations."

The People’s Party declared for a change in our laws that

"will place tariff schedules in the hands of an omni-partisan

commission."

The Continental Party limited its declaration on this subject

to one pronouncing for an "adherence to the principles of

reciprocity advocated by that eminent statesman, James G.

Blaine, as applied to Canada and all American Republics."

Capital and Labor.

Public Ownership.

Socialism.

The Republican Party recognized "combinations of capital and

labor" as "being the results of the economic movements of the

age," but "neither must be permitted to infringe upon the

rights and interests of the people"; "both are subject to the

laws, and neither can be permitted to break them."

The Democratic Party expressed similar impartiality, in

favoring "the enactment and administration of laws giving

labor and capital impartially their just rights."

The People’s Party pledged its effort to "preserve inviolate"

"the right of labor to organize for the benefit and protection

of those who toil." It would seek "the enactment of

legislation looking to the improvement of conditions for the

wage-earners, the abolition of child labor, the suppression of

sweat shops and of convict labor in competition with free

labor"; also the "exclusion from American shores of foreign

pauper labor," and "the shorter work day."

The Continental Party adopted these expressions of the

People’s Party, in identical words.

The National Liberty Party asked "that the General Government

own and control all public carriers in the United States."

The Prohibition Party declared itself "in favor of … the

safeguarding of the people’s rights by a rigid application of

the principles of justice to all combinations and

organizations of capital and labor."

The United Christian Party pronounced simply for "Government

ownership of coal mines, oil wells and public utilities."

The Socialist Party pledged itself "to watch and work, in both

the economic and the political struggle, for each successive

immediate interest of the working class": for "shortened days

of labor and increases of wages"; for "insurance of the

workers against accident, sickness and lack of employment";

for pensions; for "public ownership of the means of

transportation, communication and exchange"; for graduated

taxation of incomes, etc.; for "complete education of children

and their freedom from the workshops"; for "free

administration of justice"; for "the initiative, referendum,

proportional representation, equal suffrage for men and women,"

etc.; and for "every gain or advantage for the workers that

may be wrested from the capitalist system and that may relieve

the suffering and strengthen the hands of labor"; but in so

doing it proclaims that it is "using these remedial measures

as means to the one great end of the co-operative

commonwealth."

The Socialist Labor Party declared that "the existing

contradiction between the theory of democratic government and

the fact of a despotic economic system … perverts government

to the exclusive benefit of the capitalist class"; wherefore,

"against such a system the Socialist Labor Party raises the

banner of revolt, and demands the unconditional surrender of

the capitalist class."

{671}

Nomination and Election.

Initiative and Referendum.

The Democratic Party declared for the election of United

States Senators by direct popular vote.

he People’s Party demanded "that legal provision be made under

which people may exercise the initiative and referendum, and

proportional representation, and direct vote for all public

officers, with the right of recall."

The Continental Party demanded "the enactment by the several

States of a primary election law"; the "elimination of the

party ‘boss’"; "direct legislation by the method known as the

initiative and referendum," and the possession by each State

of "the sole right to determine by legislation the

qualifications required of voters within its jurisdiction,

irrespective of race, color or sex."

The Prohibition Party expressed itself in favor of the popular

election of United States Senators; of "a wise application of

the principle of the initiative and referendum," and of making

the right of suffrage "depend upon the mental and moral

qualifications of the citizen."

Natural Resources.

Land.

Reclamation.

Waterways.

The Republican Party pointed simply to the fact that it had

"passed laws which will bring the arid lands of the United

States within the area of cultivation."

The Democratic Party congratulated "our western citizens upon

the passage of the law known as the Newlands Irrigation Act,"

claiming it as "a measure framed by a Democrat, passed in the

Senate by a non-partisan vote, and passed in the House against

the opposition of almost all Republican leaders, by a vote the

majority of which was Democratic." It declared for "liberal

appropriations for the improvement of waterways of the

country," and pronounced its opposition to "the Republican

policy of starving home development in order to feed the greed

for conquest and the appetite for national prestige."

The People’s Party asserted that "Land, including all the

natural sources of wealth, is a heritage of all the people,

and should not be monopolized for speculative purposes; and

alien ownership of land should be prohibited."

Each of the party platforms was fluent on many other topics,

such as the protection of citizens at home and abroad, the

Panama Canal, territories and dependencies, injunctions,

public economy, taxation, monetary questions, pensions, the

civil service, army and navy, merchant marine,

liquor-licensing and prohibition (the specialty of the

Prohibition Party), divorce, polygamy, etc.; but these entered

so little into the canvass that the party declarations on them

had small effect, if any, on the popular vote.

At the election, in November, the votes given to the

Republican nominees numbered 7,623,486; to Democratic,

5,077,971; to Socialist, 402,283; to Prohibition, 258,536; to

People’s, 117,183; to Socialist Labor, 31,249.

The electoral votes cast were 336 for Roosevelt and Fairbanks;

140 for Parker and Davis.

The States which gave Republican majorities were California,

Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana,

Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota,

Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New

Jersey, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania,

Rhode Island, South Dakota, Utah, Vermont, Washington, West

Virginia, Wisconsin, Wyoming,—32.

Democratic majorities were given in Alabama, Arkansas,

Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, North

Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia,—12.

In Maryland, where the electors are chosen by the Legislature,

6 votes were given to the Democratic candidates and 2 to the

Republican.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904 (October).

Initial invitation by the President to the holding of a Second

Peace Conference.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904 (November).

President Roosevelt’s Renunciation of any Third Term Candidacy.

On the evening of the day of election, as soon as the result

was known to have given him a second term in the presidential

office, President Roosevelt issued the following

acknowledgment and announcement to the country:

"I am deeply sensible of the honor done me by the American

people in thus expressing their confidence in what I have done

and have tried to do. I appreciate to the full the solemn

responsibility this confidence imposes upon me, and I shall do

all that in my power lies not to forfeit it. On the Fourth of

March next I shall have served three and one-half years, and

this three and one-half years constitutes my first term. The

wise custom which limits the President to two terms regards

the substance and not the form. Under no circumstances will I

be a candidate for or accept another nomination."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904-1905.

Beginning and Organization of Work on the Panama Canal.

See (in this Volume)

PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1904-1905.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904-1909.

Progress of State, County, and Town Prohibition.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905.

Arbitration Treaty with Mexico.

See (in this Volume)

MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905.

Reopened Controversy over American Fishing Rights on

the Newfoundland coast.

See (in this Volume)

NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905.

Assistance to San Domingo against threatening Creditors.

See (in this Volume)

SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905 (February).

Concentration of Forest Service in the Department

of Agriculture.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905 (February-June).

Recovery from France of the body of Admiral John Paul Jones.

On the 13th of February, 1905, President Roosevelt addressed

a Message to Congress which gave the following information:

"For a number of years efforts have been made to confirm the

historical statement that the remains of Admiral John Paul

Jones were interred in a certain piece of ground in the city

of Paris then owned by the Government and used at the time as

a burial place for foreign Protestants. These efforts have at

last resulted in documentary proof that John Paul Jones was

buried on July 20, 1792, between 8 and 9 o’clock P. M., in the

now abandoned cemetery of St. Louis, in the northeastern

section of Paris. About 500 bodies were interred there, and

the body of the admiral was probably among the last hundred

buried. It was encased in a leaden coffin, calculated to

withstand the ravages of time.

{672}

"The cemetery was about 130 feet long by 120 feet wide. Since

its disuse as a burial place the soil has been tilled to a

level and covered almost completely by buildings, most of them

of an inferior class. The American ambassador in Paris, being

satisfied that it is practical to discover and identify the

remains of John Paul Jones, has, after prolonged negotiations

with the present holders of the property and the tenants

thereof, secured from them options in writing which give him

the right to dig in all parts of the property during a period

of three months for the purpose of making the necessary

excavations and searches, upon condition of a stated

compensation for the damage and annoyance caused by the work.

The actual search is to be conducted by the chief engineer of

the municipal department of Paris having charge of

subterranean works at a cost which has been carefully

estimated. The ambassador gives the entire cost of the work,

including the options, compensation, cost of excavating and

caring for the remains as not exceeding 180,000 francs, or

$35,000, on the supposition that the body may not be found

until the whole area has been searched. If earlier discovered,

the expense would be proportionately less."

The President recommended an appropriation of the sum named,

"or so much thereof as may be necessary for the purposes above

described, to be expended under the direction of the Secretary

of State."

On the 14th of April following a telegram from the Ambassador

at Paris, General Horace Porter, announced that his "six

years’ search for the remains of Paul Jones" had resulted in

success, and described the identification of the body. This

had been verified by Doctors Capitan and Papillault,

distinguished professors of the School of Anthropology, who

had ample particulars of information from which to judge.

Arrangements were made at once for sending a naval squadron,

under Admiral Sigsbee, to France, to bring the remains to the

United States. This was done in the following June, when the

relics of the first of American naval heroes received the high

honors that were due to his exploits. They were deposited in a

vault on the grounds of the Naval Academy at Annapolis.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905 (June-October).

Mediation by the President between Russia and Japan.

The Peace Treaty of Portsmouth.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905 (July).

Proclamation of the Death of John Hay, Secretary of State.

"John Hay, Secretary of State of the United States, died on

July 1st. His death, a crushing sorrow to his friends, is to

the people of this country a national bereavement; and it is

in addition a serious loss to all mankind, for to him it was

given to stand as a leader in the effort to better world

conditions by striving to advance the cause of international

peace and justice. He entered the public service as the

trusted and intimate companion of Abraham Lincoln, and for

well nigh forty-five years he served his country with loyal

devotion and high ability in many positions of honor and

trust, and finally he crowned his life work by serving as

Secretary of State with such far-sighted reading of the future

and such loyalty to lofty ideals as to confer lasting benefits

not only upon our own country, but upon all the nations of the

earth.

"As a suitable expression of national mourning, I direct that

the diplomatic representatives of the United States in all

foreign countries display the flags over their embassies and

legations at half-mast for ten days; that for a like period

the flag of the United States be displayed at half-mast at all

forts and military posts and at all naval stations and on all

vessels of the United States. I further order that on the day

of the funeral the Executive Departments in the city of

Washington be closed, and that on all public buildings

throughout the United States the national flag be displayed at

half-mast.

"Done at the city of Washington this third day of July, A. D.

1905, and of the Independence of the United States of America

the one hundred and twenty-ninth. Theodore Roosevelt."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905-1906.

American Claims against Venezuela.

See (in this Volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905-1906.

Part taken in the organization of the International

Institute of Agriculture.

See (in this Volume)

AGRICULTURE.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905-1906.

The new Period of Inflated Exploitation of Capital.

Increased Cost of Living.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905-1907.

Receivership of San Domingo Revenues.

The "Modus Vivendi" and the Treaty.

See (in this Volume)

SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1905-1907.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905-1909.

The Cabinet of President Roosevelt during his Second Term.

During the second term of President Roosevelt his Cabinet

underwent the following changes: On the death of John Hay, in

July, 1905, Elihu Root became Secretary of State, and

continued in the office until January, 1909, when he resigned,

and was succeeded by the Assistant Secretary of State, Robert

Bacon. Leslie M. Shaw left the Treasury Department in 1907,

and the secretaryship was given to George B. Cortelyou.

William H. Taft continued in charge of the War Department

until his nomination for President, in 1908, when General Luke

E. Wright was called to his place. Charles J. Bonaparte,

appointed Secretary of the Navy at the beginning of the

President’s new term, was transferred in 1907 to the

Department of Justice, succeeding Attorney-General Moody,

appointed to the bench of the Supreme Court, and being

succeeded in the Navy Department by Victor H. Metcalf,

previously Secretary of Commerce and Labor. In the Department

of the Interior, Secretary Hitchcock resigned in 1907, and

James R. Garfield, previously Commissioner of Corporations,

came into his place. George B. Cortelyou had been called to

the Post Office Department at the beginning of the new

presidential term, and transferred thence to the Treasury

Department in 1907. His place in the Post Office was then

filled by George von L. Meyer. The Secretary of Agriculture,

James Wilson, remained at the head of that Department

throughout the term. On the transfer of Mr. Metcalf from the

Department of Commerce and Labor to that of the Treasury, in

1907, his place in the former was taken by Oscar S. Straus.

{673}

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906.

Joint Action with Mexico in Central American Mediation.

See (in this Volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906.

Act for the Preservation of the Scenic Grandeur

of Niagara Falls.

See (in this Volume)

NIAGARA FALLS.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906.

Dealings with Turkey facilitated by making the

American Minister an Ambassador.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1906.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906.

Enactment of a National Pure Food Law.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (January-April).

Represented at the Algeciras Conference on

the Morocco Question.

Instructions to the Delegates.

Declaration made on signing the Act of the Conference.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (March).

Supreme Court Decision enforcing the Demand of the Government

for the production of Books and Papers by the so-called

Tobacco Trust before a Federal Grand Jury.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1906.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (April).

Laying the Corner Stone of an Office Building for Congressmen.

On the 14th of April, 1906, the corner stone of a building

designed to supply each member of the House of Representatives

with an office was laid with ceremony, the President

delivering an address. Besides 410 distinct offices, the

design of the building contemplated a large assembly room for

public hearings before committees of the House. Its estimated

cost was something over $3,000,000. A corresponding office

building for the Senate was also in view.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (April).

Convention with British Government for Determining and

Marking the Alaska Boundary Line.

See (in this Volume)

ALASKA: A. D. 1906.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (April-July).

Long and Widespread Suspension of Coal Mining,

both Anthracite and Bituminous.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (June).

The Joint Statehood Act.

By the Joint Statehood Bill, approved by the President June

16, 1906, Indian Territory and Oklahoma were united to form

the State of Oklahoma, the people being authorized to adopt a

constitution. Arizona and New Mexico were proffered a similar

union, in a State to be called Arizona. On the question of

such union the Bill provided for a vote to be taken in each

Territory, following which, if a majority in each should be

found to favor the union, delegates to be chosen at the same

election should meet and frame a constitution for submission

to the people. The contemplated vote was taken at the election

of November 6, and resulted in the rejection of the proposal

by Arizona, while New Mexico gave assent. The project was thus

defeated.

The plan of union was successful, however, in the creation of

the State of Oklahoma. Delegates to a convention for framing

its Constitution were elected November 6, 1906; the convention

began its session on the 20th of the same month, and finished

its labors on the 16th of July, 1907. By proclamation of the

President the new State,—the 46th of the Federal family,—was

admitted to the Union on the 16th of November following, under

the Constitution which had been ratified by vote of a majority

of the citizens of each of the Territories now united in it.

For some account of the Constitution;

See (in this Volume)

CONSTITUTION OF OKLAHOMA.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (July-August).

The Third International Conference of American Republics,

at Rio de Janeiro.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (August).

The Brownsville Affair.

On the 13th of August, 1906, a riotous affair of a

much-disputed nature occurred at Brownsville, Texas, in which

one man was killed and two, at least, were wounded. The

shooting was alleged to have been done by colored soldiers who

formed part of a battalion of the Twenty-fifth Infantry,

United States Army, stationed at Brownsville. An investigation

of the affair convinced the President that some few soldiers

of the battalion were guilty of what had been done, and that

their comrades knew of their guilt, but were shielding them,

by assertions to the contrary. On this belief he ordered the

entire battalion to be discharged from the service, and angry

controversy over his action arose at once. The negro soldiers

were championed by a considerable part of the Press of the

country, and by a section of Congress when it met. The

evidence of their guilt was declared to be more than doubtful,

and the authority of the President to issue the order of

discharge was challenged.

In the annual report of the then Secretary of War, now

President Taft, the action of President Roosevelt was firmly

sustained. Secretary Taft’s version of the circumstances of

the affair was substantially to the following effect: Some

number of men, from a battalion of 170, formed a preconcerted

plan to revenge themselves upon the people of a town for

insults which they resented. They left their barracks about

midnight and fired into the houses of the town for the purpose

of killing those against whom they had a grievance. They did

kill one man, wound another, and seriously injure the chief of

police. There can be no doubt, therefore, that this squad of

men were guilty; the purpose of one was the purpose of all.

Within a few minutes after the crime was committed, the men

returned to their places in the ranks (a call to arms having

been sounded), and must have been among the last to take their

places, for the firing continued after the formations had

begun. The absence of their rifles from the racks could not

have escaped the attention of the sergeants who had the keys;

yet all the sergeants swear that the rifles were in the racks,

untouched. It is impossible that many of the battalion who did

not take part as active members of the conspiracy were not

made aware, by one circumstance or another, of the identity of

the persons who committed the offense, instead of giving to

their officers or the inspectors the benefit of anything which

they knew tending to lead to a conviction of the guilty men,

there was a conspiracy of silence on the part of many who must

have had some knowledge of importance. "These enlisted men,"

said Secretary Taft, "took the oath of allegiance to the

Government, and were to be used under the law to maintain its

supremacy. Can the Government properly, therefore, keep in its

employ for the purpose of maintaining law and order any longer

a body of men, from five to ten per cent. of whom can plan and

commit murder, and rely upon the silence of a number of their

companions to escape detection? "

{674}

Mr. Taft then called attention to the fact that "when a man

enlists in the army he knows that, for the very purpose of

protecting itself, the Government reserves to itself the

absolute right of discharge, not as a punishment, but for the

public safety or interest." He thus corrected the supposition

that the discharge was a punishment either of the innocent or

the guilty. He said further: "The discharge ‘without honor’ is

merely the ending of a contract and separation from the

service under a right reserved in the statute for the

protection of the Government, which may work a hardship to the

private discharged, but which, in the public interest, must

sometimes be arbitrarily exercised."

Of the repeated investigations, Congressional and military,

that ensued, and of the protracted disputation, led in

Congress by Senator Foraker, and echoed in the newspapers, it

is needless to attempt an account; for no greater certainty as

to the facts in the case can be recognized to-day than when

Secretary Taft's report was made.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (August-October).

Insurrection in Cuba.

American Intervention called for.

The Cuban Government dissolved.

Provisional Government established by Secretary-of-War Taft.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (October-November).

Segregation of Orientals in San Francisco Schools.

Resentment of the Japanese.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906-1909.

The Provisional Government of Cuba.

Reinstatement of the Republic.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A D. 1906-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906-1909.

The Reform of the Consular Service.

See

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907.

Monetary Panic.

Distress among the Speculative Great Capitalists.

Industrial Paralysis.

Unemployment for Labor.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907.

Enactment of a new Law of Citizenship.

See (in this Volume)

NATURALIZATION.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907 (January).

Act to prohibit Corporations from making Contributions

in connection with Political Elections.

The following Act of Congress was approved by the President,

January 26, 1907.

"That it shall be unlawful for any national bank, or any

corporation organized by authority of any laws of Congress, to

make a money contribution in connection with any election to

any political office. It shall also be unlawful for any

corporation whatever to make a money contribution in

connection with any election at which Presidential and

Vice-Presidential electors or a Representative in Congress is

to be voted for or any election by any State legislature of a

United States Senator. Every corporation which shall make any

contribution in violation of the foregoing provisions shall be

subject to a fine not exceeding five thousand dollars, and

every officer or director of any corporation who shall consent

to any contribution by the corporation in violation of the

foregoing provisions shall upon conviction be punished by a

fine of not exceeding one thousand and not less than two

hundred and fifty dollars, or by imprisonment for a term of

not more than one year, or both such fine and imprisonment in

the discretion of the court."

According to a statement presented to the Senate in February,

1908, the laws of the following nineteen States and

Territories contain provisions for the publicity of election

contributions or expenditures originally enacted at the dates

given:

Alabama, 1903;

Arizona, 1895;

California, 1893

Colorado, 1891;

Connecticut, 1895;

Iowa, 1907;

Massachusetts, 1892;

Minnesota, 1895;

Missouri, 1893;

Montana, 1895;

Nebraska, 1897;

New York, 1890;

Pennsylvania, 1906;

South Carolina, 1905;

South Dakota, 1907;

Texas, 1905;

Virginia, 1903;

Washington, 1907;

Wisconsin, 1897.

The laws of the three following States, which contain no

publicity provisions, forbid corporations to contribute in any

manner for political purposes: Florida, 1897; Kentucky, 1897;

Tennessee, 1897.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907 (April).

First National Peace Congress.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907 (June-October).

Represented at the Second Peace Conference.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907-1909.

The World-round Cruise of the Battleship Fleet.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908.

Supreme Court Decision affirming right to specially limit

the Hours of Labor for Women.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (April).

Conditional Ratification, by the Senate of the Peace

Conference Convention for the Pacific Settlement of

International Disputes.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (April).

Treaty with Great Britain respecting the Demarcation of the

International Boundary between the United States and Canada.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (April).

Convention for the Preservation and Propagation of Food

Fishes in waters contiguous to the United States and Canada.

See (in this Volume)

FOOD FISHES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (April).

Passage of Act relating to the Liability of Common Carriers

by Railroad to their Employees.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR PROTECTION: EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (April-November).

The Presidential Election.

Parties, Candidates, and Platforms.

Election of President Taft.

In the interval between the presidential elections of 1904 and

1908 the Trust and the Tariff questions had both received an

increase of attention and of real study, and were factors of

more influence in the latter than in the former election. The

energy with which President Roosevelt had pressed both

legislative and executive action, towards a more effective

restraint and regulation of monopolistic combinations, had

greatly strengthened his party in public favor. His

extraordinary personal force, moreover, had made itself felt

in many quickenings and stimulations of public spirit and of

governmental action, which gave a cheering experience to the

country.

{675}

The various ends to which this worked, and especially on the

lines which looked to the rescuing of the rich natural

resources of the country from private monopoly and reckless

waste became associated in thought with the President, and

widely talked of as belonging to "the Roosevelt policies."

Popular satisfaction with these policies and their champion

would have given Mr. Roosevelt a renomination by his party, if

he had not emphatically reiterated his pledge of four years

before, that "under no circumstances" would he "be a candidate

for or accept another nomination." There were some who strove

to persuade him to be false to that pledge; but they were not

the people who esteemed him most truly. Naturally the

nomination that would have gone again to Mr. Roosevelt if he

had been free to accept it sought a candidate so closely

identified with what he had stood for and labored for that no

departure from the favored "policies" need be feared. Quite as

naturally that candidate won a large majority of the popular

votes.

The first nominating convention held in 1904 was that of the

People’s or Populist Party, which sat in St. Louis April 2-3,

and again named its old leader, Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia,

for President, with Samuel W. Williams, of Indiana, for the

second place.

Reverend Daniel Braxton Turney, of Illinois, was the next to

be named for President, and L. S. Coffin, of Iowa, for

Vice-President, by the United Christian Party, at Rock Island,

Illinois, May 1.

On the 10th of May the Socialist Party met in convention at

Chicago and was in session until the 18th, again nominating

Eugene V. Debs, of Indiana, and Benjamin Hanford, of New York,

for President and Vice-President.

The Republican convention was assembled at Chicago, June

16-19, and its nominees were William Howard Taft, of Ohio, for

President, and James Schoolcraft Sherman, of New York, for

Vice-President.

The Socialist Labor Party, at New York, July 24, nominated,

for President, August Gillhaus, of New York; for

Vice-President, Donald L. Munro, of Virginia.

At Denver, July 7-10, the Convention of the Democratic Party

named, for the third time, William Jennings Bryan, of

Nebraska, for President, and for Vice-President John Worth

Kern, of Indiana.

The Prohibitionists convened at Columbus, Ohio, July 15-16,

and the candidates named by them for President and Vice

President were Eugene W. Chafin, of Illinois, and Aaron S.

Watkins, of Ohio.

The last of the parties to meet in convention was that

organized by William R. Hearst and named the Independence

Party. The candidates put forward were Thomas L. Hisgen, of

Massachusetts, and John Temple Graves, of Georgia.

Of the eight political parties which offered candidates to the

voters of the nation, four presented them on special grounds,

aside from which their standing on other questions of public

policy was but slightly and incidentally made known. The

"platforms" of the remaining four were of the scope of general

politics, defining positions taken on all or most of the

political discussions of the time. The declarations of these

latter on the questions which enlisted real interest in the

country will be given, as in the treatment of the party

platforms of 1904, under a dissected arrangement, by subjects,

for convenient comparison; while the former cannot easily be

dealt with in that analytic way. In both cases the distinctly

declaratory text of the platforms, only, will be given, with

some abridgment, as follows:

Trusts.

"The Republican Party," it asserted, "passed the Sherman

anti-trust law over Democratic opposition, and enforced it

after Democratic dereliction. … But experience has shown that

its effectiveness can be strengthened and its real objects

better attained by such amendments as will give to the Federal

Government greater supervision and control over, and secure

greater publicity in, the management of that class of

corporations engaged in interstate commerce having power and

opportunity to effect monopolies."

The Democratic Party demanded "the enactment of such

additional legislation as may be necessary to make it

impossible for a private monopoly to exist in the United

States." Among the additional remedies required it specified

three:

(1) "A law preventing a duplication of directors among

competing corporations";

(2) requirement of a federal license for a manufacturing or

trading corporation, "before it shall be permitted to control

as much as 25 per cent. of the product in which it deals, the

license to protect the public from watered stock, and to

prohibit the control by such corporation of more than 50 per

cent. of the total amount of any product consumed in the

United States"; and

(3) " a law compelling such licensed corporation to sell to

all purchasers in all parts of the country on the same terms,

after making due allowance for the cost of transportation."

The People’s Party declared that "the Government should own

and control the railroads and those public utilities which in

their nature are monopolies," including the telegraph and

telephone systems, and should provide a parcels post. From

those trusts and monopolies which are not public utilities or

national monopolies it demanded a withdrawal of the special

privileges they enjoy; taxation of all such privileges while

they remain in private hands, and "a general law uniformly

regulating the powers and duties of all incorporated companies

doing interstate business."

The Independence Party denounced all combinations which "are

not combinations for production, but for extortion," and

demanded "the enforcement of a prison penalty against the

guilty and responsible individuals controlling the management

of the offending corporations." It advocated, "as a primary

necessity for sounder business conditions and improved public

service, the enactment of laws, State and National, to prevent

watering of stock, dishonest issues of bonds and other forms

of corporation frauds."

Tariff.

The declarations of the Republican and Democratic national

conventions touching a revision of the tariff have been quoted

already in this Volume.

See (in this Volume)

TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

The Independence Party, like the Democratic, demanded a

revision of the tariff, not by its friends, but by the friends

of the people, and declared for a gradual reduction of tariff

duties.

{676}

Capital and Labor.

Injunctions.

The Republican Party recited the enactments of the existing

Congress in the interest of labor, and pledged "its continued

devotion to every cause that makes for safety and the

betterment of conditions among those whose labor contributes

to the progress and welfare of the country." On the burning

question of the interference of courts of law, by writ of

injunction, with labor "strikes," it declared that, while "the

Republican Party will uphold at all times the authority and

integrity of the courts," it believes "that the rules of

procedure in the writ of injunction should be more accurately

defined by statute, and that no injunction or temporary

restraining order should be issued without notice, except

where irreparable injury would result from delay, in which

case a speedy hearing thereafter should be granted."

The Democratic Party gave expression to the same desire to

maintain the dignity of the courts, but had seen that

"experience has proven the necessity of a modification of the

present law relating to injunctions," and added: "we reiterate

the pledges of our national platforms of 1896 and 1904 in

favor of the measure which passed the United States Senate in

1896, but which a Republican Congress has ever since refused

to enact, relating to contempts in Federal courts and

providing for trial by jury in cases of indirect contempt. …

We deem … that injunctions should not be issued in any case in

which injunctions would not issue if no industrial dispute

were involved." Its further declarations were against any

"abridgment of the right of wage-earners and producers to

organize for the protection of wages and the improvement of

labor conditions"; for "the eight hour law on all government

work"; for the enactment by Congress of a "general employers’

liability act," and for the creation of "a department of

labor, represented separately in the President’s cabinet."

The Independence Party denounced "the so-called labor planks

of the Republican and Democratic platforms as political

buncombe and contemptible clap trap," and asserted "that in

all actions growing out of a dispute between employers and

employees concerning terms and conditions of employment no

injunction should issue until after a trial upon the merits;

that such trial should be held before a jury, and that in no

case of alleged contempt should any person be deprived of

liberty without a trial by jury." In further declarations the

party indorsed "those organizations among farmers and workers

which tend to bring about a just distribution of wealth," and

favored legislation to "remove them from the operation of the

Sherman anti-trust law"; endorsed the eight-hour work day, and

would have it applied to all work done for the Government;

called for legislation to prohibit "any combination or

conspiracy to blacklist employees"; demanded "protection for

workmen through enforced use of standard safety appliances and

provision of hygienic conditions"; advocated State and Federal

inspection of railways to secure a greater safety for

employees and the travelling public; condemned the manufacture

and sale of prison-made goods; favored a Federal department of

labor, with its chief in the Cabinet; and called for a Federal

inspection of grain.

The People’s Party condemned "all unwarranted assumption of

authority by inferior Federal courts in annulling by

injunction the laws of the States," and demanded legislation

to "restrict to the Supreme Court of the United States the

exercise of power in cases involving State legislation";

condemned the "attempt to destroy the power of trades unions

through the unjust use of the Federal injunction"; demanded

the abolition of child labor in factories and mines,

suppression of sweat shops, exclusion of foreign pauper labor,

the enactment of an employers’ liability act and measures

against carelessness in the operation of mines; opposed the

use of convict labor; favored the eight-hour work-day, and

"legislation protecting the lives and limbs of workmen through

the use of safety appliances"; declared that when working men

are thrown into enforced idleness works of public improvement

should be inaugurated.

Banking and Currency.

The Republican Party approved "the emergency measures adopted

by the government during the recent financial disturbances"

and declared the party to be "committed to the development of

a permanent currency system, responding to our greater needs."

It favored the establishment of a postal savings bank system.

The Democratic Party pointed to the panic of 1907, "coming

without any legitimate excuse," as furnishing additional proof

that the Republican party "is either unwilling or incompetent

to protect the interests of the general public," having "so

linked the country to Wall Street that the sins of the

speculators are visited upon the whole people." It declared

the belief that "in so far as the needs of commerce require an

emergency currency, such currency should be issued, controlled

by the Federal Government and loaned on adequate security to

National and State banks." It pledged itself "to legislation

under which the national banks should be required to establish

a guarantee fund for the prompt payment of the depositors of

any insolvent national bank under an equitable system which

shall be available to all State banking institutions wishing

to use it." It favored a postal savings bank "if the

guaranteed bank can not be secured, and believed that it

should be so constituted as to keep the deposited money in the

community where the depositors live."

The People’s Party reiterated its belief that "the issuance of

money is a function of government and should not be delegated

to corporation or individual." It therefore demanded "that all

money should be issued by the Government direct to the people,

without the intervention of banks, and shall be a full legal

tender for all debts, public and private, and in quantities

sufficient to supply the needs of the country." It also

demanded postal savings banks.

The Independence Party made a similar declaration, "that the

right to issue money is inherent in the Government," and it

favored "the establishment of a central governmental bank,

through which the money so issued shall be put into general

circulation." It also called for an extension of the parcels

post system and for postal savings banks, the deposits in

which should "be loaned to the people in the locality of the

several banks."

Railroads.

The Republican Party approved the railroad rate law and "the

vigorous enforcement by the present administration of the

statutes against rebates and discriminations"; believing,

"however, that the interstate commerce law should be further

amended so as to give railroads the right to make and publish

traffic agreements subject to the approval of the commission."

It declared for legislation and supervision to "prevent the

future overissue of stocks and bonds by interstate carriers."

{677}

The Democratic Party asserted "the right of Congress to

exercise complete control over interstate commerce, and the

right of each State to exercise like control over commerce

within its borders"; and it demanded a needed enlargement of

the powers of the interstate commerce commission. It

recommended a valuation of railroads by the commission. It

favored legislation to "prohibit the railroads from engaging

in business which brings them into competition with their

shippers"; to prevent the overissue of stocks and bonds, and

to "assure such reduction in transportation rates as

conditions will permit." It approved the laws prohibiting the

pass and the rebate. It favored giving to the interstate

commerce commission "the initiative with reference to rates

and transportation charges," also permitting it, "on its own

initiative to declare a rate illegal," and otherwise enhancing

its efficiency.

The Independence Party advocated "a bill empowering shippers

in time of need to compel railroads to provide sufficient cars

for freight and passenger traffic and other railroad

facilities through summary appeal to the courts." It also

favored "the creation of an Interstate Commerce Court, whose

sole function it shall be to review speedily and enforce

summarily the orders of the Interstate Commerce Commission,"

and it urged that the Commission "should proceed at once with

a physical valuation of railroads engaged in interstate

commerce."

Natural Resources.

Public Lands.

Waterways.

The Republican Party indorsed "the movement inaugurated by the

administration for the conservation of natural resources";

commended "the work now going on for the reclamation of arid

lands"; reaffirmed "the Republican policy of the free

distribution of the available … public domain to the landless

settler," and declared it to be "the further duty, equally

imperative, to enter upon a systematic improvement, upon a

large and comprehensive plan, just to all portions of the

country, of the water harbors and Great Lakes."

The Democratic Party repeated "the demand for internal

development and for the conservation of our national resources

contained in previous platforms," covering lines of policy the

same as above, and adding "the development of water power and

the preservation of electric power generated by this natural

force from the control of monopoly." It insisted upon "a

policy of administration of our forest reserve which shall …

enable homesteaders as of right to occupy and acquire title to

all portions thereof which are especially adapted to

agriculture, and which shall furnish a system of timber sales

available as well to the private citizen as to the larger

manufacturer and consumer." It called for regulations "in

relation to free grazing upon the public lands outside of

forest or other reservations until the same shall eventually

be disposed of." It favored the "immediate adoption of a

liberal and comprehensive plan for improving every water

course in the Union which is justified by the needs of

commerce," with "the creation of an ample fund for continuous

work."

The People’s Party declared that the public domain is a sacred

heritage of all the people, and should be held for homesteads

for actual settlers only; alien ownership should be forbidden.

The Independence Party rejoiced "in the adoption in both the

Democratic and Republican platforms of the demand of the

Independence party for improved national waterways." It

declared for the reclamation of arid lands and generally for

the conservation of the country’s natural resources. It called

for provision to be made for free grazing on public lands

outside of forest or other reservations. It protested against

the sale of water and electric light power derived from public

works to private corporations.

On other subjects touched in their platforms the declarations

of these parties varied little from those of 1904, and cannot

be regarded as having much historical significance.

Of the remaining parties, which are organizations with special

objects, the Socialist set forth the most elaborate programme

of demands, under three headings,—General, Industrial, and

Political. The first included "immediate Government relief for

the unemployed" by public works of many descriptions;

collective ownership of railroads, telegraphs, etc., and all

lands; "collective ownership of all industries which are

organized on a national scale and in which competition has

virtually ceased to exist"; inclusion of mines, quarries, oil

wells, forests and water-power in the public domain.

Industrial demands included improved industrial conditions;

shortened work days; a weekly rest-period of not less than a

day and a half; effective inspection of factories and shops:

no child labor under sixteen years of age; no interstate

transportation of products of child labor; substitution of

compulsory insurance against unemployment, illness, age, etc.,

for all official charity. Political demands were for extended

and graduated inheritance taxes; a graduated income tax; equal

suffrage for men and women; the initiative, referendum,

recall, and proportional representation; abolition of the

Senate; abolition of power in the Supreme Court to pass on the

constitutionality of legislation; amendability of the

Constitution by a majority vote, election of all judges for

short terms; free administration of justice; further measures

for general education and conservation of health.

The Socialist Labor Party repeated in substantially the same

words its general declarations of 1904, against a "despotic

economic system," as quoted above, under the heading "Capital

and Labor."

The Prohibition Party embodied its fundamental object in

demands for the submission of a constitutional amendment

prohibiting the manufacture, sale, etc., of alcoholic liquors

for beverage purposes; suppression of the liquor traffic in

all places under the jurisdiction of the National Government,

and repeal of the internal revenue tax on alcoholic liquors.

To this it added demands for a popular election of United

States Senators; graduated income and inheritance taxes;

postal savings banks; guarantee of deposits in banks;

regulation of corporations doing an interstate business; a

permanent tariff commission; uniform marriage and divorce

laws; enforcement of law against the social evil; an equitable

employers’ liability act; court review of post office

decisions; prohibition of child labor in mines, workshops and

factories; suffrage based on ability to read and write the

English language; preservation of the resources of the

country, and improvement of highways and waterways.

{678}

The United Christian Party, basing its platform, as before, on

the ten commandments and the golden rule, favored "direct

primary elections, the initiative, referendum, recall, uniform

marriage and divorce laws, equal rights for men and women,

government ownership of coal mines, oil wells and public

utilities; the regulation of trusts and the election of the

president and vice-president and senators of the United States

by the direct vote of the people."

The votes cast at the popular election, November 3, numbered

7,637,676 for the Republican nominees; 6,393,182 for the

Democratic; 420,464 for the Socialist; 231,252 for the

Prohibitionist; 83,183 for the Independence; 33,871 for the

Populist; 15,421 for the Socialist Labor. The total of votes

polled, including a few thousands to other than party

nominees, was reported to be 14,863,711.

The States which gave Republican majorities were California,

Connecticut, Delaware, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas,

Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, Nevada,

New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Dakota, Ohio,

Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Utah,

Vermont, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Wyoming,—29.

The States which gave Democratic majorities were Alabama,

Arkansas, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana,

Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, North Carolina, Oklahoma,

South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia,—16.

Maryland, where the electors are chosen by the Legislature,

divided its vote, giving 6 to the Democratic nominees and 2 to

the Republican.

The total vote in the Electoral College was 326 for Taft and

Sherman and 157 for Bryan and Kern.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (May).

The Emergency Currency Act.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE; UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (July).

Remission to China of Part of Boxer Indemnity.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (October).

Reply of Secretary Root to the announcement from Belgium of

the Annexation of the Congo State.

Recognition of the Annexation reserved.

See (in this Volume)

CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (November).

Supreme Court Decision in Case of Virginia Railroads vs.

the State Corporation Commission of Virginia.

See (in this Volume)

RAILWAYS. UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (November).

Exchange of Notes with Japan embodying a Declaration of

Common Policy in the East.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (December).

Extension of the Competitive System of Appointment to

Fourth Class Postmasters in a large section of the Country.

See (in this Volume)

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (December).

Relief for the Survivors of the Earthquake at

and around Messina.

See (in this Volume)

EARTHQUAKES: ITALY.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

Diminished Consumption of Whiskey and Beer.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

The Government giving attention to Liberian Affairs.

See (in this Volume)

LIBERIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908-1909 (August-February).

The Country Life Commission, and its Report.

On the 10th of August, 1908, President Roosevelt addressed a

letter to five gentlemen whom he asked to serve upon a

Commission on Country Life. The five thus addressed were

Professor L. H. Bailey, New York State College of Agriculture,

Ithaca (named as Chairman of the Commission); Mr. Henry

Wallace, of Wallace’s Farmer, Des Moines, Iowa;

President Kenyon L. Butterfield, Massachusetts Agricultural

College, Amherst; Mr. Gilford Pinchot, of the United States

Forest Service; Mr. Walter H. Page, of The World's

Work, New York. Subsequently, Mr. Charles S. Barrett, of

Georgia, and Mr. William A. Beard, of California, were added

to the Commission.

In his letter to the original appointees the President wrote:

"I doubt if any other nation can bear comparison with our own

in the amount of attention given by the Government, both

Federal and State, to agricultural matters. But practically

the whole of this effort has hitherto been directed toward

increasing the production of crops. Our attention has been

concentrated almost exclusively on getting better farming. In

the beginning this was unquestionably the right thing to do.

The farmer must first of all grow good crops in order to

support himself and his family. But when this has been secured

the effort for better farming should cease to stand alone, and

should be accompanied by the effort for better business and

better living on the farm. It is at least as important that

the farmer should get the largest possible return in money,

comfort, and social advantages from the crops he grows as that

he should get the largest possible return in crops from the

land he farms. Agriculture is not the whole of country life.

The great rural interests are human interests, and good crops

are of little value to the farmer unless they open the door to

a good kind of life on the farm. … The farmers have hitherto

had less than their full share of public attention along the

lines of business and social life. There is too much belief

among all our people that the prizes of life lie away from the

farm."

The Commission entered promptly on its task, of obtaining wide

and exact information as to the existing conditions of farm

life and work in the country, as to homes and schools; means

of communication and intercourse, by postal service,

telephone, highway, electric railway and other railways;

neighborhood organizations to promote mutual advantages in

buying and selling; profitable sale of products; supply of

labor; facilities for business in banking, credit, insurance;

sanitary conditions; social entertainment; meetings for mutual

improvement, etc., etc.

{679}

This was sought, in the first instance, by a circular of

questions, about 550,000 copies of which were sent to names

supplied by the United States Department of Agriculture, state

experiment stations, farmers’ societies, women’s clubs, to

rural free deliverymen, country physicians and ministers, and

others. To these inquiries about 115,000 persons have replied

before the report of the Commission was made, "mostly with

much care and with every evidence of good faith."

In addition to the replies given to the circular questions, a

great number of persons sent carefully written letters and

statements that were invaluable. At thirty places, in all

sections of the country, the Commission, or part of it, held

appointed hearings in November and December, and obtained much

light from those. Its report of the conclusions to which it

had been led was presented to the President on the 23d of

January, 1909, and transmitted by him to Congress on February

9th.

The Commission found an unquestionable lack in the country of

a well organized rural society, and came to clear conclusions

concerning the many causes therefor, which are fully discussed

in its report. The leading specific causes are summarized with

brevity at the outset, as follows.

"A lack of knowledge on the part of farmers of the exact

agricultural conditions and possibilities of their regions;

"Lack of good training for country life in the schools;

"The disadvantage or handicap of the farmer as against the

established business systems and interests, preventing him

from securing adequate returns for his products, depriving him

of the benefits that would result from unmonopolized rivers

and the conservation of forests, and depriving the community,

in many cases, of the good that would come from the use of

great tracts of agricultural land that are now held for

speculative purposes;

"Lack of good highway facilities;

"The widespread continuing depletion of soils, with the

injurious effect on rural life;

"A general need of new and active leadership.

"Other causes contributing to the general result are: Lack of

any adequate system of agricultural credit, whereby the farmer

may readily secure loans on fair terms; the shortage of labor,

a condition that is often complicated by intemperance among

workmen; lack of institutions and incentives that tie the

laboring man to the soil; the burdens and the narrow life of

farm women; lack of adequate supervision of public health."

To this summary of main deficiencies the Commission adds the

following, of chief remedies:

"Congress can remove some of the handicaps of the farmer, and

it can also set some kinds of work in motion, such as:

"The encouragement of a system of thorough-going surveys of

all agricultural regions, in order to take stock and collect

local fact, with the idea of providing a basis on which to

develop a scientifically and economically sound country life;

"The encouragement of a system of extension work in rural

communities, through all the land-grant colleges, to the

people at their homes and on their farms;

"A thorough investigation by experts of the middleman system

of handling farm products, coupled with a general inquiry into

the farmer’s disadvantages in respect to taxation,

transportation rates, cooperative organizations and credit,

and the general business system;

"An inquiry into the control and use of the streams of the

United States, with the object of protecting the people in

their ownership and of saving to agricultural uses such

benefits as should be reserved for these purposes;

"The establishing of a highway engineering service, or

equivalent organization, to be at the call of the States in

working out effective and economical highway systems;

"The establishing of a system of parcel posts and postal

savings banks;

"Providing some means or agency for the guidance of public

opinion toward the development of a real rural society that

shall rest directly on the land. …

"Remedies of a more general nature are: A broad campaign of

publicity, that must be undertaken until all the people are

informed on the whole subject of rural life, and until there

is an awakened appreciation of the necessity of giving this

phase of our national development as much attention as has

been given to other phases or interests; a quickened sense of

responsibility in all country people, to the community and to

the State, in the conserving of soil fertility, and in the

necessity for diversifying farming in order to conserve this

fertility and to develop a better rural society, and also in

the better safe-guarding of the strength and happiness of the

farm women; a more widespread conviction of the necessity for

organization, not only for economic but for social purposes,

this organization to be more or less cooperative, so that all

the people may share equally in the benefits and have voice in

the essential affairs of the community; a realization on the

part of the farmer that he has a distinct natural

responsibility toward the laborer in providing him with good

living facilities and in helping him in every way to be a man

among men; and a realization on the part of all the people of

the obligation to protect and develop the natural scenery and

attractiveness of the open country.

"Certain remedies lie with voluntary organizations and

institutions. All organized forces, both in town and country,

should understand that there are country phases as well as

city phases of our civilization, and that one phase needs help

as much as the other."

In his Message communicating the reports of the Commission to

Congress the President focussed attention on four "great

general and immediate needs of country life" which stand out

of the exhibit before all others:

"First, effective coöperation among farmers, to put them on a

level with the organized interests with which they do

business.

"Second, a new kind of schools in the country, which shall

teach the children as much outdoors as indoors and perhaps

more, so that they will prepare for country life, and not as

at present, mainly for life in town.

"Third, better means of communication, including good roads

and a parcels post, which the country people are everywhere,

and rightly, unanimous in demanding.

{680}

"To these may well be added better sanitation: for easily

preventable diseases hold several million country people in

the slavery of continuous ill health.

"The commission points out, and I concur in the conclusion,

that the most important help that the Government, whether

National or State, can give is to show the people how to go

about these tasks of organization, education, and

communication with the best and quickest results. This can be

done by the collection and spread of information."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

Spasmodic Process of Recovery from

the Financial Crisis of 1907.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

Second Conference of State Governors and Report

of National Conservation Commission.

Its Inventory of Natural Resources.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909.

Existing Treaties with China and existing Enactments relative

to the Admission of Chinamen to the United States.

The Question of their Consistency with each other.

Chinese Complaints.

The present Status of the Question.

See (in this Volume)

RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909.

The Census Bill and the President’s Veto.

he Amended Bill, which became Law.

See (in this Volume)

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909.

Protest against the Russo-Chinese Agreement of May, relative

to Municipalities on the line of the Chinese Eastern Railway.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909.

Trouble with Nicaragua.

See (in this Volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (January).

The Waterways Treaty with Great Britain, concerning Waters

between the United States and Canada.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (February).

Anti-Opium Act.

See (in this Volume)

OPIUM PROBLEM.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (February).

Initiative in securing International Opium Commission

at Shanghai.

See (in this Volume)

OPIUM PROBLEM.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (February).

Invitation of Canada and Mexico to a Conference on

the Conservation of Natural Resources.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: NORTH AMERICA.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (March).

The Inauguration of President Taft.

Intimations of Policy in his Inaugural Address.

His Cabinet.

The ceremonies of the inauguration of President Taft on the

4th of March were performed under singularly unfavorable

circumstances, in consequence of one of the most dreadful

storms that ever visited the Capital. Trains blocked by it

contained thousands of people who reached Washington too late

for what they had travelled far to witness or to take part in,

while those who did arrive on the scene were hardly gladdened

by their success. The President, however, accepted the

untoward conditions with a characteristic high-hearted

equanimity. His inaugural address, delivered in the Senate

Chamber, instead of in the open air at the East front of the

Capitol, opened with the following words:

"Any one who takes the oath I have just taken must feel a

heavy weight of responsibility. If not, he has no conception

of the powers and duties of the office upon which he is about

to enter, or he is lacking in a proper sense of the obligation

which the oath imposes.

"The office of an inaugural address is to give a summary

outline of the main policies of the new Administration, so far

as they can be anticipated. I have had the honor to be one of

the advisers of my distinguished predecessor, and as such, to

hold up his hands in the reforms he has initiated. I should be

untrue to myself, to my promises, and to the declarations of

the party platform upon which I was elected to office, if I

did not make the maintenance and enforcement of those reforms

a most important feature of my administration. They were

directed to the suppression of the lawlessness and abuses of

power of the great combinations of capital invested in

railroads and in industrial enterprises carrying on interstate

commerce. The steps which my predecessor took and the

legislation passed on his recommendation have accomplished

much, have caused a general halt in the vicious policies which

created popular alarm, and have brought about, in the business

affected, a much higher regard for existing law. To render the

reforms lasting, however, and to secure at the same time

freedom from alarm on the part of those pursuing proper and

progressive business methods, further legislative and

executive action are needed."

From this general intimation of the course to which his mind

was turned, the incoming President went on to a more specific

unfolding of his views on many subjects of governmental care.

The following is a summary of the suggestions of future policy

conveyed in the Address:

Reorganization of the Department of Justice and the Bureau of

Corporations of the Department of Commerce and Labor and of

the Interstate Commerce Commission.

Tariff revision in accord with the promises made in the

national platform adopted at Chicago.

A continuation of scientific experiments in the Department of

Agriculture for the improvement of agricultural conditions.

The enactment and carrying out of laws for the conservation of

the resources of the country.

Maintenance of the army and navy in such a state of

preparation as will insure a continuance of peace with other

countries.

A continuation of that treatment of aliens which will insure

for the people of the United States respect and fair treatment

among the peoples of other countries.

The enactment of legislation which will empower the Federal

government to enforce treaty promises made to other countries

within every State.

Such changes in the monetary and banking laws as will insure a

greater elasticity of the currency.

The enactment of a law providing for postal savings banks.

The encouragement of American shipping through the use of mail

subsidies.

A continuation of work on the Panama canal along the plans

which have been adopted for a lock type with such energy as

will insure the earliest possible completion of the work.

The continuation of a colonial policy which will still further

increase the business prosperity of our dependencies.

{681}

The betterment of the condition of the negro in the South

through observance of principles laid down in the Fifteenth

Amendment.

The promotion of legislation for the protection of labor and

the betterment of labor conditions.

On the day following his inauguration the President named his

chosen Cabinet to the Senate, and the nominations were duly

confirmed, as follows.

Philander C. Knox of Pennsylvania, to be Secretary of State.

Franklin MacVeagh of Illinois, to be Secretary of the Treasury.

Jacob M. Dickinson of Tennessee, to be Secretary of War.

George W. Wickersham of New York, to be Attorney-General.

Frank H. Hitchcock of Massachusetts, to be Postmaster-General.

George von L. Meyer of Massachusetts, to be Secretary

of the Navy.

Richard A. Ballinger of Washington, to be Secretary

of the Interior.

James Wilson of Iowa, to be Secretary of Agriculture.

Charles Nagel of Missouri, to be Secretary of Commerce and

Labor.

A few days after the appointment of the Cabinet, Mr.

Dickinson, the new Secretary of War, in a speech at Chicago,

explained why President Taft had chosen him, a Democrat, for a

place in a Republican Cabinet, and why he had accepted it. He

said that Mr. Taft, as President of the whole country, desired

to have a representative of the South among his counsellors.

To have chosen a Southern Republican would have been to

perpetuate the bitter sectionalism which it was Mr. Taft's

desire to obliterate. He had therefore chosen a Democrat who

had voted against him. Mr. Dickinson continued:—

"That his purpose was broad, magnanimous, and patriotic none

can question. The wisdom both of his purpose and his selection

must be tried by time, but I have every assurance that his

action in appointing me, and my action in accepting, are

approved by the South, and, having this approval, I can bear

with equanimity any criticism from individual Democrats

elsewhere."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (March).

Passage of new Copyright Act.

See (in this Volume)

COPYRIGHT.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (March-August).

Tariff Revision.

The Payne-Aldrich Tariff-Act.

See (in this Volume)

TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (May).

Creation of the Senate Committee on Public Expenditures.

An important incident of the Special Session of Congress which

was called by President Taft immediately after his

inauguration, was the creation by the Senate of a new Standing

Committee, on Public Expenditures, the function of which was

indicated in the following resolution of the Senate, adopted

May 29:

"Resolved, That the Committee on Public Expenditures be, and

they are hereby, authorized and directed, by subcommittee or

otherwise, to make investigations as to the amount of the

annual revenues of the Government, and as to the expenditures

and business methods of the several departments, divisions,

and branches of the Government, and to report to the Senate

from time to time the result of such investigations and their

recommendations as to the relation between expenditures and

revenues and possible improvements in Government methods; and

for this purpose they are authorized to sit, by subcommittees

or otherwise, during the recesses or sessions of the Senate,

at such times and places as, they may deem advisable, to send

for persons and papers, to administer oaths, and to employ

such stenographic, clerical, expert, and other assistance as

may be necessary, and to have such printing and binding done

as may be necessary, the expense of such investigations to be

paid from the contingent fund of the Senate."

Seven members of the Committee are the chairmen of the seven

committees in the Senate to some one of which every bill

providing for revenue or carrying an appropriation is

submitted. "Thus," as has been remarked, "is provided a medium

for better co-ordination and co-operation between what may be

termed the revenue and appropriation committees. The powers of

existing committees are not affected, but an avenue is

provided for concentration and distribution of information—a

committee forum for the discussion and recommendation of

fundamentals affecting the Government."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (May).

Establishment in the Government of a General Supply Committee.

On the 13th of May the President issued an Executive Order

establishing an Administrative General Supply Committee, which

is to purchase all supplies for Government use, paying one

price instead of several prices for the same supplies.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (May).

Second National Peace Congress.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (July).

Proposed Constitutional Amendment authorizing

the Levying of an Income Tax.

Without a dissenting vote, on the 5th of July, 1909, the

Senate adopted a joint resolution providing for the submission

to the several States of a proposed amendment to the

Constitution of the United States, as follows:

"Article XVI.

The congress shall have the power to lay and collect taxes on

incomes, from whatever source derived, without any

apportionment among the several states and without regard to

any census or enumeration."

In reporting this action, a newspaper correspondent of

considerable sagacity remarked that the ease with which the

resolution glided through the Senate, and would with certainty

pass the House, must be regarded as "an indication of the

expectation of the representatives of capital and of high

protection that twelve states can be found among the forty-six

in the union to refuse their assent to the amendment, in which

event it will fail."

The endorsement of the House to the resolution was given on

the 12th, by a vote of 317 to 14, the negative votes being all

from Republicans. An attempt to have the resolution amended so

that the constitutional amendment would be submitted to state

conventions for ratification instead of to legislatures was

ruled out of order, and an appeal from Speaker Cannon’s ruling

was voted down, 185 to 143, on a strict party division.

{682}

The first State to act on the proposed amendment was Alabama,

where it was ratified by the Legislature and signed by the

Governor, August 17.

In the State of New York, on the 5th of January, 1910,

Governor Hughes addressed a special message to the

Legislature, recommending that the amendment in its proposed

form should not be ratified. He said: "I am in favor of

conferring upon the Federal government the power to lay and

collect an income tax without apportionment among the States

according to population. I believe that this power should be

held by the Federal government so as properly to equip it with

the means of meeting national exigencies.

"But the power to tax incomes should not be granted in such

terms as to subject to Federal taxation the incomes derived

from bonds issued by the State itself, or those issued by

municipal governments organized under the State’s authority.

To place the borrowing capacity of the State and of its

governmental agencies at the mercy of the Federal taxing power

would be an impairment of the essential rights of the State,

which, as its officers, we are bound to defend. …

"The comprehensive words, 'from whatever source derived,' if

taken in their natural sense, would include not only incomes

from ordinary real or personal property, but also incomes

derived from State and municipal securities. It may be urged

that the amendment would be limited by construction. But there

can be no satisfactory assurance of this. The words in terms

are all-inclusive. …

"In order that a market may be provided for State bonds, and

for municipal bonds, and that thus means may be afforded for

State and local administration, such securities from time to

time are excepted from taxation. In this way lower rates of

interest are paid than otherwise would be possible. To permit

such securities to be the subject of Federal taxation is to

place such limitations upon the borrowing power of the State

as to make the performance of the functions of local

government a matter of Federal grace."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (July).

The Question of American Participation in the

Hankau-Szechuan Railway Loan.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1904-1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (September).

Visit of a Commercial Commission from Japan.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (September-October).

Tour of President Taft.

Meeting with President Diaz on Mexican Soil.

In the fall of 1909 President Taft made an extended tour of

the country, from New England to the Pacific Coast and

southward to Mexico and the Gulf, speaking to great assemblies

at many points on all the important questions, political and

economical, that were then before the country. In the course

of the tour a meeting between President Diaz of Mexico and

himself was arranged, and took place on the 16th of October,

first at El Paso, on the Texas side of the Rio Grande, and

then at Ciudad Juarez, on the Mexican side, formal visits

being thus exchanged. Finally, in the evening, President Taft

was entertained at dinner in the Mexican city by President

Diaz. This was a second time that a President of the United

States had left the soil of his own country while in office,

President Roosevelt having done the same at Panama in 1906.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (October-November).

Further Disclosures of Corruption in the Customs Service.

The shameful disclosure in 1907-1908 of Sugar Trust frauds on the

Federal Treasury afforded glimpses of a state of corruption in

the Customs Service of the Government, at the port of New York

especially, which were more than verified within the next year

and a half.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909.

The Collector of Customs, Mr. William Loeb, Jr., who took

charge of the New York office in the spring of 1909, exercised

a watchfulness which soon put him on the traces of fraud, and

he pursued them with an energy and determination that cannot

have been brought into action before. The first case brought

to light was that of a cheese-importing firm, the members of

which, father and son, were found to have paid bribes to

weighers of the Custom House for false reports of the

quantities on which duties were paid. Conviction was obtained

by means of evidence from some of the guilty officials, who

were given immunity and retained in service, in order to

secure information without which, it was said, the

well-covered corruption in the service could not be

successfully probed. In his annual report, made in December,

1909, Secretary MacVeagh, of the Treasury Department, had this

to say of the vigorous reformatory measures thus undertaken at

the port of New York, and of the significance of the

consequent revelations:

"The revelations made and proven were so startling and

impressive that opposition was silenced; and in this silence

the necessary, clear-cut measures could be carried out without

meeting serious obstructions.

"It soon developed that the frauds of the American Sugar

Refining Company, while, perhaps, the most important

instances, were as had been apprehended, symptoms of a

diseased condition, not universal by any means, but almost

general. And difficult as it always is to sufficiently bring

to light the facts of such a condition to afford a basis for

rehabilitation, this has been already largely accomplished.

Much has been discovered to afford an understanding of the

situation, with the result of numerous seizures, of numerous

prosecutions made or projected, and of important and

successful beginnings of a complete rehabilitation. While the

recovery of evaded duties, and the prosecution of individuals

have been of large significance, the greatest asset to the

government of these disgraceful conditions is the knowledge

and the light which guarantee in time a wholesome

reorganization.

"The study of the causes of the demoralization which has been

revealed is still incomplete, but the main causes are evident.

It is clear, for instance, that the influence of local

politics and politicians upon the customs service has been

most deleterious, and has promoted that laxity and low tone

which prepare and furnish an inviting soil for dishonesty and

fraud. Unless the customs service can be released from the

payment of political debts and exactions, and from meeting the

supposed exigencies of political organizations, big and

little, it will be impossible to have an honest service for

any length of time. Any considerable share of the present cost

of this demoralization to the public revenues, to the

efficiency of the service, and to public and private morality

is a tremendous amount to pay in mere liquidation of the small

debts of political leaders.

{683}

"It is also clear that the widespread disposition of returning

American travellers to evade the payment of legal duties has

greatly helped to create the conditions which have become

intolerable. Those Americans who travel abroad belong to the

sections of the people which most readily create public

sentiment, and are most responsible for it; and the fact that

in so many instances these travellers are willing to defraud

the government out of considerable or even small sums creates

an atmosphere on the docks that strongly tends to affect the

morale of the entire customs service. And when to this is

added the frequent willingness upon the part of these

responsible citizens to specifically corrupt the government's

men, then the demoralization is further accentuated."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (November).

Arbitration of the Alsop Claim against Chile.

See (in this Volume)

CHILE: A. D. 1909.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (December).

Proposal to neutralize Manchurian Railways.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1909-1910.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1910 (January).

President’s Message on Legislation relating to "Trusts"

and Interstate Commerce.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910,

and

RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

Movements of Reform in Municipal Government.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

Comparative Statement of the Consumption of Alcoholic Drink.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

The Interchange of People between the United States and Canada.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.

----------UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: End--------

UNITED STATES SENATORS:

Proposed Election by Direct Popular Vote.

"On December 3, 1895, the State of Idaho, taking advantage of

that provision of article 5, which permits States to apply to

Congress for authority to hold a constitutional convention,

passed a resolution requesting Congress to call such a

convention. Since then the States of Wyoming, Ohio, Minnesota,

Montana, Utah, North Carolina, North Dakota, Nevada,

Washington, Tennessee, South Dakota, Colorado, Oregon,

Michigan, Nebraska, Iowa, Kansas, Missouri, Illinois,

Wisconsin, New Jersey, Louisiana, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania,

Indiana, Texas, California, Arkansas, Kentucky, and Alabama,

have taken legislative action in some form or other expressing

either a demand similar to that of the State of Idaho, or a

sympathy with the intent of the Idaho resolution. These

thirty-one States form a constitutional two-thirds of the

forty-six States of the Union.

"One of the complications which have arisen in connection with

these resolutions is the fact that only twenty-four of them

are of record as having been actually received by the Senate

of the United States. One of them, that of the State of Ohio,

which was the third State to act, was only recently discovered

to be in the Senate files. It is possible therefore, that

since the question of submitting the proposed amendment has

become a live issue, a further search of the files may

increase the number of State resolutions on this subject which

are actually on hand.

"A legal quibble is bound to ensue over the form of some of

these resolutions. Nine of the resolutions now on file in the

Senate are already held to be of doubtful legality, but the

ground on which they are held doubtful will appeal to most

people as a mere splitting of legal hairs. Nevertheless, the

Senate of the United States, at least, is, as a whole, a

notorious legal hair-splitter, and this fact must be taken

into account.

"It is, of course, a matter of record, that the House of

Representatives has four times sent to the Senate a proposed

joint resolution calling for the direct election of United

States Senators."

Washington Correspondent of the New York Evening Post,

October 13, 1909.

UNITED STATES STEEL CORPORATION:

Its conflict with the Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel

and Tin Plate Workers.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901.

UNITED STATES STEEL CORPORATION:

The Placing of its Stock among its Employés.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR REMUNERATION: PROFIT-SHARING.

UNIVERSITIES.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION.

URIBE-URIBE, RAFAEL.

See (in this Volume)

COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.

URUGUAY: A. D. 1901-1906.

Participation in Second and Third International Conferences

of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

URUGUAY: A. D. 1904.

Rebellion and prolonged Civil War.

On the 8th of January, 1904, the American Minister at

Montevideo reported by telegram to the State Department at

Washington "that another crisis is at hand in Uruguay; that

encounters have taken place between groups of ‘Blanco,’ and

the Government forces, and that the former, who were neither

concentrated nor well organized, have been dispersed. A number

were killed and wounded. The Government is making an

aggressive campaign and demands obedience to the constituted

authority as a condition before peace negotiations will be

entered into."

This was the beginning of a state of civil war that was

prolonged through nine months, with infinite harm to the

country.

When peace came, at the end of September, it was practically

bought from the insurgents, the terms of submission, as

officially announced, including the following: "Sixth,

incorporation into the army of all the chiefs and officers

included in the amnesty law. Seventh. A mixed committee

appointed by agreement by the Government and insurgents will

distribute the sum of $100,000 between the chiefs, officers,

and soldiers of the rebel forces."

URUGUAY: A. D. 1910.

Agreement with Argentina concerning the River Plate.

See (in this Volume)

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1910.

URUSSOFF, PRINCE:

Speech in the Duma.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

URYU, ADMIRAL.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

UTAH:

Law limiting Hours of Adult Labor in Mines.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.

UTILITIES, PUBLIC.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC UTILITIES.

{684}

V.

VACUUM OIL COMPANY.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:

UNITED STATES. A. D. 1904-1909.

VALIAHD, The:

Heir to the Persian throne.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

VANNOVSKY, GENERAL.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

VALPARAISO, DESTRUCTIVE EARTHQUAKE AT.

See (in this Volume)

EARTHQUAKES: CHILE.

VEHEMENTER NOS, THE PAPAL ENCYCLICAL.

See (in this Volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1906 (FEBRUARY).

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1901.

Claims and Complaints of Germany.

Memorandum presented to the Government of the United States.

Its Reply.

Interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine.

On the 11th of December, 1901, the German Embassy at

Washington presented to the State Department of the Government

of the United States a memorandum of the claims and complaints

of Germany against the Government of Venezuela. The principal

claim recited was that of the Berlin Company of Discount, "on

account of the non-performance of engagements which the

Venezuelan Government has undertaken in connection with the

great Venezuelan Railway which has been built by the said

Government." In respect to this it is remarked that the

"behaviour of the Venezuelan Government could, perhaps, to a

certain degree, be explained and be excused by the bad

situation of the finances of the State; but our further

reclamations against Venezuela, which date from the Venezuelan

civil wars of the years 1898 until 1900, have taken during

these last months a more serious character. Through those wars

many German merchants living in Venezuela and many German

land-owners have been seriously damaged"; and the treatment of

claims for these damages is characterized as "a frivolous

attempt to avoid just obligations." After some recital of

circumstances in these cases, the memorandum proceeds to

announce that "the Imperial Government believes that further

negotiations with Venezuela on the present base are hopeless,"

and that measures of coercion are contemplated. "But we

consider it of importance to let first of all the Government

of the United States know about our purposes, so that we can

prove that we have nothing else in view than to help those of

our citizens who have suffered damages. … We declare

especially that under no circumstances do we consider in our

proceedings the acquisition or the permanent occupation of

Venezuelan territory."

In reply, the Department of State returned a memorandum, in

part as follows:

"The President in his Message of the 3d of December, 1901,

used the following language: ‘The Monroe Doctrine is a

declaration that there must be no territorial aggrandizement

by any non-American Power at the expense of any American Power

on American soil. It is in no wise intended as hostile to any

nation in the Old World.’ The President further said: ‘This

doctrine has nothing to do with the commercial relations of

any American Power, save that it in truth allows each of them

to form such as it desires. … We do not guarantee any State

against punishment if it misconducts itself, provided that

punishment does not take the form of the acquisition of

territory by any non-American Power. … The President of the

United States, appreciating the courtesy of the German

Government in making him acquainted with the state of affairs

referred to, and not regarding himself as called upon to enter

into the consideration of the claims in question, believes

that no measures will be taken in this matter by the agents of

the German Government which are not in accordance with the

well-known purpose, above set forth, of His Majesty the German

Emperor."

Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations

of the United States

(House Doc’s, 57th Congress 1st Session, Volume 1),

pages 192-195

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1901.

Delegates withdrawn from Second International Conference

of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

Concerted Action by Great Britain, Germany, and Italy

to enforce Claims.

Blockade of Ports and seizure of Warships.

Intermediation of the United States.

Agreements Secured.

Reference to the Tribunal at The Hague.

The rebellion and revolution in Venezuela which gave control

of the government to General Cipriano Castro, in 1899, and the

speedy outbreak of revolt against his self-assumed

administration, are told of in Volume VI. of this work.

See, also, (in this Volume)

COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.

The first insurrection was overcome in May, 1900; but other

risings, concentrated in leadership finally under Manuel A.

Matos, followed in 1901-1902. Partly growing out of the

disturbances in the country and partly due to the arbitrary

and wayward conduct of Castro (who obtained election to the

Presidency in 1902, for six years) many claims for indemnity

and debt against that Government accumulated and citizens of

many countries were interested in them. As no satisfaction

could be obtained from President Castro by diplomatic methods,

peremptory proceedings against Venezuela were concerted in

1902 by Great Britain, Germany and Italy. A blockade of

Venezuelan ports and seizure of war vessels was undertaken by

the three Powers, with results which are narrated as follows

in the Message of President Roosevelt to the Congress of the

United States, on its meeting in December, 1903:

The "employment of force for the collection of these claims

was terminated by an agreement brought about through the

offices of the diplomatic representatives of the United States

at Caracas and the Government at Washington, thereby ending a

situation which was bound to cause increasing friction, and

which jeoparded the peace of the continent. Under this

agreement Venezuela agreed to set apart a certain percentage

of the customs receipts of two of her ports to be applied to

the payment of whatever obligations might be ascertained by

mixed commissions appointed for that purpose to be due from

her, not only to the three powers already mentioned, whose

proceedings against her had resulted in a state of war, but

also to the United States, France, Spain, Belgium, the

Netherlands, Sweden and Norway, and Mexico, who had not

employed force for the collection of the claims alleged to be

due to certain of their citizens.

{685}

"A demand was then made by the so-called blockading powers

that the sums ascertained to be due to their citizens by such

mixed commissions should be accorded payment in full before

anything was paid upon the claims of any of the so-called

peace powers. Venezuela, on the other hand, insisted that all

her creditors should be paid upon a basis of exact equality.

During the efforts to adjust this dispute it was suggested by

the powers in interest that it should be referred to me for

decision, but I was clearly of the opinion that a far wiser

course would be to submit the question to the Permanent Court

of Arbitration at The Hague. It seemed to me to offer an

admirable opportunity to advance the practice of the peaceful

settlement of disputes between nations and to secure for the

Hague Tribunal a memorable increase of its practical

importance. The nations interested in the controversy were so

numerous and in many instances so powerful as to make it

evident that beneficent results would follow from their

appearance at the same time before the bar of that august

tribunal of peace.

"Our hopes in that regard have been realized. Russia and

Austria are represented in the persons of the learned and

distinguished jurists who compose the Tribunal, while Great

Britain, Germany, France, Spain, Italy, Belgium, the

Netherlands, Sweden and Norway, Mexico, the United States, and

Venezuela are represented by their respective agents and

counsel. Such an imposing concourse of nations presenting

their arguments to and invoking the decision of that high

court of international justice and international peace can

hardly fail to secure a like submission of many future

controversies. The nations now appearing there will find it

far easier to appear there a second time, while no nation can

imagine its just pride will be lessened by following the

example now presented. This triumph of the principle of

international arbitration is a subject of warm congratulation

and offers a happy augury for the peace of the world."

Message of President Roosevelt,

December 7, 1903.

The claims of the Powers against Venezuela, presented in

September, summed up as follows:

France,        $16,040,000;

United States, $10,900,000;

Italy,          $9,300,000;

Belgium,        $3,003,000;

Great Britain,  $2,500,000;

Germany,        $1,417,300;

Holland,        $1,048,451;

Spain,            $600,000;

Mexico,           $500,000;

Sweden,           $200,000.

The claim of Great Britain, Germany, and Italy to a right of

priority in payment, because of their action which compelled

the Government of Venezuela to arrange a settlement, was

submitted to the Tribunal at The Hague in November. The

decision, rendered in the following January, affirmed the

right of the three Powers which had exercised coercion in the

case to priority in the payment of their claims, and it

imposed on the United States the duty of overseeing the

fulfilment of the agreements which Venezuela had made. In this

last particular the decision of the Tribunal could be regarded

as an international affirmation of the Monroe Doctrine, and of

signal importance in that view.

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1905.

A short Period of Comparative Tranquility.

"After the blockade instituted in December, 1902, by Germany,

Great Britain and Italy, had been raised, and protocols had

been signed for the settlement of all duly recognized claims

of foreign nations against Venezuela, Venezuela enjoyed a

short period of tranquility; but, by the beginning of 1905,

every legation in Caracas had a list of grievances founded on

alleged unfair awards of arbitrators, on denials of justice on

the part of the Venezuelan courts and on the diminution by

President Castro of the percentage he had agreed to pay to the

creditor nations from the receipts of his custom-houses.

Moreover, Germany and Great Britain began to show signs of

restlessness, because President Castro had not provided, as

had been agreed in the protocols, for the payment of interest

to British and German bondholders. The situation looked even

worse than before the blockade, for the principal nation

aggrieved was the United States, and it had the moral support

of all other nations represented in Caracas by legations.

"The main issue between the United States and Venezuela was

the asphalt case. In July, 1904, President Castro had demanded

ten million dollars from the American Company, known as the

‘New York and Bermudez Asphalt Company,’ and had threatened,

if that amount was not paid immediately, that the whole

asphalt lake and the property of the Company would be seized.

He based his demand on the alleged support given by the

Asphalt Company to the Matos revolution of 1902; but, as he

did not demand anything from the countless other supporters of

the revolution, it was clear that his demand on the Asphalt

Company was piratical."

H. W. Bowen,

Queer Diplomacy with Castro

(North American Review, March 15, 1907).

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1904.

Adoption of a new Constitution.

The following summary of the provisions of a new Constitution,

adopted in Venezuela, on the 27th of April, 1904, was

communicated to the State Department at Washington by United

States Minister Bowen:

It reduces the number of States to thirteen—Aragua, Bermudez,

Bolivar, Carabobo, Falcon, Guarico, Lara, Merida, Miranda,

Tachira, Trujillo, Zamora, and Zulia—and provides for five

Territories—Amazonas, Cristobal Colon, Colon, Delta Amacuro,

and Yururari—and the Federal District, which is composed of

the Departments Libertador, Varagas, Guaicaipuro, and Sucre,

and the island of Margarita.

The States enjoy equality and autonomy, having all rights not

delegated to the central Government. The Territories are

administered by the President.

The Government is divided into three branches—the legislative,

the executive, and the judicial.

The legislative branch is called the Congress, and is composed

of two bodies—the Senate and the House of Deputies. One deputy

will be elected by every 40,000 inhabitants, and all deputies,

as well as senators (two from every State) and the President,

will serve for six years. Deputies must be 21 years of age,

senators 30, and the President over 30. No extraordinary

powers are given to the Congress, except that 14 of its

members shall be chosen by itself to elect every sixth year a

President, a first and a second vice-president, and to elect a

successor to the second vice-president.

{686}

The President, besides being charged with the usual executive

duties, is authorized to declare war, arrest, imprison, or

expel natives or aliens who are opposed to the reëstablishment

of peace, to issue letters of marque and reprisal, to permit

aliens to enter the public service, to prohibit the

immigration into the Republic of objectionable religious

teachers, and to establish rules for the postal, telegraph,

and telephone services.

The judicial power is vested in the Corte Federal y de

Casacion (seven judges elected by the Congress) and the lower

courts (appointed by the State governments).

All Venezuelans over 21 years of age may vote, and aliens can

obtain that right by getting naturalized. No length of time is

prescribed for an alien to live in the Republic before he can

become naturalized.

Article 15 of the constitution denies the right of natives or

aliens to present claims to the nation or States for damages

caused by revolutionists.

Article 17 abolishes the death penalty.

And article 120 provides that all of Venezuela’s international

treaties shall hereafter contain the clause, "All differences

between the contracting parties shall be decided by

arbitration, without going to war."

In conclusion, the constitution provides that the next

constitutional terms shall begin May 23, 1905. Up to that date

General Castro will be Provisional President. He took his oath

of office as such on the 5th instant, and on the same day Juan

Vicente Gomez was made first vice-president and Jose Antonio

Velutini second vice-president.

As Provisional President, General Castro has been authorized

to name the presidents of the States, to organize the Federal

Territories, to fix the estimates for the public expenses,

and, in short, to exercise the fullest powers.

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1905-1906.

Troubles with the United States and France.

President Castro’s Vacation.

Both France and the United States had troubles which became

acute in 1905 with the arrogant President of Venezuela,

growing out of his high-handed treatment of French and

American business interests and rights in that country. In the

case of the United States, the most serious grievance, as

stated above, was that of the New York and Bermudez Company,

which had a concession dating back to 1883, and a later mining

title, under Venezuela laws, to the asphalt deposit known as

Bermudez Lake, together with the fee-simple ownership of land

surrounding the lake. Ever since the advent of Castro, the

company had been harassed by litigious proceedings, behind

which the Government was said to be always in action. In 1905

these were carried to the point of putting the whole property

into the hands of a receiver or "depositary," practically

transferring its capital and plant to its rivals in business.

A little later, a judicial decision, pronounced by a Venezuela

court, annulled the company’s concession. The main ground of

this confiscation appears to have been the charge that the

company had contributed funds to the support of the Matos

revolt, in 1901.

The same accusation was brought against the French Cable

Company, whose franchise was annulled and its property

confiscated in like manner. In both cases, the matter was a

proper one for arbitration, and this Castro refused,

maintaining the finality of the decision of the Venezuela

courts. Neither France nor the United States could afford to

permit such a penalty of confiscation to be imposed on its

citizens without a searching investigation of the justice of

the act. Under instructions from Secretary Hay, the American

Minister to Venezuela informed the Government of that country

that if it refused to arbitrate the questions involved in this

and other American claims, "the Government of the United

States may be regretfully compelled to take such measures as

it may find necessary to effect complete redress without

resort to arbitration"; and France, about the same time, made

a significant movement of armored cruisers to the French

Antilles. Not contented with the strain thus brought on the

relations of his Government with those of two considerable

Powers in the world, the Venezuelan President soon—in January,

1906—gave a fresh and quite wanton provocation to France. The

French Chargé d’ Affaires in Venezuela had gone on

board a French steamer without official permit, and was

refused permission to return to shore, on the pretence that he

might bring yellow fever infection. France at once dismissed

the Venezuelan Chargé from Paris, and added a demand

for apologies to her other claims.

Having brought his country into this interesting situation,

the eccentric Castro, of incalculable mind and temper, found

the occasion opportune for a vacation, and announced it, April

9, 1906, in a proclamation which opened as follows:

"Fatigue, produced by constant labor, and which I have been

endeavoring to overcome for some time past, makes it

imperative for me now, in order to restore my broken health,

to retire from the exercise of the office of prime magistrate.

"In accordance with a provision of the constitution I have

called to power General Juan Vincente Gomez, a very

meritorious citizen of well-known civic virtues, who in my

absence will fulfill strictly the duties of his office. You

all know him, and you know perfectly well that in view of his

character you must support him without any hesitation

whatever, in order that the administration may continue, as it

has up to now, under the surest bases of stability, order, and

progress, thus making the action of the executive the most

expeditious possible.

"On retiring from power I wish you to take into consideration

my effort and my sacrifices for the country’s cause, which has

been, and still is, the cause of the people, of reason,

justice, and right, so that you will agree with me that he who

has thus labored has a right to even a slight rest, and this

cannot be taken except in retirement and solitude.

"On the other hand, our present international situation,

completely defined and clear, gives us reason to hope that

everything will continue harmoniously and on a basis of mutual

respect and consideration."

{687}

The next morning he left quietly for Los Teques, where he has

a private estate; his late cabinet resigned, and a new

Ministry was formed by the acting President, Gomez. Six weeks

later, on the 23d of May, the President-on-vacation, from his

retirement, issued a second proclamation, announcing his wish

to withdraw permanently from public life, and his intention to

resign the presidency at the next session of Congress. But

differences appear to have arisen soon after this between the

retired President and his substitute, General Gomez, over

cabinet appointments, and presently there was a delegation

sent to request the former to abandon his intended

resignation. The delegation succeeded in its mission, and on

the 4th of July the now rested and refreshed Chief Magistrate

returned to Caracas and reburdened himself with the cares of

state.

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1905-1909.

Trouble given to Colombia over the Navigation of Rivers

flowing through both countries.

See (in this Volume)

COLOMBIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1906.

No participation in Third International Conference

of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1907-1909.

President Castro’s obstinate Provocations to France and

the United States.

His Quarrel with Holland.

His unwary venture Abroad.

The Triumph of his Enemies in Venezuela.

The Foreign Governments he Quarrelled with take part

in Preventing his Return.

President Castro, practically Dictator in Venezuela, continued

obstinate in his provocative attitude towards both France and

the United States, and added Holland at length to the list of

exasperated nations which were questioning and studying how to

deal with insolence from so petty a source. His courts, after

confiscating the franchises and seizing the property of the

French Cable Company and the American asphalt concessionaries,

imposed fines of $5,000,000 on each. Of the five claims for

redress or indemnity which the American Government pressed

upon him he refused to submit any to arbitration, in any form,

at The Hague or elsewhere. This situation continued until the

American Legation was withdrawn from Caracas, in June, 1908,

to signify that negotiation was ended, and the whole

correspondence of the State Department with Venezuela was laid

before Congress, for such action as it might see fit to take.

Castro had opened his quarrel with Holland in a characteristic

way. The bubonic plague had got a footing at the Venezuelan

port of La Guayra, and he refused to allow his own medical

officers, who reported the fact, to take measures for

preventing the spread of the disease. Then, when his Dutch

neighbors at Curaçao protected themselves by a quarantine

against La Guayra he retaliated by an embargo on commerce with

Curaçao, exchanged angry letters with the Dutch Minister at

Caracas, and ordered him finally to quit the country. The

Netherland Government acted slowly, with deliberation, on the

matter, despatching a battle-ship, at length, to the scene,

and otherwise manifesting serious intentions.

But now the domestic situation in Venezuela underwent a sudden

change; or, rather, a recurrence to the situation in 1906,

when Castro had found it easy to lay down the reins of

authority and take them up again at his pleasure. He was

afflicted with some ailment, for which he went abroad to seek

treatment, appointing Vice-President Gomez to conduct the

Government in his absence. Landing at Bordeaux on the 10th of

December, 1908, he made a short visit to Paris, receiving no

official recognition or entertainment, and went thence to

Berlin. In Germany he stayed with his family and suite for

about three months, undergoing a surgical operation with

subsequent treatment for his malady. Meantime, in Venezuela,

his enemies, or the opponents of his rule, had acquired the

upper hand, and were prepared to resist his return. On the

16th of December a mob at Caracas, crying "Down with Castro,"

wrecked considerable property of his friends. A few days later

some of his partisans were arrested on the charge of having

plotted the death of Acting-President Gomez, and that trusted

representative of the absent President became openly

antagonistic to him. The Castro Cabinet was dismissed, and an

anti-Castro Ministry was formed.

Pacific overtures were now made to the foreign governments

with which Castro had quarrelled. The Honorable William I.

Buchanan, an able diplomat, of much experience in

Spanish-America, was sent from the United States to reopen

negotiations at Caracas, where he arrived on the 20th

December, and the late Venezuelan Minister of Foreign Affairs

went abroad as an agent of President Gomez to treat with the

Netherlands, Great Britain, and France. Mr. Buchanan found

difficulty in arranging modes of settlement in the case of two

American claims, that of the New York and Bermudez Company,

and that of the Orinoco Corporation, which claimed very

extensive concessions; but the obstacles were overcome and a

satisfactory protocol signed, February 13, 1909.

Before this time, criminal proceedings had been instituted

against Castro, on the charge that he had instigated the

assassination of Vice-President Gomez, and the High Federal

Court had decided that adequate evidence had been adduced to

warrant the action. To this accusation Castro made answer from

Dresden, February 27, saying: "The only charge that has been

raised against me is that I tried to instigate the murder of

Gomez. It is incredible that, after having shown my interest

in him in so many ways, I should try to cause him to be

murdered. If Gomez had given me occasion to suspect him, I

would have given orders regarding him before my departure from

Venezuela, and I would not have been so stupid as to send such

an order by cable. Whoever knows me knows also that I am

incapable of such disgraceful cowardice. I give this

declaration in the interest of truth to the press and to the

foreign countries, in order to set at rest in places where I

am not known all doubts and suspicions regarding my behavior."

Having no apparent doubt that he could master the adverse

situation in Venezuela, Castro was now making his arrangements

to return. On the 24th of March he arrived at Paris, on his

way to Bordeaux, to take passage on the Steamer

Guadeloupe. There he was met by a statement from the

steamship company, "that it had been informed by the

Venezuelan government that Señor Castro will not be permitted

to land in Venezuela; that he will be arrested on board the

Guadeloupe if this vessel calls at a Venezuelan port, and that

even the movement of the Guadeloupe in Venezuelan ports

will be controlled by the authorities, if Castro is a

passenger.

{688}

As a result of this communication the company will embark

Castro only on condition that he leave the Guadeloupe   before reaching Venezuela, either at Martinique or Trinidad.

This official notification to the steamship company was handed

in by José de Jesus Paul, the special Venezuelan envoy to

Europe. Señor Paul says in part:

"‘Cipriano Castro is under criminal prosecution in Venezuela,

and the High Federal Court having suspended his function as

President, he is liable, in accordance with the laws of

Venezuela, to imprisonment pending the result of the trial. A

warrant of arrest can be executed even on board the

Guadeloupe at the first Venezuelan port.’ "

At Bordeaux he was forced to take passage with the

understanding that he must leave the ship before she reached a

Venezuelan port, and he accepted tickets to Port-au-Spain,

Trinidad. On leaving Paris his parting words had been: "I

believe that God and destiny call me back to Venezuela. I

intend to accomplish my mission there, even though it involves

revolution." But he mistook the call, and mere earthly

authority sufficed to frustrate the mission he had in mind.

The British Government, after consultation with the United

States and other Powers most interested in the avoidance of

fresh disturbances in Venezuela, forbade his landing at

Trinidad, and he found no port to receive him but that of Fort

de France, Martinique. From that French soil, too, he was

ordered away the next day, and look passage back to France,

ultimately settling himself with his family in Spain. If he

has made further efforts or plans to recover a footing in

Venezuela, the public has not learned of them.

As soon as the out-cast President had been thus eliminated

from Venezuelan politics, he was cleared, May 21, of the

charge of plotting to assassinate General Gomez, by decision

of the Criminal Court. Both Holland and France had settled, by

this time, their differences with Venezuela, and restored

diplomatic relations. On the 12th of August, Vice-President

Gomez was formally elected Provisional President by Congress

in the exercise of powers claimed under the new Constitution.

On the 11th of September announcement was made that all but

one of the five American claims for which Mr. Buchanan had

arranged modes of settlement had been settled, and that one—of

the Orinoco Steamship Company—was before the tribunal at The

Hague.

VENICE: A. D. 1902.

Fall of the Campanile of St. Marks.

On the morning of July 14, 1902, the Campanile or bell-tower

of the cathedral of St. Marks fell to the ground. An attentive

architect had been calling attention for several years to

signs of danger in its walls, but nothing had been done to

avert the destruction of the most interesting monument of

antiquity in the city. The building of the tower was begun in

the year 888, and underwent a reconstruction in 1329. Its

height was 322 feet.

"At 9 o’clock, according to the story of an American architect

who witnessed the fall of the tower from the neighborhood of

the Rialto, he saw the golden angel slowly sink directly

downward behind a line of roofs, and a dense gray dust arose

in clouds. Instantly, from all parts of the city, a crowd

rushed toward the Piazza, to find on their arrival that

nothing was left of all that splendid nave but a mound of

white dust, 80 feet high." A press telegram from Venice,

January 4, 1910, announced that "the Campanile, after seven

years’ work, is now approaching completion. The shaft is

finished, and only lacks the belfry, the separate pieces of

which are ready to be set in place."

VEREENIGING, BOER-BRITISH TREATY OF PEACE AT.

See (in this Volume)

South Africa: A. D. 1901-1902.

VERESTCHAGIN, VASILI, DEATH OF.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

VERNON-HARCOURT, LOUIS:

First Commissioner of Works.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

VESUVIUS, MOUNT:

Violent Eruption in 1906.

See (in this Volume)

VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS.

VETO, CIVIL, IN PAPAL ELECTIONS.

See (in this Volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1904.

VIBORG CONFERENCE.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

VICTOR EMMANUEL III., KING OF ITALY:

His Agency in founding the International Institute

of Agriculture.

See (in this Volume)

AGRICULTURE.

VILHENA, SENHOR.

See (in this Volume)

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

VILLAZON, ELIDORO:

President of Bolivia.

See (in this Volume)

ACRE DISPUTES.

VIRCHOW, RUDOLPH:

Celebration of his Eightieth Birthday.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ANNIVERSARY CELEBRATIONS.

VIRGINIA: A. D. 1907.

The Jamestown Tercentennial Exposition.

See (in this Volume)

JAMESTOWN.

VITHÖFT, ADMIRAL.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

"VLADIMIR’S DAY."

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

VLADIVOSTOCK:

In the Russo-Japanese War.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: ITALY: A. D. 1906 (April).

Great Outburst of Vesuvius.

The Most Violent since 1631.

"At a meeting of the Geological Society, London, on May 9, a

paper giving a scientific account of the recent great eruption

of Mount Vesuvius was read by Professor Giuseppe de Lorenzo,

of the Mineralogical Museum in the Royal University of Naples,

a foreign correspondent of the society. According to the

report in the London Times Professor de Lorenzo stated

that after the great eruption of 1872 Vesuvius lapsed into

repose, marked by merely solfataric phenomena, for three

years. Fissuring of the cone and slight outpourings of lava

began in May, 1905, and continued until April 5, 1906, when

the fourth great outburst from the principal crater occurred,

accompanied by the formation of deeper and larger fissures in

the south-eastern wall of the cone, from which a great mass of

fluid and scoriaceous lava was erupted. After a pause the

maximum outburst took place during the night of April 7 and 8,

and blew 3,000 feet into the air scoriæ and lapilli of lava as

fragments derived from the wreckage of the cone.

{689}

The southwesterly wind carried this ash to Ottajano and San

Giuseppe, which were buried under three feet of it, and even

swept it on to the Adriatic and Montenegro. At this time the

lava which reached Torre Annunziato was erupted. The

decrescent phase began on April 8, but the collapse of the

cone of the principal crater was accompanied by the ejection

of steam and dust to a height of from 22,000 to 26,000 feet.

On April 9 and 10 the wind was northeast, and the dust was

carried over Torre del Greco and as far as Spain; but on April

11 the cloud was again impelled northward. The ash in the

earlier eruptions was dark in color and made of materials

derived directly from the usual type of leucotephritic magma;

but later it became grayer and mixed with weathered elastic

material from the cone. The great cone had an almost

horizontal rim on April 13, very little higher than Monte

Somma, and with a crater possibly exceeding 1,300 feet in

diameter; this cone was almost snow white from the deposit of

sublimates. Many deaths, Professor de Lorenzo states, were due

to asphyxia, but the collapse of roofs weighted with dust was

a source of much danger, as was the case at Pompeii in A. D.

79. The lava streams surrounded trees, many of which still

stood in the hot lava with their leaves and blossoms

apparently uninjured. The sea level during April 7 and 8 was

lowered six inches near Pozzuoli, and as much as twelve inches

near Portici, and had not returned to its former level on

April 13. The maximum activity conformed almost exactly with

full moon, and at the time the volcanoes of the Phlegræan

Fields and of the islands remained in their normal condition.

Professor de Lorenzo believes that this eruption of Vesuvius

is greater than any of those recorded in history with two

exceptions—those of A. D. 79, the historic eruption which

destroyed Pompeii and Herculaneum, and of 1631, when Torre del

Greco was overwhelmed and 4,000 persons perished."

Scientific Notes and News

(Science, May 25, 1906).

VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES: A. D. 1902 (May).

Of Mont Pelee and La Souffrière, on the islands of Martinique

and St. Vincent.

Destruction of the City of St. Pierre.

The most appalling catastrophe in the annals of the Western

Hemisphere is that which burst from the long torpid volcano of

Mont Pelée, overlooking the city of St. Pierre, on the French

island of Martinique, and from its slumbering neighbor, La

Souffrière, of the British island of St. Vincent, on the

morning of the 8th of May, 1902. The following particulars of

the frightful volcanic explosion are borrowed from a graphic

account prepared for The American Review of Reviews by

W. J. McGee, of the Smithsonian Institution.

"The outbreak of Mont Pelée seems to have been second only to

that of Krakatoa in explosive violence in the written history

of the world. Nor was the catastrophe confined to a mountain

and a city, or even to an island: the towns and villages of

northern Martinique were devastated or utterly destroyed as

far southward as Fort de France, while the scant 400 square

miles of the whole island were at once shaken from below and

showered from above with uncounted tons of hot rock-powder,

scorching what it touched, and desolating the tropical

luxuriance of one of the fairest among the gems of the

Antilles. At the same time the Vulcanian spasm thrilled afar

through subterranean nerves and stirred into sympathetic

resurrection other long-dead volcanoes; and one of these,—La

Souffrière, on the island of St. Vincent, over a hundred miles

away,—sprang into baleful activity, poured out vast sheets of

viscid lava, showered land and sea with its own scorching

rock-powder, devastated another gem in the Antillean necklace,

and slew its thousands. The vigor of such volcanic outbursts

as those of Martinique and St. Vincent, and the vastness of

their products, are beyond realization. The governor of

Barbados, Sir Frederick Hodgson, estimates that ‘two million

tons of volcanic dust’ fell on his island, which is 110 miles

from La Souffrière, and still farther from Mont Pelée. …

"About the middle of April of the present year the inhabitants

of Martinique and passing seafarers began to note the

appearance of ‘smoke’ about the crest of the mountain; and

within a few days the report spread that Mont Pelée was in an

ugly mood. The smoky columns and clouds increased at

intervals, and anxiety deepened both at St. Pierre and Fort de

France; but as the days went by without other manifestations,

apprehension faded. On May 5, detonations were heard and a

tremor shook St. Pierre, while a mass of mud was violently

erupted from the old crater. The indications are that this

eruption was occasioned by the rise of viscous lava,

accompanied by steam and other gases attending its formation,

probably through the old vent, in sufficient quantity and with

sufficient violence to blow the lake out of the ancient crater

and vaporize the water. Portions of the lava were apparently

blown into dust by the flashing into steam of water imprisoned

in its interstices, after the manner of volcanic ejecta

generally; and this material (better called ‘lapilli’ than

‘ashes’) hastened condensation of the aqueous vapor in the air

already overcharged by the addition of that cast up from the

lake. The consequence was a shower of mud, apparently of

limited extent. Some of the accounts indicate that the greater

part of this mud was not vomited into the air, but that it

welled up in such wise as to fill and overflow the old crater,

and send scalding streams down the gorges seaming the rugged

sides of Mont Pelée; one of these flooded a sugar factory and

enveloped a score or more of the employees; others mingled

with the rivers, converting them into hot and muddy torrents,

carrying destruction down their channels to the sea. … So

matters rested, with Pelée still grumbling, until the evening

and night of May 7, when the black vapor-clouds and

subterranean groanings grew more terrifying; but it was too

late to escape before another day.

"About 7:50 A. M. on May 8 came the great shock, of which that

of May 5 was the precursor; and within ten minutes St. Pierre

and the smaller towns of Martinique were in ruins. Few

witnesses were left to describe the event, and the accounts of

these vary so widely as to require interpretation through the

testimony of other witnesses of similar eruptions elsewhere.

Briefly it seems evident that the lava mass, of which the

uppermost portion exploded on May 5, had continued to rise in

the vent after the temporary shock due to the recoil of the

initial explosion, and that by the morning of May 8 it had

reached such a height in the throat as to find relief from the

stupendous pressure of the lower earth-crust.

{690}

Coming up with the high temperature of subterranean depths,

the mass was, like other rocks in a state of nature, saturated

with water held in liquid state by the pressure, and charged

with other mineral substances ready to flash into gas or to

oxidize on contact with the air; and these more volatile

materials, being of less density than the average, were more

abundant in the upper portions of the mass.

"As the viscid plug of red-hot rock forced its way upward, the

mighty mountain travailed, the interior rocks were rent, and

the groaning and trembling were conveyed through the outer

strata to the surface and strange shakings of the shores and

quiverings of the sea marked the approach of the culmination.

Then the plug passed above the zone of rock-pressure great

enough to compress steam into water whatsoever the heat,—and

with this relief the liquid flashed into steam and the

superheated rock-matter into gases, while the unoxidized

compounds leaped into flame and smoke as they caught the

oxygen of the outer air. The lava was probably acidic, and

hence highly viscous; and when the imprisoned droplets of

water expanded, they formed bubbles, or vesicles, often much

larger than the Volume of rock-matter; doubtless some of this

matter remains in the form of vesicular pumice; but

unquestionably immense quantities were blown completely into

fragments representing the walls of the bubbles and the

angular spicules and thickenings between bubbles. Of these

fragments lapilli, or so-called volcanic ashes, consists; and

the Mont Pelée explosion was so violent that much of the

matter was dust-fine, and drifted hundreds of miles before it

settled from the upper air to the sea or land below. When the

imprisoned water burst into steam, the heavier gases were

evolved, also, with explosive violence; and while the steam

shot skyward, carrying lapilli in vast dust-clouds, these

gases rolled down the slopes, burning (at least in part) as

they went; and at the same time the heavier lava fragments,

together with rock-masses torn from the throat of the crater

by the viscid flood, were dropped for miles around. …

"Both press dispatches and physical principles indicate that

it was the debacle of burning gas that consumed St. Pierre

even before the red-hot rocks reached the roofs and balconies.

Meantime the aerial disturbance was marked by electrical

discharges, with continuous peal of thunder and glare of

lightning, while portions of the hot rock-powder were washed

down from the clouds by scalding rains. The heat of millions

of tons of red-hot lava and of the earth-rending explosion, as

well as of the burning gases, fell on Martinique; green things

crumbled to black powder, dry wood fell into smoke and ashes,

clothing flashed into flame, and the very bodies of men and

beasts burst with the fervent heat. Such, in brief, were the

evil events of Pelée and St. Pierre for May 8."

Simultaneously, on St. Vincent’s Island, the outbreak of La

Souffrière occurred that day. "The accounts are vague or

conflicting as to the hour and as to the precise nature of the

initial and later throes; yet it would appear, from the burden

of the testimony, that the outbreak quickly succeeded that of

Pelée. Apparently, too, the extravasation of rock-matter, both

of liquid and lava, exceeded that of the northern neighbor;

yet the indications are that the explosion was feebler, and

that the formation of gases was proportionately less abundant.

Lapilli are reported to cover the entire island to depths

ranging from an inch or more to several feet, several

roofs,—like those of Pompeii of old,—being crushed in by the

weight; the estimates of human mortality ranged from a few

hundreds in the early reports to over two thousand, and were

afterward slightly reduced, while the destruction of property

seems to have been relatively greater than on Martinique. So

far as the accounts of the two outbursts go, they indicate

that the Pelée eruption was primarily an explosion due to the

flashing of water and other gases on relief from pressure,

with attendant heat and meteorologic disturbances, followed by

a limited and quiet outflow of lava from the deeper and drier

portion of the lava plug; but that the upwelling lava of

Souffrière was in some way nearer equilibrium,—perhaps drier,

perhaps cooler, perhaps from less depth and pressure,—and

hence poured out in broad sheets of viscid rock-matter,

likened by some observers to burning sealing wax.

"Such, in brief, is the record of La Souffrière on May 8,—a

record that would have appalled the nations had it not been

eclipsed by the ghastly tale of Mont Pelée and St. Pierre."

In the case of St. Pierre almost the entire population had

remained in the town, not sufficiently warned by the outbreak

of May 5, and was, in consequence, destroyed. It is estimated

that 30,000 people perished in or near that town alone. Death

came to them almost instantaneously,—not from the flow of lava

or the showers of hot ashes that fell to the depth of perhaps

two feet, but from such a fierce current of burning gases that

men breathed flames instead of air.

On the English island, there was no large town close to the

mountain, and therefore not as great loss of life as in

Martinique, but nearly two thousand persons in the rural

districts lost their lives. These were burned to death by hot

sand or were killed by lightning, there being no suffocation,

as in St. Pierre. A layer of ashes fell over the entire

island, and in the northeastern part the land was buried in

ashes and stones to the depth of eighteen inches. As a

consequence, all the crops were destroyed.

Repeated outbreaks of both Mont Pelée and La Souffrière

occurred at intervals during more than a year following the

great explosion, adding much to the destruction of the means

of living on large parts of the islands and to the misery of

the inhabitants remaining in the regions affected, though not

greatly to the loss of life. Of the relief in money and

supplies from all sources that was poured into the two

afflicted islands no full reckoning can be obtained; but the

Governor of the Windward Islands reported to the Colonial

Office at London on the 20th of June, 1903, that total

receipts for the Eruption Fund to that date were £77,000, and

expenditures £42,787. "I shall have sufficient funds left in

the Colony," he added, "to meet all present needs, unless any

further unforeseen misfortune takes place."

VULGATE, REVISION OF THE.

See (in this Volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1907-1909.

{691}

W.

WAGES AND COST OF LIVING.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES, &c.

WAI-WU-PU.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

WALDECK-ROUSSEAU, PIERRE MARIE:

Resignation of Ministry.

See (in this Volume )

FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

WALLER, DR. AUGUSTUS.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.

WALL STREET INVESTIGATION, THE.

See (in this Volume)

FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

----------WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: Start--------

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: At Large:

Contradictory Feeling and Action in the World.

Its Causes.

International Barbarism with Inter-Personal Civilization.

The Two Main Knots of Difficulty in the Situation.

The British and the German Posture.

There was never before in the world so wide-spread and so

passionate a hatred of War, among civilized peoples, or so

earnest and determined an endeavor to supplant it by rational

methods of composing international disputes. At the same time,

there was never so frenzied a rivalry of preparation among the

nations for Warfare, by monstrous accumulation of its horrible

engines and tools. How can the glaring inconsistency be

accounted for without impeaching the general sanity of

mankind?

The strangeness of the situation was described most

graphically and feelingly, not long since, by Lord Rosebery,

in speaking at a banquet given to the delegates attending the

British Imperial Press Conference, at London, in June, 1909,

and his own feeling that went into the description of it

affords an explanation of the anomaly. "I do not know," said

the eloquent Earl, "that in some ways I have ever seen a

condition of things in Europe so remarkable, so peaceful, and

in some respects so ominous as the condition which exists at

this moment. There is a hush in Europe, a hush in which you

may almost hear a leaf fall to the ground. There is an

absolute absence of any questions which ordinarily lead to

war. One of the great Empires which is sometimes supposed to

menace peace is entirely engrossed with its own internal

affairs. Another great Eastern empire which furnished a

perpetual problem to statesmen has taken a new lease of life

and youth in searching for constitutional peace and reform.

"All forebodes peace; and yet at the same time, combined with

this total absence of all questions of friction, there never

was in the history of the world so threatening and so

overpowering a preparation for war. That is a sign which I

confess I regard as most ominous. For 40 years it has been a

platitude to say that Europe is an armed camp, and for 40

years it has been true that all the nations have been facing

each other armed to the teeth, and that has been in some

respects a guarantee of peace. Now, what do we see? Without

any tangible reason we see the nations preparing new

armaments. They cannot arm any more men on land, so they have

to seek new armaments upon the sea, piling up these enormous

preparations as if for some great Armageddon—and that in a

time of profoundest peace. We live in the midst of what I

think was called by Petrarch tacens bellum—a silent

warfare, in which not a drop of blood is shed in anger, but in

which, however, the last drop is extracted from the living

body by the lancets of the European statesmen. There are

features in this general preparation for war which must cause

special anxiety to the friends of Great Britain and the

British Empire, but I will not dwell upon these. I will only

ask you who have come to this country to compare carefully the

armaments of Europe with our preparations to meet them, and

give your impressions to the Empire in return. (Cheers.) I

myself feel confident in the resolution and power of this

country to meet any reasonable conjunction of forces. But when

I see this bursting out of navies everywhere, when I see one

country alone asking for 25 millions of extra taxation for

warlike preparation, when I see the absolutely unprecedented

sacrifices which are asked from us on the same ground, I do

begin to feel uneasy at the outcome of it all and wonder where

it will stop, or if it is nearly going to bring back Europe

into a state of barbarism, (hear, hear), or whether it will

cause a catastrophe in which the working men of the world will

say, ‘We will have no more of this madness, this foolery which

is grinding us to powder.’ (Cheers.)

"We can and we will build Dreadnoughts—or whatever the newest

type of ship may be (loud cheers)—as long as we have a

shilling to spend on them or a man to put into them. (Loud

cheers.) All that we can and will do; but I am not sure that

even that will be enough, and I think it may be your duty to

take back to your young dominions across the seas this message

and this impression—that some personal duty and responsibility

for national defence rests on every man and citizen. (Loud and

prolonged cheers.) Yes, take that message back with you. Tell

your people—if they can believe it—the deplorable way in which

Europe is lapsing into militarism and the pressure which is

put upon this little island to defend its liberties—and yours.

(Cheers.) But take this message also back with you—that the

old country is right at heart, that there is no failing or

weakness in heart, and that she rejoices in renewing her youth

in her giant dominions beyond the seas. (Loud cheers.) For her

own salvation she must look to herself, and that failing her

she must look to you. (Cheers.)"

{692}

Here, in the feeling of one superlatively civilized man, is

the feeling of more than half the world epitomized. It shrinks

with horror from the enormity of preparations that are "as if

for some great Armageddon," and shudders over what seems to be

"nearly going to bring back Europe into a state of barbarism";

but suspicion, distrust, fear impel it nevertheless, to cry

with Lord Rosebery: "We can and we will build Dreadnoughts as

long as we have a shilling to spend on them or a man to put

into them—because others are building them who may use them

against us." There is senselessness in this predicament of

mind, but it is the senselessness of a persisting

international barbarism, which keeps nation-neighbors still

standing in attitudes toward one another which became

foolishness to individual neighbors a thousand years ago. It

means, simply, that the society of nations is as barbaric as

it was when Englishmen and Normans fought at Senlac; and that

it is only in little street-neighborhoods that men have

arrived at the rational relationships which offer an

appearance of civilization in some parts of the world.

Two principal knots of difficulty must be cut in some way,

before an international civilization can be developed, by the

rational and moral processes which have civilized us

interpersonally in some considerable degree. The hardest of

these knots is tightened upon England, by the weight and the

strain of her great world-wide empire on the little island to

which it is bound. Not only the whole exterior fabric of

British Empire, but the bare subsistence of the people of the

small island at its center, depends on the uninterrupted use

of the surrounding seas for trade and travel between its

parts. To lose freedom in that use means the downfall of Great

Britain, not merely as a militant power, but in everything

that could carry her past importance into the future of the

world. It means so much as this, because the resources of the

island-home of the nation, within themselves, are so small.

There can be no wonder, then, that Englishmen reckon nothing

else so important to them as an indisputable free use of the

seas. Nor can there be wonder that they learned in the past to

look on an indisputable free use of the seas as implying a

mastery of the sea. Until within the last generation or two

this was the sole condition on which there could be security

in ocean trade. That it remains so still is the continued

belief of all the Governments which put millions on millions

into bigger and bigger steel-clad battleships, and of the

publics behind the Governments, which cry with Rosebery, "We

can and we will build Dreadnoughts as long as we have a

shilling to spend on them or a man to put into them." England

differs from the rest only in the imperativeness to her of

what is simply important to them. If security in the use of

the seas is still impossible of attainment without the

supremacy over them of an irresistible sea-power, then England

has justifications for the enormity of her naval armament

which no other nation can claim.

So long as a majority of Englishmen feel constrained to

believe that their ocean trade is made secure from hostile

obstruction by nothing but their naval strength, so long they

will strive to maintain a navy that shall be equal to the

combined navies of any other two Powers; and so long as that

"Two Power Standard" of British naval policy remains

inflexible, it seems forbidding to the hope of a common

agreement among the maritime nations to reduce their building

of battleships. With other Powers than Germany there might be

possibilities of such an agreement, even subject to a

concession of British naval supremacy, because of the

exceptionality of circumstance in England’s case; but it is

here that we come to the second of the two principal knots of

difficulty which hinder the international civilization of the

world, now so flagrantly over-due. Germany, coming late, by a

tardy unification, into the national career which the German

people are entitled to, by their energy of spirit and capacity

of brain, is impatient in the ambitions that were repressed so

long. Her industries, her commerce, her maritime undertakings

have been pushed in the last generation, against the older

competitions of Europe and America, with an impassioned

determination that has won extraordinary triumphs on every

line. Here, again, as in the case of England, there is an

exceptional exposure of the nation to those perils from war

which the state of international barbarism still keeps in

suspense. Germany elbows so many close neighbors in Europe

that nothing but a perfectly trusting friendship or a

perfectly organized reign of law among them can make safety

for any. In the absence of both friendly trust and

authoritative law, they stand on guard against each other in

the twentieth century as they did in the tenth; but with arms

a hundred-fold more hellish and a thousand-fold more ruinous

in cost. Under the pressure of her long-pent ambitions and

energies, Germany has beaten all her neighbors in this as in

other fields of exertion. She commands the best trained, the

best organized, the best equipped army in the world, and

stands admittedly the first among military Powers. But

military power does not give "world power," in the accepted

meaning of that term, and Germany is impelled by all the

strong motives of our time to acquire that. She is competing

with England in commerce, in shipping, in exploitations of

enterprise, everywhere, and she manifestly hopes yet to make

good the lateness of her coming into the field of colonial

plantation. By everything in the prevailing theories of

statesmanship, this calls for a development of naval power to

mate the military; and Germany has been zealously obedient to

the call,—so zealously that England has taken alarm. Since

about the year 1900 a German navy has been created so fast

that the "two power standard" of Great Britain has begun of

late to be a seriously difficult, because a frightfully

costly, naval standard to maintain. Yet England more than ever

believes that she must maintain it at any cost; because the

strenuousness of the German navy-building inspires her with a

new distrust. Hence these two Powers are setting a new pace to

the increase of naval armament, all other Governments catching

some infection from the new temper of suspicion and distrust

which works in theirs.

And this, mainly, at least, is why the world is busier to-day

than it was ever busy before in building monstrous ships and

guns and horrible inventions of a thousand sorts for battle,

while it loathes battle and war as they were never loathed by

mankind before.

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One of the most impressive of recent utterances on this grave

subject fell from the lips of the Secretary for Foreign

Affairs in the Government of Great Britain, Sir Edward Grey,

on the 29th of March, 1909, when he said in Parliament: "Sir,

the martial spirit, I should be the last to deny, has its

place, and its proper place, in the life of a nation. That the

nation should take pride in its power to resist force by force

is a natural and wholesome thing. It is a source of perfectly

healthy pride to have soundness of wind and limb and physical

strength, and it has no unworthy part in the national spirit.

That I sympathize with entirely, but I would ask the people to

consider to what consequences the growth of armaments has led.

The great countries of Europe are raising enormous revenues

and something like one-half of them is being spent on naval

and military preparations. You may call it national insurance,

that is perfectly true; but it is equally true that one-half

of the national revenue of the great countries in Europe is

being spent on what are, after all, preparations to kill each

other. Surely the extent to which this expenditure has grown

really becomes a satire and a reflection upon civilization.

(Cheers.) Not in our generation, perhaps, but if it goes on at

the rate at which it has recently increased, sooner or later I

believe it will submerge that civilization. The burden already

shows itself in national credit—less in our national credit

than in the national credit of other nations—but sooner or

later, if it goes on at this rate, it must lead to national

bankruptcy. Is it to be wondered that the hopes and

aspirations of the best men in the leading countries are

devoted to trying to find some means of checking it? (Cheers.)

Surely that is a statement of the case in which, however

attached a man may be to what I may call the martial spirit,

he may at least see that the whole of Europe is in the

presence of a great danger. But, Sir, no country alone can

save that."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: At Large:

Lord Morley on the Responsibility of the Press.

Speaking to the Imperial Press Conference, at London, in June,

1909, and referring to the "rebarbarism of Europe—the

rattling back into arms and the preparation to use arms," Lord

Morley said he thought the Press was more answerable for this

than all the ministers, officers, and diplomatists taken

together, and he pleaded for a systematic and persevering work

on the part of newspapers in behalf of peace among the

nations.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: Military:

Average Cost of the Armies of the Great Military Powers.

In his report on the French army budget of 1909 M. Gervais

made a calculation of the average military expenditure of the

six Powers—namely, Russia, Germany, France, Austria-Hungary,

Italy, and Japan, which can mobilize the largest armies, and

found the total amount spent annually to be no less than 5,037

million francs (more than $1,000,000,000), and the number of

men which they could put into the field to be 31,700,000. The

army which England can mobilize comes seventh, and is given as

555,000 men, though her average annual expenditure is the same

as that of France—namely, 700 million francs ($140,000,000).

Comparing next the expenditure and the effectives of France

and Germany, the report states that the German army estimates

show an increase in 1909 to 69 million francs, being fixed at

1,067,862,437f., of which 838,037,151f., belong to the

ordinary budget and 229,825,226f. to the extraordinary budget.

The French army estimates for the year were 742,443,745f.

($150,000,000). The totals on either side were: Germany,

34,118 officers and 602,670 men; France, 27,310 officers and

511,930 men. The average cost per man in Germany is l,398f.

and in France 1,150f.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

Belgian Military Service Stiffened.

Substitution Abolished.

Personal Service Exacted.

Conscription of a mild type has existed in Belgium for some

years, supplemented by voluntary enlistments and ameliorated

by hired substitution, which released the well-to-do from

military service if they wished to escape it. The Liberals and

Socialists have for a long time been advocating the abolition

of the practice of substitution in favor of a system of

personal and universal military service; and, latterly they

were joined in the demand by a section of the Catholics. The

question became a dominant one in politics, and brought about

an extraordinary session of the Belgian Chamber in October,

1909, for discussion of a comprehensive measure of military

reform, for strengthening the self-defense of the kingdom. It

resulted in a decision that "general personal service

restricted to one son per family should be introduced, that

the annual contingent should be raised to 18,000 men, that the

peace strength should stand at 48,400, and that the eventual

war strength should be 250,000 men. It was also agreed that,

the ecclesiastics should be exempt."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

Brazilian Military Service.

Service in the Brazilian army was made obligatory by

legislation in 1907.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

The British Territorial Force.

The Reorganization of 1907-1908.

Lord Roberts’ Criticism.

His Bill for Compulsory Training.

The volunteer or militia forces of the United Kingdom, for

home service, underwent an important reorganization in 1907,

according to the provisions of an Act entitled the

"Territorial and Reserve Forces Act," the general scheme of

which may be learned from the following clauses, taken out of

the text of the Act:

"For the purposes of the reorganisation under this Act of His

Majesty’s military forces other than the regulars and their

reserves, and of the administration of those forces when so

reorganised, and for such other purposes as are mentioned in

this Act, an association may be established for any county in

the United Kingdom, with such powers and duties in connection

with the purposes aforesaid as may be conferred on it by or

under this Act. Associations shall be constituted, and the

members thereof shall be appointed and hold office in

accordance with schemes to be made by the Army Council."

"It shall be the duty of an association when constituted to

make itself acquainted with and conform to the plan of the

Army Council for the organisation of the Territorial Force

within the county and to ascertain the military resources and

capabilities of the county, and to render advice and

assistance to the Army Council and to such officers as the

Army Council may direct, and an association shall have,

exercise, and discharge such powers and duties connected with

the organisation and administration of His Majesty’s military

forces as may for the time being be transferred or assigned to

it by order of His Majesty signified under the hand of a

Secretary of State or, subject thereto, by regulations under

this Act, but an association shall not have any powers of

command or training over any part of His Majesty’s military

forces."

{694}

"The Army Council shall pay to an association, out of money

voted by Parliament for army services, such sums as, in the

opinion of the Army Council, are required to meet the

necessary expenditure connected with the exercise and

discharge by the association of its powers and duties.

"All men of the Territorial Force shall be enlisted by such

persons and in such manner and subject to such regulations as

may be prescribed: Provided that every man enlisted under this

Part of this Act—

(a)

Shall be enlisted for a county for which an association has

been established under this Act and shall be appointed to

serve in such corps for that county or for an area comprising

the whole or part of that county as he may select, and, if

that corps comprises more than one unit within the county,

shall be posted to such one of those units as he may select:

(b)

Shall be enlisted to serve for such a period as may be

prescribed, not exceeding four years, reckoned from the date

of his attestation:

(c)

May be re-engaged within twelve months before the end of his

current term of service for such a period as may be prescribed

not exceeding four years from the end of that term."

"Any part of the Territorial Force shall be liable to serve in

any part of the United Kingdom, but no part of the Territorial

Force shall be carried or ordered to go out of the United

Kingdom. Provided that it shall be lawful for His Majesty, if

he thinks fit, to accept the offer of any part or men of the

Territorial Force, signified through their commanding officer,

to subject themselves to the liability to serve in any place

outside the United Kingdom."

"Subject to the provisions of this section, every man of the

Territorial Force shall, by way of annual training—

(a)

Be trained for not less than eight nor more than fifteen, or

in the case of the mounted branch eighteen, days in every year

at such times and at such places in any part of the United

Kingdom as may be prescribed, and may for that purpose be

called out once or oftener in every year:

(b)

Attend the number of drills and fulfill the other conditions

relating to training prescribed for his arm or branch of the

service":

"His Majesty in Council may—Order that the period of annual

training in any year of all or any part of the Territorial

Force be extended, but so that the whole period of annual

training be not more than thirty days in any year."

The King is empowered to make orders with respect to pay and

allowances of the Territorial Force, as well as concerning its

government and discipline.

Under this Act the Territorial Force assumed form on the 1st

of April, 1908. The former organizations of Yeomanry and

Volunteers were given until 30th June to transfer to the new

Force. The strength of the Yeomanry and Volunteers on 31st

March had been 9,174 officers and 241,085 men. On 1st July the

strength of the new Force, including both transfers and

recruits, was about 8,000 officers and 176,500 men. Of these

some 112,000 men had joined for one year.

The latest published statement of the enrollment in the

Territorial Force (that can be referred to, here) was made on

the 26th of April, 1909, in the House of Lords, by Lord Lucas,

speaking for the Government, in reply to questions as to "how

many of the 315,000 men required to complete the Territorial

Force had been enrolled up to date; how many of these now

serving in the force were under 20 years of age; what was the

lowest age at which they had been and were now accepted; and

how many Territorials now serving had engaged for one year

only." The answer was: "the strength of the Territorial Force

on the first of this month was 8,938 officers out of an

establishment of 11,267, or 79 percent.; 254,524 men out of a

strength of 302,047; or a total of 263,462 out of an

establishment of 313,314, which came out at 84 per cent. In

answer to the second question he was sorry that they had not

got later particulars than October 1, 1908, but on that day

there were 188,785 men on the strength of the Territorial

Force of whom 62,288 were under 20. The answer to the third

question was that the limit of age for men was 17, and for

boys 14. In answer to the fourth, he could not give the noble

earl the actual number of men serving at the present time for

one year, but the figures he could give would make it pretty

clear. They had last year 107,857 one-year men serving in the

force—Volunteers who had transferred for one year. On April 1

last out of these 107,857 men 56,238 had already reengaged for

one year or more. That was to say, that these men had

signified their intention of re-engaging before their year was

actually up."

Lord Roberts has no confidence in the efficiency of the

Territorial Force, as a voluntary organization. In a letter

read to the House of Lords on the 17th of May, 1909, when a

motion expressive of this opinion was to be made and he found

himself unable to attend and support it personally, he wrote:

"On July 10, 1905, I said that ‘I have no hesitation in

stating that our armed forces as a body are as absolutely

unfitted and unprepared for war as they were in 1899-1900.

Close upon four years have passed since then, and I have no

hesitation in reaffirming my conviction."

Subsequently Lord Roberts introduced in the House of Lords a

"National Service (Training and Home Defence) Bill," on which

he spoke with great earnestness on the 12th of July. His Bill

imposed on all male subjects the obligation of serving in the

Territorial Force between the ages of 18 and 30, excepting

officers of the Regular and Reserve Forces, naval and

military, and some others; but subject to this and other

modifications every person who came under the Bill would be in

the same position as a person who voluntarily joins the

existing Territorial Force. The liability to training would

not extend over the whole term of service, but be limited to

four years. The Bill provided for absolute equality of

treatment of all classes, no purchase of discharge or of

exemption from service being allowed; but in the matter of

training various exemptions were provided for.

The Bill encountered more opposition than support in the

debate on it, and did not secure a second reading.

{695}

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

British Army Reorganization.

Creation of a General Staff.

Result of the Report of the Esher Army Commission.

Work of the Defence Committee.

Speaking, in April, at the Imperial Conference of 1907, Mr.

Haldane, the Secretary for War in the British Ministry, gave a

brief but clear account of the reforms in the organization of

the Army which had been in progress since 1904. "The effect of

the war in South Africa," he said, "made a profound impression

on the minds of our advisers here. We realized that we had

gone into the war without adequate preparation for war on a

great scale, and that we had never fully apprehended the

importance of the maxim that all preparation in time of peace

must be preparation for war; it is of no use unless it is

designed for that; it is the only justification for the

maintenance of armies—the preparation for war. In consequence,

when the war was over, the then Government set to work—and the

present Government has continued to work—to endeavour to put

the modern military organization into shape. In 1904 a very

important committee sat. It was presided over by a civilian

who had given great attention to the study of military

organization, Lord Esher, and it contained on it two very

distinguished exponents of naval and military views, Sir John

Fisher and Sir George Clarke, as its other members. The

committee reported, and its report contained a complete scheme

for the reorganization of the War Office and of the Army. That

scheme was adopted by the late Government and has been carried

on by the present Government. One broad feature is this, that

our naval organization has been the one with which we have

been conspicuously successful in the history of this country,

as distinguished from our military organization, and,

therefore, as far as was possible, the naval organization was

taken as a type. But the broad feature which emerged with

regard to military preparations was this—Count Moltke was

able to organize victory for the Prussian and German armies in

1866, and again in 1870, because he and the General Staff

working under him were free to apply their minds wholly to war

preparation. That he was able to do this was due to the fact

that the organization and business administration of the Army

in peace were kept entirely distinct from the service which

consisted in the study of war problems and in the higher

training of the Staff and of the troops. That was the

principle recommended by the Esher Committee, and it

culminated in the provision of a brain for the Army in the

shape of a General Staff. That General Staff we have been at

work on for a long time past in endeavouring to get together.

The task was not as difficult as it seemed at first, because

the effect of the war was to bring to the front a number of

young officers who had shown remarkable capacity, and who

constituted the nucleus of a serious and thoughtful military

school. They were got together under the Esher reorganization,

and virtually there has been a General Staff in existence for

some time. But it was not until last September that it

received formal and complete shape in the Army Order of that

month."

Besides this fundamental reform, the Esher Commission pointed

the way to other important changes or effective improvements

in the administrative system of the Army. In place of the

commander-in-chief, a new post, that of inspector-general,

with a term of five years, was proposed, the principal duty of

the office being to inspect and report on the efficiency of

the military forces. Earl Roberts had just retired from the

position of commander-in-chief, and the Duke of Connaught

became inspector-general under the new regime. The existing

Defence Committee, instituted in 1902, was to be enlarged by

the addition of a permanent secretary, holding office for five

years; two naval officers, selected by the admiralty; two

military officers, chosen by the Viceroy of India; and, if

possible, other colonial representatives, holding office for

two years.

Of the importance of this Defence Committee, and of its work,

Prime Minister Asquith took occasion to speak recently in

Parliament (July 29, 1909). "Under the present Government," he

said, "during the four years we have been in office the full

Committee constituted by my predecessor, and which has since

rendered the same service to myself, has consisted of six

Cabinet Ministers in addition to the Prime Minister—namely,

the four Secretaries of State other than the Home Secretary,

the First Lord of the Admiralty, and the Chancellor of the

Exchequer. It has consisted next, as representing the Navy, of

the First Sea Lord and the Director of Naval Intelligence, and

as representing the Army the Chief of the General Staff and

the Director of Military Operations; and in addition to these

official members it has had the services and the coöperation

of the Inspector-General of the Forces (Sir John French), who

occupies an independent position; of Lord Esher, who is a

great expert in all these matters; and latterly, at my

nomination, Admiral Sir Arthur Wilson. That has been the

composition of the full Committee, but from time to time we

were able to add to it, and we ought to add to it, members

ad hoc. …

"The functions of the Defence Committee arise out of the

necessity felt, I think, in almost all the great countries of

the world, but which is nowhere so pressing as it is here

owing to our geographical and economic conditions—the

necessity of coordinating the work of the Navy and Army. It is

the primary business of the Defence Committee to study and

determine what is the best provision that can from time to

time be made for the military and naval requirements of the

Empire as a whole, to keep both naval and military

requirements, and their due relation to each other, constantly

in view." Giving examples of the subjects which the committee

had discussed, he said they had had under consideration the

military needs of the Empire with reference to recent changes

in Army organization; its military requirements as affected by

the defence of India; the strategical aspects of the Firth of

Clyde Canal; aerial navigation in view of the present and

prospective developments; our policy in regard to the Channel

tunnel and to the means of transit across the Channel; the

standard of fixed defences and garrisons in various parts of

the Empire, and the scale of reinforcements.

{696}

"In 1905 Mr. Balfour, who was then Prime Minister, made a

statement of the highest importance in regard to the

possibility of an invasion of these islands. Since then Lord

Roberts had asked for a reinvestigation of the problem in the

light of new facts and of the changed situation, and in 1907 a

special committee of the Committee of Imperial Defence was

appointed to go into the whole matter. In arriving at their

conclusion the committee conceded to those who were

apprehensive of invasion that it would take place when our

Regular Forces were absent upon some foreign expedition and

that the attack might be a surprise attack. The view

unanimously arrived at was, in the first place, that as long

as the naval supremacy of the country was adequately assured,

invasion on a large scale, involving the transport of 150,000

men, was an absolutely impracticable operation. The committee

held, on the other hand, that if we were permanently to lose

command of the sea, whatever might be the strength and

organization of our military forces at the moment—even if we

had an army like that of Germany—the subjection of the country

by the enemy would be inevitable. It followed from this that

it was the business of the Admiralty to maintain our naval

supremacy at such a height as would enable us to retain

command of the sea against any reasonably possible

combination. The second conclusion arrived at was that we

ought to have an Army for home defence sufficient in numbers

and organization to repel raids and to compel an enemy who

contemplated invasion to embark a force so considerable that

it could not possibly evade our Fleet. The belief of the

Admiralty was that a force of 70,000 men could not get

through; but an ample margin must be allowed for safety, and

it therefore became the business of the War Office to see that

we had a force capable of dealing effectively with 70,000 men.

For this country, then, to be secure against invasion we ought

to have an unassailable supremacy at sea and a home Army ready

to cope with a force of the dimensions he had named. It was

upon these conclusions that both the military and naval policy

of the country during his administration would be carried on."

Speaking in Parliament, in June, 1909, of the peculiar

character and efficient quality of the Regular Army of Great

Britain, Mr. Haldane, the Secretary for War, described it as

"an Army of the kind which no other Power in the world

possesses to the same extent as we do. It is customary," he

said, "to speak of the small British Army; but what Power in

the world has 80,000 white soldiers raised in their own

country stationed in a country like India, and 40,000 in other

parts of the Empire, and a further large force at home which

is tending to increase—and more and more the overseas

Dominions are tending to undertake their own defence? Now that

force is not primarily for use at home, though it may be used

for that; its real purpose is to work with the Navy overseas

and to undertake wars there. The great armies of the Continent

can only be mobilized for a limited time, and they cannot

undertake wars which last for two or five or ten years, as

ours can because it is a professional Army and leaves the

resources of the nation unaffected. That kind of overseas Army

is a peculiarity of the military organization of this country,

a peculiarity which is too often overlooked, but which is just

as essential as the command of the sea."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

German Emperor’s Speech.

The following speech by the Emperor William was made at

Karlsruhe, September 11, 1909, after a military review in

Baden: "We Germans are a people glad to bear arms and proud of

the game of war (kriegsspielfreudiy). We carry the

burden of our defence lightly and willingly, for we know that,

we must preserve and maintain our peace in which alone our

labour can prosper. At the review from which I have just come

I have seen that portion of the warrior sons of our Fatherland

which springs from the land of Baden. Today, under the command of

their illustrious lord, they have given me the most complete

satisfaction. So long as there are peoples there will be

enemies and envious folk; and so long as there are enemies and

envious folk it will be necessary to be on one’s guard against

them. Consequently there will continue to be prospects of war,

and even war itself, and we must be ready for everything.

Hence our army before all forms the rocher de bronze on

which the peace of Europe is based and with which no one

intends to pick a quarrel. It is to preserve this peace, to

maintain the position in the world which is our due, that our

army serves; this also is the aim of the strenuous days which

are expected of it. But I am firmly convinced that it will

stand its test successfully and that our German Fatherland may

rest in confidence that we are on guard and that with God’s

help and under God’s protection nothing will befall us."

MILITARY AND NAVAL;

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

British Imperial Defence Conference of 1909.

Its Agreements for an Imperial System.

Compulsory Military Training contemplated in Australia.

In connection with the doubts that were awakened in Great

Britain, and throughout the British Empire, in 1909, as to the

adequacy of their general preparations for defence, the

Premier announced in the House of Commons, on the 3d of May,

that steps had "been taken to ascertain whether the

Governments of the self-governing Dominions are prepared to

favour a conference at an early date for the discussion of

Imperial co-operation for defence. The Government had

suggested, he said, that the conference should be held this

summer—if possible, in July." The proposal was approved

throughout the Empire, and delegates to the Conference from

each of the self-governing Dominions came to London and held

sessions with representatives of the Home Government,

beginning on the 28th of July. The delegates in attendance

were the following;

Commonwealth of Australia.—

Colonel J. F. Foxton, Minister without portfolio, assisted by

Captain Creswell and Colonel Bridges, naval and military

experts.

New Zealand.—

Sir Joseph Ward, Prime Minister and Minister of Defence.

Canada.—

Sir Frederick Borden, Minister of Militia and Defence, Mr. L.

Brodeur, Minister of Marine and Fisheries, these Ministers

being assisted by Admiral Kingsmill and General Sir Percy

Lake, as naval and military advisers.

Newfoundland.—

Sir E. P. Morris, Prime Minister.

Cape Colony.—

Mr. J. F. X. Merriman, Prime Minister.

Natal.—

Mr. J. R. Moor, Prime Minister, assisted by

Colonel Greene, Minister of Railways.

The Transvaal.—

General J. C. Smuts, Colonial Secretary.

Orange River Colony.—

General Hertzog, Colonial Secretary.

{697}

The discussions of the Conference were unreported, but on the

26th of August, after its adjournment, the Premier, in a

statement to the House of Commons, summarized its main

conclusions as follows: "First as regards military defence:

after the main Conference at the Foreign Office, a military

Conference took place at the War Office, and resulted in an

agreement on the fundamental principles set out in papers

which had been prepared by the General Staff for consideration

by the delegates. The substance of these papers, which will be

included among the papers to be published, was the

recommendation that, without impairing the complete control of

the Government of each Dominion over the military forces

raised within it, those forces should be standardized, the

formation of units, the arrangements for transport, the

patterns of weapons, and so forth, being as far as possible

assimilated to those which have been recently worked out for

the British Army. Thus while the Dominion troops would in each

case be raised for the defence of the Dominion concerned, it

would be made readily practicable in case of need for that

Dominion to mobilize and use them for the defence of the

Empire as a whole. The military Conference then entrusted to a

sub-Conference, consisting of military experts at headquarters

and from the various Dominions, and presided over by Sir

William Nicholson, acting for the first time in the capacity

of Chief of the Imperial General Staff, the duty of working

out the detailed application of these principles. I may point

out here that the creation early this year of an Imperial

General Staff thus brought into active working is a result of

the discussions and resolutions of the Conference of 1907.

Complete agreement was reached by the members of the

sub-Conference, and their conclusions were finally approved by

the main Conference and by the Committee of Imperial Defence,

which sat for the purpose under the presidency of the Prime

Minister. The result was a plan for so organizing the forces

of the Crown wherever they are that while preserving the

complete autonomy of each Dominion, should these Dominions

desire to assist in the defence of the Empire, in a real

emergency, their forces could be rapidly combined into one

homogeneous Imperial Army.

"Naval defence was discussed at meetings of the Conference

held at the Foreign Office on August 3, 5, and 6. The

Admiralty memorandum which had been circulated to the Dominion

representatives formed the basis of the preliminary

conference. The alternative methods which might be adopted by

Dominion Governments in co-operating in Imperial naval defence

were discussed. New Zealand preferred to adhere to her present

policy of contribution; Canada and Australia preferred to lay

the foundation of fleets of their own. It was recognized that

in building up a fleet a number of conditions should be

conformed to. The fleet must be of a certain size in order to

offer a permanent career to the officers and men engaged in

the service: the personnel should be trained and

disciplined under regulations similar to those established in

the Royal Navy, in order to allow of both interchange and

union between the British and the Dominion services, and with

the same object the standard of vessels and armaments should

be uniform. A remodelling of the squadrons maintained in Far

Eastern waters was considered on the basis of establishing a

Pacific Fleet, to consist of three units in the East Indies,

Australia, and the China Seas. … The generous offer of New

Zealand and then of the Commonwealth Government to contribute

to Imperial naval defence by the gift each of a battleship was

accepted with the substitution of cruisers of the new

‘Indomitable’ type for battleships, these two ships to be

maintained one on the China and one on the Australian station.

Separate meetings took place at the Admiralty with the

representatives of Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, and

general statements were agreed to in each case for further

consideration by their respective Governments.

"As regards Australia, the suggested arrangement is that with

some temporary assistance from Imperial funds the Commonwealth

Government should provide and maintain the Australian unit of

the Pacific Fleet. The contribution of the New Zealand

Government would be applied towards the maintenance of the

China unit, of which some of the smaller vessels would have

New Zealand waters as their headquarters. The New Zealand

armoured cruiser would be stationed in China waters. As

regards Canada, it was considered that her double seaboard

rendered the provision of a fleet unit of the same kind

unsuitable for the present. It was proposed according to the

amount of money that might be available that Canada should

make a start with cruisers of the ‘Bristol’ class and

destroyers of the improved ‘River’ class, a part to be

stationed on the Atlantic seaboard and a part on the Pacific.

In accordance with an arrangement already made, the Canadian

Government would undertake the maintenance of dockyards at

Halifax and Esquimault, and it was a part of the arrangement

proposed by the Australian representatives that the

Commonwealth Government should eventually undertake the

maintenance of the dockyard at Sydney. Papers containing all

the material documents will be laid before Parliament in due

course, and it is hoped before the conclusion of the Session."

In Australia and New Zealand there had been eagerness for some

time to take a more effective part in the defence of the

Empire, their remote position and their contiguity to swarming

alien populations giving their people some special anxieties

which are reasonable enough. They are lonely communities of

Europeans, planted on the edge of the prodigious populations

of the Asiatic world. They have learned suddenly that some, at

least, of those populations can do things, in war and

otherwise, that were supposed to be reserved especially for

effective performance by the white variety of the human race.

What disposition of mind will move the Eastern folk in the

exercise of these powers of action—which are discoveries as

new to them as to us—has yet to be learned. It is doubtful if

they themselves know what the inclination of their career will

be, when they have really digested the new contents of their

minds and have fully surveyed their new position in the world.

Meantime, Australia has good reason to think anxiously of what

Japan certainly and China most probably can do, if they are

moved by imperialistic ambitions to an aggressive career.

{698}

If anywhere in the British Empire there was reason for the

lively stir of increased preparation for defence, it was Far

East Australasia. New Zealand, in March, had put a heavy

strain on its resources by offering to build a

Dreadnought for the Imperial Navy, and Australia had

followed quickly by the proffer of another. When,

subsequently, these projects were superseded by the

arrangement made at the London Conference, funds raised by

private subscription for the Australian Dreadnought   were applied partly to the foundation of a naval college near

Sydney for the training of officers of the Australian

squadron, and partly to the establishment of at least two

farms for the training of young British immigrants, who will

be specially selected by the county colonization societies.

In acting promptly to realize the plans of military

organization that were formed at the London Conference,

Australia went far beyond anything that is likely to be done

by any other of the British Dominions, unless it may be New

Zealand; for that Commonwealth has undertaken to organize a

system of compulsory military training. A Defence Bill

introduced in the Federal Parliament on the 21st of September

applies compulsory training to all males from the age of 12 to

that of 20. "Junior cadets are to have annually 120 hours’

physical drill, elementary marching, and practice with

miniature rifles, for two years. Senior cadets will have 96

hours’ annually, including four whole-day drills, elementary

naval or military exercises, and musketry practice at ranges

up to 500 yards, for four years. The citizen forces are to

have 16 whole-day drills or their equivalent annually,

including eight days in camp for two years. Those who are to

undergo naval, artillery, and engineer training will have 25

days instead of 16. Males from the age of 20 to 26 will remain

enrolled, attending only one muster parade each year.

Exemptions will be made only on the ground of unfitness or in

the case of persons of non-European descent. The latter,

however, will be trained in non-combatant duties. Sparsely

populated districts may be exempted temporarily. Persons

failing to attend the training will be fined from £5 to £500

according to the culprit’s wealth, or may be confined and

trained till they have performed the duties they have shirked.

Persons failing to reach efficiency must undergo another

year’s training. The cadet training begins in 1911, and the

citizen training in 1912. When the scheme is in full working

order it is estimated that it will provide 40,000 junior

cadets, 75,000 senior cadets, and 55,000 citizen soldiers

under 21. The Militia, 25,000 strong, will thenceforth be

recruited only from the fully-trained, and will become a corps

d'élite."

On this subject of British imperial defence,

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

New Zealand adoption of Compulsory Military Training.

An Act which establishes compulsory military training in New

Zealand, on lines similar to that in Australia, passed the

colonial Parliament during its session which closed December

29, 1909.

NAVAL:

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

Brazil and Argentina in a "Dreadnought" Competition.

"The controversy between Brazil and Argentina about what is

called ‘equilibrium of armament’ is still carried on with much

animation in the Press of both countries, but apparently

without producing any effect, good or otherwise. The subject

of discord is the Brazilian Government’s order for three large

battleships of the ‘Dreadnought’ type, which is to be met by

an Argentine triplet, for which tenders are urgently called.

Fortunately these big ships take a long time to build, and by

the time they are ready the Press will probably be commenting

upon the entente cordiale in South America and the

obsolescence of floating engines of war; but in the meantime

taxpayers in both countries are inclined to support the

somewhat daring proposal from Buenos Ayres that Brazil should

keep the first ‘Dreadnought,’ cede the second to Argentina,

and cancel the order for the third."

Rio de Janeiro Correspondent

London Times, December 22, 1902.

Four months later the same correspondent telegraphed, May 3,

1909, among other statements quoted from the President’s

Message to Congress, that day: "In regard to the navy seven

vessels would be launched under the new programme. Two-thirds

of the total expenditure of £4,500,000 had already been paid

from ordinary resources, and this proved that the

reorganization of the navy would not be disastrous to the

national finances. Tenders would shortly be invited for the

construction of a new dry dock."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

British Navy War Council.

The following is from an official statement issued by the

British Admiralty, October 11, 1909: "In further development

of the policy which has actuated the Board of Admiralty for

some time past of organizing a Navy War Council, it has been

decided to place on an established footing the arrangements

made in previous years for the study of strategy and the

consideration and working out of war plans. A new department,

called the Naval Mobilization Department, has been formed

under the directorship of a flag officer, and there is

concentrated in it that part of the business of the Naval

Intelligence Department and the Naval War College which

related to war plans and mobilization. Under the presidency of

the First Sea Lord, the officers directing the Naval

Intelligence Department and the Naval Mobilization Department,

and the Assistant Secretary of the Admiralty will form the

standing Navy War Council."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

The British "Two Power Standard."

During the debate in the British House on the Navy Estimates,

in the spring of 1909, the Premier, Mr. Asquith, was called on

by the Opposition to define the Government's understanding of

the requirements of the "two Power standard" of naval

strength, so called (see above). In reply, he laid it down

that in dealing with this standard they must not merely take

into account the number of Dreadnoughts and Invincibles, but

the total effective strength of the British for defensive

purposes as compared with the combined effective strength of

any two other navy Powers. That was the two-Power standard as

understood by successive Administrations, and the present

Government had in this matter in no way changed the policy

pursued by preceding Administrations. For the moment this

question was an academic one, because whatever two Powers

might be selected, their combined effective strength for

aggressive purposes against Great Britain was far below the

defensive strength of the latter. The expression "two-Power

standard" was a purely empirical generalization, a convenient

rule of thumb, and he should be very sorry to predict that

this formula would be an adequate or necessary formula some

years hence.

{699}

In measuring the combined effective strength of the two next

strongest fleets the power of one powerful homogeneous fleet

ought to be borne in mind. Further it had been established

that the rule only applied to battleships and ships ejusdem

generis. Then in existing conditions "we ought not," he said,

"to limit our vision to Europe alone; but at the same time,

while considering the combined effective strength of any other

two Powers for aggressive purposes against this country regard

should be had to geographical conditions." Supposing China had

a fleet of Dreadnoughts, no rational Minister would treat that

fleet as standing upon the same footing for the purpose of the

two-Power standard as the German or French fleet. In the same

way, the fleet of the United States could not be put in the

same category with the fleets of France and Germany.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

Canadian Share of the Undertakings of British Imperial Defence.

For performance of the share assumed by Canada, of

undertakings of British imperial defence agreed to at the

Imperial Conference in London, July, 1909 (see above), Sir

Wilfrid Laurier brought forward a Bill in the Dominion House

of Commons, on the 12th of January, 1910, the essential

provisions of which he set forth in a speech from which the

following passages are taken:

"The bill is entitled ‘An act respecting the naval service of

Canada.’ It provides for the creation of a naval force to be

composed of a permanent corps, of a reserve force, and of a

volunteer force on the same pattern absolutely as the present

organization of the militia force. … Every man who will be

enrolled for naval service in Canada will be enrolled by

voluntary engagement. There is no compulsion of any kind, no

conscription, no balloting. … ‘Active service’ as defined by

the act means service or duty during an emergency, and

emergency means war, invasion or insurrection, real or

apprehended. The act provides also that at any time when the

Governor in Council deems it advisable, in case of war,

invasion, or insurrection, the force may be called into active

service. There is also an important provision that while the

naval force is to be under the control of the Canadian

Government, and more directly under the control and

administration of the Department of Marine, yet in case of

emergency the Governor in Council may place at the disposal of

his Majesty for general service in the Royal Navy the naval

force or any part thereof, and any ships or vessels of the

naval service and any officers or men serving on these

vessels, or any officers or men of the naval service. There is

a subsequent provision that if action is taken by the Governor

in Council at a time when Parliament is not sitting,

Parliament shall immediately be called. …

"Another important provision of the bill is that it provides

for the establishment of a naval college on the pattern of the

Military College now in existence at Kingston."

Coming to a statement of the armament contemplated, the

Premier said: "Two plans were proposed and discussed, one

involving the expenditure of $2,000,000 a year and the other

involving an expenditure of $3,000,000. The first one would

have consisted of seven ships, the second one would have

consisted of eleven ships, namely—four Bristols, one Boadicea,

and six destroyers. We have determined to accept the second

proposition, that is to say, the larger one of eleven ships.

That is the force which we intend to create, and to start with

four Bristols, one Boadicea and six destroyers. Perhaps it

will be interesting to the House to understand what is meant

by a fleet unit, by a Bristol, a Boadicea, and a destroyer.

The fleet unit, which was suggested and which has been

accepted by Australia, and to which the government contributed

a certain sum per annum, is to be composed of one armored

cruiser of the type of the Indomitable, three protected

cruisers, six destroyers and three submarines. Now the fleet

which we have agreed to accept is to be composed of four

Bristols, one Boadicea, and six destroyers.

"A Bristol is a protected cruiser, which means that it has a

steel deck which protects all the vital parts of the ship. It

has a tonnage of 4,800 tons, with a speed of 25 knots. The

number of guns has not yet been determined, but the largest

Indomitable carries eight guns. A Boadicea carries six guns,

so that it is probable that the number of guns will be eight.

It has a total crew of 391 men, of which twenty are officers.

The Boadicea is an unarmored cruiser, with a tonnage of 3,300

tons, and carries six 4-inch guns. It has a crew of 278 men,

of whom seventeen are officers. We are to build six destroyers

of what is known as the improved river class. …

"The total cost of these eleven ships will be, according to

the British figures, £2,338,000, or a little more than

$11,000,000. According to Canadian prices, supposing the ships

were to be built in Canada, we would have to add at least 33

per cent, to the cost just given. I may say that it is our

intention to start at the earliest possible moment with the

construction of this fleet, and, if possible, to have the

construction done in Canada."

The leader of the Opposition, Mr. Borden, who spoke after Mr.

Laurier, endorsed fully the purpose of the Bill, but

criticised the proposals of the Government as being

inadequate. "They are," he said, "either too much or too

little. They are too much for carrying on experiments in the

organization of a Canadian naval service; they are too little

for immediate and effective aid, and it seems to me that the

policy of the Government will be attended with a very great

waste of money, with no immediate effective result."

The Bill embodying the naval programme of the Government, as

set forth by the Prime Minister, was enacted on the 11th of

March, 1910, by 119 votes to 78.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

Chilian Navy-building.

It was reported from Santiago de Chile to the English Press,

October 21, 1909, that "the Government has decided upon a

naval expenditure of £4,000,000, which includes a 20,000 ton

battleship, two ocean-going destroyers, and several

submarines. Instructions for tenders have been sent to the

Commission in London." A later message to the American Press,

November 12, stated that "the naval building programme decided

upon by the Chilian government, provides for the construction

of one battleship, four torpedo boat destroyers, and two

submarines at an expenditure of $14,000,000."

{700}

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

The Chinese Programme.

A Press message from Peking, October 11, 1909, announced that

a naval commission, consisting of Prince Tsai-hsun, the

Regent’s brother, Admiral Sa Chen-ping, and Sir Chen Tung

Liang Cheng, who was secretary to the Special Chinese Embassy

to the Diamond Jubilee celebrations in 1897, left that day for

Europe. This was understood to be the first step toward the

fulfilment of China’s programme for the expenditure of

£40,000,000 on the rehabilitation of her army and navy.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

Denmark’s Fortification and Naval Defense.

See (in this Volume)

DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

The "Dreadnought" Era.

Outclassing of all Battleships built prior to 1906.

The New Type.

Effects of its Introduction.

The evolution of sea-fighting monstrosities received a

startling and revolutionizing impulsion in 1906, when a new

Dreadnought (replacing an obsolete battleship of that

name) was added to the British navy. In size, plan and

armament it embodied naval teachings just taken from the

Russo-Japanese War, and was supposed to put every other

existing battle-ship into an inferior second class. It brought

suddenly a new standard into all comparative measurements of

naval power, impairing seriously the worth of the costly

monsters then afloat. It signalled, in fact, a start for

entirely new racing among the competitors for "sea-power,"

since the prizes of substantial fighting efficiency among the

navies must all be won over again, by the quickest builders of

the Dreadnought type of ship. England had more reason

than any other nation to lament this happening, and her Lords

of the Admiralty have been sharply criticised for bringing it

about; though the new type of battle-ship would have had

creation elsewhere (as still newer types of monstrosity are

being created already) if English naval architects had not

produced it. Even Admiral Lord Charles Beresford has lashed

the naval authorities of his country for bringing on the

Dreadnought craze. In a speech at London within the

past year he said that "he did not object to Dreadnoughts or

improvements in battleships; what he did object to was the

advertisement connected with the first Dreadnought. Then they

had told another nation that that ship would sink the whole of

its fleet, and the result was that that nation set to work

upon a definite naval programme of its own. Having given that

insane advertisement of their Dreadnought, the British delayed

ship-building with the inevitable result that they would have

to pay a great deal more than if they had kept up their yearly

proportion of ships. The command of the seas was their life,

and he believed that they would have to spend £50,000,000 more

than they need have spent through that insane advertisement.

It would be absolutely impossible for Great Britain alone,

under present conditions, to keep up the two-Power standard,

and if there were no other alternative, there could only be

the prospect of bankruptcy or defeat; but the two-Power

standard could easily be kept up with an Imperial Navy."

Similar criticism appeared in a pamphlet published last year

by Mr. Carnegie; and when his attention was called to the fact

that both Japan and Russia had bigger ships than the

Dreadnought on the stocks before the latter was begun,

he wrote:

"Britain, having so much larger a Navy compared with any other

Power or compared with several other Powers together, should

have adopted the policy of waiting before building a type that

rendered most of her ships ineffective. She had nothing to

fear from Japan, Russia, nor the United States, and could

easily have overtaken Germany if Germany began building the

new type. Britain made such a noise about the Dreadnought as

to attract the attention of the whole world."

The following account of the Dreadnought and of the

interest she had excited in naval circles appeared in a

prominent technical magazine while the building of the ship

was in progress:

"Not for many years has the building of a man-of-war excited

such wide-spread interest as that of H. M. S.

Dreadnought. In many respects this ship has assumed a

sensational character; she is the largest vessel ever

constructed for any war fleet; she was the first to be

commenced after the recent great struggle in the Far East; her

design, which embodies many new features, has hitherto been

kept an official secret, and the work of construction has been

pressed forward with so much success that it is hoped she will

be in commission within fourteen months of the laying of the

keel plates. All these facts have contributed to arouse

curiosity, particularly as it is well known that British naval

attaches were accorded special privileges by the Japanese and

were enabled to watch the progress of the war to greater

advantage than the representatives of other powers.

Consequently, from the day when the first whispers of the

coming of the Dreadnought were heard, an unusual amount

of interest has been taken in this ship, not only in the

United Kingdom, but in foreign countries, and the influence of

the design may be traced in the new programmes of several

rival Powers. … The essential feature of the

Dreadnought which distinguishes her from all

battleships now in commission in the world’s fleets is that

she is of huge size and mounts only one type of gun for use in

line of battle, instead of three types, as in the 'King Edward

VII.’ class.

"The war between Japan and Russia conclusively showed that the

intermediate armament carried by the vessels flying European

flags was not effective at modern battle ranges. Even on the

partial evidence obtained by the French authorities it has

been calculated that the effective ranges for battle have been

raised from 3000 yards to 7000 or 8000 yards. Careful

calculations show that at such a distance the striking power

of 7.5-inch and 6-inch guns, which have been the favourite

intermediate weapons in the British Navy hitherto, are

comparatively useless. … It is understood that originally the

Dreadnought was to have carried twelve guns of the

12-inch type, but difficulties arose in working out the

design, and it was eventually decided to drop out two of these

weapons in order to mount effectively ten pieces of this

colossal striking power, so as to enable eight of them to fire

on the broadside, six ahead and four astern, without

endangering either the stability of the ship or running any

undue risks owing to the blast. … With a broadside of eight

12-inch guns, the Dreadnought is equivalent to any two

battleships built for the British fleet prior to the

construction of 'King Edward VII.,' and yet her total cost,

complete with guns, will be only £1,797,497, while the ships

of the ‘King Edward VII.,’ class, carrying only four 12-inch

guns and the same number of 9.2-inch guns, represent an outlay

of just under a million and a half sterling."

Cashier's Magazine,

June, 1906.

{701}

The steadily increasing sine of the Dreadnought ships

is shown in the following, reported from Portsmouth, England,

September 30, 1909: "Since the launch of the

Dreadnought by the King in February, 1906, each

successive ship which has taken the water at Portsmouth has

exceeded her predecessor in size. The weight of the

Neptune, successfully floated by the Duchess of Albany

to-day shows an advance of no fewer than 1,500 tons upon that

of the vessel launched by his Majesty; and of 500 tons over

that of the St. Vincent, the preceding battleship on the

building slip. The ship which is to be laid down next month

will probably far exceed the dimensions of the

Neptune."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

England and Germany.

Their "Dreadnought" Building Compared.

The Question in the British Parliament and the Hysteria

in the Country.

An exciting period of debate in Parliament and of discussion

throughout Great Britain was opened on the 17th of March,

1909, when the Navy estimates for the coming year were

submitted to the House of Commons. In his speech on bringing

forward the Estimates, which contemplated an expenditure of

£35,142,700, being nearly £3,000,000 in excess of the

expenditures of the current year, the First Lord of the

Admiralty, Mr. Reginald McKenna, explained the reasons for the

increase at length, saying in part: "We cannot take stock of

our Navy, and measure our requirements except in relation to

the strength of foreign navies. I am, therefore, obliged to

refer to foreign countries in making estimates of our naval

requirements. Several of the Powers are rapidly developing

their naval strength at this moment; but none at a pace

comparable with that of Germany. If in what I have to say now

I select that Power as the standard by which to measure our

own requirements, the House will understand that I do so only

for what may be called arithmetical purposes, and without

presuming upon the expression of any feeling or opinion of my

own—except it be one of respectful admiration for

administrative and professional efficiency. …

"When the Estimates were presented to Parliament a year ago we

had seven battleships of the Dreadnought class and three

cruisers of the Invincible class, either afloat or in process

of construction. The whole of these were due for completion by

the end of 1910. At that time Germany was building four

Dreadnoughts and one Invincible, of which two Dreadnoughts

were expected to be completed by the end of this year, and the

remaining three ships in the autumn of 1910. Thus, at that

time, we had a superiority in these classes of ships of ten to

five in course of construction, with the additional advantage

that the whole of ours were expected to be completed some

months in advance of the last three of the German ships. The

new German Fleet Bill had at that time become law, and

according to our interpretation of its provisions three

Dreadnoughts and one Invincible would be laid down in the

course of the year 1908-1909. The financial provisions of that

Bill were such as to lead us to the opinion that no work would

be commenced upon these four ships until the month of August

last year, and that they would not be completed before

February, 1911. This time last year, therefore, we had to

contemplate five German ships under construction, three of

which would be completed in the autumn of 1910 and four more

ships to be commenced about August, 1908, and commissioned in

February, 1911. In view of this state of affairs this House of

Commons last year approved of a programme of two large ships

to be laid down at such a time as would give to this country a

total of 12 of these new ships, as against a possible

completed German total of nine. In the face of last year’s

programme no one could with any fairness charge this

Government with having started upon a race of competitive

armaments. By example as well as by precept we sought to check

the rapid rate of shipbuilding. We failed. …

"The difficulty in which the Government find themselves placed

at this moment is that we do not know—as we thought we did—the

rate at which German construction is taking place. We know

that the Germans have a law which, when all the ships under it

have been completed, will give them a navy more powerful than

any at present in existence. We know that, but we do not know

the rate at which the provisions of this Act are to be carried

into execution. We now expect that the four German ships of

the 1908-1909 programme will be completed, not in February, 1911,

but in the autumn of 1910. I am informed, moreover, that the

collection of materials and the manufacture of armaments,

guns, and gun-mountings have already begun for four more ships

which, according to the Navy Law, belong to the programme of

1909-1910. Therefore we have to take stock of the new

situation, in which we reckon not nine but 13 German ships may

be completed in 1911, and in 1912 such further ships, if any,

as may be begun in the course of the next financial year, or

laid down in April, 1910. We may stop here and pay a tribute

to the extraordinary growth of the power of constructing ships

of the largest size in Germany. Two years ago, I believe,

there were in Germany, with the possible exception of one or

two slips in private yards, no slip capable of carrying a

Dreadnought. To-day they have actually no less than 14 such

slips and three more under construction. And what is true of

the hull of the ships is true also of the guns, armour, and

mountings. Two years ago any one familiar with the capacity of

Krupp’s and other great German firms would have ridiculed the

possibility of their undertaking the supply of all the

component parts of eight battleships in a single year. To-day

this productive power is a realized fact, and it will tax the

resources of our own great firms if we are to retain the

supremacy in rapidity and Volume of construction.

{702}

"Having said so much on foreign naval development, I turn to

our own programme of construction. As I have said, we shall

have in March, 1911, eight completed Dreadnoughts and four

Invincibles. We propose to lay down two more Dreadnoughts in

July of this year, and the terms of the contracts will provide

that they shall be completed in July, 1911. … Two more ships

will be laid down in November this year, to be completed in

1911, and in that year our total strength in Dreadnoughts and

Invincibles will be 12 of the former and four of the latter.

The date, however, which we have to bear in mind is that up to

which the present programme must provide—April, 1912. I have

shown that we shall in the course of 1911 have 16 of these

modern ships, as against 13 ships for which Germany is already

making provision. The German law provides for four more ships

to be laid down in 1910-1911. But if the construction of these

ships is accelerated—as I understand was the case of the four

ships of the 1909-1910 programme—they would be completed by

April, 1912. Therefore on that date Germany would have 17

Dreadnoughts and Invincibles. But even if no acceleration

takes place before April, 1910, this number would be completed

in the autumn of 1912. This is a contingency which his

Majesty’s Government have to take into account.

"We cannot afford to run risks. If we are to be sure of

retaining superiority in this by far the most powerful types

of battleships, the Board of Admiralty must be in a position,

if the necessity arises, to give orders for guns,

gun-mountings, armour, and other materials at such a time and

to such an amount as will enable them to obtain delivery of

four more large armoured ships by March, 1912. We should be

prepared to meet the contingency of Germany having 17 of these

ships in the spring of 1912 by our having 20, but we can only

meet that contingency if the Government are empowered by

Parliament to give the necessary orders in the course of the

present year. I can well imagine that this method of

calculating in Dreadnoughts and Invincibles alone may seem

unsatisfactory, and even unfair to many persons. They may say:

‘What has become of the Lord Nelsons, the King Edwards, the

Duncans, and the Formidables and the earlier battleships on

which our naval superiority has been so constantly reckoned?

Is no account to be taken of our powerful fleet of armoured

cruisers, numbering no less than 35?’ Yes; the Board of

Admiralty have not forgotten these ships. They still

constitute a mighty fleet. The Dreadnought has not rendered

them obsolete, and many of them would give a good account of

themselves in the line of battle for many years to come. But,

though they have not been rendered obsolete by the

Dreadnoughts and the Invincibles, yet their life has been

shortened. … A battleship must be regarded as a machine of

which the output is fighting capacity. All improvements in the

designs of ships which increase the fighting capacity

necessarily shorten the life of earlier battleships just as in

the case of any other machine. The greater the value of the

improvements, the sooner the earlier ships become obsolete."

Mr. McKenna’s reckoning of the comparative numbers of

Dreadnoughts that Great Britain and Germany would have in 1912

was challenged at once by the leader of the Opposition, Mr.

Balfour, who said: "On the two-years’ basis of building we

shall in December, 1910, as I calculate, have ten, and only

ten, Dreadnoughts. But the Germans at that date, as I

calculate, will have 13. That assumes, of course, that I am

right in stating, and I do not think I shall be contradicted,

that the Germans anticipated their programme by four months.

If you work that out, and assume that the German ships begun

last November, in anticipation by five months of the ordinary

date, are completed in two years, then you will find that I am

not wrong in saying that in December, 1910, we shall have only

ten Dreadnoughts and the Germans will have 13. That danger

period in which, according to my calculation, the ratio of

British to German Dreadnoughts is as ten to 13 extends, on the

basis of two years’ building, from December, 1910, to the end

of March, 1911. On April 1, 1911, the Germans, as I understand

it, will have only 13 and we shall have raised our number to

12. We should still, therefore, on April 1, 1911, according to

my calculation, have one less than the Germans, and that

period of what I might call the 12 British to 13 Germans will

last until July, 1911. Then we shall have 14; but in the

meanwhile the Germans, if they build their four ships this

year, in addition to the anticipated ships they laid down in

November, will have 17, as I understand. We should still have

14 in July, 1911, but the Germans would, as I make out, have

17."

Mr. Balfour contended that the four ships which, according to

the German programme, were to be laid down on the 1st of April

coming (1909) had been actually laid down in advance of that

time. He had information to that effect; whereas Mr. McKenna

was informed that materials for them had been collected in

advance, but that the construction was not begun. Mr. Balfour

contended stoutly for the correctness of his own information,

and argued: "If they [the four battleships supposedly waiting

to be laid down April 1, 1909] were laid down in November, as

I believe, that means that the Germans laid down eight

Dreadnoughts last year. They may lay down no Dreadnoughts this

year, and they may say, ‘We anticipated our four ships for

1909-1910; we anticipated them by laying them down in November;

we have no ships for this financial year.’ But there are two

other things to remember. Having laid down eight ships last

year, they may lay down four ships this year, or they may lay

down eight ships this year. That the capacity of their yards

and their great engineering shops renders that process

perfectly feasible no one now doubts. … If the Germans go on

at that rate, which is more than possible, the probability is

that they will have on April 1, 1912, 21 Dreadnoughts to our

20. The hypotheses, then, are these, and I want to make it

clear to the Government and to the House:—Eight Dreadnoughts

have been laid down in 1908 by Germany. If four are laid down

in 1909, there will be 17 on April 1, 1912; if eight are laid

down—as eight have been laid down last year—there will be 21

on April 1, 1912, to our 20; and if the Germans imitate the

policy of the present Government and lay down not only their

eight in the financial year, but begin a new group of four

when the Government propose their group of four, on April 1,

12 months hence, they will then have 25."

{703}

Over this difference of information as to the facts of German

Dreadnought-building, and consequent differences of

conclusion, controversy raged throughout the kingdom for

weeks. The Prime Minister, Mr. Asquith, tried unavailingly to

moderate the impeachment of German good faith in the matter.

"It is fair and right to the German Government that I should

say," he remarked, "that we have had a most distinct

declaration from them that it is not their intention to

accelerate their programme (cheers) and we cannot possibly, as

a Government, believing as we do most explicitly in the good

faith of those declarations (cheers), we cannot possibly put

before the House of Commons and Parliament a programme based

on the assumption that a declaration of that kind will not be

carried out. Be it observed—I want to be very careful in the

language I use about this—I am not saying that it is a pledge

in the sense of an agreement between the two countries.

Nothing of the kind. I should not accuse the German Government

of anything in the nature of bad faith if they altered their

intention. We have been told by them expressly and explicitly

that that is their intention, an intention not to accelerate,

or in other words not to do what the right honourable

gentleman contemplates, when he credits them with the

intention possibly of doing—namely, of laying down as many as

eight ships in one financial year. It is impossible in framing

these Estimates to do so while at the same time ignoring that

declaration from the German Government, and that is why I say

in taking this power to lay down if need be four ships on

April 1 next year we are making such provision as prudence

shows to be necessary for all the contingencies which we can

reasonably anticipate at the present moment."

At the same time, Mr. Asquith made a statement of importance

in reply to the question, Why should there be an increasing

competition in naval expenditure between these two countries?

"The question," he said, "has been raised by us, the British

Government, more than once, with a view to ascertaining

whether any proposal for a mutual reduction of expenditure for

naval purposes would be accepted by the German Government, but

we have been assured more than once, and in the most formal

manner, that their naval expenditure is governed solely by

reference to their own needs, and that their programme does

not depend upon ours. That is the statement which has been

made to us. They tell us quite plainly that if we build 100

Dreadnoughts we must not assume that they would add to their

naval programme, and, on the other hand, if we built no

Dreadnoughts at all they would go on with their programme just

as it is. If that is so, it is perfectly clear that there is

no possibility of an arrangement for mutual reduction. I

regret it very much, but I do not complain. The Germans, like

every other nation, are the best judges of their own national

requirements and necessities."

As will have been learned from Mr. McKenna’s statement, quoted

above, the Government desired authority to begin construction

of two new Dreadnoughts in July and two in November, 1909,

with contingent authority in addition to give orders during

the year for four more, if reasons for doing so appeared. This

did not satisfy the Opposition, which insisted that not less

than eight the new type of battle-ships should be built

outright; and a veritable panic of public excitement on the

subject of German designs against England was created in the

country, by the combined agency of speech and press and the

melodramatic stage. The Government was so little shaken by the

clamor that a motion of censure on its "declared policy" in the

matter was defeated in the House of Commons by a majority of

218. Nevertheless, on the 26th of July, Mr. McKenna made the

following announcement of a modification in its naval

programme:

"After very anxious and careful examination of the condition

of shipbuilding in foreign countries the Government have come

to the conclusion that it is desirable to take all the

necessary steps to ensure that the second four ships referred

to in this year’s programme should be completed by March,

1912. They propose to take all the necessary steps in the way

of preparation of plans, getting out of specifications,

invitations to tender, and, finally, the giving of orders

which will procure the delivery of these ships at the time I

have named. As was said in the month of March, there will be

no need to lay the keels of these ships in the course of the

present financial year. It will be quite time enough if the

keels are laid in the month of April next. …

"The examination of the state of foreign shipbuilding

programmes to which I have referred is bound to lead in the

minds of most members of the Committee to the conclusion that

the Government had no other course open to them. The Committee

had stated to them last March very amply what was the

condition of foreign shipbuilding up to that date. Since then

the development of shipbuilding in foreign countries has gone

on apace. Two countries, Italy and Austria, have now declared

a definite programme of four large armoured ships of the

latest type. In Italy one of those ships is already laid down,

a second is to be laid down immediately, and the remaining two

are both to be laid down in the course of the present year.

With regard to the Austrian programme, sceptics might say they

would never believe in it until, as in the case of Italy, they

saw the keels actually laid down, but the fact is every

earnest has been given of the determination of the Austrian

Government, and two large slips have been prepared for the

construction of battleships of the largest type."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

The English Naval Programme for 1910.

"The navy estimates for 1910, which were issued by the British

Admiralty last night, provide for an expenditure of

$203,000,500, [thousands digits, "000", obscured and unknown]

an increase of $27,805,000 over 1909. The increase is almost

wholly taken up by shipbuilding armaments authorized by

Parliament before dissolution. The new programme provides for

five large armored ships, five protected cruisers, twenty

destroyers, and a considerable number of submarines. By April

1 there will be under construction seven battleships, three

armored, nine protected, and two unarmored cruisers,

thirty-seven destroyers, and nine submarines."

New York Evening Post,

March 10, 1910.

{704}

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

The French Naval Administration.

Alarming discovery of Bad Conditions.

France was greatly startled and shocked in March, 1909, by

rumored scandals in naval administration, uncovered by the

investigations of a Parliamentary Commission, but not yet

officially made known. The report of the Commission was not

published until late in June, and when it appeared it

confirmed, not the worst of the state of things which rumor

had described, but enough to show an alarming and unsuspected

weakness of the nation on that side of its armament for war.

From the conclusion of the elaborate report a few translated

passages will suffice to indicate some of the conditions it

brought to light. In this final summary, the Commission states

that the testimony submitted by it establishes, among other

facts, the following:

"That during the last ten years Parliament has been asked to

authorize the construction of ships for which in most cases

the plans have not been definitely (sérieusement)

fixed; that months, and most generally years, elapsed between

the different contracts for the essential parts of the ships,

the hulls, the turrets, the boilers, &c., entailing

considerable loss of time and of money …; that numerous and

important changes were introduced in the course of

construction, … changes the chief inconvenience of which,

apart from the increase of expenditure and the retardation of

construction, is to impair that homogeneity which is the

supreme quality of a squadron; that most of these defects are

aggravated in the case of the six battleships of the Danton

type, the original contract for which, signed at the end of

December, 1906, has undergone hundreds of modifications which

must now be placed on a proper basis. …

"That the arsenals are not at present in a state to carry out

with the rapidity which is desirable new constructions and

repairs; that the mechanical equipment is in general

inadequate and out of date; that the abolition of piece-work,

which has coincided with a reduction of working hours and the

diminution of the powers and authority of the superintendents

in charge, has resulted in a considerable lessening of

production; and that lack of material sometimes entails a

stoppage of work. …

"That the four divisions of battleships and the cruiser

division of the Mediterranean Squadron have not the regulation

supply of steel shells, that the two divisions of armoured

cruisers of the Northern Squadron have only one-third of their

proper supply of steel shells, and that for both squadrons the

stores for renewing their supplies of steel shells are not

ready.

"That the various branches of the administration are wanting

in unity of views and purpose, in method and in defined

responsibility, and that neglect, disorder, and confusion too

frequently prevail. …

"In view of the fact that only a small part of the scheme of

1901 for modernizing ports and (lock yards in accordance with

the requirements of the construction programme of 1900 has

been executed, and in view of the total failure to provide

docking accommodation for the large battleships of the Danton

class, the Commission invites the Chamber to censure the want

of foresight and the indifference which these lamentable

discoveries disclose."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

French Naval Programme revised in 1909.

Radical Changes in the Department of the Marine.

A despatch from Paris, June 8, 1909, announced:

"According to the Temps this evening, the Navy Council

has finally decided to recommend that, in addition to 45 ships

of the line, the fleet shall consist of 12 ‘scout cruisers,’

60 large destroyers, and 64 submarines. The importance

attached to an increase in the number of capital ships, which

is the chief feature of the new proposals, is illustrated by a

comparison with the so-called ‘programmes’ of 1900 and 1907.

In 1900 it was decided on paper that the fleet should consist

of 28 battleships, 24 armoured cruisers, 52 destroyers, 263

torpedo-boats, and 38 submarines or submersibles. In 1907 the

composition of the fleet was changed to 38 battleships, 20

armoured cruisers, six scouts, 109 destroyers, 170

torpedo-boats, 82 submarines for offensive purposes, and 49

defence submarines.

"A comparison of these three ‘programmes’ shows an increase in

the number of capital ships and destroyers, the abolition of

armoured cruisers as a separate class and of torpedo-boats in

favour of destroyers, and a decrease in the number of

submarines. With regard to the existing armoured cruisers,

which the Navy Council no longer regards as efficient fighting

units, it may be noted that two out of the four 14,000-ton

Gambettas have not yet been completed. Given the age limit of

armoured ships as fixed at 20 years, only the six Danton and

the six République battleships would still figure on the

effective list by 1925. In other words, 33 armoured ships

would have to be completed during the next 16 years. In

addition, 12 scout cruisers would have to be constructed, and,

besides a number of submarines, over 100 destroyers would have

to be laid down, since the life of this class of vessel is

fixed at 17 years."

On the 29th of July the Paris correspondent of the London

Times wrote: "It is semi officially announced this

evening that the Council of Ministers at its meeting to-day

approved a number of radical changes proposed by the new

Minister of Marine, among the higher ranks of the

personnel of the naval administration. All the heads of

departments at the Ministry of Marine appointed under the old

regime have been removed and their places have been filled by

Admiral Boué de Lapeyrère’s own nominees. So complete a

reconstruction of a public department is without precedent in

modern French history. These changes, moreover, are

supplemented by a number of new appointments in the commands

afloat."

On the first of April, 1910, it was announced from Paris that

the Chamber of Deputies had voted to lay down two battle-ships

in the current year, designed to equal the latest type added

to the navies of Great Britain and Germany.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

French Naval Administration.

Parliamentary Investigation.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH-JUNE).

{705}

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

The German Emperor’s Statement of his Peace Policy based

on Preparation for War.

In the spring of 1905, speaking at Bremen, on the unveiling of

a monument to his father, the Emperor made an impressive

statement of his motives in striving for the creation in

Germany of a great naval and military power. He said that in

boyhood he had been angered at the weakness of the German

navy, and that his policy had sprung from that feeling, not

directed toward aggression, but to the command of respect from

the rest of the world. His aim was to "do everything possible to

let bayonets and cannon rest, but to keep the bayonets sharp

and the cannon ready, so that envy and greed shall not disturb

us in tending our garden or building our beautiful house." "I

vowed," he said, "never to strike for world-mastery. The

world-power that I then dreamed of was to create for the

German Empire on all sides the most absolute confidence as a

quiet, honest, and peaceable neighbor. I have vowed that if

ever the time comes that history shall speak of a German

world-power, or a Hohenzollern world-power, this should not be

based upon conquest, but should come through the mutual

striving of nations after common purposes."

It is not difficult to believe in the perfect truthfulness of

this assertion of high motives, and the perfect sincerity with

which they have been obeyed, while seeing at the same time how

much, in their working, they have threatened the peace of the

world. As the power of Germany has grown under his hand, the

Kaiser has been tempted more and more to impose his will on

neighbors whose cannon were not as ready or their sharpened

bayonets as many as his. The world-power of his desire has

become more and more a dictatorial power. The peace he has

preserved by it has been peace on his own terms, more than

once. The result has been to excite throughout the world such

a feeling of being menaced by war as had not been known since

Napoleon’s day, and to impel among nations, big and little, a

more feverish and competitive arming for war than ever busied

them before. As worked out by the man, the Kaiser’s policy of

peace-making by the tools of war has certainly lost the

innocence it had when conceived by the boy.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

The German Side of the Navy-building Question.

When, in March, 1909, debate on the Navy Estimates in England

started excitement over the rapidity with which Germany seemed

to have developed the building of Dreadnoughts, Chancellor

Bülow, on the 29th of that month, said in the Reichstag: "The

Federated Governments entertain no thoughts of entering into

competition with British sea-power by means of the

construction of the German navy. According to the provisions

of the Navy Law, the immovable purpose of German naval policy

is founded upon the fact that we desire to create our naval

armaments solely for the protection of our coasts and our

trade. It is, moreover, an indisputable fact that the

programme of our naval construction lies open in absolute

publicity. We have nothing to keep secret, nothing to hide,

and it is not intended to accelerate the carrying out of our

construction programme beyond the limits of time contemplated

by the law (über die gesetzliche Frist hinaus zu

beschleunigen). All rumours to the contrary are false. In

the autumn of 1912, at the earliest, we shall have ready for

service the 13 large new ships, including three armoured

cruisers, provided by law."

This statement was supplemented by one from Admiral Tirpitz,

who said:

"Now, as previously, we build all ships in about 36 months

—about 40 months in the small yards. To that period are added

trials, which last for several months. Equally inaccurate is

the assertion that, with a view to more rapid construction,

the contracts for the newer ships are placed sooner than is

allowed by the estimates. All that is true is the following:

Subject to approval by the Reichstag, contracts for two ships

of the 1909 financial programme were last autumn promised to

two private yards at comparatively low prices. This was done

because there was a danger that, if orders for four ships were

placed at the same time at the beginning of 1909 there would

be a considerable advance in price. If orders for two ships

were already placed the Imperial Navy Office was in a much

more favourable position for placing orders for the other two.

We can put the Imperial yards into competition with the

private yards. The Imperial yards cannot undertake more than

two ships at once. The private firms, therefore, will be

compelled to ask lower terms. If the matter has been kept

secret, that is solely because the firms must not be made

aware of the business transactions of the Navy Office.

Contracts for the ships have not been placed; assurances only

have been given. The contract is concluded only after the

voting of the estimate. The period for delivery is 36 months

from April 1, 1909. Not a penny is available for the

‘promised’ ships before April 1. That must be clear to

everybody who knows the Parliamentary conditions and our

accounts system. Not even indirectly has any money been

procured from banks for the yards in any way whatever by the

agency of the Navy Office.

"In regard to the placing of the order for the first of the

two ships special account was taken of the fact that the yard

in question is principally engaged in the construction of this

kind of ship. Accelerated completion of these two ships is

neither asked for nor intended. The firms get their money only

in quarterly instalments. Contracts for the two other ships of

this year’s programme are not to be placed until some months

after the conditions for tendering are drawn up late in the

summer. As the private yards no more than the Imperial yards

know whether they will get the orders for these ships, there

can be no possibility of special preparation of material. If

there has been any such accumulation, it is, presumably, due

to business reasons, certainly to no incentive of ours.

"In conclusion, I repeat once more with emphasis that, as the

Imperial Chancellor has already said, we shall have ready for

use in 1912 ten Dreadnoughts and three Invincibles—in all 13,

and not 17, large modern ships—and that not in the spring, but

in the autumn. How far it is right to base comparisons of

naval strength upon the number of Dreadnoughts is a question

which I shall not here discuss."

As to the suggested readiness and desire of Great Britain to

join in an international agreement for the limiting of naval

armaments, the Germans have always had a rather reasonable

answer, which was phrased forcibly by one of the Agrarian

organs when it said:

"When the weaker promises the stronger to abstain from all

means of increasing his strength, the strong man needs to make

no further effort to retain his relative preponderance for

ever. If the other naval Powers entered into such an

agreement, England, without taking upon herself any further

burdens, would retain mastery at sea before which all must

bow. Little need as we have to interfere with regard to

England’s programme, even so little need has England to look

askance upon our construction of ships, not to attack England,

but only in order to have a naval power with which even the

strongest opponent will not light-heartedly engage in battle.

This good right of ours we shall not surrender by any

agreement."

{706}

But a better view was that taken by one of the German

Conservative journals, the Kreuz Zeitung, which said

last summer: "First of all we must complete our construction

programme. Before that we could not agree to any limitation of

naval armaments. Otherwise we should not be able to create the

navy of moderate size which corresponds to our position as a

seafaring people. … Even after the completion of our

construction programme our navy will be but a dwarf as

compared with the British Navy. Nevertheless, the moment ought

then to have arrived for entering into an international

agreement about limitation of armaments, and on the part of

Germany there will, presumably, be readiness for it."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

Elasticity of the German Navy Law.

At the annual meeting of the German Navy League in June, 1909,

Admiral Weber, speaking of the German Navy Law, praised its

elasticity. "In international relations," he said, "it had

lately proved to be a political instrument of equal force with

the American Monroe doctrine and the English two-Power

standard. In 1906 the Reichstag had agreed to increase the

size of capital ships without altering the number. The

amending law of 1908 (which shortened the ‘life’ of

battleships) had rendered possible a rational fulfilment of

all immediate possibilities with regard to battleships, small

cruisers, torpedo-boats, and submarines."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

Italian and Austrian Programmes of Naval Construction.

A despatch from Rome in May, 1909, announced that the minister

of marine, Admiral Mirabello, had obtained the approval of the

Cabinet to a naval programme that provides for the

construction within three years at a total expense of

$52,800,000 of four "Dreadnoughts" and a number of fast scout

cruisers. A local paper stated that the decision to build

these vessels was reached after Italy had learned that

Austria-Hungary was going to spend $40,000,000 on increased

naval power.

Four months later, on the 1st of October, a report came to the

English Press from Rome as follows:

"The Minister of Marine announced in June that the ships would

be begun at once, and completed before the middle of 1912.

Only one, the Dante Alighieri, has yet been laid down, and

owing to some blunder with regard to her steel plates, no work

has been done on her for more than a month. The second is

still awaiting the completion of a building slip before it can

be laid down. As to the other two, according to the

Tribuna, the contracts, which ought to have been

concluded with two shipbuilding firms last June, have not yet

been even examined by the Council of State; consequently

neither firm has yet been able to begin the work which will be

necessary in its yards before the ships can be laid down. The

Tribuna throws the blame upon the bureaucratic system."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

Italian Fighting Strength at the End of 1909.

The fighting strength of the Italian Navy was reckoned by the

Rome correspondent of the London Times, in November,

1909, as follows:

"Counting in all four of the San Giorgio cruisers [only two of

which were then finished] as forming part of the available

navy at the end of this year, and setting aside some 20 ships

of various kinds and 40 or 50 torpedo-boats, which may,

however, be of some secondary use, the full fighting force of

the Italian navy at the beginning of 1910 should be six

first-class battleships, five second class battleships, seven

first-class armoured cruisers, three second-class armoured

cruisers, 19 destroyers, and 36 first-class torpedo-boats. But

it must be borne in mind that eight of the first 21 fighting

units—the five battleships and three armoured cruisers

described here as of the second class—are not very modern

ships.

"The shipbuilding programme of Admiral Mirabello promises,

besides other less important vessels, four battleships of the

Dreadnought type. As far as one could learn at first these

ships were to be on much the same lines as the Bellerophon,

with a displacement of 18,200, and an armament of ten 12 inch

guns. The chief question then was, When would they be ready

for sea? Admiral Mirabello said in 1912. In order to effect

this he would have had to revolutionize the whole system of

shipbuilding in the Italian navy."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

Japan’s Armament, Present and Prospective.

The naval status of Japan in December, 1909, as ascertained

and described by the Tokio correspondent of The Times,

London, was as follows:

"Ever since the Russo-Japanese War it has been well-nigh

impossible for the public to form a clear idea of what steps

were in progress with regard to the expansion and maintenance

of the Japanese Navy. In the year before the outbreak of the

conflict—namely, 1903, a programme of expansion was approved

by the Diet. It involved the building of three battleships,

three armoured cruisers, and two second-class cruisers; that

is to say, eight fighting vessels, displacing 100,000 tons

approximately. The cost was set down as ten millions sterling,

and the programme was to have been spread over a period of 11

years, ending in 1913. Subsequently, however, owing to

financial expediency, the time of completion was extended,

first to 1915, and thereafter to 1916, so that seven years

still remain. Knowing this and observing carefully what ships

were laid down from time to time, there should have been, it

will appear, no difficulty in forming a clear perception of

the actual conditions at any moment.

{707}

"But naturally the war produced a radical change in the plans

of the Japanese Admiralty. It became necessary at once to

adopt special measures for recouping the losses suffered in

battle, as well as for renewing armaments. Of course the

general public was not taken into official confidence in such

matters, and some time elapsed before people became vaguely

conscious that not one building programme only, but three, had

been taken in hand. Occasionally announcements were made of the

launch of such-and-such a battleship or the laying down of

such-and-such a cruiser, but as to which vessel belonged to

which programme, and what dimensions the several programmes

were ultimately to take, nothing could be clearly ascertained.

Now, at length, this obscurity has been removed. It is seen

that two of the programmes were undertaken with funds included

in the war expenditures, and that, therefore, the nation is

not required to make any further provision of money on these

accounts. These programmes are, first, an emergency programme,

carried out with what is called an ‘implementing fund,’ and,

secondly, an emergency programme carried out with an

‘adjustment fund.’ Under the three programmes, respectively,

the following vessels have been bought, built, or are

building:—

Third Period Expansion Programme.

Tons.

Katori, battleship         15,950

Kashima, battleship        16,400

Ibuki, armoured cruiser    14,600

Emergency Implementing Programme.

Aki, battleship            19,150

Satsuma, battleship        19,150

Tsukuba, armoured cruiser  13,750

Ikoma, armoured cruiser    13,750

Kurama, armoured cruiser   14,600

Tone, cruiser               4,400

Yodo, despatch boat         1,250

Mogami, despatch boat       1,350

Emergency Adjustment Programme.

Kawachi, battleship        21,000

Settsu, battleship         21,000

"There is here a total of 13 ships displacing 176,000 tons,

approximately, and to these have to be added 29 destroyers

built under the ‘emergency implementing programme.’ As for

the vessels which have still to be built, but which have not

yet been laid down, they are as follows:-

Third Period Programme.

Battleship, 1           16,000 tons

Armoured cruisers, 2    11,000 tons each

Cruisers, 2              5,000 tons each

Emergency Implementing Programme.

Armoured cruiser, 1     14,600 tons

Cruisers, 2              4,100 tons each

Destroyers, several        375 tons each

Torpedo-boats, 6           120 tons each

"These eight vessels, exclusive of torpedo craft, aggregate

over 70,000 tons, and if the two lists be combined, we get a

total of 21 ships displacing 247,000 tons, approximately,

apart from about 35 destroyers and six torpedo boats. …

"It may be mentioned that in February last the ships on the

active list of the Japanese Navy were:—

Battleships          13

Armoured Cruisers    12

Other Cruisers       43

Destroyers           59

Torpedo-boats        69"

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

Russian "Dreadnoughts" Building.

"The keels of the four Dreadnoughts which are to represent the

nucleus of Russia’s future navy were laid down in St.

Petersburg this morning. The materials to be employed will be

throughout Russian; the designs and the supervision will be

British. It is an open secret that the Tsar has taken a deep

personal interest in arrangements that have been made for

placing the contracts for the new ships."

St. Petersburg Correspondent

London Times, June 16, 1909.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

The United States Navy in 1909.

As summarized in the Annual Report of the Navy Department for

the fiscal year 1909, the United States Navy was composed, on

the 30th of June in that year, of the following vessels:

Fit for Service, including those under Repair:   First-class battle ships, 25;

second-class battle ship, 1;

armored cruisers, 12;

armored ram, 1;

single-turret harbor-defense monitors, 4;

double-turret monitors, 6;

protected cruisers, 22;

unprotected cruisers, 3;

scout cruisers, 3;

gunboats, 9;

light-draft gunboats, 3;

composite gunboats, 8;

training ships, 3;

training brigantine, 1;

special class (Dolphin, Vesuvius), 2;

gunboats under 500 tons, 12;

torpedo boat destroyers, 16;

steel torpedo boats, 33;

wooden torpedo boat, 1;

submarine torpedo boats, 12;

iron cruising vessels, steam, 5;

wooden ditto, 5;

wooden sailing vessels, 5;

tugs, 44;

auxiliary cruisers, 5;

converted yachts, 21;

colliers, 8;

transport and supply ships, 8;

hospital ships, 2;

receiving ships, 4;

prison ships, 3.

Total, 292.

Under Construction:    First-class battle ships, 6;

torpedo boat destroyers, 20;

submarine torpedo boats, 16;

tug, 1;

colliers, 6.

Total 49.

Authorized:

First-class battle ships, 2;

gunboat for Great Lakes, 1;

submarine torpedo boats, 4;

colliers, 2.

Total 9.

Unfit for Service:   Of all descriptions, 12.

Grand Total, 362.

Since the above report, the House of Representatives, by vote

on the 8th of April, 1910, authorized the building of two

additional battle ships of the first class, at a cost of

$6,000,000 each.

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

The World-round Cruise of the American Battleship Fleet,

1907-1909.

On the 16th of December, 1907, a fleet of battle-ships which,

comprised practically the whole available fighting force of

the United States Navy steamed away from Hampton Roads, on the

longest and most notable cruise ever made by so formidable an

assemblage of ships of war. Its primary appointment was to

circuit the American continents from the Atlantic to the

Pacific shores of the United States, and the further direction

of the voyage was left for future decision. Ultimately,

invitations from foreign governments drew the fleet to

Australia, New Zealand, China and Japan, and it returned from

these visits in the Far East by way of the Suez Canal and the

Mediterranean Sea. The duration of the long voyage was a year,

two months and six days, and the total miles of ocean

traversed were about 45,000. Many foreign ports were visited,

South American, Australasian, Asiatic and European, and

boundless hospitalities were bestowed everywhere on the fleet.

Its stay of some days at San Francisco, before leaving

American waters, was the grand event of the year to Americans

of that coast, and its call at Manila gave emphasis to

American authority in the Philippines.

Until it reached San Francisco the fleet was under the command

of Rear-Admiral Robley D. Evans; but physical disabilities

then compelled the retirement of Admiral Evans, and he was

succeeded in the command by Rear-Admiral Charles S. Sperry,

under whom the remainder of the voyage was made. The sixteen

battleships of the fleet were divided into two squadrons and

four divisions, each division consisting of vessels of the

same general type; the first division comprised the

Connecticut, Admiral Evans’s flag-ship, the Kansas, the

Vermont, and the Louisiana; the second included the Georgia,

the New Jersey, the Rhode Island and the Virginia; the third

included the Minnesota, the Ohio, the Missouri, and the Maine;

the fourth contained the Alabama, the Illinois, the Kearsarge,

and the Kentucky. The battle-ships were accompanied by two

supply-ships, a repair-ship, and a tender, and were preceded

from Hampton Roads by a flotilla of six torpedo-boats and a

squadron of armored cruisers.

{708}

From San Francisco to New Zealand the voyage of 6000 miles was

made with one stop, only, at Honolulu, and so perfectly in

order, it is said, that only twice did any ship fall out of

the line of formation, in which the ships steamed steadily

together, two hundred and fifty yards apart. This order, with

time-table regularity of movement, was maintained from

beginning to end, and when, on the 22d of February, 1909,

President Roosevelt welcomed the return of the fleet to

Hampton Roads, he was able to say with just pride: "This is

the first battle fleet that ever circumnavigated the globe.

Those who perform the feat again can but follow your

footsteps. You have falsified every prediction of failure made

by the prophets. In all your long cruise not an accident

worthy of mention has happened to a single battleship, nor yet

to the cruisers or torpedo-boats. You left this coast in a

high state of battle efficiency, and you return with your

efficiency increased as a war machine, as the fleet returns in

better shape than when it left. In addition, you have shown

yourselves the best of all possible ambassadors and heralds of

peace. Wherever you have landed you have borne yourselves so

as to make us at home proud of being your countrymen."

Before the undertaking of this notable cruise of a battle-ship

fleet having no militant mission, many political reasons for

and against the movement were urged and discussed. From the

naval point of view, professionally, the true motive of the

project was stated undoubtedly by Captain A. T. Mahan, in an

article published in the Scientific American, and it

had no political purpose whatever. "A perfectly sufficient

reason," said Captain Mahan, "is the experience to be gained

by the fleet in making a long voyage, which otherwise might

have to be made for the first time under the pressure of war,

and the disadvantage of not having experienced at least once

the huge administrative difficulties connected with so distant

an expedition by a large body of vessels dependent upon their

own resources. By ‘own resources’ must be understood, not that

which each vessel carries in herself, but self-dependence as

distinguished from dependence on near navy-yards—the great

snare of peace times. The renewal of stores and coal on the

voyage is a big problem, whether the supply vessels accompany

the fleet or are directed to join from point to point."

The following statistics are given of the cost of the cruise:

"The fleet burned 400,320 tons of coal, costing $1,078,994.

The transportation of this coal by naval and hired colliers

cost $1,463,825. The total coal bill was $2,646,069. There

were used on the engines and other machinery 125,000 gallons

of oil costing $43,750. No official statement has been made of

the cost of ammunition used in target and battle practice. The

figure is put at above a million dollars, and $20,000,000 is

estimated as the total cost of the 14 months’ cruise."

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:

The World Naval Armament.

Fleets of the Great Powers in March, 1910.

A British Parliamentary Paper made public on the 29th of

April, 1910, gave statistics of the navies of the greater

Powers as they existed on the 31st of March. The following

summary of the figures appeared in the next issue of The

Mail. The letters at the heads of the columns signify—

E., England;

F., France;

R., Russia;

G., Germany;

I., Italy;

U., United States; and

J., Japan:--

Ships Built.

E.  F.   R.  G.  I.   U.  J.

Battleships              56  17   7   33  10   30  14

Armored C. D. Vessels     -   8   2    7   -   10   -

Armored Cruisers         38  20   4    9   8   15  12

Protected Cruisers, I.   18   5   7    -   -    3   2

Protected Cruisers, II.  35   9   2   23   3   16  11

Protected Cruisers, III  16   8   2   12   11   2   6

Unprotected Cruisers      2   -   -   10    -   5   6

Scouts                    8   -   -    -    -   3   -

Torpedo Vessels          23  10   6    1    5   2   2

T. B. Destroyers       150   60  97   85   21  25  57

Torpedo Boats          116  246  63   82   96  30  69

Submarines              63  56   30    8    7  18   9

Ships Building.

E.  F.   R.  G.  I.   U.  J.

Battleships              9    6    8    8    2   4   3

Armored Cruisers         3    2    2    3    2   -   1

Protected Cruisers, II.  9    -    -    5    -   -   3

Unprotected Cruisers     2    -    -    -    -   -   -

T. B. Destroyers        37   17    -   12    2  15   2

Submarines              11   23    3    *    -  10   3

* Number uncertain.

----------WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: End--------

----------WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: Start--------

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1899-1909.

General Treaties of Arbitration concluded since the First

Peace Conference at The Hague.

"Arbitration in the sense of the present day dates from Jay’s

Treaty of 1794, in which Great Britain and the United States

bound themselves to arbitrate contested boundary claims

(Article 5); claims preferred by British creditors (Article

6); and, more especially, the claims of American and British

creditors based upon ‘irregular or illegal captures or

condemnations of their vessels and other property’ (Article

7). …

"The first award under it [Jay’s Treaty] was made in 1798, so

that exactly one hundred years elapsed until the call of the

First Hague Conference. Arbitrations in this period were very

frequent. Writers differ as to the exact number; for example

Dr. Darby instances no less than 471 cases, but in his

enthusiasm for the peaceful settlement of international

differences he has included a large number of interstate

arrangements, which cannot be regarded as international

arbitrations in the strict sense of the word. Mr. Fried, in

his Handbook of the Peace Movement, enumerates some 200. M. La

Fontaine gives a list of 177 instances to the year 1900, which

should be reduced to 171 arbitrations or agreements to

arbitrate before the meeting of the First Conference in 1899.

Professor John Bassett Moore is more conservative and

enumerates 136 cases of international arbitration during the

nineteenth century, in 57 of which the United States was a

party, with a like number of 57 to which Great Britain has

been a party.

{709}

"But, as happily said by M. Descamps, arbitration is not a

question of mathematics, and whether the instances be 471,

according to Darby or 136, according to Professor Moore, the

recourse to arbitration bids fair to become a habit with

nations."

James Brown Scott,

The Hague Peace Conferences of 1899 and 1907,

Volume 1, pages 210 and 224-225.

Dr. Scott cites from M. La Fontaine a table showing the

participation of each State in arbitration. Germany has no

representation in the table, either as a whole or by any of

its parts; whereas every other nation of the least importance

in the world appears as having arbitrated some of its

disputes, prior to the preparation of this table.

At the First Peace Conference, of 1899, an attempt, strongly

supported, was made to frame and secure the adoption of a

treaty of arbitration by which the nations would bind

themselves to arbitrate a carefully selected list of subjects.

This failed, says Dr. Scott, in the work quoted above, "owing

to the opposition of Germany. As a compromise, Article 19 of

the convention for the peaceful adjustment of international

differences was adopted:

"‘Independently of existing general or special treaties

imposing the obligation to have recourse to arbitration on the

part of any of the Signatory Powers, these powers reserve to

themselves the right to conclude, either before the

ratification of the present convention or subsequent to that

date, new agreements, general or special, with a view of

extending the obligation to submit controversies to

arbitration to all cases which they consider suitable for such

submission’ (re-enacted in 1907 as Article 40).

"The article did not seem at the time to be of any special

importance and it was generally looked upon as useless because

independent and sovereign States possess the right without

special reservation to conclude arbitration agreements,

general or special, without being specifically empowered to do

so. The fact is, however, that this article, insignificant and

useless as it may seem, marks, one may almost say, an era in

the history of arbitration. The existence of the article has

called attention to the subject of arbitration and by

reference to it many States have negotiated arbitration

treaties. It is true that there is no legal obligation created

by the article and it is difficult to find a moral one, for it

is not declared to be the duty of any State to conclude

arbitration treaties. The moral effect of the article has,

however, been great and salutary, and the existence of

numerous arbitration treaties based upon the reservation

contained in the article shows the attention and respect which

nations pay to the various provisions of the Hague

Conference."

Dr. Scott adds to these remarks a list of treaties, of the

character contemplated, which had been entered into since the

First Hague Conference, up to the time at which he wrote, with

appended notes describing briefly the nature of the variously

broadened or narrowed reference clauses contained in them. A

more extended list has been published since by the

International Peace Bureau of Berne, Switzerland, for a copy

of which I am indebted to Mr. Frederick P. Keppel, Secretary

of Columbia University, New York. The list below is mainly

that of the International Peace Bureau, with the addition of a

few more recent treaties to which the United States has been a

party, obtained from the State Department at Washington. Some,

but not all, of Dr. Scott’s notes have been borrowed, with his

permission.

In the list of treaties as they are given here the date of

signature is entered first, with the prefix S.; that of

ratification follows, with the prefix R. When two dates of

ratification are given, the first is that by the government

named first in the entry of the parties to the treaty in

question. [Notes "A", "B", "C" and "E" are defined following

entry 105 below.]

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:

List of States between which Permanent Treaties of Arbitration

have been concluded since the First Peace Conference at The

Hague, with the Dates of their Signature and Ratification.

1. Brazil and Chile.

S. May 18, 1899.

R. March 7, 1906, at Santiago.

2. Argentine and Uruguay.

S. June 8, 1899.

R. December 21, 1901.

Additional protocol

S. December 21, 1901.

R. December 18, 1901.

3. Argentine and Paraguay,

S. November 6, 1899.

R. June 5, 1902.

Additional protocol

S. January 25, 1902.

R. June 5, 1902.

4. Bolivia and Peru.

S. November 21, 1901.

R. December 29, 1903.

5. Spain and Mexico.

S. January 11, 1902.

R. July 18, 1902.

6. Nicaragua, Salvador, Honduras, Costa Rica.

S. January 20, 1902.

[R. No date given.]

7. Argentine and Spain.

S. January 28, 1902.

[R. No date given.]

8. Spain and Salvador.

S. January 28, 1902.

R. July 18, 1902.

9. Spain and Dominican Republic.

S. January 28, 1902.

R. July 18, 1902.

10. Spain and Uruguay.

S. January 28, 1902.

R. July 18, 1902.

11. Pan-American Treaty of obligatory arbitration between

Argentine, Bolivia, Guatemala, Mexico, Paraguay.

Peru, Dominican Republic, Salvador, and Uruguay (for

differences relating to diplomatic privileges, rights of

navigation, questions of frontiers and interpretation and

enforcement of treaties). E

S. January 29, 1902, at Mexico. According to Article 21 of the

Treaty it would become of force as soon as three States among

those which signed the Treaty should make known their

approbation to the government of Mexico, which would

communicate the information to other governments. It has been

ratified by the governments of Salvador, May 28, 1902, of

Guatemala, August 25, 1902, and of Uruguay, January 31, 1903.

12. Special Treaty between the seventeen States represented at

the Pan-American Conference at Mexico, including the United

States of America, relating to the adjustment by means of

arbitration of difficulties resulting from financial

questions.

S. January 30, 1902, at Mexico.

[R. No date given.]

13. Argentine and Bolivia.

S. February 3, 1902.

R. March 13, 1902.

14. Bolivia and Spain.

S. February 17, 1902.

R. October 10, 1903.

15. Colombia and Spain.

S. February 17, 1902

R. July 18, 1902.

16. Spain and Guatemala.

S. February 28, 1902.

R. July 18, 1902.

{710}

17. Mexico and Persia.

S. May 14, 1902.

[R. No date given.]

18. Argentine and Chile. E

S. May 28, 1902.

R. July 30, 1902.

19. Germany and Venezuela.

S. May 7, 1903.

(R. La ratification n’a pas étc exigée.)

20. Paraguay and Peru.

S. May 18, 1903.

[R. No date given.]

21. France and Great Britain. C

S. October 14, 1903.

R. February 25, 1904.

22. Guatemala, Nicaragua, Honduras and Salvador.

S. November, 1903.

[R. No date given.]

23. France and Italy. C

S. December 25, 1903.

R. March 26, 1904-March 7, 1904.

24. Great Britain and Italy. C

S. February 1, 1904.

Not ratified.

25. Denmark and The Netherlands. B

S. February 12, 1904.

R. March 8, 1906, at The Hague.

26. Spain and France. C

S. February 26, 1904.

R. March 7, 1904-April 20, 1904.

27. Spain and Great Britain. C

S. February 27, 1904.

R. March 7, 1904-March 16, 1904.

28. France and The Netherlands. C

S. April 6, 1904.

R. July 5, 1905, at Paris.

29. Spain and Portugal.

S. May 31, 1904.

Not ratified.

30. France and Sweden. C

S. July 9, 1904.

R. November 9, 1904.

31. France and Norway. C

S. July 9, 1904.

R. November 9, 1904.

32. Germany and Great Britain. C

S. July 12, 1904.

Without reserve of ratification.

33. Great Britain and Sweden. C

S. August 11, 1904.

R. November 9, 1904.

34. Great Britain and Norway. C

S. August 11, 1904.

R. November 9, 1904.

35. The Netherlands and Portugal.

S. October 1, 1904.

R. October 29, 1908, at The Hague.

36. Spain and Nicaragua.

S. October 4, 1904.

R. March 19, 1908.

37. Belgium and Russia. A

S. October 17/30, 1904.

R. September 9/August 27, 1905-July 27 /August 9, 1905.

38. Belgium and Switzerland. A

S. November 15, 1904.

R. August 19, 1905.

39. Great Britain and Switzerland. C

S. November 16, 1904.

R. July 12, 1905.

40. Great Britain and Portugal. C

S. November 16, 1904.

Not ratified.

41. Germany and The United States of America.

S. November 22, 1904.

Not ratified.

42. Italy and Switzerland. C

S. November 23, 1904.

R. December 5, 1905.

43. Norway and Russia. A

S. November 26/December 9, 1904.

R. February 27, 1905-February 12/25, 1905.

44. Russia and Sweden. A

S. November 26/December 9, 1904.

R. February 12/25-February 27/14, 1905.

45. Belgium and Sweden. A

S. November 30, 1904.

R. August 11, 1905.

46. Belgium and Norway. A

S. November 30, 1904.

R. August 11, 1905-October 30, 1906.

47. Austria-Hungary and Switzerland. C

S. December 3, 1904.

R. October 17, 1905, at Vienna.

48. France and Switzerland. C

S. December 14, 1904.

R. July 13, 1905.

49. Sweden and Switzerland. A

S. December 17, 1904.

R. July 13, 1905.

50. Norway and Switzerland. A

S. December 17, 1904.

R. July 13, 1905.

51. Austria-Hungary and The United States of America.

S. January 6, 1905.

Not ratified.

52. Austria-Hungary and Great Britain. C

S. January 11, 1905.

R. May 17, 1905, at Loudon.

53. Spain and Sweden.

S. January 23, 1905.

R. March 20, 1905.

54. Spain and Norway.

S. January 23, 1905.

R. March 20, 1905.

55. Belgium and Spain. A

S. January 23, 1905.

R. December 16-July 28, 1905.

56. Great Britain and The Netherlands. C

S. February 15, 1905.

R. July 12, 1905, at London.

57. Denmark and Russia. A

S. February 16/March 1, 1905.

R. April 11, 1905-March 20/April 3, 1905.

58. Italy and Peru.

S. April 18, 1905.

R. November 11, 1905.

59. Belgium and Greece. A

S. April 19/May 2, 1905.

R. July 9/22, 1905.

60. Belgium and Denmark. A

S. April 26, 1905.

R. May 2, 1906.

61. Portugal and Sweden. C

S. May 6, 1905.

Not ratified.

62. Norway and Portugal. C

S. May 6, 1905.

Not ratified.

63. Italy and Portugal. C

S. May 11, 1905.

Not ratified.

64. Spain and Honduras.

S. May 13, 1905.

R. July 16, 1906.

65. Belgium and Roumania. A

S. May 27/14, 1905.

R. October 9/September 26, 1905.

66. Portugal and Switzerland. C

S. August 18, 1905.

R. October 23, 1908, at Berne.

67. Argentine and Brazil.

S. September 7, 1905.

R. September 28, 1908-October 2, 1908.

68. Colombia and Peru.

S. September 12, 1905.

R. July 6, 1906, with the modus rivendi.

69. Denmark and France. C

S. September 15, 1905.

R. May 31, 1906.

70. Denmark and Great Britain. C

S. October 25, 1905.

R. May 4, 1906.

71. Norway and Sweden. A

S. October 26, 1905.

Without reserve of ratification.

72. Denmark and Spain. A

S. December 1, 1905.

R. May 10, 1906-May 14. 1906.

73. Denmark and Italy. B

S. December 16, 1905.

R. May 22--March 30, 1906.

74. Austria-Hungary and Portugal. C

S. February 13, 1906.

R. October 16, 1908, at Vienna.

75. Belgium and Nicaragua.

S. March 6, 1906.

Not ratified.

76. France and Portugal. C

S. July 29, 1906.

Not ratified.

77. Denmark and Portugal. B

S. March 20, 1907.

R. October 26, 1908, at Copenhagen.

78. Nicaragua and Salvador.

S. April 3, 1907.

Not ratified.

79. Spain and Switzerland. C

S. May 14, 1907.

R. July 9, 1907.

80. Argentine and Italy.

S. September 18, 1907.

Not ratified.

81. Italy and Mexico.

S. October 16, 1907.

R. December 31, 1907.

82. Honduras, Guatemala, Salvador, Nicaragua and Costa Rica.

S. December 20, 1907, at Washington.

R. March, 1908.

83. United States of America and France. D

S. February 10, 1908.

R. March 12, 1908, at Washington.

84. United States of America and Greece.-

S. February 29, 1908.

Not ratified [?].

85. United States of America and Switzerland. D

S. February 29, 1908.

R. December 23, 1908.

86. United States of America and Mexico. D

S. March 24, 1908.

R. June 27, 1908, at Washington.

{711}

87. United States of America and Italy. D

S. March 28, 1008.

R. January 22, 1900.

88. United States of America and Great Britain. D

S. April 4, 1008.

R. June 4, 1908, at Washington.

89. United States of America and Norway. D

S. April 4, 1908.

R. June 24, 1908, at Washington.

90. United States of America and Portugal. D

S. April 6, 1908.

R. November 14, 1908.

91. United States of America and Spain. D

S. April 20, 1908.

R. June 2, 1908, at Washington.

92. United States of America and Sweden. D

S. May 2, 1908.

R. August 18, 1908, at Washington.

93. United States of America and The Netherlands. D

S. May 2, 1908.

R. March 25, 1909.

94.   United States of America and Japan. D

S. May 5, 1908.

R. August 24, 1908, at Washington.

95. Denmark and the United States of America. D

S. May 18, 1908.

R. March 29, 1909.

96. Denmark and Sweden. D

S. July 17, 1908.

Not ratified.

97. China and the United States of America. D

S. October 8, 1908.

R. April 6, 1909.

98. Denmark and Norway.

S. October 8, 1908.

Not ratified.

99. United States of America and Austria-Hungary. D

S. January 15, 1909, at Washington.

R. May 13, 1909.

100. United States of America and Peru. D

S. December 5, 1908, at Washington.

R. June 29, 1909.

101. United States of America and Salvador. D

S. December 21, 1908, at Washington.

R. July 3, 1909.

102. United States of America and Costa Rica. D

S. January 13, 1909, at Washington.

R. July 20, 1909.

NOTES.

The treaties differ in the range given to the obligation

imposed on the signatory parties, as to the nature of the

differences which they shall submit to arbitration. Most of

them, however, are divisible in this respect into three

classes, distinguished above by the reference letters "A,"

"B," and "C," and the distinction described in the following

notes thus marked, from Dr. Scott’s work. Treaties concluded

by the United States have an otherwise distinct character, as

explained in note "D."

A.—The article of reference in these treaties is substantially

(when not identically) as follows:

"The high contracting parties agree to submit to the permanent

Court of Arbitration established at The Hague by the

Convention of July 29, 1899, the differences which may arise

between them in the cases enumerated in Article 3, in so far

as they affect neither the independence, the honor, the vital

interests, nor the exercise of sovereignty of the contracting

countries, and provided it has been impossible to obtain an

amicable solution by means of direct diplomatic negotiations

or by any other method of conciliation.

"1. In case of disputes concerning the application or

interpretation of any convention concluded or to be concluded

between the high contracting parties and relating—a. To

matters of international private law; b. To the management of

companies; c. To matters of procedure, either civil or

criminal, and to extradition.

"2. In cases of disputes concerning pecuniary claims based on

damages, when the principle of indemnity has been recognized

by the parties.

"Differences which may arise with regard to the interpretation

or application of a convention concluded or to be concluded

between the high contracting parties and in which third powers

have participated or to which they have adhered shall be

excluded from settlement by arbitration."

"B. The treaties of this noble class are the few thus far

concluded which pledge the parties engaged in them to submit

all differences that may arise between them to pacific

arbitration, reserving no dispute, of any nature, to

become a possible entanglement in war. The formula of

reference in them is substantially this:

"The high contracting parties agree to submit to the permanent

Court of Arbitration established at The Hague by the

Convention of July 29, 1899, all differences of every nature

that may arise between them, and which cannot be settled by

diplomacy, and this even in the case of such differences as

have had their origin prior to the conclusion of the present

Convention."

C.—The reference clause in these treaties is substantially

alike in all, to the following purpose:

"Differences which may arise of a legal nature, or relating to

the interpretation of treaties existing between the two

contracting parties, and which it may not have been possible

to settle by diplomacy, shall be referred to the Permanent

Court of Arbitration, established at The Hague by the

convention of the 29th July, 1899; provided, nevertheless,

that they do not affect the vital interests, the independence,

or the honor of the two contracting States, and do not concern

the interests of third parties."

D.—In the treaties of arbitration negotiated by the United

States the article of reference is like that last quoted, in

Note C; but the following is added to it:

"In each individual case the High Contracting Parties, before

appealing to the Permanent Court of Arbitration, shall

conclude a special Agreement, defining clearly the matter in

dispute, the scope of the powers of the arbitrators, and the

periods to be fixed for the formation of the Arbitral Tribunal

and the several stages of the procedure. It is understood that

on the part of the United States such special agreements will

be made by the President of the United States, by and with the

advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and on the part of

Costa Rica shall be subject to the procedure required by the

Constitution and laws thereof."

This was required by the United States Senate, which rejected

a number of earlier arbitration treaties, negotiated by

Secretary Hay, because they would have allowed cases of

controversy with other nations to be referred to The Hague

Tribunal by the President without specific consent from the

Senate in each particular case. This brings the general treaty

of arbitration down very close to absurdity, leaving almost

nothing of its intended pacific influence to act.

E.—See below: A. D. 1901 (November), and 1902.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1901 (November).

Treaty of Unreserved Arbitration for all Controversies between

Bolivia and Peru.

On the 21st of November, 1901, the republics of Bolivia and

Peru set a great example of trust in arbitration as a means of

settling controversies between nations, by concluding a

convention which pledged them for ten years to submit every

disagreement between themselves to that peaceful solution,

reserving no question whatsoever. Their example, as will be

seen, was remarkably imitated among their Spanish-American

neighbors in the following year. The subjoined are the

important articles of their compact of peace:

"Article 1.

The high contracting parties pledge themselves to submit to

arbitration all the controversies which have thus far been

pending, and those which, while the present treaty is in

force, may arise between them, whatever may be their nature

and causes provided that it has been found impossible to

settle them by direct negotiation.

"Article 2.

In each case that may arise the contracting parties shall

conclude a special agreement with a view to determining the

subject-matter of the controversy, to fixing the points that

are to be settled, the extent of the powers of the

arbitrators, and the procedure to be observed.

"Article 3.

In case the high contracting parties do not succeed in

agreeing on the points referred to in the foregoing article,

the arbitrator shall be authorized to determine, in view of

the claims of both parties, the points of fact and of law that

are to be decided for the settlement of the controversy, and

to establish the mode of procedure to be followed.

{712}

"Article 4.

The high contracting parties agree that the arbitrator shall

be the permanent court of arbitration that may be established

in virtue of the decisions adopted by the Pan-American

Conference now sitting in the City of Mexico.

"Article 5.

For these two cases: (a) If the court referred to in

the foregoing article shall not be created, and (b) if

there is need of having recourse to arbitration before that

court shall be created, the high contracting parties agree to

designate as arbitrator the Government of the Argentine

Republic, that of Spain, and that of the United Mexican States

for the performance of this duty, one to act in case of the

disability of the other, and in the order in which they are

named.

"Article 6.

If, while the present treaty is in force, and in the two

contingencies referred to in the foregoing article, different

cases of arbitration shall arise, they shall be successively

submitted for decision to the aforesaid governments in the

order above established.

"Article 7.

The arbitrator shall further be competent:

1. To pass upon the regularity of his appointment, the

validity of the agreement, and the interpretation thereof.

2. To adopt such measures as may be necessary, and to settle

all difficulties that may arise in the course of the debate.

Concerning questions of a technical or scientific character

that may arise during the debate, the opinion of the Royal

Geographical Society of London or that of the International

Geodetic Institute of Berlin shall be asked.

3. To designate the time in which he shall perform his

arbitral functions.

"Article 8.

The arbitrator shall decide in strict obedience to the

provisions of international law, and, on questions relating to

boundary, in strict obedience to the American principle of

‘uti possedetis’ of 1810, whenever, in the agreement mentioned

in article 2, the application of the special rules shall not

be established, or in case the arbitrator shall (not ?) be

authorized to decide as an amicable referee.

"Article 9.

The decision shall decide, definitely, every point in dispute,

stating the reasons therefor. It shall be prepared in

duplicate, and notice thereof shall be given to each of the

parties through its representative before the arbitrator.

"Article 10.

The decision, legally pronounced, shall decide, within the

limits of its scope, the contest between the parties.

"Article 11.

The arbitrator shall fix, in his decision, the time within

which said decision is to be executed.

"Article 12.

No appeal from the decision shall be allowed, and its

execution is intrusted to the honor of the nations that sign

this treaty.

"Nevertheless, an appeal for revision to the arbitrator who

pronounced it shall be admissible, provided that such appeal

be taken before the expiration of the time fixed for its

execution, in the following cases:

1. If the decision has been pronounced on the basis of a

counterfeit document, or of one that has been tampered with.

2. If the decision has been, either in whole or in part, the

consequence of a fact resulting from the proceedings or

documents of the case."

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.

Noble Treaties between Argentina and Chile for Obligatory

Arbitration of all Disputes, and for Restriction of Naval

Armaments.

Notwithstanding the fortunate arrangement, in 1898, for

arbitration of a serious boundary dispute between the

Argentine Republic and Chile (see, in Volume VI. of this work,

Argentine Republic), there continued to be troublesome

frictions between the two Spanish-American neighbors, while

awaiting the decision of the arbitrator, King Edward VII.,

which was not rendered until November 27, 1902. These had led

to a ruinous rivalry in naval armament. Reporting on this

state of affairs in May of that year, Mr. William P. Lord, the

American Minister to the Argentine Government, wrote:

"Both countries have incurred heavy expense for the equipment

and maintenance of largely increased army and naval forces.

Chile has recently contracted for two formidable warships

involving a heavy cost with the object of putting her navy

upon an equality with the Argentine navy, whereupon Argentina,

not to be outdone, contracted for two war ships larger in size

and perhaps more formidable at a like heavy cost in order to

continue and maintain her naval superiority. The costly

expenditure incurred on account of war and naval preparations

is paralyzing industrial activity and commercial enterprise.

Both countries are largely in debt and confronted with a

deficit. Both have appropriated their conversion funds which

had been set apart for a specific purpose, and which, it would

seem, should have been preserved inviolable. Neither is able

to make a foreign loan without paying a high rate of interest

and giving guarantees to meet the additional expenses which

their war policy is incurring, and both Governments know and

their people know that the only remedy to which either can

resort to meet existing financial conditions is to levy fresh

taxes of some description, notwithstanding nearly everything

that can be taxed is now taxed to the utmost limit. The weight

of taxation already imposed bears heavily upon the energies

and activities of the people. The outlook is not promising,

business being dull, wage employment scarce, and failures

frequent."

Happily, good sense prevailed over this folly very soon after

Minister Lord wrote his account of it. On the 3d of June,

1902, the same writer was enabled to forward to Washington the

text of four remarkable "peace agreements" which had been

signed on the 28th of May, at the Chilean capital, by the

Chilean Minister of Foreign Relations and the Argentine

Minister Plenipotentiary to Chile, who had been brought to

negotiations by the friendly mediation of Great Britain. The

four documents were: a political convention declaring a common

international policy on the part of the two republics; a broad

treaty of general arbitration; an agreement for the reducing

of naval forces; an agreement for the conclusive marking of

boundary lines by the engineers of the arbitrator, King

Edward. The general arbitration treaty is no less unreserved

and comprehensive than that between Peru and Bolivia and

offers another Spanish-American model for imitation in the

interest of peace. Its articles are as follows:

"Article 1.

The high contracting parties bind themselves to submit to

arbitration every difficulty or question of whatever nature

that may arise between them, provided such questions do not

affect the precepts of the respective constitutions of the two

countries, and that they can not be solved through direct

negotiation.

{713}

" Article 2.

This treaty does not embrace those questions that have given

rise to definite agreements between the two parties. In such

cases the arbitration shall be limited exclusively to

questions of validity, interpretation, or fulfillment of these

agreements.

"Article 3.

The high contracting parties designate as arbitrator the

Government of His Britannic Majesty or, in the event of either

of the powers having broken off relations with the British

Government, the Swiss Government. Within sixty days from the

exchange of ratifications the British Government and the Swiss

Government shall be asked to accept the charge of arbitrators.

"Article 4.

The points of controversy, questions or divergencies shall be

specified by the high contracting parties, who may determine

the powers of the arbitrator or any other circumstance

connected with the procedure.

"Article 5.

In the case of divergence of opinion, either party may solicit

the intervention of the arbitrator, who will determine the

circumstances of procedure, the contracting parties placing

every means of information at the service of the arbitrator.

"Article 6.

Either party is at liberty to name one or more commissioners

near the arbitrator.

"Article 7.

The arbitrator is qualified to decide upon the validity of the

obligation and its interpretation, as well as upon questions

as to what difficulties come within the sphere of the

arbitration.

"Article 8.

The arbitrator shall decide in accordance with international

law, unless the obligation involves the application of special

rules or he have been authorized to act as friendly mediator.

"Article 9.

The award shall definitely decide each point of controversy.

"Article. 10.

The award shall be drawn up in two copies.

"Article 11.

The award legally delivered shall decide within the limits of

its scope the question between the two parties.

"Article 12.

The arbitrator shall specify in his award the term within

which the award shall be carried out, and he is competent to

deal with any question arising as to the fulfillment.

"Article 13.

There can be no appeal from the award, and its fulfillment is

intrusted to the honor of the signatory powers. Nevertheless,

the recourse of revision is admitted under the following

circumstances:

1. If the award be given on the strength of a false

document;

2. If the award be the result, either partially or totally,

of an error of fact.

"Article. 14.

The contracting parties shall pay their own expenses and each

a half of the expenses of the arbitration.

"Article 15.

The present agreement shall last for ten years from the date

of the exchange of the ratifications, and shall be renewed for

another term of ten years, unless either party shall give

notice to the contrary six months before expiry."

Papers relating to the Foreign Relations

of the United States, 1902, pages 13-20.

In their convention on naval armaments the two governments

"renounced the acquisition of the war vessels they have in

construction and the making for the present of any new

acquisitions," agreeing to reduce their fleets to "a prudent

equilibrium."

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.

Ten South and Central American Nations join in Protocol

of Convention for Compulsory Arbitration.

"Ten of the nineteen nations represented at the City of Mexico

[Second Pan-American Conference, 1902] united in the project

of a treaty, to be ratified by their respective governments,

providing for compulsory arbitration of all controversies

which, in the judgment of any of the interested nations, do

not affect either their independence or national honor; and it

is prescribed that in independence and national honor are not

included controversies concerning diplomatic privileges,

limits, rights of navigation, or the validity, interpretation,

and fulfillment of treaties. Mexico became a party to this

project, but the United States declined; thus showing an

entire change of attitude on the part of these two nations

since the Washington conference of 1890. Mexico had in the

meantime adjusted its boundary dispute with Guatemala. But

since Mr. Blaine’s ardent advocacy of compulsory arbitration

the Senate of the United States had manifested its opposition

to the policy by the rejection of the Olney-Pauncefote

arbitration treaty of 1897, and it is to be inferred that the

Secretary of State did not think it wise to commit our

government to a measure which had been disapproved of by the

coordinate branch of the treaty-making power."

J. W. Foster,

Pan-American Diplomacy

(Atlantic Monthly, April, 1902).

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.

Central America.

Treaty of Compulsory Arbitration between Nicaragua, Salvador,

Honduras, Costa Rica, and Guatemala.

A treaty of compulsory arbitration and obligatory peace,

between four of the States above named, in fulfillment of the

agreement at Mexico was signed at Corinto on the 20th of

January, 1902.

See (in this Volume)

AMERICAN REPUBLICS: SECOND INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE.

Its essential provisions were the following:

"The Governments of Nicaragua, Salvador, Honduras, and Costa

Rica, desirous of contributing by all the means in their power

to the maintenance of the peace and good harmony that exists

and should exist among them, have agreed to celebrate a

convention of peace and obligatory arbitration, and to that

effect have named as their respective plenipotentiaries: …

Who, after having presented their credentials and the same

being found in good and due form, have agreed upon the

following covenant:

"Article 1.

It is declared that the present convention has for object the

incorporation in form of public treaty the conclusions to

which have arrived their excellencies, the Presidents, General

Don J. Santos Zelaya, General Don Tomas Regalado, General Don

Terencio Sierra, and Don Rafael Iglesias, in the several

conferences that have been held in this port with the sole

object of maintaining and assuring, by all possible means, the

peace of Central America.

"Article 2.

The contracting Governments establish the principle of

obligatory arbitration, in order to adjust every difficulty or

question that might present itself between the contracting

parties, binding themselves in consequence to submit them to a

tribunal of Central American arbitrators.

{714}

"Article 3.

Each one of the contracting parties shall name an arbitrator

and a substitute to constitute the tribunal. The terms of the

arbitrators shall be for one year, counting from their

acceptance, and then they may be reelected.

"Article 4.

The arbitrators of those states among whom exists the

disagreement shall not form part of the tribunal for the

consideration of the concrete case, this remaining entirely

with the arbitrator or arbitrators of the remaining states.

"Article 5.

If, through pairing, there should be no decision, the tribunal

shall select a third among the substitutes. The third should

necessarily adhere to one of the views given out.

"Article 6.

As soon as a difficulty or question presents itself between

two or more states, their respective Governments shall advise

the remaining signers of the present convention.

"Article 7.

The contracting Governments establish and recognize the right

of each one of them to offer without delay, singly or

conjointly, their good offices to the Governments of the

states that are in disagreement, even without previous

acceptation by them, and though they should not have notified

them of the difficulty or question pending.

"Article 8.

The friendly offices exhausted without satisfactory result,

the government or governments that would have exercised them

shall notify the others, declaring at the proper time

arbitration proceedings. This declaration shall be

communicated with the greatest possible brevity to the member

of the tribunal corresponding to the president of same, with

the object that within a period not exceeding fifteen days the

tribunal that is to know and decide the case comes together.

The installation of the tribunal shall be communicated by

telegraph to the signing governments, demanding from the

contending parties the presentation of their claims within the

fifteen days following.

"Article 9.

The tribunal shall give its judgment within five days

following the expiration of the term which has been spoken of.

"Article 10.

The difficulties that may arise through questions of pending

limits, or through interpretation, or execution of treaties of

limits, shall be submitted by the governments interested to

the knowledge and decision of a foreign arbitrator of American

nationality

"Article 11.

The Governments of the states in dispute solemnly agree not to

execute any hostile act, warlike preparations, or mobilization

of forces, with the object of not impeding the arrangement of

the difficulty or question through the means established by

the present agreement."

On the 1st of March following the signing of this peace treaty

by the four Presidents named above, the United States Minister

to Costa Rica, Mr. William Lawrence Merry, reported to his

Government that the President of Guatemala had added his

signature to theirs.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1903.

Gift of a Court House and Library for the Permanent Court

of Arbitration at The Hague.

By a deed signed October 7, 1903, Mr. Andrew Carnegie created

a foundation or trust under the Netherland law (a

Stichting in the Dutch language), "for the purpose of

building, establishing, and maintaining in perpetuity at The

Hague a court-house and library (temple of peace) for the

permanent court of arbitration established by the treaty of

July 29, 1899." As stated in the deed, "the Netherland

Government, according to agreement, will see to the

appointment of a board of directors under proper control, and

draw up the rules according to which the ‘Stichting’ shall be

governed, so as to ensure in perpetuity its maintenance and

efficiency. The words maintaining, maintenance, in this

agreement are not to be construed as relieving the signatory

powers to the treaty of July 29, 1899, from the financial

obligations incurred and so far discharged in connection with

the permanent court of arbitration. If at any time the purpose

for which the 'Stichting' was founded should fail, the assets

of the ‘Stichting’ shall be employed for promoting the cause

of international peace and concord in such a manner as shall

be determined jointly by the sovereign of the Netherlands and

the President of the United States."

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.

International Peace Congresses.

The Thirteenth at Boston.

The First International Peace Congress was held in London in

1843, when men who could think of the possibility of ending

war were jeered at, and little heed was given to their talk.

In the next ten years it had six successors, all in Europe,

and three of them in Great Britain. Then came the succession

of wars in the fifties, sixties and seventies, which seemed to

discourage peace-dreams, and it was not until 1878, on the

occasion of the Paris Exposition, that an eighth international

gathering of the dreamers was attempted. Then they waited

eleven years for hope and faith enough to draw them for a

ninth time together. After that date the series ran on under

growing impulsions and encouragements, and when Boston, in

1904, invited its moving spirits to honor America, for the

first time, with their assemblage, the Congress gathered in

that city, in early October, was the Thirteenth of its name

and kind. It was given exceptional brilliancy by the

attendance of many distinguished people from abroad who had

been drawn to the United States that season by the Exposition

at St. Louis and the various conferences there.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.

A Philosopher’s Plan for Ending War.

"Man lives inhabits, indeed, but what he lives for is thrills

and excitements. The only relief from Habit’s tediousness is

periodical excitement. From time immemorial wars have been,

especially for non-combatants, the supremely thrilling

excitement. Heavy and dragging at its end, at its outset every

war means an explosion of imaginative energy. The dams of

routine burst, and boundless prospects open. The remotest

spectators share the fascination. …

"This is the constitution of human nature which we have to

work against. The plain truth is that people want war.

They want it anyhow; for itself; and apart from each and every

possible consequence. It is the final bouquet of life’s

fireworks. The born soldiers want it hot and actual. The

non-combatants want it in the background, and always as an

open possibility, to feed imagination on and keep excitement

going. …

{715}

"We do ill, I fancy, to talk much of universal peace or of a

general disarmament. We must go in for preventive medicine,

not for radical cure. We must cheat our foe, politically

circumvent his action, not try to change his nature. In one

respect war is like love, though in no other. Both leave us

intervals of rest; and in the intervals life goes on perfectly

well without them, though the imagination still dallies with

their possibility. … Let the general possibility of war be

left open, in Heaven’s name, for the imagination to dally

with. Let the soldiers dream of killing, as the old maids

dream of marrying. But organize in every conceivable way the

practical machinery for making each successive chance of war

abortive. Put peace-men in power; educate the editors and

statesmen to responsibility;—how beautifully did their trained

responsibility in England make the Venezuela incident

abortive! Seize every pretext, however small, for arbitration

methods, and multiply the precedents; foster rival excitements

and invent new outlets for heroic energy; and from one

generation to another, the chances are that irritations will

grow less acute and states of strain less dangerous among the

nations. Armies and navies will continue, of course, and will

fire the minds of populations with their potentialities of

greatness. But their officers will find that somehow or other,

with no deliberate intention on any one’s part, each

successive ‘incident’ has managed to evaporate and to lead

nowhere, and that the thought of what might have been remains

their only consolation."

William James,

Remarks at the Peace Banquet

(Atlantic Monthly, December, 1904).

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909.

The Interparliamentary Union.

The Interparliamentary Union, composed of members of the

parliamentary bodies of many countries, had its origin in

1888, when, on the 31st of October, thirty members of the

French Chamber of Deputies met with ten members of the British

Parliament, at Paris, to discuss the practicability of

cooperation in efforts for the promotion of international

peace. William Randal Cremer, a labor union member of

Parliament, is credited with the conception and the active

agency which set the movement on foot, and in 1903 he received

the Nobel Prize of $35,000, for distinguished service to the

cause of peace. He devoted the money to the same cause. He

received further honors from the Government of France, which

made him a Chevalier of the Legion of Honor. The results of

the undertaking he led have already acquired high importance,

and exhibit more each year. If the glorious dream of a World

Parliament, empowered to enact international law, is ever

realized, the realization may be a growth from this seed.

Thus far, the growth has produced an Interparliamentary Union

composed of representatives from the legislatures of every

country in Europe which has a really constitutional

government, and from the United States. The Congress of the

latter became represented in the Union in the winter of 1904,

and the next meeting of the Union was held at St. Louis that

year, while the Louisiana Purchase Exposition was in progress.

The membership of the Union had then risen to about 2000 in

number, drawn entirely from the national law-making bodies of

the world,—elected representatives of many millions of people,

making up a powerfully influential combination of experienced

public men. The St. Louis meeting was attended by two hundred

of these, including many of distinguished standing in the

parliaments of their several countries. This session of the

Union was under the presidency of the Honorable Richard

Bartholdt, Member of Congress from Missouri. Its most

important action was the adoption, by unanimous vote, of the

following resolution:

"Whereas, Enlightened public opinion and the spirit of

modern civilization alike demand that differences between

nations should be adjudicated and settled in the same manner

as disputes between individuals are adjudicated—namely, by

the arbitrament of courts in accordance with recognized

principles of law;

"The Conference requests the several governments of the world

to send representatives to an International Conference, to be

held at a time and place to be agreed upon by them, for the

purpose of considering—

"First, the questions for the consideration of which the

Conference at The Hague expressed a wish that a future

conference be called;

"Second, the negotiation of arbitration treaties between the

nations represented at the Conference to be convened;

"Third, the advisability of establishing an International

Congress to convene periodically for the discussion of

international questions;

"And this Conference respectfully and cordially requests the

President of the United States to invite all the nations to

send representatives to such a Conference."

Subsequently, this resolution was presented to the President,

at Washington, by the members of the Union, and his assent to

the request was received. Out of this came the train of

proceedings which brought about the Second Peace Conference at

The Hague.

In 1905 the meeting of the Interparliamentary Union was held

at Brussels; in 1906 at London; in 1908 at Berlin.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

The First National Peace Congress in the United States,

assembled at New York.

The Peace Congress assembled at New York April 14, 1907, (the

first National assembly of its character), on the initiative

of Andrew Carnegie, "surpassed expectation. First of all, in

numbers. Delegates registered by the thousand. The best hall

in the metropolis proved inadequate. Overflow and additional

meetings were held in other halls and in churches. For the

first time in the history of great conferences, two banquets

were necessary at the close, taking place coincidentally, with

some of the same speakers passing from one to the other, no

hotel accommodations being sufficient for the function if all

applicants were to be housed in one place. Even with this

doubling the issuance of tickets had to be stopped.

"Secondly, the Congress was the first really National peace

meeting in America. In comparison, previous peace congresses

have been sectional. But at last week’s over thirty-five

States were represented by their Governors or their

representatives, by members of State tribunals and State

Legislatures, and by Mayors of important cities. The Federal

Government was represented by members of the Hague Court, of

the Supreme, Circuit, and District Courts, and of Congress.

Thus the resultant body was a peculiarly representative

official gathering. …

{716}

"Still another striking feature of the Congress lay in the

prominent place given to the representatives of labor and

commerce, a feature comprised in two meetings, addressed by

prominent leaders of the various industries. The general

position was well taken by Mr. Samuel Gompers, President of

the American Federation of Labor: ‘Not as workers will we

permit ourselves to be shot down in order to conquer the

markets of barbarians and savages. I know of no gathering of

labor in the last twenty-five years which has not declared

itself unequivocally for international brotherhood and

peace.’"

"A final and chief feature of interest lay in the notably

practical character of the vast majority of speakers and

listeners. The Congress was no ‘collection of cranks and

fools,’ as a hard-headed man of affairs dubbed it in passing

the hall, without looking in to verify his statement. Neither

was it a collection of white-blooded, weak-kneed theorists,

feebly appreciating the actual conditions that govern

individual passions and national prejudices. As one glanced

around, there were the faces of great captains of industry, of

practical leaders of labor, of men who bulk large in

commercial enterprises, of trusted political leaders. Nor was

the Congress any mere anti-war affair: its business was

positive, not negative; it was to affirm the necessity of

substituting reason for passion. There was a general sentiment

that it ought to emphasize, not ‘rainbows’ or distant Utopias,

but only practical plans certain of realization, and of

realization, too, not in the far future, but in this very

coming summer by action at The Hague."

The Outlook,

April 27, 1907.

Among the prominent speakers were Mr. Carnegie, who presided,

Mr. Root, Secretary of State, Governor Hughes, of New York,

Ambassador Bryce, Mr. William J. Bryan, Congressman Bartholdt,

President of the American group in the Inter-parliamentary

Union, Professor Münsterberg, President Eliot, Baron

d’Estournelles, the eminent peace advocate of France, and Mr.

W. T. Stead. Mr. Root pointed out the great obstacle to

arbitration—a fear that the tribunals selected would not be

impartial, because arbitrators are thought often to act

diplomatically rather than judicially. "We need," he said,

"for arbitrators, not distinguished public men concerned in

all the international questions of the day, but judges

interested only in the question appearing on the record before

them. Plainly, this end is to be attained by the establishment

of a court of permanent judges."

Mr. Bryan made the excellent suggestion that in time of war

money-lenders shall not be allowed to wax fat by loans, taking

advantage of a nation’s weakness and urging it to continue

hostilities. A loan by the citizens of a neutral nation, he

pointed out, is practically a loan by the nation itself, and

should be objected to as much as furnishing shot and shell.

Mr. Stead, writing of the Congress in the American Review

of Reviews, characterized it as "in many respects the most

notable Congress of its kind that has ever been held in the

Old World or the New," and as being "the pioneer or John the

Baptist of the Second International Conference" soon to meet

at The Hague. "It represented," he said, "the first

rudimentary, crude, but nevertheless definite effort on the

part of the New World to impress its will on the Old World."

But he thought the resolutions of the Congress, "as a whole,

were hardly worthy of the importance of the occasion or the

representative character of the conference," and criticised

the committee for taking "no steps for pressing their adoption

upon other governments than their own."

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

Second International Peace Conference at The Hague:

Its Conventions, Declarations, and Recommendations.

Text of the Convention for a Pacific Settlement of

International Disputes, and of the "Final Act," with its

recommended Draft Convention for the Creation of a Judicial

Arbitration Court.

"Pursuant to a request of the Interparliamentary Union, held

at St. Louis in 1904, that a further peace conference be held,

and that the President of the United States invite all nations

to send representatives to such a conference, the late

Secretary of State, at the direction of the President,

instructed, on October 21, 1904, the representatives of the

United States accredited to each of the signatories to the

acts of The Hague Conference of 1889 to present overtures for

a second conference to the ministers for foreign affairs of

the respective countries.

"The replies received to this circular instruction of October

21, 1904, indicated that the proposition for the calling of a

second conference met with general favor. At a later period it

was intimated by Russia that the initiator of the First

Conference was, owing to the restoration of peace in the

Orient, disposed to undertake the calling of a new conference

to continue as well as to supplement the works of the first.

The offer of the Czar to take steps requisite to convene a

second international peace conference was gladly welcomed by

the President, and the Final Act of the Conference only

recites in its preamble the invitation of the President.

"The Russian Government thus assumed the calling of the

Conference, and on April 12, 1906, submitted the following

programme, which was acceptable to the Powers generally and

which served as the basis of the work of the Conference:

"1. Improvements to be made in the provisions of the

convention relative to the peaceful settlement of

international disputes as regards the Court of Arbitration and

the International commissions of inquiry.

"2. Additions to be made to the provisions of the convention

of 1899 relative to the laws and customs of war on land—among

others, those concerning the opening of hostilities, the

rights of neutrals on land, etc. Declaration of 1899. One of

these having expired, question of its being revived.

"3. Framing of a convention relative to the laws and customs

of maritime warfare, concerning—

"The special operations of maritime warfare, such as the

bombardment of ports, cities, and villages by a naval force;

the laying of torpedoes, etc.

"The transformation of merchant vessels into war ships.

"The private property of belligerents at sea.

"The length of time to be granted to merchant ships for their

departure from ports of neutrals or of the enemy after the

opening of hostilities.

{717}

"The rights and duties of neutrals at sea, among others the

questions of contraband, the rules applicable to belligerent

vessels in neutral ports; destruction, in cases of vis

major, of neutral merchant vessels captured as prizes.

"In the said convention to be drafted there would be

introduced the provisions relative to war on land that would

be also applicable to maritime warfare.

"4. Additions to be made to the convention of 1899 for the

adaptation to maritime warfare of the principles of the Geneva

Convention of 1864.

"The United States, however, reserved the right to bring to

discussion two matters of great importance not included in the

programme, namely, the reduction or limitation of armaments

and restrictions or limitations upon the use of force for the

collection of ordinary public debts arising out of contracts.

"It was finally decided that the Conference should meet at The

Hague on the 15th day of June, 1907, and thus the Conference,

proposed by the President of the United States, and convoked

by Her Majesty the Queen of The Netherlands upon the

invitation of the Emperor of All the Russias, assumed definite

shape and form. …

"In the circulars of October 21 and December 16, 1904, it was

suggested as desirable to consider and adopt a procedure by

which States nonsignatory to the original acts of The Hague

Conference may become adhering parties. This suggestion was

taken note of by the Russian Government and invitations were

issued to forty-seven countries, in response to which the

representatives of forty-four nations assembled at The Hague

and took part in the Conference. No opposition was made to the

admission of the nonsignatory States."

The delegation of the United States to the Conference was

composed of the following members: Commissioners

plenipotentiary with the rank of ambassador extraordinary:

Joseph H. Choate, of New York, Horace Porter, of New York,

Uriah M. Rose, of Arkansas; Commissioner plenipotentiary:

David Jayne Hill, of New York, envoy extraordinary and

minister plenipotentiary of the United States to the

Netherlands; Commissioners Plenipotentiary with rank of

minister plenipotentiary: Brigadier General George B. Davis,

Judge-Advocate-General, United States Army, Rear-Admiral

Charles S. Sperry, United States Navy, William I. Buchanan, of

New York; Technical delegate and expert in international law:

James Brown Scott, of California; Technical delegate and

expert attache to the Commission: Charles Henry Butler, of New

York; Secretary to the Commission: Chandler Hale, of Maine;

Assistant secretaries to the Commission: A. Bailly-Blanchard,

of Louisiana, William M. Malloy, of Illinois.

"The Dutch Government set aside for the use of the Conference,

the Binnenhof, the seat of the States-General, and on the 15th

day of June, 1907, at 3 o’clock in the afternoon, the

Conference was opened by his excellency the Dutch minister for

foreign affairs in the presence of delegates representing

forty-four nations. … At the conclusion of the address of

welcome his excellency suggested as president of the

Conference His Excellency M. Nelidow, first delegate of

Russia, and, with the unanimous consent of the assembly, M.

Nelidow accepted the presidency and delivered an address." …

In accordance with the suggestion of the president, an order

of procedure, in twelve articles, was adopted, and the

Conference was divided into four Commissions, between which

the subjects specified in the programme of the Conference were

apportioned. "The actual work of the Conference was,

therefore, done in commission and committee. The results, so

far as the several commissions desired, were reported to the

Conference sitting in plenary session for approval, and after

approval, submitted to the small subediting committee for

final revision which, however, affected form, not substance.

The results thus reached were included in the Final Act and

signed by the plenipotentiaries on the 18th day of October,

1907, upon which date the Conference adjourned."

Report of the Delegates of the United States

(60th Congress, 1st Session Senate Doc. 444).

The results of the Conference are embodied in fourteen

Conventions duly formulated and signed, and a "Final Act" in

which certain principles are declared as being "unanimously

admitted." Of the Conventions entered into, that most

important one which provides means for a pacific solution of

international conflicts is but a revision of the Convention

for the same purpose which the Powers represented at the First

Peace Conference, of 1899, gave adhesion to, and the full text

of which is printed in Volume VI. of this work (pages

356-359). To a large extent the articles of the Convention are

unchanged, and the changes made are mostly in the nature of an

amplification of provisions and prescriptions of procedure for

carrying out the agreements set forth in the compact of 1899.

This occurs especially in Part III., relating to

"International Commissions of Inquiry," the specifications for

which, merely outlined in six articles of the Convention of

1899, were detailed with precision in twenty-eight articles of

the Convention of 1907. A similar amplification was given to

the chapters on "The System of Arbitration" and "Arbitral

Procedure." By a verbal change of some significance, the

parties to the Convention are designated "Contracting Powers,"

instead of "Signatory Powers," as before.

Other important features of the revision are noted in an

article which the Honorable David Jayne Hill, one of the

American Commission at the Conference, communicated to The

American Review of Reviews of December, 1907. Dr. Hill

wrote:

"With regard to good offices and mediation, a slight step

forward was taken by the acceptance of the American

proposition that the initiative of powers foreign to the

controversy in offering them is not only ‘useful’ but

‘desirable.’ Greater precision has been given to the operation

of commissions of inquiry, whose great utility has already been

tested, but it was decided that the functions of such

commissions should be confined to a determination of facts and

should not extend to fixing responsibility. As regards

arbitration, while it was reasserted that ‘in questions of a

legal character, and especially in the interpretation or

application of international conventions, arbitration is

recognized by the contracting powers as the most efficacious

and at the same time the most equitable means of settling

differences that have not been adjusted by diplomacy,’ and,

‘in consequence, it would be desirable that, in contentions of

this character, the powers should resort to arbitration,’ it

was not found possible to render this resort an obligation.

{718}

"It is necessary to state, however, that while unanimity upon

this proposal was not obtainable—even for a convention that

omitted all questions affecting ‘the vital interests,

independence, or honor’ of the contestants and included only a

meagre list of mainly unimportant subjects—32 powers voted in

favor of it, only 9 were opposed, and 3 abstained from voting.

As practical unanimity was held to be necessary for the

inclusion of a convention in the final act, even this very

moderate attempt at obligatory arbitration was unfruitful.

Still, as this strong manifestation of a disposition to make a

definite engagement could not conveniently be nullified

without being in some measure recognized, it was resolved,

with four abstentions, that the first commission was:

‘Unanimous (1) in recognizing the principle of obligatory

arbitration; and (2) in declaring that certain differences,

notably those relative to the interpretation and application

of conventional stipulations, are susceptible of being

submitted to obligatory arbitration without restriction.’

"Regarding this resolution as a retreat from the more advanced

position that had been taken by 32 powers, the head of the

American delegation clearly explained its attitude and

refrained from voting.

"It must, in justice, he added that some of the powers voting

against an obligatory arbitration convention probably did so

chiefly for the purpose of avoiding the isolation of others,

and that some of the powers most earnest in opposing the

project not only have negotiated special treaties of

obligatory arbitration, but declare their intention of

negotiating many more. The state of the question, then, is

this: All accept the principle of obligatory arbitration in

certain classes of cases, 32 powers are prepared to make

definite engagements with all the rest, 9 prefer to make them

only with states on whose responsibility they can rely, and 3

decline at present to commit themselves."

On the part of the United States, when this important

Convention was submitted subsequently to the Senate, it was

ratified conditionally, by the following resolution, adopted

April 2, 1908.

"Resolved (two-thirds of the Senators present concurring

therein), That the Senate advise and consent to the

ratification of a convention signed by the delegates of the

United States to the Second International Peace Conference,

held at The Hague from June sixteenth to October eighteenth,

nineteen hundred and seven, for the pacific settlement of

international disputes, subject to the declaration made by the

delegates of the United States before signing said convention,

namely:

"‘Nothing contained in this convention shall be so construed

as to require the United States of America to depart from its

traditional policy of not intruding upon, interfering with, or

entangling itself in the political questions of policy or

internal administration of any foreign state; nor shall

anything contained in the said convention be construed to

imply a relinquishment by the United States of its traditional

attitude toward purely American questions.’

"Resolved further, as a part of this act of

ratification, That the United States approves this

convention with the understanding that recourse to the

permanent court for the settlement of differences can be had

only by agreement thereto through general or special treaties

of arbitration heretofore or hereafter concluded between the

parties in dispute; and the United States now exercises the

option contained in article fifty-three of said convention, to

exclude the formulation of the ‘compromis’ by the permanent

court, and hereby excludes from the competence of the

permanent court the power to frame the ‘compromis’ required by

general or special treaties of arbitration concluded or

hereafter to be concluded by the United States, and further

expressly declares that the ‘compromis’ required by any treaty

of arbitration to which the United States may be a party shall

be settled only by agreement between the contracting parties,

unless such treaty shall expressly provide otherwise."

Of the other Conventions agreed to and signed at the

Conference it will be sufficient to give here in part a

summary statement of their objects and provisions which was

prepared by the Honorable James Brown Scott, one of the

Technical Delegates to the Conference from the United States,

originally for publication in The American Journal of

International Law for January, 1908. They are described by

Mr. Scott as follows:

"The second is the convention restricting the use of force for

the recovery of contract debts. This was introduced by the

American delegation, loyally and devotedly seconded by Doctor

Drago, who has battled for the doctrine to which he has given

his name. Without the support of Doctor Drago, it is doubtful

if Latin America—for whose benefit it was introduced—would

have voted for this very important doctrine. The proposition

is very short; it consists of but three articles, but we must

not measure things by their size. In full it is as follows;

‘In order to avoid between nations armed conflicts of a purely

pecuniary origin arising from contractual debts claimed from

the government of one country by the government of another

country to be due to its nationals, the contracting powers

agree not to have recourse to armed force for the collection

of such contractual debts.

"‘However, this stipulation shall not be applicable when the

debtor state refuses or leaves unanswered an offer to

arbitrate, or, in case of acceptance, makes it impossible to

formulate the terms of submission, or after arbitration, fails

to comply with the award rendered.

"‘It is further agreed that arbitration here contemplated

shall be in conformity, as to procedure, with Title IV,

Chapter III of the convention for the pacific settlement of

international disputes adopted at The Hague, and that it shall

determine, in so far as there shall be no agreement between

the parties, the justice, and the amount of the debt, the time

and mode of payment thereof.’ …

{719}

"The third convention relates to the opening of hostilities

and provides, in Article I, that the contracting powers

recognize that hostilities between them should not commence

without notice, which shall be either in the form of a formal

declaration of war or of an ultimatum in the nature of a

declaration of conditional war. This is to protect

belligerents from surprise and bad faith. Article 11 is meant

to safeguard the rights of neutrals. The state of war should

be notified without delay to neutral powers, and shall only

affect them after the receipt of a notification, which may be

sent even by telegram.’ …

"The fourth convention concerns the laws and customs of land

warfare, [and is] a revision of the convention of 1899. It is

highly technical and codifies in a humanitarian spirit the

warfare of the present.

"The fifth convention attempts to regulate the rights and

duties of neutral powers and of neutral persons in case of

land warfare. Short, but important, its guiding spirit is

expressed in the opening paragraph of the preamble, namely, to

render more certain the rights and duties of neutral powers in

case of warfare upon land and to regulate the situation of

belligerent refugees in neutral territory. …

"The sixth is the convention concerning enemy merchant ships

found in enemy ports or upon the high seas at the outbreak of

hostilities. Custom forbids the capture of enemy vessels

within the port of the enemy on the outbreak of hostilities

and allows them a limited time to discharge or load their

cargo and depart for their port of destination. The attempt

was made to establish this custom or privilege as a right. The

proposition, however, met with serious opposition and, instead

of the right, the convention states that it is desirable that

enemy ships be permitted freely to leave the port. The

convention, therefore, was restrictive rather than declaratory

of existing international practice. The same might be said of

another provision of the convention concerning the treatment

of enemy merchant ships upon the high seas. It may be said

that the expression of a desire is tantamount to a positive

declaration, but, strictly construed, the convention is not

progressive. It lessens rights acquired by custom and usage,

although it does, indeed, render the privilege granted

universal. The American delegation, therefore, refrained from

signing the convention.

"The seventh convention deals with the transformation of

merchant ships into ships of war, and it must be said that the

positive results of this convention are of little or no

practical value. The burning question was whether merchant

ships might be transformed into men-of-war upon the high seas.

As the transformation of merchant vessels into war vessels

upon the high seas caused an international commotion during

the recent Russo-Japanese war. Great Britain and the United

States insisted that the transfer should only be allowed

within the territorial jurisdiction of the transforming power.

Some of the continental states, on the contrary, refused to

renounce the exercise of the alleged right. The great maritime

states were thus divided, and as the question was too simple

and too plain to admit of compromise, it was agreed to drop it

entirely for the present. In order, however, that something

might remain of the careful and elaborate discussions of the

subject, a series of regulations was drawn up regarding the

transformation of merchant ships into vessels of war,

declaratory of international custom. … Indirectly, the

rightfulness or wrongfulness of privateering was concerned,

and inasmuch as the United States would not consent to abolish

privateering unless the immunity of private property be

safeguarded, the American delegation abstained from signing

the convention.

"The eighth convention relates to the placing of submarine

automatic mines of contact, a subject of present and special

interest to belligerents; while the interest of the neutral is

very general. … Mines break from their moorings and endanger

neutral life and property. The conference, therefore, desires

to regulate the use of mines in such a way as not to deprive

the belligerents of a recognized and legitimate means of

warfare, but to restrict, as far as possible, the damage to

the immediate belligerents. …

"The ninth convention forbade the bombardment by naval forces

of undefended harbors, villages, towns, or buildings. The

presence, however, of military stores would permit bombardment

of such ports for the sole purpose of destroying the stores,

provided they were not destroyed or delivered up upon request.

Notice, however, should be given of the intention to bombard.

In like manner, the convention permitted the bombardment of

such undefended places if provisions were not supplied upon

requisition to the naval force. Bombardment, however, was not

allowed for the collection of mere money contributions. …

"The tenth convention adapted to maritime warfare the

principles of the Geneva Convention of 1906. …

"The eleventh convention relates to certain restrictions in

the exercise of the right of capture in maritime war. It is a

modest document, but is all that was saved from the wreck of

the immunity of private property. The American delegation

urged the abolition of the right of capture of unoffending

enemy private property upon the high seas, but great maritime

powers such as Great Britain, France, Russia, and Japan were

unwilling to relinquish this means of bringing the enemy to

terms. …

"The twelfth convention sought to establish an international

court of prize, and there only remains the ratification of

this convention by the contracting powers in order to call

into being this great and beneficent institution. For years

enlightened opinion has protested against the right of

belligerents to pass final judgment upon the lawfulness of the

capture of neutral property, and it is a pleasure to be able

to state that the interests of the neutrals in the neutral

prize are henceforward to be placed in the hands of neutral

judges with a representation of the belligerents, in order

that the rights of all concerned may be carefully weighed and

considered. …

{720}

"The thirteenth convention concerns and seeks to regulate the

rights and duties of neutral powers in case of maritime war.

This is an elaborate codification of the rights and duties of

neutrals in which the conference essayed to generalize and

define on the one hand the rights of neutrals and the

correlative duties of the belligerents, and in the second

place to set forth in detail the duties of neutrals, thus

safeguarding the rights of belligerents in certain phases of

maritime warfare. … The result, however, was unsatisfactory to

some of the larger maritime powers, which prefer their present

regulations on the subject of neutrality or which were

unwilling to accept the modifications proposed. The United

States was not satisfied with certain provisions of the

convention, and reserved the right to study the project in

detail before expressing a final opinion. It therefore

abstained from voting and signing.

"The fourteenth convention is a reenactment of the declaration

of 1899 forbidding the launching of projectiles and explosives

from balloons. The original declaration was agreed to for a

period of five years, and as this period had expired the

powers were without a regulation on the subject. The

reenactment provided that the present declaration shall

extend, not merely for a period of five years, but to the end

of the Third Conference of Peace."

Reprinted in

Senate Document Number 433, 60th Congress, 1st Session.

Appended to these Conventions are the Resolutions or

Declarations of accepted Principles embodied in the "Final

Act"; and these are far from being the least important of the

fruits of the Conference. They need presentation in full.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:

Final Act of the Second International Peace Conference.

"At a series of meetings, held from the 15th June to the 18th

October, 1907, in which the above Delegates [named in a

preamble] were throughout animated by the desire to realize,

in the fullest possible measure, the generous views of the

august initiator of the Conference and the intentions of their

Governments, the Conference drew up for submission for

signature by the Plenipotentiaries, the text of the

Conventions and of the Declaration enumerated below [named in

their order, as summarized above] and annexed to the present

Act:—

"These Conventions and Declaration shall form so many separate

Acts. These Acts shall be dated this day, and may be signed up

to the 30th June, 1908, at The Hague, by the Plenipotentiaries

of the Powers represented at the Second Peace Conference.

"The Conference, actuated by the spirit of mutual agreement

and concession characterizing its deliberations, has agreed

upon the following Declaration, which, while reserving to each

of the Powers represented full liberty of action as regards

voting, enables them to affirm the principles which they

regard as unanimously admitted;—

"It is unanimous—

"1. In admitting the principle of compulsory arbitration.

"2. In declaring that certain disputes, in particular those

relating to the interpretation and application of the

provisions of International Agreements, may be submitted to

compulsory arbitration without any restriction.

"Finally, it is unanimous in proclaiming that, although it has

not yet been found feasible to conclude a Convention in this

sense, nevertheless the divergences of opinion which have come

to light have not exceeded the bounds of judicial controversy,

and that, by working together here during the past four

months, the collected Powers not only have learnt to

understand one another and to draw closer together, but have

succeeded in the course of this long collaboration in evolving

a very lofty conception of the common welfare of humanity.

"The Conference has further unanimously adopted the following

Resolution:—

"The Second Peace Conference confirms the Resolution adopted

by the Conference of 1899 in regard to the limitation of

military expenditure; and inasmuch as military expenditure has

considerably increased in almost every country since that

time, the Conference declares that it is eminently desirable

that the Governments should resume the serious examination of

this question.

"It has besides expressed the following opinions:—

"1. The Conference calls the attention of the Signatory Powers

to the advisability of adopting the annexed draft Convention

for the creation of a Judicial Arbitration Court, and of

bringing it into force as soon as an agreement has been

reached respecting the selection of the Judges and the

constitution of the Court.

"2. The Conference expresses the opinion that, in case of war,

the responsible authorities, civil as well as military, should

make it their special duty to ensure and safeguard the

maintenance of specific relations, more especially of the

commercial and industrial relations between the inhabitants of

the belligerent States and neutral countries.

"3. The Conference expresses the opinion that the Powers

should regulate, by special Treaties, the position, as regards

military charges, of foreigners residing within their

territories.

"4. The Conference expresses the opinion that the preparation

of regulations relative to the laws and customs of naval war

should figure in the programme of the next Conference, and

that in any case the Powers may apply, as far as possible, to

war by sea the principles of the Convention relative to the

Laws and Customs of War on land.

"Finally, the Conference recommends to the Powers the assembly

of a Third Peace Conference, which might be held within a

period corresponding to that which has elapsed since the

preceding Conference, at a date to be fixed by common

agreement between the Powers, and it calls their attention to

the necessity of preparing the programme of this Third

Conference a sufficient time in advance to ensure its

deliberations being conducted with the necessary authority and

expedition.

"In order to attain this object the Conference considers that

it would be very desirable that, some two years before the

probable date of the meeting, a preparatory Committee should

be charged by the Governments with the task of collecting the

various proposals to be submitted to the Conference, of

ascertaining what subjects are ripe for embodiment in an

International Regulation, and of preparing a programme which

the Governments should decide upon in sufficient time to

enable it to be carefully examined by the countries

interested. This Committee should further be intrusted with

the task of proposing a system of organization and procedure

for the Conference itself.

"In faith whereof the Plenipotentiaries have signed the

present Act and have affixed their seals thereto."

{721}

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:

Draft Convention recommended for the Creation of

a Judicial Arbitration Court.

The following are the more important provisions of the

"annexed draft Convention for the creation of a Judicial

Arbitration Court" which the Signatory Powers are asked, in

the first of the "Opinions" expressed above, to consider "the

advisability of adopting":

"Article I.

With a view to promoting the cause of arbitration, the

Contracting Powers agree to constitute, without altering the

status of the Permanent Court of Arbitration, a Judicial

Arbitration Court, of free and easy access, composed of Judges

representing the various juridical systems of the world, and

capable of insuring continuity in jurisprudence of

arbitration.

"Article II.

The Judicial Arbitration Court is composed of Judges and

Deputy Judges chosen from persons of the highest moral

reputation, and all fulfilling conditions qualifying them, in

their respective countries, to occupy high legal posts, or be

jurists of recognized competence in matters of international

law. The Judges and Deputy Judges of the Court are appointed,

as far as possible, from the members of the Permanent Court of

Arbitration. The appointment shall be made within the six

months following the ratification of the present Convention.

"Article III.

The Judges and Deputy Judges are appointed for a period of

twelve years, counting from the date on which the appointment

is notified to the Administrative Council created by the

Convention for the Pacific Settlement of International

Disputes. Their appointments can be renewed. Should a Judge or

Deputy Judge die or retire, the vacancy is filled in the

manner in which his appointment was made. In this case, the

appointment is made for a fresh period of twelve years.

"Article IV.

The Judges of the Judicial Arbitration Court are equal and

rank according to the date on which their appointment was

notified. The Judge who is senior in point of age takes

precedence when the date of notification is the same. The

Deputy Judges are assimilated, in the exercise of their

functions, with the Judges. They rank, however, below the

latter.

"Article V.

The Judges enjoy diplomatic privileges and immunities in the

exercise of their functions, outside their own country. Before

taking their seat, the Judges and Deputy Judges must swear,

before the Administrative Council, or make a solemn

affirmation to exercise their functions impartially and

conscientiously.

"Article VI.

The Court annually nominates three Judges to form a special

delegation and three more to replace them should the necessity

arise. They may be re-elected. They are balloted for. The

persons who secure the largest number of votes are considered

elected. The delegation itself elects its President, who, in

default of a majority, is appointed by lot. A member of the

delegation cannot exercise his duties when the Power which

appointed him, or of which he is a national, is one of the

parties. The members of the delegation are to conclude all

matters submitted to them, even if the period for which they

have been appointed Judges has expired.

"Article VII.

A Judge may not exercise his judicial functions in any case in

which he has, in any way whatever, taken part in the decision

of a National Tribunal, of a Tribunal of Arbitration, or of a

Commission of Inquiry, or has figured in the suit as counsel

or advocate for one of the parties. A Judge cannot act as

agent or advocate before the Judicial Arbitration Court or the

Permanent Court of Arbitration, before a Special Tribunal of

Arbitration or a Commission of Inquiry, nor act for one of the

parties in any capacity whatsoever so long as his appointment

lasts. …

"Article X.

The Judges may not accept from their own Government or from

that of any other Power any remuneration for services

connected with their duties in their capacity of members of

the Court.

"Article XI.

The seat of the Judicial Court of Arbitration is at The Hague,

and cannot be transferred, unless absolutely obliged by

circumstances, elsewhere. …

"Article XII.

The Administrative Council fulfills with regard to the

Judicial Court of Arbitration the same functions as to the

Permanent Court of Arbitration.

"Article XIV.

The Court meets in session once a year. The session opens the

third Wednesday in June and lasts until all the business on

the agenda has been transacted. …

"Article XVII. The Judicial Court of Arbitration is competent

to deal with all cases submitted to it, in virtue either of a

general undertaking to have recourse to arbitration or of a

special agreement.

"Article XXXII.

The Court itself draws up its own rules of procedure, which

must be communicated to the Contracting Powers. After the

ratification of the present Convention the Court shall meet as

early as possible in order to elaborate these rules, elect the

President and Vice-President, and appoint the members of the

delegation.

"Article XXXIII.

The Court may propose modifications in the provisions of the

present Convention concerning procedure. These proposals are

communicated through the Netherland Government to the

Contracting Powers, which will consider together as to the

measures to be taken."

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:

The sequent International Naval Conference

at London in 1908-1909.

The action of the Peace Conference which contemplated the

establishment of an International Prize Court (embodied in the

Twelfth Convention described above) had a sequel in the next

year, resulting from the suggestion by the British Government

that, preliminary to the creation of such a court, the prior

holding of an International Naval Conference was desirable,

for the purpose which it explained in the following words:

"Having regard to the importance attached by his Majesty’s

Government to the setting up of that Court, they decided to

take the initiative in inviting the co-operation of the Powers

whose belligerent rights would be most directly affected, in

formulating in precise terms a set of rules relative to the

law of prize, which should be recognized as embodying

doctrines held to be generally binding as part of the existing

law of nations." In connection with this suggestion a list of

questions was submitted to the several Governments consulted,

"on which his Majesty’s Government, after careful examination,

considered that an understanding should if possible be

reached, and which would therefore appropriately constitute

the programme of a special naval conference to meet in

London."

{722}

The questions were as follows:

"(a.)

Contraband, including the circumstances under which particular

articles can be considered as contraband; the penalties for

their carriage; the immunity of a ship from search when under

convoy; and the rules with regard to compensation where

vessels have been seized but have been found in fact only to

be carrying innocent cargo;

"(b.)

Blockade, including the questions as to the locality where

seizure can be effected, and the notice that is necessary

before a ship can be seized;

"(c.)

The doctrine of continuous voyage in respect both of

contraband and of blockade;

"(d.)

The legality of the destruction of neutral vessels prior to

their condemnation by a Prize Court;

"(e.)

The rules as to neutral ships or persons rendering ‘unneutral

service’ (‘assistance hostile’);

"(f.)

The legality of the conversion of a merchant-vessel into a

war-ship on the high seas;

"(g.)

The rules as to the transfer of merchant-vessels from a

belligerent to a neutral flag during or in contemplation of

hostilities;

"(h.)

The question whether the nationality or the domicile of the

owner should be adopted as the dominant factor in deciding

whether property is enemy property."

Responses to the British invitation by the greater naval

Powers were favorable, and the resulting International Naval

Conference had sittings in London from December 4, 1908, until

February 26, 1909. The Powers sending representatives to take

part in it were Great Britain, France, Germany, Russia,

Austria-Hungary, Italy, the United States, Japan, Spain,

Holland. A report of the proceedings and conclusions arrived

at was made public on the 22d of March. On two, only, of the

questions, proposed by Great Britain, no agreement was

reached, and these were left open,—namely; "the legality of

the conversion of a merchant-vessel into a war-ship on the

high seas, and the question whether the nationality or the

domicile of the owner should be regarded as the dominant

factor in deciding the character, neutral or enemy, of

property." Original differences on other questions were

compromised.

A serious difficulty in the undertakings of the Conference was

occasioned by the fact that the Constitution of the United

States is held to preclude any right of appeal from decisions

of its Supreme Court. What was done to overcome this

difficulty is explained in the report of the British Delegates

as follows: "The Conference was asked to express its

acceptance of the principle that, as regards countries in

which such constitutional difficulty arose, all proceedings in

the International Prize Court should be treated as a rehearing

of the case de novo, in the form of an action for

compensation, whereby the validity of the judgments of the

national courts would remain unaffected, whilst the duty of

carrying out a decision of the International Court ordering

the payment of compensation would fall upon the government

concerned. The proposal was further coupled with the

suggestion that the jurisdiction of the International Prize

Court might be extended, by agreement between two or more of

the signatory Powers, to cover cases at present excluded from

its jurisdiction by the express terms of the Prize Court

Convention, and that in the hearing of such cases that court

should have the functions, and follow the procedure, laid down

in the Draft Convention relative to the creation of a Judicial

Arbitration Court, which was annexed to the Final Act of the

Second Peace Conference of 1907.

"Great hesitation was felt in approaching these questions. It

was undeniable that they lay wholly outside the programme

which the Conference had been invited to discuss, and to which

the Powers accepting the invitation had expressly assented. It

was, however, not disputed that so much of the United States

proposal as related to the difficulties in the way of the

ratification of the Prize Court Convention was in so far

germane to the labours of the Conference, as these also were

avowedly directed to preparing the way for the more general

acceptance of the Prize Court Convention. As it must clearly

be desired by all countries interested in the establishment of

the International Prize Court that the United States should be

one of the Powers submitting to its jurisdiction and bound by

its decisions, the Conference thought it right,

notwithstanding its lack of formal authority, to go so far as

to express the wish (‘vœu’) which stands recorded in the final

Protocol of its proceedings, and of which the substance is

that the attention of the various Governments represented is

called by their delegates to the desirability of allowing such

countries as are precluded by the terms of their constitution

from ratifying the Prize Court Convention in its present form,

to do so with a reservation in the sense of the first part of

the United States proposal. On the other hand, the question of

setting up the Judicial Arbitration Court, which seemed to

have no necessary connexion with the Prize Court Convention,

was decided by all the delegations, except that which had

brought it forward, to be one which the Conference could not

discuss."

Parliamentary Papers, 1909:

Papers by Command, 4554.      Also,

London Times, March 22, 1909.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:

Central American Peace Conference at Washington.

General Treaty of Peace and Amity.

Convention establishing a Central American Court of Justice.

See (in this Volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.

Waning of the Military Passion in France.

Two very striking indications of the cooling in the French

people of the militant passion which made them in former times

one of the most warlike of the European races have been

afforded within the past three years. The first appeared in

the winter of 1907, when a Paris newspaper of great

circulation collected votes from its readers on the question,

"Who was the Greatest Frenchman of the Nineteenth Century?"

Much interest in the query was excited, and more than

15,000,000 [votes] were said to have been cast.

{723}

From any prior generation the answer of a big majority would

undoubtedly have been, "Napoleon Bonaparte"; but the French of

the Twentieth Century have developed so different an estimate of

human greatness that Louis Pasteur, the Man of Science, led

the poll, receiving 1,838,103 votes; while Victor Hugo came

next below him, by somewhat more than a hundred thousand

votes, and Gambetta was put third in the list. Napoleon

received only the fourth place of honor in the estimate of

fifteen millions of the French of these days.

About a year later the same change was betokened in a hardly

less significant way, by a speech from the Prime Minister of

France. The occasion of the address was the inauguration of a

monument to M. Scheurer-Kestner, who had been vice-president

of the French Senate when the Dreyfus iniquities began to be

dragged out of darkness into light, and who was one of the few

men in public life then who strove heroically to have the

truth ascertained and justice done. Scheurer-Kestner was an

Alsatian, and this fact gave Premier Clemenceau an opportunity

to break silence on the sore subject of the loss of Alsace,

which French statesmen have not ventured to refer to since the

heart-breaking surrender of 1871. His breaking of that silence

was meant to break, and assuredly does break, the long

brooding of revengefulness in French hearts which has been a

menace to the peace of Europe for nearly 40 years.

"I do not fear," he said, "to call up the memory of that

bloody past. I am mindful of the responsibility which belongs

to my office, and I can speak without constraint of events

which have entered into history. I can proclaim feelings which

we cannot repudiate—which we cannot even hide without lowering

ourselves." And this is his open proclamation of the feeling

to which France has come, in its thought of Alsace:

"We received France issuing from frightful trial. To rebuild

her in her legitimate power of expansion as well as in her

dignity as a great moral person, we have no need either to

hate or to lie, nor even to recriminate. We look to the

future. Sons of a great history, jealously careful of the

lofty impulses native to us, in which the civilizing virtue of

France was fashioned, we can look in quiet of soul on the

descendants of strong races which for centuries have measured

themselves with the men of our lands in battlefields beyond

numbering. Two such great rival peoples, for the very honor of

their rivalry, have a like interest to keep their respect, the

one for the other."

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1909.

German Opposition to the "Navy Fever,"

in High Circles as well as Low.

Views of Herr Von Holstein and Admiral Galster.

How far the naval ambitions and costly naval policy of Germany

are supported by public opinion is much of a question. It is

certain that they are a cause of wide discontent in the

industrial classes, and no less certain that the weightiest

influence behind them is that of the Emperor, who stimulates

the exertions of a powerful Navy League. That there is an

effective disapproval of the policy in high political circles

has been shown lately by the publication of some expressions

on the subject by the late Herr von Holstein, who was for many

years the chief of the Political Department of the German

Foreign Office,—the mentor and prompter from behind the scenes

of several successive Chancellors of the Empire. In some

reminiscences of this important official, by an intimate

friend, Herr von Rath, who published them in September, 1909,

he is quoted as having, in 1907, denounced what he called

"navy fever" in Germany in these strong words;

"This dangerous disease is fed upon the fear of an attack by

England, which is not in accordance with facts. The effect

of the ‘navy fever’ is pernicious in three directions—in

domestic politics on account of the intrigues of the Navy

League, which also produce the greatest ill-feeling in South

Germany; in the finances on account of the prohibitive

expenditure; in foreign politics on account of the mistrust

which these armaments awake. England sees in them a menace

which keeps her bound to the side of France. At the same time,

even with taxation strained to the utmost limit, the

construction of a fleet able to cope with the united fleets of

England and France is entirely out of the question. From the

menace which everybody in England sees in German naval

construction the present Liberal Government in England will

not draw serious conclusions. It will be different when the

Conservatives come into power. The danger of war between

Germany on the one hand and England and France on the other is

even today playing a part in the political calculations of

other countries. Against armaments on land nobody will offer

any objection, because they are justified by the needs of

defence. In our naval armaments several Powers see a perpetual

menace.

"Even among Parliamentary Deputies there are many who condemn

the ‘navy fever,’ but no one of them will take the

responsibility of refusing to vote ships, a responsibility

which would recoil upon him in the event of a defeat at sea.

Anybody who to-day makes a stand against the prevailing ‘navy

fever’ is attacked from all sides as wanting in patriotism,

but a few years hence the justice of my opinion will be

established."

According to Herr von Rath, Herr von Holstein declared in

February, 1909, three months before his death, that the navy

question transcended all others in importance. He is said to

have watched with approval the campaign which is still more or

less vigorously carried on by Vice-Admiral Galster and others

against the "big ship policy," and to have said, with

reference to one of Admiral Galster’s pamphlets:—"The main

thing is to expose the lying and treacherous fallacy expressed

in the statement that every fresh ship is an addition to the

power of Germany—when every fresh ship causes England, to say

nothing of France, to build two ships."

The Vice-Admiral Galster here referred to contends that

submarines are more effective for defence than Dreadnoughts,

and he labors to persuade his fellow countrymen to be

satisfied with defensive armament, repudiating what creates

suspicion of offensive designs.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.

School Peace League, The American.

"The American School Peace League [organized in 1908] aims to

secure the cooperation of the educational public of America in

the project for promoting international justice and equity. …

It is hoped that every teacher in the country will subscribe

to the purposes of the League by becoming a member. Much of

the work will be done by committees, five of which have been

organized up to the present time. …

{724}

"The Committee on Meetings and Discussion aims to induce

educational associations throughout the country to place the

subject of internationalism on their programs. It also seeks

to stimulate literary and debating societies, in colleges and

schools, to study the subject. The Committee recommends to

educational associations the establishment of International

Committees, or Departments, for the purpose of making a

detailed study of the relation of the International Movement

to school instruction.

"The Committee on Publications intends to build up a body of

literature, dealing with the interrelation between peoples and

nations along political, industrial, and social lines. To this

end, the Committee purposes to issue, directly or indirectly,

a series of publications for the young, that may be used in

the geography, history, science, and literature classes; it

also intends to make a collection of the present songs which

illustrate the peace sentiment, and to stimulate the writing

of new ones.

"The Press Committee, which comprises some of the leading

educational editors of the country, is prepared to acquaint

teachers with the work of the League through the columns of

the educational magazines.

"The Committee on Teaching History will study the textbooks

with reference to the space devoted respectively to war and to

peace. It hopes to develop among teachers a sentiment which

shall lay emphasis on the arts of peace, and on the industrial

and social conditions of the people, rather than on campaigns,

battles, and other military details. It further aims to

arrange, if possible, courses in history to be given at summer

schools and teachers’ institutes, with special attention to

the growth of international friendship.

"The International Committee intends to make a constructive

study of international cooperation in activities which

particularly affect educational work."

Mrs. Fannie Fern Andrews, Secretary.

Objects of the American School Peace League,

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.

Evasion of the Conscription in Russia.

According to statistics published in the spring of 1909 by the

military organ, the Russky Invalid, the conscription of

1908 took place in the following circumstances. The annual

contingent had been fixed by the Duma at 456,481 men.

Altogether 1,281,655 conscripts were called up for

examination. Of this huge number 80,165 men failed to appear,

including 20,693 Jews, out of a total of 64,005 Jews

conscripted. The largest number of absentees was in the

provinces of Suwalki, Lomja, Plotzk, and Kovno. It is from

these provinces that a general exodus of Polish, Lithuanian,

and Jewish youths to America is noticeable. The actual number

found to be fit for military service in 1908 was 17,926 short

of the contingent fixed by the Duma. This deficiency was

composed of 943 Russians, 5,154 other Christians, 10,677 Jews,

1,082 Mahomedans, and 70 other non-Christians. The recruiting

stations noted a general falling off in the physique of the

conscripts.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

Changed Conditions in Europe making for Peace.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1909.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:

International School of Peace.

Mr. Ginn’s Great Fund for Peace Propagandism.

Members of the various Boston peace organizations took part

last evening [December 15] in the formation of an

International School of Peace. The idea originated with Edwin

Ginn, the publisher, and the ‘house warming’ took place at No.

29 Beacon Street, where a room was appropriately adorned for

the occasion with the flags of many nations and large

portraits of Sumner and Cobden and other great international

leaders.

"Mr. Ginn welcomed the company in a speech wherein the motives

and experience which prompted him to found the school were set

forth. He explained what he hoped of the organization, how he

had for years appealed to various millionaires to unite with

him in some larger provision than any which existed for the

systematic education of the people in peace principles, the

response to which had been disappointing.

"Mr. Ginn felt that some large beginning must be made by

somebody; and so he had appropriated $50,000 a year to the

work from now on, and provided in his will that the bulk of

his estate, after proper provision for family and friends,

should go to this cause, which he felt to be the greatest and

most necessary cause in the world. This action had brought him

multitudes of letters, he said, and clearly awakened much

interest; and if it prompted others to do much more than he

could do, that was what he wanted. The friends of the cause,

especially its wealthy friends, had been strangely asleep to

the pressing need for this work of popular education. It must

be thoroughly organized to reach the schools and colleges, the

churches and newspapers and business men. He gave

illustrations of the awful cost and waste of the present

military system, which he said violated every principle of

good business, political economy, and common sense. …

‘The room is not only a bureau for the office force, but a

reading-room and library, where the latest information

touching the progress of the movement will always be furnished

to teachers, preachers, and all who are interested. Regular

conferences upon the different aspects of the movement will

also be held there."

The Boston Transcript,

December 16, 1909.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

The Second National Peace Congress in the United States,

assembled at Chicago.

The Second National Peace Congress in the United States held

its session in Chicago, May 3-5, 1909. The attendance was

large, the speaking of high quality and the prevailing spirit

earnest in its repudiation of all reasoning or feeling that is

tolerant of the barbarism of war. Respectful attention was

given to an address by the German Ambassador to the United

States, Count Bernstorff, who defended the attitude of his

Government on the question of a limitation of armaments, but

the expressions of the Congress on the subject were not toned

to agreement with his plea. Among its resolutions was the

following:

"Resolved, That no dispute between nations, except such as may

involve the national life and independence, should be reserved

from arbitration, and that a general treaty of obligatory

arbitration should be included at the earliest possible date.

Pending such a general treaty, we urge upon our government,

and the other leading Powers, such broadening of the scope of

their arbitration treaties as shall provide, after the example

of the Danish Netherlands treaty, for the reference to the

Hague Court of all differences whatever not settled otherwise

by peaceful means."

{725}

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

The Annual Lake Mohonk Peace Conferences in the United States.

The annual Peace Conferences at Lake Mohonk, in the United

States, have been held with regularity. At the Fifteenth,

convened in May, 1909, a strong resolution was adopted, asking

the Government of the United States to consider "whether the

peculiar position it occupies among the nations does not

afford it a special opportunity to lead the way towards …

carrying into effect the strongly expressed desire of the two

Peace Conferences at The Hague, that the governments examine

the possibility of an agreement as to the limitation of armed

forces by land and sea, and of war budgets."

Privately during the Conference there was discussion of the

suggestion that if four or five of the great Powers—England,

Germany, France, Italy, the United States, and Japan, and

perhaps Spain and Russia—could join in establishing a Supreme

Court of the nations, to which they would refer their

difficulties, other nations would be compelled by the course

of events to accept the tribunal and its decisions, and to

come into participation in it on such terms as might later be

agreed upon.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

Exchange of Parliamentary Visits between France and Sweden.

Seventy-six members of the French Parliament, representing the

international arbitration group, visited Stockholm in July,

1909, under the leadership of Baron d’Estournelles de

Constant. The visit was paid in return for one made by the

members of the three Scandinavian Parliaments to Paris some

time before.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

A World Petition for a General Treaty

of Obligatory Arbitration.

At the annual meeting of the International Peace Bureau at

Brussels, October 9, 1909, the following resolution was

adopted, expressing approval of the world-petition to the

third Hague Conference in favor of a general treaty of

obligatory arbitration:

"Whereas, Public opinion, if recorded, will

prove an influential factor at the third Hague Conference; and

Whereas, The ‘world-petition to the third Hague

Conference’ has begun to successfully establish a statistical

record of the men and women in every country who desire to

support the governments in their efforts to perfect the new

international order based on the principle of the solidarity

of all nations;

Resolved, That the Commission and the General Assembly

of the International Peace Bureau, meeting at Brussels October

8 and 9, 1909, urgently recommend the signing of the

‘world-petition to the third Hague Conference.’"

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

Evasion of Military Service in France.

Spread of Anti-Militarism.

According to returns of the recruiting for the French Army,

published in the summer of 1909, there appears to be a steady

increase in the evasion of service by young men at the times

they are required by law to enter it. "Since 1906, when the

number of refractory recruits amounted to 4,567, the figures

have slowly risen, until they have now reached 11,782. The

soldat insoumis may be punished in France by

imprisonment of from one month to one year. But on about an

average of every two years during the last 20 years Parliament

has regularly voted an Amnesty Bill in favour of deserters and

recalcitrant recruits or reservists." This is one supposed

cause of the increasing evasions; but a more important

influence working with it is the propagandism of anti-military

doctrines, preached passionately by Gustav Hervé, accepted

widely, it is said, among the primary teachers of the country,

as well as in the ranks of the workingmen. The General

Confederation of Labor is reported to be distributing annually

some thousands of "soldiers’ manuals" in which desertion is urged

as a duty to humanity at large.

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909 (October).

American Proposal that the Prize Court now established be

also a Court of Arbitral Justice.

By reference to the proceedings of the Second Peace Conference

at The Hague, as set forth above, it will be seen that the

Conference gave favorable consideration to a draft Convention

for the creation of a "Judicial Arbitration Court" (the text

of which draft is given at the end of said proceedings), and

that the Conference went so far as to declare the

"advisability of adopting … and of bringing it into force as

soon as an agreement has been reached respecting the selection

of the judges and the constitution of the Court." It will be

seen, also, that the Conference adopted measures for the

creation of an International Prize Court, preliminary to which

an International Naval Conference was held in London from

December 4, 1908, until February 26, 1909. At that Conference

a suggestion was made that "the jurisdiction of the

International Prize Court might be extended, by agreement

between two or more of the signatory Powers, to cover cases at

present excluded from its jurisdiction by the express terms of

the Prize Court Convention, and that in the hearing of such

cases that Court should have the functions and follow the

procedure laid down in the draft Convention relative to the

creation of a Judicial Arbitration Court, which was annexed to

the Final Act of the Second Peace Conference, of 1907."

In line with this suggestion, it was made known, in the later

part of the past year, that the Government of the United

States, through its State Department, had proposed in a

circular note to the Powers, that the Prize Court should be

invested with the jurisdiction and functions of the proposed

Judicial Arbitration Court. The difficulties in selecting

judges for that contemplated Court, which caused the creation

of it to be postponed in 1907, would thus be happily

surmounted, and, as remarked by Secretary Knox, there would be

at once given "to the world an international judicial body to

adjudge cases arising in peace, as well as controversies

incident to war."

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

Attitude of the Workingmen.

At the Twentieth International Congress of Miners, held in

Berlin, in May, 1909, there were strong declarations for

disarmament, and one Belgian delegate, M. Maroille, said

significantly: If it were better organized the International

Federation of Miners could by itself render wars impossible.

They need not do anything violent or illegal; they had only to

remain quiet, so very quiet that war could not be carried on.

{726}

WAR.

See (in this Volume)

Red Cross Society.

WARD, SIR JOSEPH GEORGE:

Prime Minister of New Zealand.

See (in this Volume)

NEW ZEALAND A. D. 1906-1909.

WARD, SIR JOSEPH GEORGE:

At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

See (in this Volume)

BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

WARD, SIR JOSEPH GEORGE:

Testimony on the Working of Woman Suffrage in New Zealand.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

WARSAW, DISTURBANCES IN.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905, and 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

WASHBURN, Reverend. Dr. George:

President of Robert College.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: TURKEY, &c.

WASHINGTON, BOOKER T.:

His work at Tuskegee Institute.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

WASHINGTON: A. D. 1908.

Meeting of International Congress on Tuberculosis.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH. TUBERCULOSIS.

WASHINGTON MEMORIAL INSTITUTION, THE.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901.

WATER POWER TRUST:

Threatened in the United States.

Precautionary Measures taken.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

WATERS AND WATER POWER, CONSERVATION OF.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

WATERS-PIERCE OIL COMPANY.

See (in this Volume)

COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

WATERWAYS COMMISSION AND WATERWAYS TREATY.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

WATKINS, THOMAS H.:

On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

WATSON, J. C.:

Premier of Australia.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904.

WATSON, Thomas E.:

Nomination for President of the United States.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),

and 1908 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).

WAZEER, GRAND.

See (in this Volume)

MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.

WEALTH:

Its Concentration in Great Britain.

In a speech made in Parliament, on a motion to graduate the

Income Tax, March 24, 1909, Mr. Chiozza-Money, who speaks with

considerable authority on such subjects, made the following

statements: "Statistics were available in Somerset House

showing the product of the graduated scale of death duties

imposed by Sir William Harcourt in 1894. Of the 700,000

persons who died annually, only about 80,000 left sufficient

property to need an inquisition by Somerset House. Out of the

80,000 persons nearly the whole of the property was left by

27,000 persons; and £200,000,000 worth of property was left by

about 4,000 persons each year. This was not only a curious

fact, but it was a constant fact in relation to this problem.

He also showed that there had arisen a tendency among rich

persons to devise part of their property before death in order

to escape the death duties, with the result that a good deal

of wealth did not come under the review of Somerset House.

What he described as his own conservative estimate of the

wealth of the United Kingdom was a total of about

£11,500,000,000. Of that sum five millions of persons owned

£10,900,000,000. One-ninth of the population owned 95 per

cent. of the entire capital stock of the United Kingdom. Thus

the whole of the country regarded as a business undertaking

was in the hands of a handful of people. Taking the income of

the country at 1,800 millions a year, there were about five

million persons who took one-half and 39 millions the other

half. Of the five million persons who took 900 millions of

income about 1¼ million persons, or 250,000 families, took 600

millions out of the 900 millions. From this state of facts the

most terrible inequalities resulted, evidences of which could

be seen along the Embankment and other parts of Westminster

almost within a stone’s throw of that House."

WEALTH PROBLEM, THE.

The Question of a Progressive Taxation.

"At this moment we are passing through a period of great

unrest—social, political and industrial unrest. It is of the

utmost importance for our future that this should prove to be

not the unrest of mere rebelliousness against life, of mere

dissatisfaction with the inevitable inequality of conditions,

but the unrest of a resolute and eager ambition to secure the

betterment of the individual and the nation. … It is a prime

necessity that if the present unrest is to result in permanent

good the emotion shall be translated into action, and that the

action shall be marked by honesty, sanity, and self-restraint.

There is mighty little good in a mere spasm of reform. The

reform that counts is that which comes through steady,

continuous growth; violent emotionalism leads to exhaustion.

"It is important to this people to grapple with the problems

connected with the amassing of enormous fortunes, and the use

of those fortunes, both corporate and individual, in business.

We should discriminate in the sharpest way between fortunes

well won and fortunes ill won; between those gained as an

incident to performing great services to the community as a

whole, and those gained in evil fashion by keeping just within

the limits of mere law-honesty. Of course no amount of charity

in spending such fortunes in any way compensates for

misconduct in making them. As a matter of personal conviction,

and without pretending to discuss the details or formulate the

system, I feel that we shall ultimately have to consider the

adoption of some such scheme as that of a progressive tax on

all fortunes, beyond a certain amount, either given in life or

devised or bequeathed upon death to any individual—a tax so

framed as to put it out of the power of the owner of one of

these enormous fortunes to hand on more than a certain amount

to any one individual; the tax, of course, to be imposed by

the National and not the State Government. Such taxation

should, of course, be aimed merely at the inheritance or

transmission in their entirety of those fortunes swollen

beyond all healthy limits."

President Roosevelt,

Address at the Laying of the Corner Stone of the

Office-Building of the House of Representatives,

April 14, 1906.

WEAVER, JOHN: MAYOR OF PHILADELPHIA.

See (in this Volume)

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

{727}

WEEKLY REST DAY.

See (in this Volume)

SUNDAY OBSERVANCE.

"WE FREES."

See (in this Volume)

SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.

WEI-HAI-WEI:

Strategic Worthlessness of the Port.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (FEBRUARY).

WEKERLE, ALEXANDER: PRIME MINISTER OF HUNGARY.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1908-1909.

WELSH COERCION ACT.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902.

WERMUTH, Herr:

Secretary of the German Imperial Treasury.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

WEST AFRICA:

White Colonization impossible in Present Conditions.

See (in this Volume)

AFRICA.

WEST INDIES, DANISH:

Failure of Projected Sale to the United States.

See (in this Volume)

DENMARK: A. D. 1902.

WESTERN FEDERATION OF MINERS.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION. UNITED STATES: A. D. 1899-1907.

WET, C. R. de.

See (in this Volume)

SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

WEYLER, GENERAL Y NICOLAU:

Suppression of Strike at Barcelona.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: SPAIN.

WEYLER, GENERAL Y NICOLAU:

Spanish Minister of War.

See (in this Volume)

SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904.

WHITE, HENRY:

American Delegate to the Algeciras Conference'

on the Morocco Question.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

WHITE HOUSE, THE:

Its Restoration.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

WHITE MOUNTAIN FOREST, PRESERVATION OF THE.

See (in this Volume)

CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

WHITE SLAVE TRADE, MOVEMENT FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF THE.

The movement for the suppression of what is now described as

the White Slave Traffic, and which has grown into an important

international organization, appears to have had its beginning

in the formation of a committee at London, in 1880, "for the

purpose of exposing and suppressing the [then] existing

traffic in English, Scotch and Irish girls for foreign

prostitution." This committee presented a memorial on the

subject to Lord Granville, then Secretary for Foreign Affairs,

setting out a statement of facts which "revealed the existence

of systematic abduction to Brussels, and elsewhere on the

Continent of Europe, of girls who were English subjects, and

who, having been induced to go abroad under promise of

obtaining employment or respectable situations, were on

arrival taken to the office of the ‘Police des Mœurs’ for

registration as prostitutes." The memorialists craved Lord

Granville’s influence "in favour of measures which would

render it impossible that British subjects, however humble,

should in the future be subjected to such infamy and

degradation, including the loss of their personal liberty."

Such measures were taken, Parliament passing an Act which

became law in 1885, with so much effectiveness that "the

traffic was at once checked. The miscreants who were engaged

in it were dismayed by its provisions, and within five years

after the Act had come into operation the Burgomaster of

Brussels, which had been the head-quarters of the traffic,

questioned as to the effect produced by that measure, in April

1890 wrote as follows: 'Comme suite à votre lettre du 15

courant, j’ai l’honneur de vous faire connaître que depuis

1880 aucune fille de nationalité Auglaise n’a été inscrite aux

registres de Bruxelles.’ While, however, the traffic, so far

as the United Kingdom was concerned, was thus almost

extinguished, it seems to have increased and spread in certain

districts of Eastern Europe to an extent which attracted the

serious and alarmed attention of the Governments and public

authorities of the countries immediately concerned. About the

year 1898 the National Vigilance Society, headed by the late

Duke of Westminster, then its President, resolved ‘to open

definite measures for its mitigation—if possible, its

suppression.’ This organization was fortunate in having for

its Secretary and chief administrative officer Mr. William

Alexander Coote, a man of remarkable energy and

determination."

Parliamentary Papers, 1907 (Cd. 3453).

Mr. Coote went on a mission to the Continent and aroused the

interest of the Governments most concerned. International

conferences on the subject were held, in London, 1899, at

Paris, 1902, and again at Paris in 1906, producing concerted

action. In 1904 an International Agreement was signed at

Paris, May 18, by the plenipotentiaries of Great Britain,

Germany, Belgium, Denmark, Spain, France, Italy, the

Netherlands, Portugal, Russia, Sweden and Norway, and

Switzerland, the first two articles of which were as follows:

"Article 1.

Each of the Contracting Governments undertakes to establish or

name some authority charged with the co-ordination of all

information relative to the procuring of women or girls for

immoral purposes abroad; this authority shall be empowered to

correspond direct with the similar department established in

each of the other Contracting States.

Article 2.

Each of the Governments undertakes to have a watch kept,

especially in railway stations, ports of embarkation, and

en route, for persons in charge of women and girls

destined for an immoral life. With this object instructions

shall be given to the officials and all other qualified

persons to obtain, within legal limits, all information likely

to lead to the detection of criminal traffic. The arrival of

persons who clearly appear to be the principals, accomplices

in, or victims of, such traffic shall be notified, when it

occurs, either to the authorities of the place of destination,

or to the Diplomatic or Consular Agents interested, or to any

other competent authorities."

Parliamentary Papers, 1905,

Treaty Series No. 24 (Cd. 2689).

Meantime, in the United States, due attention was not given to

the matter, until it was found that the abominable traffic had

become organized to an appalling extent in the country,

especially in connection with its foreign immigration, and had

a principal seat in New York, with a suspected connivance on

the part of men having political influence, if not official

power. An investigation of the facts became one of the main

objects of the Congressional Immigration Commission which

pursued inquiries in Europe and America in 1909, and was the

leading subject of the preliminary report made public by the

Commission, December 10.

{728}

In this report the Commission says that the white slave

traffic is the most pitiful phase of the immigration question.

The business has assumed large proportions, and has exerted an

evil influence upon the country. The inquiry covered the

cities of New York, Chicago, San Francisco, Seattle, Portland,

Salt Lake, Ogden, Butte, Denver, Buffalo, Boston, and New

Orleans. No attempt was made to investigate conditions in

every important city. But the commission believes that enough

evidence with reference to women of different races and

nationalities, living under different conditions has been

obtained from localities sufficiently scattered to warrant the

reports being used as a basis for official action.

Among other recommendations of the Commission is one that the

transportation of persons from one State, Territory, or

district, to another for the purpose of prostitution be

forbidden under heavy penalties. The commission also expresses

the opinion that the Legislatures of the several States should

consider the advisability of enacting more stringent laws

regarding prostitution. It is suggested that the Illinois

statute regarding pandering be carefully considered. A number

of suggestions of administrative changes and more rigid

enforcement of existing regulations by the Department of

Commerce and Labor, particularly by the Bureau of Immigration,

and amendments of the Immigration act itself are submitted by

the commission.

Legislation on the lines recommended is now pending in

Congress and in New York and other States, while the alleged

organization of the traffic in the city of New York is being

investigated by a special grand jury of one of the State

Courts.

WICKERSHAM, GEORGE W.:

Attorney-General.

See (in this Volume )

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

WIJU.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

WILLIAM II., German Emperor:

Statement of his Peace Policy based on Preparation for War.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

WILLIAM II., German Emperor:

His speech at Tangier.

See (in this Volume)

EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

WILLIAM II., German Emperor:

His published Interview with an Englishman and its Effect.

See (in this Volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

WILSON, James:

Secretary of Agriculture.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905; 1905-1909; AND 1909 (MARCH).

WILSON, General John M.:

On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1903.

WILSON, Woodrow:

President of Princeton University.

See (in this Volume)

EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

WINE-GROWERS’ REVOLT, IN FRANCE.

See (in this Volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (MAY-JULY).

WINNIPEG: A. D. 1909.

Meeting of British Association for the Advancement of Science.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.

WIRELESS TELEGRAPHY.

See (in this Volume and in Volume VI.)

SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

WISCONSIN: A. D. 1900-1909.

Governor and Senator La Follette.

The recognized "new movement" in American politics which has

been putting a distinctive mark on the last decade, directed

towards the emancipation of parties from a selfishly organized

system, or "machine," had nowhere in the West a more vigorous

starting than in Wisconsin; and nobody can doubt that the

initial force given to it there came mostly from the energy of

the leader it found in Robert Marion La Follette. He had

entered politics when he entered the profession of law, in

1880. From 1889 to 1901 he was a representative in Congress.

At the end of that period he had been elected Governor of his

State, and he held the office for three terms, resigning it in

1905 to accept a seat in the Senate of the United States,

where he exercises a degree of independence not common in that

assembly. All this advancement in public service has gone with

a personal leadership in politics, resisted unavailingly by

the old party organization.

WISCONSIN: A. D. 1907.

Enactment of Public Utilities Law.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC UTILITIES.

WISCONSIN STATE UNIVERSITY:

Its Legislative Reference Department and Municipal

Reference Bureau.

See (in this Volume).

MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

WITBOIS, THE.

See (in this Volume)

Africa: A. D. 1904-1905,

and

GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

WITTE, Sergius Yulievitch:

As Russian Finance Minister and practically as Premier.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904, and 1904-1905.

WITTE, Sergius Yulievitch:

Withdrawal from Premiership.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

WITTE, Sergius Yulievitch:

Memorial to the Tsar on Religious Liberty and the Bondage

of the Church to the State.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-AUGUST).

WITTE, Sergius Yulievitch:

Russian Plenipotentiary for negotiating Treaty of Peace

with Japan.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

WOLF’S HILL, The Capture of.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE.

WOMEN, International Council of: A. D. 1909.

Proceedings at Toronto.

The International Council of Women was assembled at Toronto,

Canada, in June, 1909, being then in the twenty-fifth year of

its existence. Its large gatherings are undertaken but once in

five years, executive meetings being held in years between.

The Toronto session was opened on the 17th of June, and was

prolonged interestingly for ten days. The delegates attending

numbered 160, from all parts of Europe, America and

Australasia, Great Britain sending the largest number. Germany

comes next with 19, Sweden sends 7, Denmark 4, Italy 3,

Austria-Hungary 5, Norway 10, Belgium 4, Greece 3, the

Netherlands 11, Australasia 11, the United States 16, and

Canada 11.

Lady Aberdeen, the President of the Council, in her opening

remarks, indicated the breadth of the ideas of service to the

world which this international organization contemplates, when

she said: "Having proved that we are truly representative of

the women workers of the world and that within our various

councils we have gathered organizations of women of all races,

creeds, classes, and parties, what is the outcome?

{729}

What do we stand for? What practical contribution can we offer

to the world’s welfare?" Turning to the Canadian delegates,

she answered these questions by alluding to the sympathy that

the National Council of Canada had created between the women

of the different provinces and the way in which it had made

them recognize their true relationship to their country and

the world. From this Lady Aberdeen went on to say:

"Our International Council must indeed be of necessity the

strongest peace society that can exist, for if the homes of

the different countries of the world are brought in touch with

one another and understand and believe in one another, there

can be no more war. Again, the health movement which our

national councils’ reports show us is going on in all

countries of the world is one that has within itself

potentialities far beyond the immediate objects it aims at.

What are these medical and scientific congresses, these

international conferences on tuberculosis, infant mortality,

school hygiene, temperance, and the like doing? Are they not

bringing the world’s thinkers and workers into line for the

preservation of life, for the furtherance of a high and

vigorous type of life based on knowledge, principle, and

self-control, for international action in the interests of the

world’s health? Here is work which concerns all women in all

countries, and in which every society has an interest. … But …

the keynote of our success and influence must always lie in

the fact that we lay stress in being more than doing, in the

spirit of our work more than the work itself, in the motive

underlying our union, rather than in our actual federation."

Peace and Arbitration, Woman Suffrage (favored by a majority

of the delegates in attendance), the "White Slave Traffic,"

so-called, Public Health, Education, Immigration, cheapened

International Postage, were among the principal subjects of

discussion taken up on successive days.

The next quinquennial council was appointed to be held at

Rome, in 1914, with executive meetings in Sweden in 1911 and

in the Netherlands in 1913. Lady Aberdeen was reelected

President.

WOMEN WORKERS:

Legal Regulation of Hours and Conditions.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

WOOD, GENERAL LEONARD:

Military Governor of Cuba.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902.

WOODWARD, Dr. Robert S.:

President of the Carnegie Institution of Washington.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

WORKMEN.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION.

WORKMEN’S COMPENSATION ACT, BRITISH.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR PROTECTION.

WORLD MOVEMENTS:

Fichte’s Prophecy of a World Commonwealth.

The Progress of a Century toward its Fulfilment.

"Fichte says: ‘It is the vocation of our race to unite itself

into one single body, all the parts of which shall be

thoroughly known to each other, and all possessed of similar

culture. Nature, and even the passions and vices of men have,

from the beginning, tended towards this end: a great part of

the way towards it is already passed, and we may surely

calculate that this end, which is the condition of all further

progress, will in time be attained. … Until the existing

culture of every age shall have been diffused over the whole

inhabited globe, and our race become capable of the most

unlimited inter-communication with itself, one nation or one

continent must pause on the great common path of progress, and

wait for the advance of the others; and each must bring as an

offering to the universal commonwealth, for the sake of which

alone it exists, its ages of apparent immobility, or

retrogression. When that first point shall have been attained,

when every useful discovery made at one end of the earth shall

be at once made known and communicated to all the rest, then,

without further interruption, without halt or regress, with

united strength and equal step, humanity shall move onward to

a higher culture, of which we can at present form no

conception.’

"This was an end-of-the-eighteenth-century utterance, and

events have followed it as if it were a resistless fiat

compelling its own fulfilment, rather than the dictum of a

philosopher. The nations have striven fiercely to carry

forward the work which the great Seer pointed to as the

essential condition of the higher progress. Inspired by varied

aims, and carried forward by diverse means, the end has been

ever the same. The missionary with his religious mandate, the

devil-may-care adventurer seeking excitement, the restless

military caste craving advancement, the trader thirsting for

gain, all promote the ‘Divine plan.’ …

"The pride of independent nationality must gradually give way

to the pride of being members of the great confederations. The

transition from Nationalism to internationalism will be

brought about by a threefold pressure, and will be rendered

easy by the system we have evolved with our great Colonies.

There will be the pressure of the higher organisation on the

lower, the larger upon the less; there will be racial

pressure, as yellow and black begin to feel their power; and

there will be commercial pressure. This irresistible pressure

will be gradually recognised as a benevolent despotism forcing

the practical recognition of the brotherhood of man.

"With regard to commercial pressure. A glance ahead will show

that the Western nations, in forcing their trade on yellow and

black races, are educating the latter into formidable

competitors. Like the Japs they will better the instruction,

and, with their more favourable economic conditions, will

flood the Western world with commodities at prices it cannot

compete with. To avoid being dragged down to their lower level

of subsistence the great world powers will be compelled to

draw a ring-fence of tariffs round their possessions. In our

case the British Empire contains nearly all climates and

resources that will enable it to be entirely self-contained

and self-supporting. The comparative free trade within the

fence will starve isolated countries to come in.

{730}

"There is no reason why an Empire such as ours should not be

much more truly happy and prosperous than it has yet been, if

we organise it scientifically. The loss of our abnormal

position in foreign trade will be a blessing if we exercise

foresight. In the furtherance of the World-purpose it was

necessary that the progressive nations should for a time

worship foreign trade as a fetich, and as the chief means of

prosperity. Nothing else would have given them the needed

stimulus, and forced them to such Herculean efforts to conquer

and keep foreign markets. But when all foreign markets have

been opened up, and we have unintentionally educated other

races, not only to supply their own wants, but to swamp us

with their manufactures, then we must readjust our ideas, and

adopt less one-sided aims. In our ambition to be the Cheap

John of the world, we have developed some of our resources

abnormally, and neglected others. To foster foreign trade we

converted a large part of our island home into black country,

we have been prodigally wasteful of our mineral resources, and

have neglected our agriculture. In striving for foreign

markets we have neglected the best market in the world—the

Home market—and have left ourselves miserably dependent on the

foreigner. This is really incipient heart disease of the

Empire.

"It was providential that we adopted ‘free trade’ when we did,

as it gives a moral justification for our annexations which no

protective nation can show; but as the other great Powers

extend their sway, and their tariff barriers, we shall cease

to need our free trade justification. Then we can reconsider

the case."

E. W. Cook,

The Organisation of Mankind

(Contemporary Review, September, 1901).

WORLD MOVEMENTS:

The Making of a World Constitution and the development

of World Legislation.

"In the relations of nations to one another, as proved by

their treaties and code of international law, certain truths

are recognized which involve the very nature of mankind as a

created whole. That is, there is a world-constitution,

unwritten, not called by that name, but existing as truly as

the animal creation existed before it was named by man, and as

independent of his recognition and his naming as the animal

creation was independent of human recognition. Though that

world-constitution has remained obscure and unrecognized, yet

world progress toward its formal expression has been

wonderfully rapid in recent years.

"In the first place that constitution is bringing about the

formal existence of an organ for the use and for the

expression of the intelligence and the will of the world.

Nations, repeatedly, in separate congresses, upon special

subjects, have expressed their intelligence and their will,

and have entrusted to the nations severally the duty of

carrying out that will, as is most perfectly illustrated in

the case of the Universal Postal Union. That is, the nations

are creating a world legislative department.

"In the next place, the establishment of the Hague Court of

Arbitration is doubtless the beginning of the establishment of

a judicial department which will include other duties than the

settlement of causes dangerous to the peace of nations.

Lastly, the formal establishment of some world-executive will

not long lag behind the creation of the legislative and

judicial departments. The world is moving rapidly toward

political organization as one body, and the situation must

soon reveal itself to present doubters."

R. L. Bridgman,

World-Organization secures World-Peace

(Atlantic Monthly, September, 1904).

"At the session of the Massachusetts Legislature of 1902 a

petition was presented in favor of a world-legislature. That

petition was referred to the Legislature of 1903 in order that

the subject might receive further public consideration, and

the chairman of the committee which heard the petitioners

said, in each branch respectively, that the proposal was

meritorious. According to the report, the petition is pending

before the Legislature of 1903, with hundreds of signers,

including some of the best citizens. The American Peace

Society, by vote of its directors, signed the petition, while

it also presented another petition of its own, asking for a

movement for a world-conference or congress, with

recommendatory powers, to meet at stated intervals, say once

in seven years. Thus the proposal of world-organization is

formally before the public.

"Since the first petition was presented repeated instances

have occurred to support the main argument for it,—that

business exigencies of the world were becoming so urgent that

world-organization, as a necessity, would precede the efforts

of pure philanthropy or statesmanship for the same end. Early

in the year came the Pan-American Congress. Among its

proposals, suited for a world-scale, were these: a

Pan-American bank; a custom-house congress, and an

international customs commission; a statistical bureau of

international scope; an international copyright law; an

international commission to codify international law;

international regulations to cover inventions and trademarks;

a common treaty of extradition and protection against anarchy;

international regulations for the world-wide practice of the

liberal professions; an international archaeological

commission; an international office as depositary of the

archives of international conferences; an international

regulation granting equal rights to all foreigners from any of

the signatory countries, and some minor plans.

"Other world-propositions which developed during the year

included (in January) the organization of the International

Banking Corporation, with power, under a Connecticut charter,

of doing business all over the world; (early in the year)

circulation by the Manchester (England) Statistical Society of

a pamphlet advocating an international gold coinage; (in July)

suggestion by Russia of an international conference to protect

the nations against trusts and other private operations of

capital; (in July) another plan for an international bank; (in

August) meeting of the International Congress on Commerce and

Industry; and (in December) the meeting of the International

Sanitary Conference in Washington; to which may be added (in

January, 1903) the meeting in New York of the International

Customs Congress. For one year that is a notable record of

progress toward world-organization in matters of business, not

as matters of theory or of pure philanthropy. These instances

illustrate the truth, which many persons still fail to

realize, that the world is getting together at a rapid rate,

and that, as a matter of self-interest, the nations must soon

have a permanent legislative body as a means of establishing

regulations for the benefit of all.

{731}

"Pertinent to the case is the fact that world-legislation has

occurred repeatedly, though no world-legislature has been

organized. … In the case of the International Postal Union we

have absolute world-legislation. … That is the most

conspicuous and most successful illustration of

world-legislation, because it embraces organized mankind, and

because it is so eminently successful. …

"Mention may be made of the International Conference in

Washington, in 1885, for the establishment of a common prime

meridian, at which twenty-six nations were represented. At the

International Sanitary Conference in Vienna in 1892, fifteen

nations were represented. At the Dresden International

Sanitary Conference in 1893, nineteen nations were

represented."

R. L. Bridgman,

A World-Legislature

(Atlantic Monthly, March, 1903).

WORLD MOVEMENTS:

The Passing of the Age of Colonial Dominion.

The Coming of the Epoch of the "Open Door."

The old notions of colonial dominion, which had pricked the

ambition of nations since the sixteenth century, came

practically to the end of their working in the last years of

the nineteenth. The European partitioning of Africa, in the

decade after 1884, the scramble for footings in China between

1897 and the Boxer rising, and the Spanish-American War of

1898, may be looked upon as the expiring operations of

statesmanship on lines of "colonial policy," in the

acquisitive sense. As certainly as anything in politics can be

certain, the epoch of the founding and spreading of colonial

dominions came then to its close.

The colonial policy of that epoch meant colonial dominion

necessarily, for the reason that the commerce-spreading

nations of the West could not think of agreeing to open doors

of trade with the feebler or more backward folk of the East.

Each could make sure of marts in the great orient and oceanic

region only by seizing and walling them in, behind well-locked

doors, to keep the others out. Now, however, they have arrived

at a state of things in the world which compels them to think

of the "open door" for commerce, as a substitute for the

colonial dependency, held under lock and key. Several changes

have worked together in bringing this new situation about.

Principally, of course, it results from the near approach to

an exhaustion of the territory available for easy conquest and

colony-making. Africa and the great archipelagos of the South

Sea have all been divided up. Japan, with China making ready

to stand with her, has undertaken a policing of Eastern Asia,

to stop the staking out of lawless claims there. Moreover,

confidence in the stability as well as belief in the

usefulness of colonial dominion is much shaken of late, by

increasing signs of relaxing bonds in the great British

Empire, without much sign of harm to the prosperity or the

power of the imperial nation itself. Several of the outlying

dependencies of the British crown have grown to so much of

independence that they have taken the doorkeeping of their

commerce into their own hands and the sovereign mother country

makes no objection or complaint.

For many years past the commercial experience of England has

been furnishing proof that trade and dominion, under the

conditions of the present day, have little of necessary

connection with each other; and now the Germans, within later

years, have been adding to that proof. The few colonies they

have laid hands on, in Africa and Oceanica, have been of less

profit than expense to them; but, more rapidly than any other

people, they have pushed their trade in regions where they

have no political influence or control, by sheer energy and

careful learning of the conditions to be met.

The commercial mind, which has always dictated the policies of

government, is being thus compelled to turn its thought to the

"open door," and that, as a commercial aim, will evidently

extinguish colonial undertakings hereafter. It ruled the

settlement of the Chinese troubles of 1900 (thanks to John

Hay); it has gone into the recent treaties of Japan with

England, Russia and France; it gave a practicable solution to

the Morocco problem, at the Algeciras conference; it furnished

the ground in 1907 for an arrangement of long-troubled

relations between England and Russia in Persia, Tibet, and

Afghanistan.

Manifestly, the commercial policy of the future is to be, not

the policy of colonial dependencies, but the policy of open

doors. Even the imperialists and the stand-patters of the

United States will have to accept it; and in due time the

tariff-walled nations, after practicing themselves

sufficiently in the dictatorial opening of other people’s

doors, will be ready to unlock their own.

WORLD MOVEMENTS:

For and against War.

See (in this Volume)

WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR,

and

WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST.

World’s Prohibition Confederation.

See (in this Volume)

ALCOHOL PROBLEM; INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS.

WOS Y GIL, GENERAL:

Revolutionary President of San Domingo.

See (in this Volume)

SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907

WRIGHT, DR. A. E.,

WRIGHT, DR. DOUGLAS;

The Discoverers of Opsonins.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT. OPSONINS.

WRIGHT, Carroll D.:

On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

See (in this Volume)

LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES; A. D. 1902-1903.

WRIGHT, GENERAL LUKE E.:

Secretary of War.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.

WRIGHT, ORVILLE AND WILBUR.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

WURTEMBERG: A. D. 1906.

Displacement of Privileged Members from the Parliament.

See (in this Volume)

ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

WYNDHAM, G.:

Chief Secretary for Ireland.

See (in this Volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

WYNNE, Robert J.:

Postmaster-General.

See (in this Volume)

UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

{732}

Y.

YALU, BATTLES AT THE.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

YAMAGATA, Prince Aritomo.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE) and 1909 (OCTOBER).

YANGTZULING, BATTLE OF.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

YASHIMA, SINKING OF THE.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

YASS-CANBERRA.

Chosen Site of the Capital of Australia.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.

YELLOW FEVER.

See (in this Volume)

PUBLIC HEALTH.

YOUNG EGYPT.

See (in this Volume)

EGYPT. A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

YOUNG FINNS:

See (in this Volume)

FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

YOUNG TURKS.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

YOUNGHUSBAND, COLONEL GEORGE J.:

Mission to Tibet.

See (in this Volume)

TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.

YOUSSUF IZEDDIN.

See (in this Volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

YUAN SHIH-KAI:

His abrupt Dismissal from Office.

See (in this Volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

YUKON DISTRICT, THE:

Census, 1901.

See (in this Volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

YUSHIN-KAI.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

ZAHLE MINISTRY.

See (in this Volume)

DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.

ZAIMIS, M.,

High Commissioner of Crete.

See (in this Volume)

CRETE: A. D. 1905-1906.

ZAMENHOF, DR.:

Inventor of Esperanto.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: ESPERANTO.

ZANARDELLI, Giuseppe:

Premier of Italy.

See (in this Volume)

ITALY: A. D. 1901 and 1903.

ZANZIBAR: A. D. 1903.

Practical Ending of Slavery.

The following remarks are from reports made by British

consular officers in 1903. By decree of the Sultan of Zanzibar

the legal status of slavery was annulled in 1897: "As I have

anticipated in my former Reports, the number of slaves who

have thought fit to present themselves for freedom to the

Zanzibar Government has been very small. … It is as well known

as ever throughout the Island of Zanzibar that a slave has

only to appear and ask for freedom and it is immediately

granted. But the slaves have long since discovered that

freedom is not such ‘a bed of roses’ as was anticipated. They

have learnt that practically they lose far more than they gain

by leaving their owners to get freedom, and then having to

find a new home and support themselves."

"The slavery question may be said to be at an end in Pemba.

Those slaves who still remain in a state of servitude are

slaves only in name, and they continue to be so of their own

free will, for there is not a man or a woman at this time in

the island unaware of the fact that any slave can obtain

manumission for the asking. A small number of slaves do apply

for and obtain their freedom month by month, but the bulk of

the servile population in Pemba appear to be content with

their existing status."

ZASULICH, General.

See (in this Volume)

JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

ZAYISTAS.

See (in this Volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.

ZEEMAN, Peter.

See (in this Volume)

NOBEL PRIZES.

ZELAYA, JOSE CANTOS:

President of Nicaragua.

See (in this Volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA: NICARAGUA: A. D. 1909.

ZEMSTVOS, RUSSIAN.

See (in this Volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905, and 1905-1907.

ZEPPELIN, Count.

See (in this Volume)

SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

ZICHY, Count.

See (in this Volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904; 1905-1906.

ZIEGLER ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS.

See (in this Volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION.

ZIL-ES-SULTAN.

See (in this Volume)

PERSIA: A. D. 1907-1908 (SEPTEMBER-JUNE).

ZULUS, The:

Their revolt in 1906.

See (in this Volume)

South Africa.

{733}

COURSES FOR STUDY OR READING

PREPARED by C. W. CHASE

As an aid to those possessors of this work who may wish to

pursue in it regular courses of reading or study, the

following directory, as it may be called, has been prepared by

a gentleman whose acquaintance with the contents of the

Volumes and with their arrangement is very thorough, and whose

equipment of historical knowledge is large. This responds to a

great number of requests and suggestions that have been coming

to the publishers of "History for Ready Reference," ever since

it began to make itself known as the best of compilations for

"Topical Reading" in history, as well as for "Ready

Reference," because drawn from the best historical writers in

their own exact words.

Those who make use of these "Studies" should bear in mind that

the first five Volumes of "History for Ready Reference" cover

all times, from the earliest, down to its publication in 1895,

and are under one comprehensive arrangement, for which reason

the numbering of pages in those Volumes is consecutive from

the first to the last; whereas Volumes VI. and VII. deal with

two succeeding periods, of Recent History, and have separately

numbered pages. Hence reference in the "Studies" to pages in

the first five Volumes is without mention of the number of the

Volume.

On revision of the original five-Volume work in 1901 some

rearrangement of matter occurred which changed the page

numbers. This necessitates the giving of both new and old

numbers in the reference to every matter within those Volumes.

For copies of the work purchased before 1901 the numbers are

in parenthesis, and those for the later edition precede them.

The following is a subject index to the "Studies" appended:

ALEXANDER’S CONQUESTS:

Study X.

AMERICA:

Study XXIII.

(See, also, UNITED STATES, CANADA, and SPANISH AMERICA.)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY:

Studies

XIV.,

XV.,

XXVII.,

XXXIV.,

XXXV.,

XXXVI.

BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA:

Study IV.

CANADA:

Study XLIX.

CHINA:

Studies

VII., LI.

CHRISTIANITY:

Studies

XVIII.,

XIX.,

XX.,

XXIV.

CRUSADES:

Study XXV.

EGYPT, ANCIENT:

Study V.

ENGLAND:

Studies

XXVIII.,

XXIX.,

XXX.,

XXXI.,

XXXII.,

XXXIII.,

XXXV.,

XXXVI.,

XLII.,

XLVIII.

EUROPE AT LARGE:

Studies

XII.,

XIII.,

XIV.,

XVIII.,

XIX.,

XX.,

XXII.,

XXIII.,

XXIV.,

XXV.,

XXVII.,

XXXIV.,

XXXV.,

XXXVI.

FRANCE:

Studies

XIII.,

XIV.,

XVI.,

XXIII.,

XXIV.,

XXV.,

XXXIV.,

XXXV.,

XXXVI.,

XLIII.

FRENCH REVOLUTION AND NAPOLEON:

Studies

XXXV

XXXVI.

GERMANY:

Studies

XIII.,

XIV.,

XV.,

XXIII.,

XXIV.,

XXVII.,

XXXIV.,

XXXV.,

XXXVI.,

XLIV.

GREAT BRITAIN.

See ENGLAND.

GREECE, ANCIENT:

Studies

VIII.,

IX.,

X.

HISTORY AND ITS STUDY:

Study I.

INDIA, ANCIENT:

Study VII.

ITALY, MEDIÆVAL AND MODERN:

Studies

XIV.,

XVII.,

XXIII.,

XXXV.,

XXXVI.,

LV.

JAPAN:

Study L.

JEWS:

Study VI.

MIDDLE AGES:

Studies

XIII.,

XIV.,

XV.,

XVI.,

XVII.

MOHAMMEDANISM:

Studies

XXI.,

XXII.

MONASTICISM:

Study XX.

NETHERLANDS:

Study XXVI.

PAPACY:

Study

XIX.,

XXIV.,

XXV.

PRIMITIVE PEOPLES:

Studies

II.,

III.

REFORMATION, PROTESTANT:

Studies

XXIV.,

XXV.

RENAISSANCE:

Study XXIII.

ROME, ANCIENT:

Studies

XI.,

XII.,

XIII.

RUSSIA:

Study LII.

SPAIN:

Studies

XXVI.,

XXXVI.

SPANISH AMERICA:

Study LIV.

(See, also, AMERICA.)

TURKISH EMPIRE:

Study LIII.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

Studies

XXXVII.,

XXXVIII.,

XXXIX.,

XL.,

XLI.,

XLV.,

XLVI.,

XLVII.

{734}

APPENDIX

COURSES FOR STUDY OR READING

Note.

The text of "History for Ready Reference" is made up of matter

taken from the best writers and special students of all ages

and all nations. Under the various topics in these Studies,

therefore, the historical works referred to are those from

which the matter of the text is taken; the figures following

each citation indicating the pages in "History for Ready

Reference" where the matter may be found,—the figures inclosed

in parentheses showing where the same matter may be found in

the first (1895) edition of the work. These extracts vary from

a quarter of a column to five or six columns in length.

[Transcriber's note—A colon (:) at the end of a line

indicates the following line begins a subheading,

a citation, or the citation title.]

STUDY I.

HISTORY AND ITS STUDY.

"It is seldom appreciated what a very large share of the

world’s literature is history of some sort. The primitive

savage is probably the only kind of a man who takes no

interest in it. But as soon as a spark of civilization

illumines this primitive darkness men begin to take interest

in other men,—not only beyond their immediate surroundings,

but beyond the limits of their own generation. Interest in the

past and provision for the future are perhaps essential

differences between the civilized man and the savage.

Accordingly as this care for the past and future increases,

all literature divides itself into that which concerns the

forces of nature, and that which concerns the history of man."

PROFESSOR J. P. MAHAFFY.

1. VARIOUS VIEWS AS TO WHAT HISTORY IS:

R. Flint:

History of the Philosophy of History,

1686-1687 (1648-1649).

archive.org/details/historyphilosop00flingoog

"With us the word ‘History,’ like its equivalents in all

modern languages, signifies either a form of literary

composition, or the appropriate subject matter of such

composition,—either a narrative of events, or events which may

be narrated."

R. FLINT.

2. THE PROPER SUBJECTS AND OBJECTS OF HISTORY:

E. A. Freeman:

Practical Bearings of European History,

1687-1688 (1648-1649).

T. B. Macaulay:

History (Essays),

1692 (1658).

"The perfect historian is he in whose work the character and

spirit of an age is exhibited in miniature. … By judicious

selection, rejection, and arrangement, he gives to truth those

attractions which have been usurped by fiction. … He shows us

the court, the camp, and the senate. But he also shows us the

nation. He considers no anecdote, no peculiarity of manner, no

familiar saying, as too insignificant for his notice, which is

not too insignificant to illustrate the operation of laws, of

religion, and of education, and to mark the progress of the

human mind."

T. B. MACAULAY.

3. THE PHILOSOPHY OF HISTORY:

R. Flint:

Philosophy of History,

1688 (1649).

4. HISTORY AS A SCIENCE;

and

HISTORY AS THE ROOT OF ALL SCIENCE:

H. T. Buckle:

History of Civilization in England,

1688 (1649).

www.gutenberg.org

J. G. Droysen:

Outline of the Principles of History,

1689 (1650).

archive.org/details/outlineofprincip01droy

T. Carlyle:

On History (Essays),

1689-1690 (1650-1651).

"There is, I speak humbly, in common with Natural Science, in

the study of living History, a gradual approximation to a

consciousness that we are growing into a perception of the

workings of the Almighty ruler of the world. … The study of

History is in this respect, as Coleridge said of Poetry, its

own great reward, a thing to be loved and cultivated for its

own sake. … For one great, insoluble problem of astronomy or

geology, there are a thousand insoluble problems in the life,

in the character, in the face of every man that meets you in

the street. Thus, whether we look at the dignity of the

subject matter, or at the nature of the mental exercise which

it requires, or at the nature of the field over which the

pursuit ranges, History, the knowledge of the adventures, the

development, the changeful career, the varied growths, the

ambitions, aspirations, and, if you like, the approximating

destinies of mankind, claims a place second to none in the

roll of Sciences."

BISHOP STUBBS.

5. HOW TO STUDY HISTORY:

A. B. Hart:

How to Study History,

1693 (1654).

6. THE EDUCATIONAL AND PRACTICAL VALUE OF HISTORY;

ITS MORAL LESSONS:

J. A. Froude:

Short Studies on Great Subjects,

1690 (1651).

W. E. H. Lecky:

The Political Value of History,

1690 (1651).

C. K. Adams:

Manual of Historical Literature,

1690-1691 (1651-1652).

W. Stubbs:

The Study of Modern History,

1691 (1652).

"The effect of historical reading is analogous, in many

respects, to that produced by foreign travel. The student,

like the tourist, is transported into a new state of society.

He sees new fashions. He hears new modes of expression. His

mind is enlarged by contemplating the wide diversities of

laws, of morals, and of manners."

T. B. MACAULAY.

7. THE PROVINCE AND VALUE OF THE HISTORICAL ROMANCE:

G. H. Lewes:

Historical Romance,

1692-1693 (1653-1654).

A. Thierry:

The Merovingian Era,

1693 (1654).

J. R. Seeley:

History and Politics,

1693 (1654).

"To say that there is more real history in his (Scott’s)

novels on Scotland and England than in the philosophically

false compilations which still possess that great name, is not

advancing anything strange in the eyes of those who have read

and understood ‘Old Mortality,’ ‘Waverley,’ ‘Rob Roy,’ the

‘Fortunes of Nigel,’ and the ‘Heart of Midlothian.’"

A. THIERRY.

"We can hardly read the interesting Life of Lord Macaulay

without perceiving that the most popular historical work of

modern times owes its origin in a great measure to the

Waverley Novels. Macaulay grew up in a world of novels: his

youth and early manhood witnessed the appearance of the

Waverley Novels themselves. He became naturally possessed by

the idea which is expressed over and over again in his Essays,

and which at last he realized with such wonderful success, the

idea that it was quite possible to make history as interesting

as romance."

J. R. SEELEY.

{736}

8. THE IMPORTANCE OF A KNOWLEDGE OF UNIVERSAL HISTORY:

O. Browning:

The Teaching Of History In Schools,

1604 (1655).

"To know History is impossible; not even Mr. Freeman, not

Professor Ranke himself, can be said to know history. … No

one, therefore, should be discouraged from studying History.

Its greatest service is not so much to increase our knowledge

as to stimulate thought and broaden our intellectual horizon,

and for this purpose no study is its equal."

W. P. ATKINSON.

STUDY II.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE DAWN OF HISTORY; PRIMITIVE PEOPLES.

I. THE THREE MARKED DIVISIONS OF THE HUMAN RACE

WHEN THE EARLIEST HISTORIC RECORD BEGINS:

(a) The Aryan:

144 (137), 145 (138) and

Appendix A., Volume V. (Volume I).

(b) The Semitic:

2963-2966 (2886-2889).

(c) The Turanian:

3245, 1740, 2265 (3129, 1701, 2221).

2. THESE DIVISIONS WERE NOT PROPERLY RACIAL, BUT LINGUISTIC,

THOUGH USAGE HAS GIVEN THEM A RACIAL SIGNIFICANCE:

"Aryan in Scientific language is utterly inapplicable to race.

It means language, and nothing but language … I have declared

again and again that if I say ‘Aryas,’ I mean simply those who

speak the ‘Aryan’ language."

MAX MÜLLER.

"The ‘Semitic race’ owes its name to a confusion of ethnology

and philology. A certain family of speech, composed of

languages closely related to one another, and presupposing a

common mother tongue, received the title of ‘Semitic’ … But

whatever justification there may have been for speaking of a

Semitic family of languages, there was none for speaking of a

Semitic race."

A. H. SAYCE.

3. BIRTHPLACE OF THE ARYANS:

C. F. Keary:

The Dawn of History,

144-145 (137-138).

www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/52030.

J. N. Larned:

A Historical Sketch of Europe,

1018 (990).

J. Rhys:

Race Theories,

145 (138).

4. EARLY ARYAN MIGRATIONS:

(a) To India.

W. W. Hunter:

History of India,

1740-1741 (1701-1702).

M. Duncker:

History of Antiquity,

1741-1742 (1702-1703).

M. Williams:

Religious Thought in India,

1742 (1703).

(b) To Greece.

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

2603 (2535).

C. W. C. Oman:

History of Greece,

1604-1605 (1566-1567).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1019-1021 (991-993).

D. G. Hogarth:

Authority and Archaeology,

Volume VI., 23-25.

(c) To Italy.

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

1016-1017, 1845 (988-989, 1805).

F. Haverfield:

Authority and Archaeology,

Volume VI., 25.

(d) To Western Europe.

J. Rhys:

Celtic Britain,

412 (402).

J. N. Larned:

Europe, 1019 (991).

(e) In General.

Appendix A.

at end of Volume V. (Volume I.).

Ethnological Map,

before Title Page, Volume I.

5. ORIGIN OF THE SEMITIC PEOPLES:

George Adam Smith:

Historical Geography of the Holy Land,

2964-2965 (2887-2888).

6. THE VARIOUS DIVISIONS OF THE SEMITES:

(a) In General.

J. F. McCurdy:

History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,

2963-2964 (2886-2887).

(b) The Babylonian.

J F. McCurdy:

History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,

2965-2966 (2888-2889).

Z. A. Ragozin:

The Story of Chaldea,

246-247 (239-240).

A. H. Sayce:

Recent Discoveries in Babylonia,

Volume VI., 14-15.

(c) The Canaanitic and Phoenician.

F. Lenormant:

Ancient History of East,

2598-2599 (2530-2531).

(d) The Hebraic.

A. Kuenen:

Religion of Israel,

1936 (1895).

H. Ewald:

History of Israel,

1937 (1896).

S. R. Driver:

Authority and Archaeology,

Volume VI., 12.

7. DISTINCTIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF SEMITES, AND THEIR

CONTRIBUTION TO THE WORLD CIVILIZATION:

A. H Sayce:

Babylonian Literature,

246 (239).

E. Renan:

Studies in Religious History,

2965 (2888).

"We owe to the Semitic race neither political life, art,

poetry, philosophy, nor Science. What, then, do we owe to

them? We owe to them Religion. The whole world, if we except

India, China, Japan, and tribes altogether savage, has adopted

the Semitic religion."

E. RENAN.

8. RELATION BETWEEN THE EARLY SEMITES AND THE PRIMITIVE CHINESE:

R. K. Douglas:

China,

430-432 (416-418).

T. de Lacouperie:

History of Chinese Civilization,

246 (239).

9. ORIGIN AND RACIAL CONNECTIONS OF

THE PRIMITIVE EGYPTIAN PEOPLES:

H. Brugsch Bey:

Egypt under the Pharaohs,

777 (750).

G. Rawlinson.

History of Ancient Egypt,

777 (750).

W. M. F. Petrie:

Recent Research in Egypt,

Volume VI., 18-20.

10. THE EARLIEST SEMITES KNOWN TO HISTORY:

J. F. McCurdy:

History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,

2965-2966 (2888-2889).

Max Müller:

The Enormous Antiquity of the East,

2966 (2889).

A. H. Sayce:

Babylonian Literature,

246 (239).

"The Babylonians were … the first of the Semites to enter the

arena of history, and they did so by virtue of the

civilization to which they attained in and through their

settlement on the lower Euphrates and Tigris."

J. F. MCCURDY.

{737}

STUDY III.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE LIFE OF PRIMITIVE PEOPLES;

ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH.

1. GENERAL CHARACTER OF WORK OF EXCAVATION OF BURIED CITIES:

W. M. F. Petrie.

The Story of a "Tell,"

782 (755).

G. Smith:

Assyrian Discoveries,

149-150 (143).

H. V. Hilprecht:

Recent Research in Bible Lands,

Volume VI., 12.

Sunday School Times,

Volume VI., 13.

2. PREHISTORIC CULTURE AND CIVILIZATION:

(a) Babylonia.

A. H. Sayce:

Babylonian Literature,

246 (239).

J. F. McCurdy:

History, Prophecy, and The Monuments,

2965-2966 (2888-2889).

S. R. Driver:

Authority and Archaeology,

Volume VI., 12.

Perrot and Chipiez:

Art in Chaldæa and Assyria,

2969 (2892).

"When civilization makes up its mind to reenter upon that

country, nothing more will be needed for the reawakening in it

of life and reproductive energy, than the restoration of the

great works undertaken by the contemporaries of Abraham and

Jacob."

PERROT AND CHIPIEZ.

(b) Egypt.

H. G. Tomkins:

Studies on Times of Abraham,

778-779 (751-752).

W. M. F. Petrie:

Recent Egyptian Exploration,

Volume VI., 20, 21.

(c) Greece.

C. W. C. Oman:

History of Greece,

1605, last column, (1567).

P. Gardner:

New Chapters in Greek History,

1605-1606 (1567-1568).

S. H. Butcher:

Aspects of Greek Genius,

1675 (1636).

A. J. Evans:

London Times,

Volume VI., 23, 24.

A. L. Frothingham:

Archaeological Progress,

Volume VI., 25.

(d) Italy and Rome.

Padre de Cara:

The Academy,

1845 (1805).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1020-1021 (992-993).

F. de Coulanges:

The Ancient City,

2731 (2657).

Goldwin Smith:

The Greatness of the Romans,

2732-2733 (2658-2659).

"It may seem a paradox, but we suspect that in their imperial

ascendency is seen one of the earliest and not least important

steps in that gradual triumph of intellect over force, even in

war, which has been an essential part of the progress of

civilization. The happy day may come when Science in the form

of a benign old gentleman with a bald head and spectacles on

nose, holding some beneficent compound in his hand, will

confront a standing army, and the standing army will cease to

exist. That will be the final victory of intellect. But in the

meantime, our acknowledgments are due to the primitive

inventors of military discipline. They shivered Goliath’s

spear."

GOLDWIN SMITH.

(e) India.

W. W. Hunter:

History of Indian People,

1740-1741 (1701-1702).

(f) China.

R. K. Douglas:

China,

430-432 (416-418).

3. Early Language and Literature:

(a) Babylonia and Assyria.

A. H. Sayce:

Fresh Light from the Monuments,

150, 245-246, 664-665 (143, 238-239, 641-642).

A. H. Sayce:

Social Life of Assyrians and Babylonians,

2044 (2000).

A. H. Sayce:

Races of the Old Testament,

2963 (2886)

A. Lefèvre:

Race and Language,

2971 (2894).

(b) Egypt.

H. Brugsch-Bey:

History of Egypt,

777 (750).

M. Duncker:

History of Antiquity,

777 (750).

E. A. W. Budge:

The Mummy,

1684-1685 (1645-1646).

A. Mariette-Bey:

Monuments of Upper Egypt,

2826 (2752).

(c) Phoenicia.

Perrot and Chipiez:

Art in Phoenicia,

2601 end of last column, (2533).

(d) Greece

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

1674-1675 (1635-1636).

W. E. Gladstone:

Homer,

1699-1700 (1660-1661).

W. Leaf:

Companion to the Iliad,

1700 (1661).

A. Lang:

Homer and the Epic,

1700 (1661).

D. G. Hogarth:

Authority and Archæology,

Volume VI., 25.

(e) Italy and Rome.

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

1845 (1805).

G. A. Simcox:

History of Latin Literature,

2734 (2660).

(f) India.

M. Duncker:

History of Antiquity,

1741-1742 (1702-1703).

M. Williams:

Religious Thought in India,

1742 (1703).

4. EDUCATION:

(a) Babylonia and Assyria.

A. H. Sayce:

Babylonian Literature,

246, 697-698 (239, 674-675).

A. H. Sayce:

Social Life among the Babylonians,

698 (675).

A. H. Sayce:

Fresh Light from the Monuments,

150 (143).

"The primitive Chaldeans were preeminently a literary people,

and it is by their literary relics, by the scattered contents

of their libraries, that we can know and judge them. As

befitted the inventors of a system of writing, like the

Chinese they set the highest value on education, even though

examinations may have been unknown among them. Education,

however, was widely diffused."

A. H. SAYCE.

(b) Egypt.

G. Maspero:

Life in Ancient Egypt,

697 (674).

H. Brugsch-Bey:

History of Egypt,

697 (674).

"In the education of youth the Egyptians were particularly

strict; and ‘they knew,’ says Plato, ‘that children ought to

be early accustomed to such gestures, looks, and motions, as

are decent and proper; and not to be suffered either to hear

or learn any verses and songs other than those which are

calculated to inspire them with virtue.’"

J. G. WILKINSON.

(c) Greece.

(1) Athenian.

Plato:

Protagoras,

701 (678).

Aristotle:

Politics,

701-702 (678-679).

J. P. Mahaffy:

Old Greek Education,

703 (680).

J. A. St. John:

The Hellenes,

703-704 (680-681).

W. W. Capes:

University Life in Ancient Athens,

5 (5).

Guhl and Koner:

Life of Greeks and Romans,

1657 (1619).

(2) Spartan.

C. Thirlwall:

History of Greece,

704-5 (681-2).

(d) Alexandria.

J. H. Newman:

Historical Sketches,

708 (685).

(e) Rome.

J. J. Döllinger:

Gentile and Jew,

708-709 (685-686).

(f) Judæa.

E. Schürer:

History of Jewish People,

700 (677).

H. Graetz:

History of the Jews,

700-1 (677-678).

(g) China.

W. A. P. Martin:

The Chinese,

698-699 (675-676).

(h) Persia.

G. Rawlinson:

The Five Great Monarchies,

699-700 (676-677).

5. RELIGION:

(a) China.

R. K. Douglas:

China,

432-433 (418-419).

(b) Egypt.

A. B. Edwards:

The Academy,

305 (296).

(c) Greece.

C. C. Felton:

Greece, Ancient and Modern,

804-805, 2453 (777-778, 2401).

{738}

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

2452 (2400).

W. M. Leake:

Topography of Athens,

2451 (2399).

C. Thirlwall:

History of Greece,

2451 (2399).

G. Grote:

History of Greece,

680 (657).

(d) India.

M. Williams:

Religious Thought in India,

1742 (1703).

Hinduism,

1743-1744 (1704-1705).

J. T. Wheeler:

History of India,

406 (396).

(e) Persia.

G. Rawlinson:

Religions of the Ancient World,

3788-3789 (3666-3667).

M. Haug:

Lectures on Zoroaster,

3790 (3668).

(f) Rome.

T. Arnold:

History of Rome,

2981 (2903).

H. Macmillan:

Roman Mosaics,

2981 (2903).

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

195 (188).

W. Ramsay:

Roman Antiquities,

196-197 (189-190).

Guhl and Koner:

Greeks and Romans,

3743 (3623).

N. Hawthorne:

The Marble Faun,

2476 (2417).

Note.—In nearly all cases, in the Studies that follow, all

chronological divisions previous to the sixth or seventh

centuries B. C. must be regarded as approximate only. The

dates given are those generally accepted by the best scholars

of the present day.

STUDY IV.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA.

1. GEOGRAPHY:

G. Rawlinson:

Five Great Monarchies,

2198 (2154).

F. Lenormant:

Ancient History of the East,

2964 (2887).

G. Adam Smith:

Historical Geography of the Holy Land,

2964 (2887).

2. CHALDEA-BABYLONIA:

A. H. Sayce:

Fresh Light from the Monuments,

245-246 (239), and following authorities.

3. THE ACCADIANS, SUMERIANS, ELAMITES, AND CUSHITES:

A. H. Sayce:

Babylonian Literature,

246, 698 (239, 675).

A. H. Sayce:

Fresh Light from the Monuments,

150, 246 (143, 239).

A. H. Sayce:

Races of the Old Testament,

2963 (2886).

Z. A. Ragozin:

Story of Chaldea,

795(768).

J. F. McCurdy:

History, Prophecy, and Monuments,

2965-2966 (2888-2889).

Dr. Tiele:

History of Babylonia,

2967 (2890).

F. Lenormant:

Ancient History of the East,

128-129 (121-122).

A. H. Sayce:

Contemporary Review,

Volume VI., 14.

4. THE ERA OF CITY STATES

(5000 to 3800 B. C.):

Z. A. Ragozin:

Story of Chaldea,

246-247 (239-240).

5. CONQUESTS OF SARGON I.

(3750 B. C.):

Dr. Tiele:

History of Babylonia,

2967 (2890).

F. Max Müller:

Enormous Antiquity of the East,

2966 (2889).

Z. A. Ragozin:

Story of Chaldea,

247 (240).

A. H. Sayce:

Contemporary Review,

Volume VI., 13, 14.

6. HAMMURABI ESTABLISHES THE FIRST BABYLONIAN EMPIRE

(2250 B. C.):

E. J. Simcox:

Primitive Civilizations,

2967(2890).

J. F. McCurdy:

History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,

2967 (2890).

A. H. Sayce:

Ancient Empires of the East,

247 (240).

7. THE CITY OF BABYLON:

A. H. Sayce:

Ancient Empires of the East,

247 (240).

G. Rawlinson:

Herodotus,

245 (238).

W. B. Wright:

Ancient Cities,

2969-2970 (2893).

B. T. A. Evetts:

New Light on the Bible and Holy Land,

2970-2971 (2893-2894).

8. THE KASSITE EMPIRE AND EGYPTIAN INVASIONS

(1800-1250 B. C.):

J. F. McCurdy:

History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,

2967 (2890).

A. H. Sayce:

Higher Criticism and Verdict of the Monuments,

2968 (2891).

A. Lefèvre:

Race and Language,

2968 (2891).

G. Rawlinson:

History of Ancient Egypt,

779-780 (752-753).

9. ASSYRIA GAINS AND HOLDS SUPREMACY

(1250-600 B. C.):

Perrot and Chipiez:

History of Art in Chaldea and Assyria,

2968-2969 (2891-2892).

L. von Ranke:

Universal History,

2969 (2892).

10. THE CITY OF NINEVEH:

A. H. Sayce:

Higher Criticism and the Monuments,

2967-2968 (2891).

A. H. Sayce:

Fresh Light from the Monuments,

150 (143).

Z. A. Ragozin:

Story of Chaldea,

2415 (2363).

Perrot and Chipiez:

History of Art in Chaldea and Assyria,

2969 (2892).

11. THE LAST BABYLONIAN EMPIRE

(625-536 B. C.):

E. A. W. Budge:

Babylonian Life and History,

2969 (2892).

A. H. Sayce:

Ancient Empires of East,

247 (240).

Introduction to Books of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther,

2577-2578 (2510-2511).

Ancient Empires of the East,

2577 (2510).

12. BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN LIFE:

(a) Literature.

A. H. Sayce:

Fresh Light from the Monuments,

245-246 (238-239).

A. H. Sayce:

Babylonian Literature,

246, 697-698 (239, 674-675).

A. H. Sayce:

Social Life among the Babylonians,

698 (675).

A. V. Hilprecht:

Sunday School Times,

Volume VI., 15-16.

(b) Education.

A. H. Sayce:

Babylonian Literature,

698 (675).

A. H. Sayce:

Social Life Among the Babylonians,

698 (675).

A. H. Sayce:

Contemporary Review,

Volume VI., 14.

(c) Trade and Commerce.

M. Duncker:

History of Antiquity,

3207-3208 (3697).

E. J. Lubbock:

History of Money,

2243 (2199).

Sir J. Simcox:

Primitive Civilizations,

2243-2244 (2200).

(d) Treatment of Diseases.

G. Rawlinson:

Herodotus,

2166 (2122).

F. Lenormant:

Chaldean Magic,

2166-2167 (2122-2123).

{739}

13. THE PRE-EMINENT FIGURES IN BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN HISTORY:

B. C.

Sargon I             3750

Hammurabi            2250

Tiglathpileser I.    1110-1090

Tiglathpileser III.   745-727

Sargon II             722-705

Sennacherib           705-681

Assurbanipal

(Sardanapalus)      668-626

Nebuchadnezzar        605-562

STUDY V.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

EGYPT.

1. ORIGIN OP THE NAME AND PEOPLE:

H. Brugsch-Bey:

History of Egypt,

776 (749).

R. S. Poole:

Cities of Egypt,

776 (749).

G. Rawlinson:

History of Ancient Egypt,

777 (750).

M. Duncker:

History of Antiquity,

777 (750).

A. H. Keane:

The African Races,

17 (19).

2. HISTORICAL ANTIQUITY:

H. Brugsch-Bey:

History of Egypt,

776-777 (750).

W. M. F. Petrie:

History of Egypt,

777 (3743).

W. M. F. Petrie:

Address,

Volume VI., 20-21.

3. PREHISTORIC CIVILIZATION:

W. M. F. Petrie:

Recent Egyptian Exploration,

Volume VI., 20.

4. THE OLD AND MIDDLE EMPIRES

(4700-2750 B. C.);

F. Lenormant:

Ancient History,

777-778, 2127 (750-751, 2083).

W. M. F. Petrie:

Recent Research in Egypt,

Volume VI., 18-19.

W. M. F. Petrie:

History of Egypt,

777-778 (750-751).

R. S. Poole:

Cities of Egypt,

2196, 3189 (2152, 3104).

5. THE PYRAMIDS, AND THE OBELISKS; "CLEOPATRA’S NEEDLES"

F. Lenormant:

Ancient History,

777 (750).

G. Rawlinson:

Ancient Egypt,

780 (753).

6. THE HYKSOS, OR SHEPHERD KINGS (2150-1700 B. C.),

AND SOJOURN OF ABRAHAM:

G. Rawlinson:

History of Ancient Egypt,

778 (751).

E. Wilson:

The Egypt of the Past,

778 (751).

E. A. W. Budge:

The Dwellers on the Nile,

1937 (1896).

G. Rawlinson:

Ancient Egypt,

1937 (1896).

E. Renan:

The People of Israel,

1937-1938 (1896-1897).

A. H. Sayce:

The Hittites,

116, 1695 (109, 1656).

H. Brugsch-Bey:

Egypt under the Pharaohs,

779 (752).

7. THE EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY; THE NEW EMPIRE

(1600-1300 B. C.):

G. Rawlinson:

History of Ancient Egypt,

779-780 (752-753).

C. Bezold:

Oriental Diplomacy,

781 (754).

A. Lefèvre:

Race and Language,

2968 (2891).

8. ISRAEL IN EGYPT

(1750-1300 B. C.):

E. A.W. Budge:

Dwellers on the Nile,

1937 (1896).

G. Rawlinson:

Ancient Egypt,

1937 (1896).

H. Brugsch-Bey:

Egypt under the Pharaohs,

1937 (1896).

F. Lenormant:

Ancient History,

782 (755).

R. S. Poole:

Ancient Egypt,

782 (755).

9. DECLINE OF EMPIRE OF THE PHARAOHS;

ASSYRIAN CONQUEST (1200-525 B. C.):

G. Rawlinson:

History of Ancient Egypt,

782-783 (755-6).

Five Great Monarchies,

783 (756).

10. THE PERSIAN CONQUEST

(525-332 B. C.):

G. Rawlinson:

Five Great Monarchies,

784 (757).

P. Smith:

Ancient History,

784 (757).

A. H. Sayce:

Introduction to Books of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther,

2578 (2511).

11. ANCIENT EGYPTIAN LIFE AND CULTURE:

(a) Literature and Art.

A. B. Edwards:

The Academy,

305 (296).

Edinburgh Review:

The Tel El-Amarna Tablets,

780 (753).

C. Bezold:

Oriental Diplomacy,

781 (754).

W. M. F. Petrie:

Recent Egyptian Exploration,

Volume VI., 20-21.

(b) Education.

J. G. Wilkinson, and others,

696-697 (673-674).

(c) Trade and Commerce.

Earliest Records of Trade,

3207 (3696).

Sir J. Lubbock:

History of Money,

2243 (2199).

E. J. Simcox:

Primitive Civilizations,

2244 (2200).

M. Duncker:

History of Antiquity,

2600 (2532).

F. Lenormant:

History of the East,

129 (122).

P. Gardner:

New Chapters in Greek History,

785-786 (758-759).

C. Merivale:

History of the Romans,

3211-3213 (3700-3702).

(d) Treatment of Diseases.

G. Rawlinson and others,

2164-2166 (2120-2122).

12. THE CONQUEST OF ALEXANDER AND THE KINGDOM OF THE PTOLEMIES

(332-330 B. C.):

C. Thirlwall:

History of Greece,

785 (758).

J. P. Mahaffy:

Story of Alexander’s Empire,

2103 (2059).

A. H. L. Heeren:

Ancient History,

2104 (2060).

T. Timayenis:

History of Greece,

2106 (2062).

S. Sharpe:

History of Egypt,

785, also 786 (758, 759).

C. Merivale:

History of the Romans,

786 (759).

13. THE CITY OF ALEXANDRIA:

J. P. Mahaffy:

The Story of Alexander’s Empire,

44-45 (37-38).

A. Hirtius:

The Alexandrian War,

46 (39).

J. J. Döllinger:

History of the Church,

2295-2296 (2247-2248).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall of Roman Empire,

46, also 47 (39, 40).

H. H. Milman:

History of Latin Christianity,

47 (40).

Sir W. Muir:

Annals of the Early Caliphate,

2115 (2070).

E. Kirkpatrick:

Development of Superior Instruction,

707-708 (684-685).

Fraser’s Magazine:

Historical Researches on the Burning of

the Library of Alexandria by Saracens,

2047-2048 (2003-2004).

Fraser’s Magazine:

The American Journal of Archaeology,

Volume VI., 28.

14. THE MOSLEM CONQUEST

(640-646 A. D.):

Sir W. Muir:

Annals of the Early Caliphate,

2114-2115 (2069-2070).

15. EGYPT AND THE CRUSADES

(1216-1254 A. D.):

G. Procter:

The Crusades,

656-657 (633-634).

T. L. Kington:

History of Frederick II.,

657 (634).

F. P. Guizot.

History of France,

657-658 (634-635).

{740}

16. THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST

(1517 A. D.):

S. Lane-Poole:

The Story of Turkey,

3254 (3138).

17. OVERTHROW OF THE OTTOMAN POWER BY NAPOLEON

(A. D. 1798):

W. Massey:

History of England,

1354-1355 (1321-1322).

J. G. Lockhart:

Life of Napoleon,

1357-1359 (1324-1326).

18. OVERTHROW OF FRENCH POWER BY ENGLAND,

AND RESTORATION OF EGYPT TO TURKEY

(1801-1802 A.D.):

J. R. Green:

History of English People,

1368-1369 (1335-1336).

19. BANKRUPTCY OF THE STATE AND ENGLISH OCCUPATION

(1875-1883):

H. Vogt:

The Egyptian War of 1882,

792 (765).

J. E. Bowen:

Conflict of East and West in Egypt,

792-794 (765-767).

E. Dicey.

Egypt,

Volume VI., 198.

20. THE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN CONDOMINIUM (1899):

Great Britain, Papers by Command;

Egypt,

Volume VI., 201-203.

STUDY VI.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE JEWS.

1. THE NATIONAL NAMES:

H. Ewald:

History of Israel,

1936 (1895).

A. P. Stanley:

History of Jewish Church,

1936 (1895).

2. THE ORIGIN OF THE PEOPLE AND THEIR RACIAL CONNECTIONS:

George Adam Smith:

Historical Geography of the Holy Land,

2964-2965 (2887-2888).

A. H. Sayce:

Races of the Old Testament,

2963 (2886).

J. F. McCurdy:

History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,

2963-2964 (2886-2887).

A. Lefèvre:

Race and Language,

2971 (2804).

3. THE MIGRATION OF ABRAHAM

(2200 B. C.):

E. A. W. Budge:

Dwellers on the Nile,

1937 (1896).

E. Wilson:

Egypt of the Past,

778 (751).

H. Ewald:

History of Israel,

1937 (1896).

4. THE PRINCIPAL NATIONS WITH WHOM ISRAEL CAME IN CONTACT:

(a) The Canaanites.

A. H. Sayce:

Fresh Light from the Monuments,

365 (355).

A. Kuenen:

The Religion of Israel,

1936 (1895).

F. Lenormant:

Ancient History of East,

2599 (2531).

(b) The Hittites.

A. H. Sayce:

The Hittites,

1695 (1656).

Padre de Cara:

Civilità Cattolica,

1845 (1805).

(c) The Amorites.

A. H. Sayce:

The Hittites,

116 (109).

(d) The Moabites.

A. H. Sayce:

Fresh Light from the Monuments,

2237 (2193).

(e) The Philistines.

F. W. Newman:

History of the Hebrew Monarchy,

2598 (2530).

George Adam Smith:

Historical Geography of the Holy Land,

2598 (2530).

5. THE SOJOURN OF ISRAEL IN EGYPT

(1750-1300 B. C.):

H. Brugsch-Bey:

Egypt under the Pharaohs,

779, 1937 (752, 1896).

E. A. W. Budge:

Dwellers on the Nile,

1937 (1896).

E. Renan:

The People of Israel,

1937-1938 (1896-1897).

G. Rawlinson:

Ancient Egypt,

1937 (1896).

6. THE EXODUS AND THE SETTLEMENT IN CANAAN

(1300-1230 B. C.):

E. Naville:

The Store-City Pithom,

1938 (1897).

F. Lenormant:

History of the East,

782 (755).

R. S. Poole:

Ancient Egypt,

782 (755).

E. Naville:

Route of the Exodus,

1938-1939 (1897-1898).

M. Duncker:

History of Antiquity,

1939-1940 (1898-1899).

7. THE JUDGES

(1250-1075 B. C.):

Dean Stanley:

Lectures on Jewish Church,

1940 (1899).

S. Sharpe:

History of the Hebrew Nation,

1940-1941 (1899-1900).

W. Robertson Smith:

The Prophets of Israel,

1941 (1900).

Dean Stanley:

Lectures on Jewish Church,

701 (678).

8. JERUSALEM THE NATIONAL CAPITAL:

T. Lewin:

Jerusalem,

1921 (1880).

F. W. Newman:

History of the Hebrew Monarchy,

1922 (1881).

Josephus:

Antiquities,

1922 (1881).

L. von Ranke:

Universal History,

1942 (1901).

9. THE SINGLE MONARCHY

(1075-950 B. C.):

L. von Ranke:

Universal History,

1941-1942 (1900-1901).

H. Graetz:

History of the Jews,

1943 (1902).

E. Renan:

The People of Israel,

1943-1944 (1902-1903).

H. Ewald;

History of Israel,

3210 (3699).

10. THE DIVIDED KINGDOM; ISRAEL, JUDAH

(950-730 B. C.):

Dean Stanley:

Lectures on the Jewish Church,

1944 (1903).

W. Robertson Smith:

The Prophets of Israel,

1945 (1904).

J. Wellhausen:

History of Israel and Judah,

1945 (1904).

A. H. Sayce:

LIFE AND TIMES OF ISAIAH,

1945 (1904).

Dean Stanley:

Lectures on the Jewish Church,

1946 (1905).

11. SAMARIA, THE CAPITAL CITY OF ISRAEL:

Dean Stanley:

Lectures on Jewish Church,

1944 (1903).

W. Robertson Smith:

The Prophets of Israel,

1944 (1904).

H. Ewald:

History of Israel,

2871 (2796).

H. Graetz:

History of the Jews,

2871-2872 (2796-2797).

H. H. Milman:

History of the Jews,

2872 (2797).

12. THE KINGDOM OF JUDAH

(724-598 B. C.):

M. Arnold:

Isaiah of Jerusalem,

1946 (1905).

J. Wellhausen:

Israel and Judah,

1946 (1905).

S. R. Driver:

Isaiah,

1946-1947 (1905-1906).

C. G. Montefiore:

Lectures on Religion,

1947-1948 (1906-1907).

A. Kuenen:

Religion of Israel,

1948 (1907).

J. Wellhausen:

Israel and Judah,

1945 (1904).

{741}

13. THE EXILE AND THE RESTORATION

(598-332 B. C.):

H. H. Milman:

History of the Jews,

1948-1949 (1907-1908).

A. Kuenen:

Religion of Israel,

1949 (1908).

P. H. Hunter:

After the Exile,

1949-1950 (1908-1909).

M. Duncker:

History of Antiquity,

1950-1951 (1909-1910).

J. J. Döllinger:

Gentile and Jew,

1952 (1911).

H. H. Milman:

History of the Jews,

1952 (1911).

A. H. Sayce:

Ancient Empires of the East,

2577 (2510).

A. H. Sayce:

Introduction to Books of Ezra, etc.,

2577-2578 (2510-2511).

14. THE GREEK DOMINION AND THE MACCABEAN WAR

(332-340 B. C.):

J. P. Mahaffy:

Story of Alexander’s Empire,

2102-2103 (2058-2059).

G. Rawlinson:

Sixth Great Oriental Monarchy,

2960 (2883).

C. Thirlwall:

History of Greece,

2960 (2883).

H. Ewald:

History of Israel,

1953 (1912).

J. J. Döllinger:

Gentile and Jew,

1954 (1913).

E. H. Palmer:

History of Jewish Nation,

1954 (1913).

W. D. Morrison:

Jews under Roman Rule,

1954-1955 (1913-1914).

J. H. Allen:

Hebrew Men and Times,

1955 (1914).

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

1956 (1915).

E. Schürer:

History of Jewish People,

1957 (1916).

T. Keim:

History of Jesus of Nazara,

1958 (1917).

E. Schürer,

History of the Jewish People,

1677-1678 (1638-1639).

15. HEROD AND THE HERODIANS; ROMAN SUPREMACY

(B. C. 40-A. D. 44):

T. Keim:

History of Jesus of Nazara,

1958-1959 (1917-1918).

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

1960 (1919).

H. H. Milman:

History of the Jews,

1960 (1919).

16. THE BIRTH OF JESUS AND THE FALL OF JERUSALEM

(B. C. 8-A. D. 70):

T. Keim:

History of Jesus of Nazara,

1960-1961 (1919-1920).

E. de Pressensé:

Jesus Christ,

1961-1962 (1920-1921).

C. Merivale:

History of the Romans,

1962 (1921).

Besant and Palmer:

Jerusalem,

1962-1963 (1921-1922).

H. H. Milman:

History of the Jews,

1963 (1922).

"Nations that are fitted to play a part in universal history

must die first that the world may live through them' A people

must choose between the prolonged life, the tranquil and

obscure destiny of one who lives for himself, and the

troubled, stormy career of one who lives for humanity. The

nation which revolves within its breast social and religious

problems is always weak politically. Thus it was with the

Jews, who in order to make the religious conquest of the world

must needs disappear as a nation. They lost a material city;

they opened the reign of the Spiritual Jerusalem."

RENAN.

STUDY VII.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

EARLY HISTORY OF INDIA AND CHINA.

A. INDIA.

1. THE NAME, AND ORIGINAL INHABITANTS:

J. R. Seeley:

The Expansion of England,

1739-1740 (1701).

H. G. Keene:

History of Hindustan,

1740 (1701).

C. F. Keary:

Dawn of History,

144-145 (137-138).

W. W. Hunter:

History of Indian People,

1740-1741 (1701-1702).

See Maps of India,

1748 (1708).

2. THE ARYAN CONQUEST

(B. C. 1500-1400 (?)):

M. Duncker:

History of Antiquity,

1741-1742 (1702-1703).

M. Williams:

Religious Life in India,

1742 (1703).

3. THE INVASION AND CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT

(B. C. 327-322):

J. T. Wheeler:

History of India,

1742-1743 (1703-1704).

C. A. Fyffe:

History of Greece,

2103 (2059).

G. Rawlinson:

Sixth Great Oriental Monarchy,

2960 (2883).

4. THE SPREAD OF BUDDHISM

(B. C. 312-):

M. Williams:

Hinduism,

1743-1744 (1704-1705).

V. Smith:

London Times,

Volume VI., 57-58.

5. TRADE AND COMMERCE:

Mrs. Manning:

Ancient and Mediaeval India,

3208 (3697).

M. Duncker:

History of Antiquity,

3208 (3697).

B. CHINA.

1. THE NAME AND GEOGRAPHY OF THE COUNTRY:

H. Yule:

Cathay,

428 (416).

E. Reclus:

The Earth and its Inhabitants,

428-430.

2. THE ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY OF THE PEOPLE:

T. de Lacouperie:

Babylonia and China,

246 (239).

T. de Lacouperie:

History of Chinese Civilization,

246 (239).

R. K. Douglas:

China,

431-432 (416-418).

3. LIFE OF THE EARLY PEOPLE:

(a) Religion.

R. K. Douglas:

China,

432-433 (418-419).

T. W. Rhys Davids:

Buddhism,

433 (419).

(b) Education.

W. A. P. Martin:

The Chinese,

699 (675-676).

(c) Trade and Commerce.

Sir J. Lubbock:

History of Money,

2244-2245 (2200-2201).

E. J. Simcox:

Primitive Civilizations,

3215 (3704).

STUDY VIII.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

EARLY GREECE AND THE PERSIAN WARS.

"Our interest in Ancient history, it may be said, lies not in

large masses. It matters little how early the Arcadians

acquired a political unity or what Nabis did to Mycenae; that

which interests us is the Constitution of Athens, the repulse

of Persia, the brief bloom of Thebes."

S. H. BOTCHER.

1. THE LAND, AND ITS INFLUENCE UPON THE PEOPLE:

C. Thirlwall:

History of Greece,

3192 (3107).

E. Reclus:

The Earth and its Inhabitants,

1603 (1565).

E. A. Freeman:

Practical Bearings of European History,

1604 (1566).

F. B. Jevons:

History of Greek Literature,

1676-1677 (1637-1638).

C. A. Fyffe:

History of Greece,

1606 (1568).

E. Abbott:

History of Greece,

1606 (1568).

2. THE EARLIEST INHABITANTS:

(a) In General.

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

2562-2563 (2496-2497).

E. Abbott:

History of Greece,

2563 (2497).

{741}

C. F. Keary:

The Dawn of History,

145 (138).

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

1674-1675 (1635-1636).

(b) The Pelopids and Mycenae.

G. Grote:

History of Greece,

2563 (2497).

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

2563 (2497).

P. Gardner:

New Chapters of Greek History,

1605-1606 (1567-1568).

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

3241-3242 (3125-3126).

The Nation:

Dr. Schliemann’s Work,

3242 (3126).

(c) The Cretans and Knossos.

G. Schömann:

Antiquities of Greece,

647 (624).

A. J. Evans:

London Times,

Volume VI., 23-24.

D. G. Hogarth:

Authority and Archaeology,

Volume VI., 24-25.

A. L. Frothingham:

Archaeological Progress,

Volume VI., 25.

3. EARLY MIGRATIONS:

(a) In General.

C. W. C. Oman:

History of Greece,

1605 (1567).

E. Abbott:

History of Greece,

146-147 (139-140).

(5) Dorians and Ionians.

C. O. Müller:

History of Dorian Race,

687, 1682 (664, 1643).

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

687 (664).

G. Schömann:

Antiquities of Greece,

687 (664).

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

3100 (3018).

194-195 (187-188).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1020-1021 (992-993).

(c) Æolians.

G. Schömann:

Antiquities of Greece,

9-10.

E. Abbott:

History of Greece,

146-147 (139-140).

4. THE EARLY CITY STATES, AND POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS:

C. A. Fyffe:

History of Greece,

1606 (1568).

Thucydides:

History,

151-153 (144-146).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1019 (991).

Z. A. Ragozin:

Story of Chaldea,

246-247 (239-240).

L. von Ranke:

Universal History,

1607 (1569).

Perrot and Chipiez:

Chaldea and Assyria,

2968, top of second column, (2891).

F. B. Jevons:

History of Greek Literature,

1676, second column, (1637).

P. Gardner:

New Chapters in Greek History,

189, second column, (182).

M. Duncker:

History of Greece,

3189-3190 (3105).

5. THE RENOWNED LAWGIVERS:

(a) Lycurgus.

E. Abbott:

History of Greece,

3100-3102 (3018-3020).

C. H. Hanson:

The Land of Greece,

3103 (3021).

(b) Draco.

G. Grote:

History of Greece,

153 (146).

(c) Solon.

C. F. Hermann:

Political Antiquities of Greece,

155 (148).

W. Wachsmuth:

Historical Antiquities of the Greeks,

155-156 (148-149).

G. Grote:

History of Greeks,

673 (649-650).

6. THE RISE OF ATHENS:

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

194-195 (187-188).

Thucydides:

History,

151-153 (144-146).

W. W. Leake:

Topography of Athens,

151 (144).

See Maps, 152 (145).

E. Bulwer-Lytton:

Athens, 154 (147).

7. THE PISISTRATIDÆ AND CONSTITUTION OF CLEISTHENES

(560-507 B. C.):

E. Abbott:

History of Greece,

156 (149).

C. Thirlwall:

History of Greece,

156-157 (149-50).

8. CONTEST WITH SPARTA FOR SUPREMACY

(509-506 B. C.):

C. H. Hanson:

The Land of Greece,

3102 (3021).

C. Thirlwall:

History of Greece,

156-157 (149-150).

C. W. Cox:

The Greeks and Persians,

157 (150).

9. THE IONIAN REVOLT AND PERSIAN WARS

(B. C. 500-479):

(a) In General.

Herodotus:

Story of the Persian War,

1607-1608 (1569-1570).

P. Smith:

Ancient History of the East,

2579 (2512).

P. Smith:

History of the World, 1609 (1571).

L. von Ranke:

Universal History,

157-159 (150-152).

G. Rawlinson:

Ancient History,

2580 (2513).

(b) Marathon.

G. Grote:

History of Greece,

1609 (1571).

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

1609-1610 (1571-1572).

(c) Thermopylae.

Herodotus:

History,

1610-1611 (1572-1573).

B. G. Niebuhr:

Ancient History,

160-161 (153-154).

(d) Platæa and Mycale.

Herodotus:

History,

1612, 1613 (1574, 1575).

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

1613 (1575).

B. G. Niebuhr:

Ancient History,

160-161 (153-154).

10. THE CONFEDERACY OF DELOS AND END OF PERSIAN WARS

(B. C. 477-461):

G. W. Cox:

History of Greece.

1613 (1575).

W. W. Lloyd:

The Age of Pericles,

1614 (1576).

T. Keightley:

History of Greece,

164 (157).

J. Fiske:

Greek Federations,

1137 (1109).

11. POLITICAL RESULTS OF PERSIAN WARS:

G. Grote:

History of Greece,

163 (155-156).

Aristotle:

Constitution of Athens,

163-164 (156-157).

"None of these men were enervated by wealth or hesitated to

resign the pleasures of life. … And when the moment came they

were minded to resist and suffer, rather than to fly and save

their lives; they ran away from the word of dishonor, but on

the battlefield their feet stood fast, and in an instant, at

the height of their fortune, they passed away from the scene,

not of their fear, but of their glory. Such was the end of

these men; they were worthy of Athens; and the living may not

desire to have a more heroic spirit although they may pray for

a less fatal issue. … The sacrifice which they collectively

made was individually repaid to them; for they received again

each one for himself a praise which grows not old, and the

noblest of all sepulchers—I speak not of that in which their

remains are laid, but of that in which their glory survives,

and is proclaimed always and on every fitting occasion both in

word and deed. For the whole earth is the sepulcher of famous

men; not only are they commemorated by columns and

inscriptions in their own country, but in foreign lands there

dwells also an unwritten memorial of them, graven not on

stone, but in the hearts of men."

From the Funeral Oration of Pericles,

pages 175-178 (168-171).

STUDY IX.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE GOLDEN AGE OF GREECE.

"To Greece we owe the love of Science, the love of Art, the

love of Freedom; not Science alone, Art alone, or Freedom

alone, but these vitally correlated with one another and

brought into organic union. And in this union we recognize the

distinctive features of the West. The Greek genius is the

European genius in its first and brightest bloom. From a

vivifying contact with the Greek spirit Europe derived that

new and mighty impulse which we call Progress."

S. H. BUTCHER.

I. ATHENS AFTER THE PERSIAN WARS:

(a) The Rebuilding of the City.

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

161-152 (154-155).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1022-1023 (994-995).

(b) The Enlargement of the Democracy.

G. Grote:

History of Greece,

162-163 (155-156).

{743}

Aristotle:

The Constitution of Athens,

163-164 (156-157).

A. J. Grant:

The Age of Pericles,

1615 (1577).

C. Thirlwall:

History of Greece,

132 (125).

(c) Quarrels with Sparta.

C. W. C. Oman:

History of Greece,

165-166 (158-159).

C. Thirlwall:

History of Greece,

166-167 (159-160).

A. J. Grant:

Age of Pericles,

1614 (1576).

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

1615-1616 (1577-1578).

2. THE RISE OF PERICLES

(B. C. 466-429):

C. W. C. Oman:

History of Greece,

165-166 (158-159).

A. J. Grant:

The Age of Pericles,

1615 (1577).

3. THE AGE OF PERICLES

(B. C. 445-429):

(a) The Splendor of Athens.

E. Abbott:

Pericles,

167-168 (160-161).

E. Bulwer-Lytton:

Athens,

168 (161).

(b) Art and the Domestic Life.

E. E. Viollet-le-Duc:

Habitations of Man in All Ages,

168-169 (161-162).

R. C. Jebb:

Influence of Classical Greek Poetry,

1676 (1637).

(c) Education and Literature.

Plato:

Protagoras,

701 (678).

Aristotle:

Politics,

702 (679).

J. P. Mahaffy:

Old Greek Education,

702-703 (679-680).

O. Browning:

Educational Theories,

703 (680).

J. A. St. John:

The Hellenes,

703-704 (680-681).

F. B. Jevons:

History of Greek Literature,

1676-1677 (1637-1638).

S. H. Butcher:

Some Aspects of Greek Genius,

1675 (1636).

(d) Law and its Administration.

Sir H. S. Maine:

Ancient Law,

170 (163).

J. P. Mahaffy:

Social Life in Greece,

170-171 (163-164).

(e) The Political Life.

E. A. Freeman:

Athenian Democracy,

172 (165).

E. A. Freeman:

Comparative Politics,

171-172 (164-165).

S. H. Butcher:

Some Aspects of Greek Genius,

172 (165).

J. S. Blackie:

What does History Teach,

173 (166).

Pericles:

Funeral Oration,

175-178 (168-171).

4. THE GREAT PLAGUE AND DEATH OF PERICLES

(B.C. 430-429):

Thucydides:

History,

178 (171).

5. THE RISE OF THE DEMAGOGUES

(429-421 B. C.):

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

178-179 (171-172).

E. A. Freeman:

Historical Essays,

179 (172).

6. SOCRATES AS SOLDIER AND CITIZEN:

F. J. Church:

Trial and Death of Socrates,

179-180 (172-173).

E. Zeller:

Socrates,

705-706 (682-683).

7. THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR (B. C. 431-404):

(a) First Period (431-421) to Peace of Nicias:

Thucydides:

History,

1620 (1582).

W. Mitford:

History of Greece,

1620-1621 (1582-1583).

C. W. C. Oman:

History of Greece,

1622 (1584).

T. Timayenis:

History of Greece,

1623-1924 (1585-1586).

C. W. C. Oman:

History of Greece,

181 (174).

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

181 (174).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1023 (995).

(b) Alcibiades; The Sicilian Expedition

(B. C. 415-413):

B. G. Niebuhr:

Ancient History,

1624-1625 (1586-1587).

Y. Duruy:

History of Greek People,

182 (175).

E. A. Freeman:

Story of Sicily,

182-183 (175-176).

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

1625-1627 (1587-15899).

T. N. Talfourd:

History of Greece,

1629 (1591).

W. Wachsmuth:

Antiquities of the Greeks,

184-185 (177-178).

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

185 (178).

(c) Battle of Ægospotami; Overthrow of Athens

(405 B. C.).

G. Grote:

History of Greece,

185 (178).

G. W. Cox:

Athenian Empire,

1629-1630 (1591-1592).

8. THE OVERTHROW OF DEMOCRACY:

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

185-186 (178-179).

9. EXPEDITION OF CYRUS; RETREAT OF THE "TEN THOUSAND"

(B. C. 401-400):

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

2581 (2514).

10. THE SUPREMACY OF THEBES

(B. C. 379-362):

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

1631-1632 (1593-1594).

Xenophon:

Hellenica,

1632 (1594).

C. Sankey:

The Spartan and Theban Supremacies,

1632-1634 (1594-1596).

11. CHÆRONEA; END OF GREEK INDEPENDENCE

(B. C. 338):

B. G. Niebuhr:

Ancient History,

1634-1636 (1596-1598).

W. W. Fowler:

The City State,

186-187 (179-180).

P. Gardner:

Greek History,

189, first column, (182).

12. HELLENIC GENIUS, CULTURE, AND INFLUENCE:

The Funeral Oration of Pericles,

175-178 (168-171).

P. Gardner:

New Chapters in Greek History,

189-190 (182-183).

J. P. Mahaffy:

Greek Life and Thought,

188, 189, 706 (181, 182, 683).

T. Davidson:

Aristotle,

704 and 705 (681, 682).

J. P. Mahaffy:

Old Greek Education,

702-703 (679-680).

O. Browning:

Educational Theories,

703 (680).

The Nation:

Free Schools in Greece,

705 (682).

W. W. Capes:

University Life in Ancient Athens,

706-707 (683-684).

S. H. Butcher:

Some Aspects of Greek Genius,

1675 (1636).

R. C. Jebb:

Growth and Influence of Classical Greek Poetry,

1675-1676 (1636-1637).

F. B. Jevons:

History of Greek Literature,

1676-1677 (1637-1638).

J. P. Mahaffy:

The Greek World under Roman Sway,

1680 (1641).

L. E. Upcott:

Introduction to Greek Sculpture,

2956-2957.

J. A. St. John:

The Hellenes,

1657 (1819).

W. M. Leake:

Topography of Athens,

1657 (1619).

W. W. Capes:

University Life in Ancient Athens,

5 (5).

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

1679 second column, (1640).

"So long as Greece was free and the spirit of freedom animated

the Greeks, so long their literature was creative and genius

marked it. When liberty perished, literature declined. The

field of Chæronea was fatal alike to the political liberty and

to the literature of Greece."

F. B. JEVONS.

{744}

STUDY X.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT.

1. MACEDONIA AND ITS EARLY HISTORY:

G. Grote:

History of Greece,

2101 (2057).

P. Smith:

Ancient History of East,

2579 (2512).

G. Grote:

History of Greece,

1631 (1593).

2. RISE AND CAREER OF PHILIP OF MACEDON

(B. C. 359-336):

C. Thirlwall:

History of Greece,

1634 (1596).

B. G. Niebuhr:

Ancient History,

1634-1636 (1596-1598).

E. Curtius:

History of Greece,

1636 (1598).

W. W. Fowler:

The City-State,

186-187 (179-180).

A. H. L. Heeren:

Politics of Ancient Greece,

188 (181).

"No alliance could save Greece from the Macedonian power, as

subsequent events plainly showed. What was needed was a real

federal union between the leading states, with a strong

central controlling force; and Demosthenes’ policy was

hopeless just because Athens could never be the center of such

a union, nor could any other city. Demosthenes is thus the

last, and in some respects the most heroic champion of the old

Greek instinct for autonomy. He is the true child of the

City-State, but the child of its old age and decrepitude."

W. W. FOWLER.

3. THE CAREER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT

(B. C. 336-323):

L. von Ranke:

Universal History,

1637 (1599).

J. P. Mahaffy:

Story of Alexander’s Empire,

2102-2103 (2058-2059).

C. A. Fyffe:

History of Greece,

2103 (2059).

E. A. Freeman:

Alexander,

2103-2104 (2059-2060).

J. T. Wheeler:

History of India,

1742-1743 (1703-1704).

See Maps,

2106-2107 (2062-2063).

4. THE EFFECTS OF THE MACEDONIAN CONQUESTS:

E. Zeller:

Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics,

188 (181).

J. P. Mahaffy:

Greek Life and Thought,

188-189 (181-182).

P. Gardner:

New Chapters in Greek History,

189-190 (182-183).

J. P. Mahaffy:

Story of Alexander’s Empire,

1640, first column, (1602).

F. B. Jevons:

History of Greek Literature,

1676-1677 (1637-1638).

R. S. Poole:

Cities of Egypt,

44 (37).

J. P. Mahaffy:

Story of Alexander’s Empire,

44-45 (37-38).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1023-1024 (995-996).

5. The Division of Alexander’s Empire:

(a) Preliminary Struggles to Battle of Ipsus

(B.C. 323-301).

J. P. Mahaffy:

Story of Alexander’s Empire,

1639-1640 (1601-1602).

T. Keightley:

History of Greece,

1637-1639 (1599-1601).

A. H. L. Heeren:

Ancient History,

2104 (2060).

W. C. Taylor:

Ancient History,

2104-2105 (2060-2061).

T. T. Timayenis:

History of Greece,

2105-2016 (2061-2062).

C. Thirlwall:

History of Greece,

2106-2107 (2062-2063).

(b) The Seleucidæ.

G. Rawlinson:

Sixth Great Oriental Monarchy,

2960 (2883).

C. Thirlwall:

History of Greece,

2960 (2883).

B. G. Niebuhr:

Ancient History,

2960-2961 (2883-2884).

P. Smith:

History of the World,

2961-2963 (2884-2886).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall of Roman Empire,

2959-2960 (2882-2883).

(c) The Ptolemies.

S. Sharpe:

History of Egypt,

785 (758).

P. Gardner:

New Chapters in Greek History,

785-786 (758-759).

J. H. Newman:

Historical Sketches,

707-708 (684-685).

J. P. Mahaffy:

Story of Alexander’s Empire,

44-45 (37-38).

6. THE ACHAIAN LEAGUE (E. C. 280-146):

E. A. Freeman:

Federal Government,

1640-1641 (1602-1603).

E. A. Freeman:

Federal Government,

1136 (1108).

John Fiske:

American Political Ideas,

1137 (1109).

7. THE GALLIC INVASION

(B. C. 280-279):

C. Merivale:

History of the Romans,

1448-1449 (1415-1416).

C. Thirlwall:

History of Greece,

1449 (1416).

J. P. Mahaffy:

Story of Alexander’s Empire,

1442 (1409).

8. THE ROMAN CONQUEST (B. C. 214-146):

C. Thirlwall:

History of Greece,

1641 (1603).

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

191 (184).

E. S. Shuckburgh:

History of Rome,

2752-2753 (2678-2679).

R. C. Jebb:

Influence of Classical Greek Poetry,

1678 (1639).

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

1680 (1641).

"So too it was with Greece. As a people she ceased to be. When

her freedom was overthrown at Chæronea, the page of her

history was to all appearance closed. Yet from that moment

'she was to enter on a larger life and on universal empire. …

As Alexander passed conquering through Asia, he restored to

the East, as garnered grain, that Greek civilization whose

seeds had long ago been received from the East. Each conqueror

in turn, the Macedonian and the Roman, bowed before conquered

Greece and learnt lessons at her feet. To the modern world too

Greece has been the great civilizer, the œcumenical teacher,

the disturber and regenerator of slumbering societies. She is

the source of most of the quickening ideas which remake

nations and renovate literature and art. If we reckon up our

secular possessions, the wealth and heritage of the past, the

large share may be traced back to Greece. One half of life she

has made her domain,—all, or well-nigh all, that belongs to

the present order of things, and to the visible world.

S. H. Butcher:

Some Aspects of Greek Genius,

page 1675 (1636).

STUDY XI.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

RISE OF ROME AND CONQUEST OF THE WORLD.

1. ORIGIN OF THE ROMAN PEOPLE:

C. F. Keary:

Dawn of History,

144-145 (137-138).

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

37-38, 1844-1845, 2731 (30-31, 1804-1805, 2657).

A. Tighe:

Roman Constitution,

1455-1456 (1422-1423).

H. G. Liddell:

History of Rome,

1456 (1423).

F. de Coulanges:

The Ancient City,

2731 (2657).

E. A. Freeman:

European History,

2731-2732 (2658).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1024 (996).

H. G. Liddell:

History of Rome,

2861 (2787).

Padre de Cara:

Civilità Cattolica,

1845 (1805).

Appendix A,

3793-3794 (End Volume I.).

2. LATIUM AND THE LATIN NAME:

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

37-38, 1998 (30-31, 1954).

T. Arnold:

History of Rome,

1997-1998 (1953-1954).

3. THE FOUNDING OF ROME, AND ITS CIVILIZATION

(B. C. 753-):

Sir H. Nicholas:

Chronology of History,

2734 (2660).

E. A. Freeman:

European History,

2731-2732 (2658).

Goldwin Smith:

Greatness of the Romans,

2733 (2659).

G. A Simcox:

History of Latin Literature,

2734 (2660).

{745}

4. THE PATRICIANS AND PLEBS:

E. A. Freeman:

European History,

2732 (2658).

A. Tighe:

The Roman Constitution,

505 (491).

F. de Coulanges:

The Ancient City,

2738 (2664).

5. ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS:

(a) The King.

Sir G. C. Lewis:

Early Roman History,

2734-2735 (2660-2661).

W. W. Fowler:

The City-State,

2735 (2661).

H. F. Pelham,

Roman History,

2735-2736 (2661-2662).

(b) The Comitia Curiata, Comitia Centuriata,

and Comitia Tributa.

A. Tighe:

The Roman Constitution,

504, 505 (490, 491).

H. G. Liddell:

History of Rome,

2739 (2665).

W. Ihne:

History of Rome,

2739 (2665).

(c) The Senate.

A. Tighe:

The Roman Constitution,

2971 (2894).

H. G. Liddell:

History of Rome,

2971-2972 (2894-2895).

(d) The Consuls and Prætors.

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

2737 (2663).

A. Tighe:

Roman Constitution,

633-634 (610-11).

W. Ihne:

History of Rome,

634, 2744 (611, 2670).

(e) The Censors.

T. Arnold:

History of Rome,

412 (402-403).

(f) The Tribunes.

R. F. Horton:

History of Romans,

2737-2738, 2739 (2663-2664, 2665).

W. Ihne:

History of Rome,

634, 2738, 2739 (611, 2664, 2665).

F. de Coulanges:

The Ancient City,

2738 (2664).

6. THE LEGENDARY PERIOD OF THE KINGS

(B. C. 753-510):

Sir G. C. Lewis:

Early Roman History,

2734-2735 (2660-2661).

T. Livy:

History of Rome,

2735 (2661).

H. F. Pelham:

Roman History,

2735-2736 (2661-2662).

A. J. Church:

Stories from Livy,

2736-2737 (2662-2663).

7. RISE OF THE REPUBLIC

(B. C. 509-):

(a) Struggle between Patricians and Plebeians

(B. C. 509-286).

R. F. Horton:

History of Romans,

2738 (2664).

F. de Coulanges:

Ancient City,

2738 (2664).

J. Hadley:

Introduction to Roman Law,

673 (650).

J. L. Strachan-Davidson:

Plebeian Privilege at Rome,

2740 (2666).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1025 (997).

(b) Laws establishing Privileges of the People.

(1) The Valerian Laws (B. C. 509).

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

2737 (2663).

W. Ihne:

History of Rome,

2737 (2663).

(2) The Publilian Laws

(B. C. 472).

H. G. Liddell:

History of Rome,

2739 (2665).

W. Ihne:

History of Rome,

2739 (2665).

(3) The Icilian Law

(B. C. 456).

J. L. Strachan-Davidson:

Plebeian Privilege at Rome,

2740 (2666).

(4) The Terentilian Law and The Twelve Tables

(B. C. 451-449)

W. Ihne:

History of Rome,

2740-2741 (2666-2667).

H. S. Maine:

Ancient Law,

2741 (2667).

(5) The Valerio-Horatian Laws

(B. C. 440).

H. G. Liddell:

History of Rome,

2741 (2667).

(6)

The Canuleian Law

(B. C. 445).

V. Duruy:

History of Rome,

2741-2742 (2667-2668).

(7) The Licinian Laws

(B. C. 376-367).

H. G. Liddell:

History of Rome,

2743 (2669).

A. Stephenson:

Agrarian Laws of Roman Republic,

2743-2744 (2669-2670).

(8) The Publilian Laws

(B. C. 340).

H. G. Liddell:

History of Rome,

2745 (2671).

(9) The Hortensian Laws

(B. C. 286).

H. G. Liddell:

History of Rome,

2747 (2673).

H. F. Pelham:

Roman History,

2747-2748 (2673-2674).

T. Arnold:

History of Rome,

673 (650).

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

2727-2728 (2653-2654).

8. THE EXPANSION OF ROME:

W. Ihne:

History of Rome,

2739 (2665).

R. F. Horton:

History of Romans,

2739, 2742 (2665, 2668).

H. G. Liddell:

History of Rome,

2743 (2669).

J. Michelet:

The Roman Republic,

2744-2745 (2671).

W. Ihne:

History of Romans,

2745 (2671).

F. de Coulanges:

The Ancient City,

2745 (2671).

W. Ihne:

History of Rome,

2746-2747 (2672-2673).

T. Arnold:

History of Rome,

2748 (2674).

9. GALLIC INVASION AND DESTRUCTION OF THE CITY

(B. C. 390):

J. Rhys:

Celtic Britain,

412 (402).

C. Merivale:

History of the Romans,

1448-1449 (1415-1416).

H. G. Liddell:

History of Rome,

2743 (2669).

10. UNION OF ITALY UNDER THE REPUBLIC

(B. C. 275):

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

2748-2749 (2674-2675).

J. N. Larned.

Europe,

1025 (997).

11. THE PUNIC WARS

(B. C. 264-202):

M. Duncker:

History of Antiquity,

402 (392).

G. Grote:

History of Greece,

403 (393).

T. Arnold:

History of Rome,

2749 (2675).

W. B. Boyce:

Introduction to Study of History,

2750 (2676).

E. A. Freeman:

Outlines of History,

2750 (2676).

M. Creighton:

History of Rome,

2750-2751 (2676-2677).

R. F. Horton:

History of Romans,

2751 (2677).

R. F. Leighton:

History of Rome,

2751-2752 (2677-2678).

R. B. Smith:

Carthage and the Carthaginians,

403-404, 2687-2690, 2752 (393-394, 2614-2617, 2678).

H. F. Pelham:

Roman History,

2754 (2680).

12. DECLINE OF THE REPUBLIC

(B. C. 200-45):

E. S. Shuckburgh:

History of Rome,

2752-2753 (2678-2679).

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

2753-2754 (2680).

H. F. Pelham:

Roman History,

2754-2755 (2680).

W. T. Arnold:

Roman Administration,

2755 (2681).

H. G. Liddell:

History of Rome,

2971-2972 (2894-2895).

M. Creighton:

History of Rome,

2756-2757 (2682-2683).

13. ATTEMPTS AT REFORM; AGRARIAN LAWS; THE GRACCHI:

G. Long:Decline of Roman Republic,

27 (20).

H. G. Liddell:

History of Rome,

27 (20).

A. Stephenson:

Agrarian Laws, etc.,

2743-2744 (2669-2670).

H. F. Pelham:

Roman History,

2755 (2681).

G. Long:

Decline of Roman Republic,

2755-2756 (2681-2682).

C. Merivale:

Fall of Roman Republic,

2756 (2682).

14. THE SOCIAL AND CIVIL WARS

(B. C. 90-45):

W. Ihne:

History of Rome,

2757-2758 (2683-2684).

G. Long:

Decline of Roman Republic,

2758-2759 (2684-2685).

C. Merivale:

Roman Triumvirates,

2759-2760 (2685-2686).

W. Forsyth:

Life of Cicero,

2762 (2688).

{746}

15. JULIUS CAESAR; QUÆSTOR TO IMPERATOR

(B. C. 69-45):

W. W. Fowler:

Julius Caesar,

2761-2762 (2687-2688).

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

2762-2763 (2688-2689).

J. Cæsar:

Gallic Wars,

1444-1445 (1411-1412).

R. F. Horton:

History of Romans,

2763-2764 (2690).

Plutarch: Cæsar,

2764-2765 (2690-2691).

C. Merivale:

History of Romans,

2767-2768 (2693-2694).

V. Duruy:

History of Rome,

2768-2769 (2694-2695).

J. A. Froude:

Cæsar,

2770-2771 (2696-2697).

Goldwin Smith:

Last Republicans of Rome,

2771 (2697).

16. THE TRIUMVIRATES; RISE OF THE EMPIRE

(B. C. 44-31):

C. Merivale:

History of the Romans,

2772-2773 (2698).

W. W. Capes:

The Early Empire,

2773-2775 (2699-2701).

H. F. Pelham:

Roman History,

2775 (2701).

C. Merivale:

History of the Romans,

355 (345).

17. CONQUEST OF THE WORLD:

G. Long:

Decline of Roman Republic,

3053 (2973).

J. Cæsar:

Gallic War,

1444-1445 (1411-1412).

C. Thirlwall:

History of Greece,

1641 (1603).

P. Smith:

History of the World,

2961-2963 (2884-2886).

R. F. Horton:

History of Romans,

2236-2237 (2192-2193).

A. Hirtius:

The Alexandrian War,

46 (39).

J. Cæsar:

Gallic War,

329 (319).

C. Merivale:

History of the Romans,

329-331, 1463-1464 (319-321, 1430-1431).

STUDY XII.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.

1. TRANSITION FROM THE REPUBLIC TO THE EMPIRE:

W. W. Capes:

The Early Empire,

2773-2775 (2699-2701).

C. Merivale:

History of Romans,

196, 355 (189, 345).

W. Ramsay:

Roman Antiquities,

196 (189).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1032 (1004).

C. Merivale:

History of Romans,

2773 (2699).

2. THE RISING INFLUENCE OF THE PRÆTORIAN GUARDS:

W. Ihne:

History of Rome,

2040 (1996).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

2040 (1996).

W. Ramsay:

Roman Antiquities,

2655 (2583).

C. Merivale:

History of Romans,

2655 (2583).

B. G. Niebuhr:

History of Rome,

2776 (2702).

3. THE JULIAN AND CHRISTIAN ERA:

Sir H. Nicholas:

Chronology of History,

357-358 (347-348)

W. Hales:

Analysis of Chronology,

358, 1011 (348, 984).

T. Keim:

Jesus of Nazara,

1960-1961 (1919-1920).

4. THE JULIAN LINE

(B. C. 31-A. D. 70):

T. De Quincey:

The Cæsars,

2782 (2708).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Fall of the Roman Empire,

1975 (1934).

B. G. Niebuhr:

History of Rome,

2775-2776 (2701-2702).

Suetonius:

Lives of the Twelve Cæsars,

2776-2777 (2702-2703).

C. Merivale:

History of Romans,

2777-2779 (2703-2705).

T. Keightley:

Roman Empire,

2779-2780 (2705-2706).

5. NERO; THE BURNING OF ROME AND PERSECUTION OF CHRISTIANS

(A. D. 64-68):

T. De Quincey:

The Cæsars,

2780-2781 (2706-2707).

F. W. Farrar:

Early Days of Christianity,

2781-2782 (2707-2708).

6. THE FLAVIAN LINE

(A. D. 69-192):

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Fall of the Roman Empire,

1159 (1129).

(a) Vespasian-Domitian (69-96):

Y. Duruy:

History of Rome,

2783-2785 (2709-2711).

Besant and Palmer:

Jerusalem,

1962-1963 (1921-1922).

H. H. Milman:

History of the Jews,

1963 (1922).

C. Merivale:

History of Romans,

2632-2633 (2560-2561).

E. Edwards:

Memoirs of Libraries,

2049-2050 (2005-2006).

(b) Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian

(A. D. 96-138).

R. W. Browne:

History of Rome,

2785-2787 (2713).

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

1963-1964 (1922-1923).

(c) The Antonines (138-192).

F. W. Farrar:

Seekers after God,

2787-2788 (2714).

E. Renan:

English Conferences,

2788 (2714).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

2788-2789 (2714-2715).

"If a man were called to fix the period in the history of the

world during which the condition of the human race was most

happy and prosperous, he would, without hesitation, name that

which elapsed from the death of Domitian to the accession of

Commodus. The vast extent of the Roman Empire was governed by

absolute power, under the guidance of virtue and wisdom. The

armies were restrained by the firm but gentle hand of four

successive Emperors whose characters and authority commanded

involuntary respect."

E. GIBBON.

7. COMMODUS TO CONSTANTINE

(A. D. 192-305):

T. Keightley:

Outlines of History,

2789-2790 (2716).

J. C. Robertson:

History of Christian Church,

2790 (2716).

W.C. Taylor:

Ancient History,

2790-2791 (2716-2717).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

2472-2473 (2413-2414).

B. F. Westcott:

History of Religious Thought,

454 (440).

G. Uhlhorn:

Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism,

456 (442).

8. THE CONSTANTINES

(A. D. 305-361):

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

2793-2794, 2795-2796 (2719-2720, 2721-2722).

Eusebius:

Ecclesiastical History,

2794 (2720).

E. L. Cutts:

Constantine the Great,

2795 (2721).

9. CHRISTIANITY BECOMES THE STATE RELIGION

(A. D. 323-):

E. L. Cutts:

Constantine the Great,

2794-1795 (2720-2721).

A. Neander:

History of Christian Religion.

2795 (2721).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Fall of Roman Empire,

2795 (2721).

G. P. Fisher:

The Christian Church,

465 (451).

A. Carr:

Christianity and Roman Empire,

465-466 (451-2).

H. H. Milman:

History of Christianity,

467 (453).

J. N. Lamed:

Europe,

1035-1036 (1007-1008).

"Shortly after the beginning of the fourth century there

occurred an event which, had it been predicted in the days of

Nero or even of Decius, would have been deemed a wild fancy.

It was nothing less than the conversion of the Roman Emperor

to the Christian faith. It was an event of momentous

importance in the history of the Christian religion. The Roman

Empire, from being the enemy and persecutor of the Church,

thenceforward became its protector and patron. The Church

entered into an alliance with the State, which was to prove

fruitful of consequences, both good and evil, in the

subsequent history of Europe. Christianity was now to reap the

advantages and incur the dangers arising from the friendship

of earthly rulers, and from a close connection with the civil

authority."

G. P. FISHER.

{747}

"This important crisis in the history of Christianity almost

forcibly arrests attention to contemplate the change wrought

in Christianity by its advancement into a dominant power in

the State. By ceasing to exist as a separate community, and by

advancing its pretensions to influence the general government

of mankind, Christianity, to a certain extent, forfeited its

independence. It was no longer a republic, governed

exclusively—as far, at least, as its religious concerns—by

its own internal policy. The interference of the civil power

in some of its most, private affairs, the promulgation of its

canons and even, in some cases, the election of its bishops,

by the State, was the price which it must inevitably pay for

its association with the ruling power."

H. H. MILMAN.

10. THE NEW CAPITAL OF THE EMPIRE

(A. D. 330):

E. L. Cutts:

Constantine the Great,

519 (505).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

520-521 (506-507).

G. Finlay:

Greece under Romans,

521 (507).

11. JULIAN, TO THE DIVISION OF THE EMPIRE

(A. D. 361-395):

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

2796 (2722).

P. Godwin:

History of France,

1445 (1412).

G. Rawlinson:

Seventh Oriental Monarchy,

2582 (2515).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Fall of Roman Empire,

2799 (2724-2725).

T. Hodgkin:

Dynasty of Theodosius,

2799-2800 (2725-2726).

12. REVIVAL AND FINAL OVERTHROW OF PAGANISM

(A. D. 361-395):

G. Uhlhorn:

Conflict of Christianity and Heathenism,

2796-2798 (2722-2724).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

2800-2801 (2726-2727).

J. B. Carwithen:

History of Christian Church,

2801 (2727).

13. THE DIVIDED EMPIRE

(A. D. 395-):

T. Hodgkin:

Italy and Her Invaders,

2801 (2727).

R. H. Wrightson:

Respublica Romana,

2801-2802 (2727-2728).

G. Finlay:

Greece under the Romans,

2803-2804 (2729-2730).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1037 (1009).

14. THE BARBARIAN INVASIONS

(A. D. 400-):

W. Smith:

Note to Decline and Fall,

1591-1592 (1553-1554).

T. Hodgkin:

Italy and Her Invaders,

1592 (1554).

J. G. Sheppard:

Fall of Rome,

3714-3715 (3594-3595).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

1592-1593 (1554-1555).

C. A. Scott:

Ulfilas,

1594 (1556).

J. C. L. de Sismondi:

Fall of Roman Empire,

1595 (1557).

W. C. Perry:

The Franks,

1431 (1397-1398).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

1431 (1398).

J. B. Bury:

Later Roman Empire,

2805 (2731).

E. A. Freeman:

European History,

2805-2806 (2731-2732).

F. Guizot:

History of Civilization,

2806 (2732).

C. J. Stillé:

Mediæval History,

2806-2807 (2732-2733).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Fall of Roman Empire,

2807-2808, 2808-2809 (2733-2734, 2734-2735).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

2808 (2734).

R. W. Church:

Beginning of Middle Ages,

2809 (2735).

J. Bryce:

Holy Roman Empire,

2809-2810 (2735-2736).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1038-1040 (1010-1012).

15. CAUSES AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE FALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE:

G. B. Adams:

Civilization during Middle Ages,

2807 (2733).

R. W. Church:

Beginning of Middle Ages,

2810 (2736).

J. R. Seeley:

Roman Imperialism,

2810-2811 (2736-2737).

C. Merivale:

History of Romans,

2811-2812 (2738).

A. Thierry:

Merovingian Era,

2812 (2738).

W. Stewart:

The Church in Fourth Century,

470-471 (456-457).

C. Merivale:

Epochs of Church History,

471 (457).

E. Hatch:

Organization of Christian Churches,

471 (457).

16. CIVILIZATION OF THE LATER REPUBLIC AND EMPIRE:

(a) Education.

J. J. I. Döllinger:

Gentile and Jew,

708-709 (685-686).

E. Kirkpatrick:

Development of Superior Education,

709-710 (686-687).

F. Guizot:

History of Civilization,

710-711 (688).

E. Edwards:

Memoirs of Libraries,

2048-2049 (2005).

Guhl and Koner:

Life of Greeks and Romans,

2049 (2005).

T. H. Horne:

Study of Bibliography,

2050 (2006).

Historic Researches regarding Library of Alexandria,

2047-2048 (2003-2004).

(b) Religion.

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

195 (188).

W. Ramsay:

Roman Antiquities,

196-197 (189-190).

(c) Law.

E. Reich:

Græco-Roman Institutions,

2726-2727, 2728-2729 (2652-2653, 2655).

Sir F. Pollock:

Oxford Lectures,

2728 (2654).

T. W. Dwight:

Introduction to Maine’s Ancient Law,

www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/22910

2727 (2653).

J. Austin:

Lectures on Jurisprudence,

2728-2729 (2654-2655).

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

2727-2728 (2653-2654).

J. Hadley:

Introduction to Roman Law,

673 (650).

(d) Trade and Commerce.

C. Merivale:

History of Rome,

3211-3213 (3702).

H. Pigeonneau:

History of French Commerce,

3213-3215 (3702-3704).

H. Fox Bourne:

Romance of Trade,

2245-2246 (2201-2202).

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

2248 (2204).

(e) Medical Science.

Pliny:

Natural History,

2171-2172 (2127-2128).

W. Whewell:

Inductive Sciences,

2172-2173 (2129).

Roswell Park:

History of Medicine,

2173(2129).

(f) Slavery.

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

2753-2754 (2680).

W. R. Brownlow:

Slavery and Serfdom,

2990 (2912).

STUDY XIII.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

FROM THE BARBARIAN INVASIONS TO CHARLEMAGNE

(A. D. 400-800).

1. ORIGIN AND MIGRATIONS OF THE BARBARIC NATIONS:

C. F. Keary:

Dawn of Civilization,

144-145 (137-138).

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

42, 483 (35, 469).

T. Smith:

Arminius,

1464-1465 (1431-1432).

Appendix A.,

3793-3796 (End of Volume I.).

2. GAUL AND THE GAULS:

J. Rhys:

Celtic Britain,

412 (402).

C. Merivale:

History of Romans,

1448-1449 (1416).

H. G. Liddell:

History of Rome,

2743 (2669).

W. Ihne:

History of Rome,

2746-2747 (2672-2673).

C. Thirlwall:

History of Greece,

1449 (1416).

J. P. Mahaffy:

Story of Alexander’s Empire,

1442 (1409).

J. Cæsar:

Gallic Wars,

1444-1445 (1411-1412).

P. Godwin:

History of France,

1445, 1448 (1412, 1415).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

1445-1446 (1412-1413).

H. Pigeonneau:

History of French Commerce,

3213-3215 (3702-3704).

{748}

3. THE GOTHS:

T. Hodgkin:

Italy and her Invaders.

1592 (1554).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

1592-1593 (1554-1555).

T. Hodgkin:

Italy and Her Invaders,

1593 (1555).

C. A. A. Scott:

Ulfilas,

1594 (1556).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Fall of the Roman Empire,

1595-1596 (1557-1558).

G. Finlay:

Greece under the Romans,

1596-1597 (1558-1559).

(a.) The Ostrogoths and Theodoric.

H. Bradley:

Story of the Goths,

1594 (1556).

J. G. Sheppard:

Fall of Rome.

1728 (1689).

T. Hodgkin:

Italy and Her Invaders,

1598 (1560).

H. Bradley:

Story of the Goths,

1598-1599 (1560-1561).

H. Bradley:

Story of the Goths,

2812-2813 (2738-2739).

V. Duruy:

History of Rome,

2813 (2739).

T. Hodgkin:

Italy and Her Invaders,

2814-2815 (2740-2741).

J. G. Sheppard:

Fall of Rome,

1600 (1562).

(b) The Visigoths and Alaric.

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Fall of Roman Empire,

1594-1595 (1556-1557).

T. Hodgkin:

Italy and Her Invaders,

1594, 1595 (1556, 1557).

H. Bradley:

Story of the Goths,

1597 (1559).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Fall of Roman Empire,

2807-2808 (2733-2734).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

1597 (1559).

H. Bradley:

Story of the Goths,

1598, 1599 (1560, 1561).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Fall of Roman Empire,

1598 (1560).

R. W. Church:

Beginning of Middle Ages,

1599-1600 (1561-1562).

4. BREAKING OF THE RHINE BARRIER

(A. D. 406-500):

J. B. Bury:

Later Roman Empire,

2805 (2731).

E. A. Freeman:

European History,

2805-2806 (2731-2732)

F. Guizot:

History of Civilization,

2806 (2732).

C. J. Stillé:

Mediæval History,

2806-2807 (2732-2733).

G. B. Adams:

Civilization during Middle Ages,

2807 (2733).

5. THE HUNS AND ATTILA:

T. Hodgkin:

Italy and Her Invaders,

1726 (1687).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Fall of Roman Empire,

1594-1595 (1556-1557).

R. W. Church:

Beginning of the Middle Ages,

1726 (1687).

T. Hodgkin:

Italy and Her Invaders,

1727 (1688).

J. G. Sheppard:

Fall of Rome,

1727 (1688).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

1727 (1688).

T. Hodgkin:

Italy and Her Invaders,

1727-1728 (1689)

Sir E. Creasy:

Fifteen Decisive Battles,

1728 (1689).

T. Hodgkin:

Italy and Her Invaders,

1728-1729 (1689-1690).

6. THE VANDALS AND GENSERIC:

J. G. Sheppard:

Fall of Rome,

3714-3715 (3594-3595).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

1445-1446, 3053-3054, 3715 (1412-1413, 2973-2974, 3595).

G. Finlay:

Greece under the Romans,

3716 (3596).

T. Hodgkin:

Italy and Her Invaders,

3716 (3596).

7. THE FRANKS AND CLOVIS:

W. C. Perry:

The Franks,

1430-1431 (1397-1398).

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

1431 (1398).

P. Godwin:

History of France,

1445 (1412).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

3207 (3121).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

French under the Merovingians,

1432 (1399).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

42-43 (35-36).

R. W. Church:

Beginning of Middle Ages,

1432 (1399).

P. Godwin:

History of France,

1433 (1400).

S. Baring Gould:

The Church in Germany,

472 (458).

8. THE REIGN OF JUSTINIAN

(A. D. 527-565):

G. Finlay:

Greece Under the Romans,

2814 (2740).

T. Hodgkin:

Italy and Her Invaders,

2814-2415 (2740-2701).

J. Hadley:

Introduction to Roman Law,

637-638 (614-615).

9. THE MEROVINGIAN DYNASTY

(A. D. 448-752):

J. C. L. Sismondi:

The French under the Merovingians,

1432 (1399).

R. W. Church:

Beginning of the Middle Ages,

1432 (1399).

W. C. Perry:

The Franks,

202, 1432-1433 (195, 1399-1400).

P. Godwin:

History of France,

202 (195).

T. Smith:

Arminius,

1465-1466 (1432-1435).

P. Godwin:

History of France,

1466 (1435).

A. Thierry:

The Merovingian Era,

1446 (1413).

10. THE LOMBARDS:

J. G. Sheppard:

Fall of Rome,

2076 (2032).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Fall of Roman Empire,

2077 (2033).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

2077 (2033).

P. Godwin:

History of France,

2077-2078 (2033-2034).

11. CIVILIZATION AT BEGINNING OF THE MIDDLE AGES:

(a) Political and Social.

H. Hallam:

The Middle Ages,

2224 (2180).

G. B. Adams:

Civilization during the Middle Ages,

2224-2225 (2180-2181).

B. Bosanquet:

Civilization of Christendom,

2225 (2181).

A. Thierry:

Formation of the Tiers État,

1446-1448 (1413-1415).

W. Robertson:

Charles the Fifth,

2990-2991 (2913).

(i) Religion.

W. Stewart:

Church of the Fifth Century,

470-471 (456-457).

C. Merivale:

Early Church History,

471 (457).

E. Hatch:

Organization of Christian Churches,

471 (457).

G. Stokes:

The Celtic Church,

472 (458).

M. Creighton:

The Papacy,

2818 (2744).

I. Gregory Smith:

Christian Monasticism,

2239-2240 (2195-2196).

Count de Montalembert:

Monks of the West,

2240-2241 (2196-2197).

(c) Education.

J. A. Symonds:

Renaissance in Italy,

710 (687).

F. Guizot:

History of Civilization,

710-711 (687-688).

A. T. Drane:

Christian Schools,

711-712 (688-689).

12. THE RISE OF FEUDALISM:

W. Stubbs:

Constitutional History of England,

1145-1146 (1117-1118).

E. Emerton:

The Middle Ages,

1146 (1118).

Schröder:

Deutsehen Rechtsgeschichte,

1146-1147.

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1047-1048 (1019-1020).

A. Thierry:

Formation of the Tiers État,

1446-1448 (1413-1415).

{749}

STUDY XIV.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE RISE OF THE MODERN NATIONS.

1. THE FRANKS:

R. W. Church:

Beginning of the Middle Ages,

1432 (1399).

T. Smith:

Arminius,

1465-1466 (1432-1435).

P. Godwin:

History of France,

1466 (1435).

F. Guizot:

History of Civilization.

2163 (2119).

W. C. Perry:

The Franks,

1432-1433 (1399-1400).

S. Baring Gould:

The Church in Germany,

472 (458).

E. L. Cutts:

Charlemagne,

472-473 (458-459).

2. THE BURGUNDIANS:

J. G. Sheppard:

The Fall of Rome,

3714-3715 (3594-3495).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

338 (328).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

The French under the Merovingians,

339 (329).

T. Hodgkin:

Italy and Her Invaders,

339 (329).

3. THE SAXONS:

W. Stubbs:

Constitutional History of England,

2884-2885 (2809-2810).

R. G. Latham:

The Germany of Tacitus,

2885 (2810).

T. Hodgkin:

Italy and Her Invaders,

2885 (2810).

4. THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE

(A. D. 800-814):

C. J. Stillé:

Mediæval History,

1467-1468 (1436-1437).

R. W. Church:

Beginning of the Middle Ages,

1434 (1401).

E. Emerton:

Study of the Middle Ages,

1434-1435 (1401-1402).

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

1435 (1402)

Sir J. Stephen:

History of France,

1436 (1403).

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

1468 (1437).

A. T. Drane:

Christian Schools and Scholars,

712 (689).

F. Guizot:

History of Civilization,

2911 (2836).

Eginhard:

Life of Charlemagne,

474 (460).

J. B. Mullinger:

Schools of Charles the Great,

474 (460).

"Gibbon has remarked, that of all the heroes to whom the title

of ‘The Great’ has been given, Charlemagne alone has retained

it as a permanent addition to his name. The reason may perhaps

be that in no other man were ever united, in so large a

measure, and in such perfect harmony, the qualities, which, in

their combination, constitute the heroic character,—such as

energy, or love of action; ambition, or the love of power;

curiosity, or the love of knowledge; and sensibility, or the

love of pleasure. Not, indeed, the love of forbidden,

unhallowed, or of enervating pleasure, but the keen relish for

those blameless delights by which the burdened mind and jaded

spirits recruit and renovate their powers. … His lofty

stature, his open countenance, his large and brilliant eyes,

and the dome-like structure of his head, imparted, as we learn

from Eginhard, to all his attitudes the dignity which becomes

a King, relieved by the graceful activity of a practised

warrior. … Whether he was engaged in a frolic or a

chase—composed verses or listened to homilies—fought or

negotiated—cast down thrones or built them up—studied,

conversed, or legislated, it seemed as if he, and he alone,

were the one wakeful and really living agent in the midst of

an inert, visionary, and somnolent generation."

SIR JAMES STEPHEN.

5. THE BEGINNINGS OF AUSTRIA-HUNGARY:

F. Lenormant:

Ancient History,

3245 (3129).

T. Hodgkin:

Italy and Her Invaders,

1726 (1687).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Fall of Roman Empire,

1594-1595 (1556-1557).

T. Hodgkin:

Italy and Her Invaders,

1728-1729 (1689-1690).

J. G. Sheppard:

Fall of Rome,

242-243 (235-236).

G. P. R. James:

History of Charlemagne,

243 (236).

L. Leger:

History of Austro-Hungary,

205 (198).

6. DISSOLUTION OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE

(A. D. 814-877):

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

1436-1438 (1403-1405).

H. H. Milman:

History of Latin Christianity,

1468 (1437).

S. Menzies:

History of Europe,

1468-1469 (1437-1438).

7. THE TREATY OF VERDUN

(A. D. 843):

P. Godwin:

History of France,

3735 (3615).

H. Hallam:

Middle Ages,

3736 (3616).

E. A. Freeman:

Historical Geography of Europe,

1469 (1438).

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

1436-1438 (1403-1405).

8. THE BEGINNINGS OF THE MODERN EUROPEAN NATIONS

(A. D. 843-1000):

(a) France.

P. Godwin:

History of France,

1187 (1157).

E. A. Freeman:

The Franks and Gauls,

1187 (1157).

H. Hallam:

The Middle Ages,

1187-1188 (1157-1158).

G. W. Kitchin:

History of France,

1188 (1158).

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

1436-1438 (1403-1405).

E. A. Freeman:

The Franks and Gauls,

1438 (1405).

Sir F. Palgrave:

History of Normandy and England,

1188 (1158).

G. W. Kitchin:

History of France,

1188-1189 (1158-1159).

E. de Bonnechose:

History of France,

1189 (1159).

E. A. Freeman:

The Franks and Gauls,

1189 (1159).

E. Lavisse:

Political History of Europe,

1189 (1159).

G. W. Kitchin:

History of France,

3274 (3158).

(b) Germany.

T. Smith:

Arminius,

1464-1465 (1431-1432).

C. J. Stillé:

Mediæval History,

1467-1468 (1436-1437).

R. W. Church:

Beginnings of Middle Ages,

1434 (1401).

E. Emerton:

Study of Middle Ages,

1434 (1401).

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

1436-1438 (1403-1405).

E. A. Freeman:

Franks and Gauls,

1438 (1405).

E. A. Freeman:

Historical Geography of Europe,

1469 (1438).

H. Hallam:

The Middle Ages,

1470 (1439).

A. W. Grübe:

Heroes of History,

1470 (1439).

C. W. Koch:

The Revolutions of Europe,

1470-1471 (1439-1440).

L. Ranke:

History of Reformation,

1471-1472 (1440-1441).

(c) Italy.

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

2816 (2742).

J. G. Sheppard:

Fall of Rome,

2076 (2032).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Fall of Roman Empire,

2077 (2033).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

2077 (2033).

P. Godwin:

History of France,

2077-2078 (2033-2034).

S. Menzies:

History of Europe,

1468-1469 (1437-1438).

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

1847-1848 (1807-1808).

A. F. Villemain:

Life of Gregory VII.,

2820 (2746).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

1848 (1808).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Italian Republics,

1848 (1808).

E. A. Freeman:

Historical Geography of Europe,

1849 (1809).

{750}

STUDY XV.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

GERMANY TO THE END OF THE MIDDLE AGES

(A. D. 1000-1450).

1. GENERAL CONDITIONS AT CLOSE OF THE TENTH CENTURY:

J. I. von Döllinger:

European History,

2820-2821 (2746-2747).

Cardinal J. H. Newman:

Essays,

2485-2486 (2426-2427).

W. B. Boyce:

Introduction to the Study of History,

1472-1473 (1441-1442).

S. A. Dunham:

History of the Germanic Empire,

2730 (2656).

H. Hallam:

The Middle Ages,

2730 (2656).

J. H. Allen:

Christian History,

1473 (1442).

2. BEGINNING OF THE CONTEST BETWEEN THE EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY:

G. B. Adams:

Civilization during the Middle Ages,

1473-1474 (1442-1443).

Count de Montalembert:

Monks of the West,

2486-2487 (2427-2428).

J. Alzog:

Manual of Church History,

2487 (2428).

Hinschius:

Investiturstrcit,

2488-2489 (3794-3796).

W. R. W. Stephens:

Hildebrand,

396-397 (386-387).

C. T. Lewis:

History of Germany,

2887 (2812).

J. H. Allen:

Christian History,

1474 (1443).

J. J. I. Döllinger:

History of the Church,

1474-1475 (1443-1444).

3. RISE OF THE COLLEGE OF ELECTORS

(A. D. 1125-1272):

K. Lamprecht:

History of Germany,

1475-1476 (3759-3760).

T. Carlyle:

Frederick the Great,

1476-1477 (1445).

T. Carlyle:

Frederick the Great,

316-317 (306).

4. THE DISINTEGRATION OF THE EMPIRE:

J. Jastrow:

Deutschen Einheitstraum,

1477-1478 (3761-3672).

C. Beard:

Martin Luther,

487 (473).

W. J. Wyatt:

History of Prussia,

487-488 (473-474).

5. RISE OF THE HOHENSTAUFEN; THE GUELFS AND GHIBELLINES:

U. Balzani:

The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,

1478 (1445).

H. Hallam:

The Middle Ages,

1652 (1614).

P. M. Thornton:

The Brunswick Accession,

1652-1653 (1614-1615).

A. Gallenga:

Italy,

1014-1015 (986-987).

Sir A. Halliday:

Annals of the House of Hanover,

2888 (2813).

T. A. Trollope:

Commonwealth of Florence,

1857-1858 (1817-1818).

6. THE TWO GREAT FREDERICKS:

(a) Frederick I., Barbarossa (A. D. 1152-1190).

O. Browning:

Guelphs and Ghibellines,

1478-1479 (1445-1446).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

The Italian Republics,

1851-1852 (1811-1812).

U. Balzani:

The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,

1852 (1812).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

The Italian Republics,

1852 (1812).

U. Balzani:

The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,

1852-1853 (1812-1813).

W. Menzel:

History of Germany,

1853 (1813).

M. Creighton:

History of the Papacy,

2492-2493 (2432-2433).

The Republic of Venice,

3726 (3606).

(b) Frederick the Second

(A. D. 1220-1250).

E. A. Freeman:

European History,

1480 (1447).

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

1854 (1814).

A. B. Pennington:

Emperor Frederick II.,

1854-1855 (1814-1815).

T. L. Kington:

Frederick the Second,

1855-1856 (1815-1816).

G. Procter:

History of the Crusades,

657, first column, (634).

Besant and Palmer:

Jerusalem,

1926, second column, (1885).

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

1481-1482 (1448-1449).

"We have seen the Roman Empire revived in A. D. 800, by a

prince whose vast dominions gave ground to his claim of

universal monarchy; again erected, in A. D. 962, on the

narrower but firmer basis of the German Kingdom. We have seen

Otto the Great and his successors during the three following

centuries, a line of monarchs of unrivalled vigor and

abilities, strain every nerve to make good the pretensions of

their office against the rebels in Italy and the

ecclesiastical power. The Roman Empire might, and, so far as

practical utility was concerned, ought now to have been

suffered to expire; nor could it have ended more gloriously

than with the last of the Hohenstaufen. That it did not so

expire, but lived on 600 years more, till it became a piece of

antiquarianism hardly more venerable than ridiculous,—till, as

Voltaire said, all that could be said about it was that it was

neither Holy, nor Roman, nor an Empire,—was owing partly

indeed to the belief, still unshaken, that it was a necessary

part of the world’s order, yet chiefly to its connection,

which was by this time indissoluble, with the German Kingdom.

The Germans had confounded the two characters of their

sovereign so long, and had grown so fond of the style and

pretensions of a dignity whose possession appeared to exalt

them above the other peoples of Europe, that it was now too

late for them to separate the local from the universal

monarch."

JAMES BRYCE.

7. THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE

(ABOUT A. D. 1250):

History of the Hanseatic League,

1663 (1626).

R. Schröder:

Der Deutschen Rechtsgeschichte,

1663-1664.

K. Lamprecht:

Deutsche Geschichte,

1664-1665.

8. THE RISE OF THE HAPSBURGS:

Sir R. Comyn:

History of the Western Empire,

1482-1483 (1449-1450).

W. Coxe:

History of the House of Austria,

206 (199).

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

1481-1482 (1448-1449).

Sir R. Comyn:

The Western Empire,

206-207 (199-200).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

1710 (1671).

The Legend of Tell and Rütli,

3127, first column, (3043).

9. A CENTURY OF CONFUSION:

C. T. Lewis:

History of Germany,

1484 (1451).

S. A. Dunham:

The Germanic Empire,

1484-1485 (1451-1452).

H. Hallam:

The Middle Ages,

1485-1486 (1452-1543).

L. von Ranke:

The Reformation in Germany,

1486 (1453).

10. THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE:

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

1435 and 2725 (1402 and 2652).

L. von Ranke:

History of the World,

2725-2726.

W. von Giesebrecht:

The German Empire,

2726.

F. A. Gregorovius:

History of Rome,

2726.

C. W. Koch:

Revolutions of Europe,

1471, second column, (1440).

L. von Ranke:

History of the Reformation,

1471-1472 (1440-1441).

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

1481-1482 (1448-1449).

L. von Ranke:

History of the Reformation,

1486 (1453).

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

1541 (1507).

{751}

"On August 1, the French Envoy at Regensburg announced to the

Diet that his master, who had consented to become Protector of

the Confederate princes, no longer recognized the existence of

the Empire. Francis II. resolved at once to anticipate this

new Odoacer, and by a declaration, dated August 6, 1800,

resigned the imperial dignity. … Throughout, the term German

Empire (deutsches Reich) is employed. But it was the crown of

Augustus, of Constantine, of Charles, of Maximilian, that

Francis of Hapsburg laid down, and a new era in the world’s

history was marked by the fall of its most venerable

institution. One thousand and six years after Leo, the Pope,

had crowned the Frankish King, eighteen hundred and

fifty-eight years after Cæsar had conquered at Pharsalia, the

Holy Roman Empire came to its end."

JAMES BRYCE.

STUDY XVI.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

FRANCE TO THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES

(A. D. 1000-1453).

1. GENERAL CONDITIONS AT THE BEGINNING OF THE PERIOD

(ABOUT A. D. 1000):

E. de Bounechose:

History of France,

1189 (1159).

E. A. Freeman:

The Franks and the Gauls,

1189 (1159).

E. Lavisse:

Political History of Europe,

1189 (1159).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

France under the Feudal System,

1189-1190 (1159-1160).

G. W. Kitchin:

History of France,

1190 (1161).

M. Arnold:

Schools and Universities,

717-718 (694-695).

2. THE RISE OF FREE CITIES AND OF THE COMMUNES:

Achille Luchaire:

The French Communes,

1190-1193 (3748-3750).

W. Stubbs:

Constitutional History of England,

505-506 (491-492).

F. P. Guizot:

History of France,

506 (492).

3. CONSOLIDATION AND EXPANSION OF THE KINGDOM

(A. D. 1100-1225):

C. M. Yonge:

History of France,

1193 (1162).

Mrs. J. R. Green:

Henry the Second,

826 (799).

H. Hallam:

The Middle Ages,

1193-1194 (1162).

E. Smedley:

History of France,

2551 (2485).

W. Stubbs:

Constitutional History of England,

828 (801).

See Maps between pages 1200-1201 (1168-1169).

4. THE NOTABLE REIGN OF SAINT LOUIS, LOUIS IX.

(1226-1270):

G. Masson:

St. Louis,

1194 (1163).

A. L. la Marche:

France under Saint Louis,

1194-1196 (3750-3753).

Saint Louis of France,

1196 (1164).

H. Hallam:

The Middle Ages,

1197 (1165).

H. H. Milman:

Latin Christianity,

1197 (1165).

F. P. Guizot;

History of France,

657-658 and 658-659 (634-635 and 635-636).

Origin of the Houses of Valois and Bourbon,

1197, 3714 (1165, 3594).

Duc d’Aumale:

The House of Condé,

314 (304).

"St. Louis struck at the spirit of the Middle Age, and therein

insured the downfall of its forms and whole embodiment. … He

undermined Feudalism, because he hated injustice; he warred

with the Middle Age, because he could not tolerate its

disregard of human rights; and he paved the way for

Philip-le-Bel’s struggle with the Papacy, because he looked

upon religion and the Church as instruments for man’s

salvation, not as tools for worldly aggrandizement. The first

calm, deliberate, consistent opposition to the centralizing

power of the great See was that offered by its truest friend

and honest ally, Louis of France. … He is perhaps the only

monarch on record who failed in most of what he undertook of

active enterprise, who was under the control of the prejudices

of his age, who was a true conservative, who never dreamed of

effecting great social changes,—and who yet, by his mere

virtues, his sense of duty, his power of conscience, made the

most mighty and vital reforms."

5. PHILIP IV. AND THE STRUGGLE WITH THE PAPACY

(A. D. 1285-1314):

G. M. Bussey:

History of France,

1198 (1166).

G. Trevor:

Fall of the Western Empire,

2494-2495 (2434-2435).

A. R. Pennington:

The Church in Italy,

2495 (2435).

G. W. Kitchin:

History of France,

3177 (3092).

6. THE PARLIAMENT OF PARIS AND THE STATES GENERAL:

Sir James Stephen:

History of France,

2554-2555 (2488-2489).

Lord Brougham:

History of England and France,

2555 (2489).

Sir James Stephen:

History of France,

3108-3109 3026-3027).

F. P. Guizot:

History of France,

3109 (3027).

A. Thierry:

The Tiers État,

1202-1203 (1170-1171).

7. THE ACCESSION OF PHILIP OF VALOIS, PHILIP VI.

(A. D. 1328):

J. Michelet:

History of France.

1200 (1168).

E. de Bonnechose:

History of France,

1200 (1168).

J. Michelet:

History of France,

1200 (1168).

8. THE ONE HUNDRED YEARS WAR

(A. D. 1327-1435):

(a) The First Period (1327-1380).

J. Froissart:

Chronicles,

1200-1201 (1168-1169).

H. Hallam:

Middle Ages,

1201 (1169).

F. Guizot:

History of Civilization,

2868 (2794).

G. W. Kitchin:

History of France,

2868 (2794).

H. Hallam:

The Middle Ages,

2868 (2794).

G. W. Kitchin:

History of France,

1201 (1169).

H. Hallam:

The Middle Ages,

1201 (1169).

J. Michelet:

History of France,

1201-1202 (1169-1170).

A. Thierry:

The Tiers État,

1202-1203 (1170-1171).

Professor de Vericour:

The Jacquerie,

1204 (1172).

F. P. Guizot:

History of France,

1204 (1172).

E. Bonnechose:

History of France,

1205 (1173).

(b) The Second Period

(1415-1435).

A. J. Church:

Henry the Fifth,

1205-1206 (1173-1174).

C. M. Yonge:

English History,

1206 (1174).

F. P. Guizot:

History of France,

1207 (1175).

9. MISSION OF THE MAID OF ORLEANS

(A. D. 1429-1431);

A. de Lamartine:

Joan of Arc,

1207-1208 (1175-1176).

S. Luce:

Jeanne d’Arc,

1208 (3755).

A. de Lamartine:

Joan of Arc,

1208-1209 (1175-1176).

Lord Mahon:

Historical Essays,

1209 (1177).

J. O’Hagan:

Joan of Arc,

1209 (1177).

T. de Quincey:

Joan of Arc,

1209-1210 (1177-1178).

"Her ways and habits during the year she was in arms are

attested by a multitude of witnesses. Dunois and the Duke of

Alençon bear testimony to what they term her extraordinary

talents for war, and to her perfect fearlessness in action;

but in all other things she was the most simple of creatures.

She wept when she first saw men slain in battle, to think that

they should have died without confession. She wept at the

abominable epithets which the English heaped upon her; but she

was without a trace of vindictiveness. … In her diet she was

abstemious in the extreme, rarely eating until evening, and

then for the most part, of bread and water, sometimes mixed

with wine. In the field, she slept in her armor; but when she

came into a city, she always sought out some honorable matron,

under whose protection she placed herself; and there is

wonderful evidence of the atmosphere of purity which she

diffused around her, her very presence banishing from men’s

hearts all evil thoughts and wishes. Her conversation, when

not of war, was entirely of religion. She confessed often, and

received communion twice in the week."

J. O’HAGAN.

{752}

10. THE EFFECTS OF THE ONE HUNDRED YEARS WAR:

E. E. Crowe:

History of France,

1210 (1178).

H. Hallam:

The Middle Ages,

1211 (1179).

C. W. Oman:

Warwick the King-Maker,

846-847 (819-820).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1065-1068 (1037-1040).

11. THE PRAGMATIC SANCTION OF CHARLES VII.

(A. D. 1438):

R. C. Trench:

Church History,

2500 (2440).

M. Creighton:

History of the Papacy,

1210-1211 (1178-1179).

"Such were the chief reforms of its own special grievances

which France wished to establish. It was the first step in the

assertion of the rights of National Churches to arrange for

themselves the details of their own ecclesiastical

organizations."

M. CREIGHTON.

STUDY XVII.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

ITALY TO THE END OF THE MIDDLE AGES

(A. D. 1000-1450).

1. GENERAL CONDITIONS AT THE CLOSE OF THE TENTH CENTURY:

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

1848 (1808).

A. F. Villemain:

Life of Gregory VII.,

2820 (2746).

H. H. Milman:

Latin Christianity,

2820 (2746).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

The Italian Republics,

1848 (1808).

H. Hallam:

The Middle Ages,

1848-1849 (1808-1809).

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

2725 (2652).

L. von Ranke:

History of the World,

2725-2726.

P. Godwin:

History of France,

2078, first column, (2034).

2. THE NORMAN SETTLEMENTS

(A. D. 1000-1100):

A. Thierry:

Conquest of England,

2418 (2366).

Sir F. Palgrave:

History of Normandy, etc.,

2419-2420 (2367-2368).

E. A. Freeman:

The Norman Conquest,

2421-2422 (2369-2370).

Sir F. Palgrave:

History of Normandy,

2422 (2370).

C. Thirlwall:

History of Greece,

2981-2982 (2903-2904).

E. A. Freeman:

Story of Sicily,

2983 (2905).

G. Finlay:

The Byzantine Empire,

2984 (2906).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

2984 (2906).

J. Michelet:

History of France,

1849 (1809).

G. Procter:

History of Italy,

1849-1850 (1809-1810).

H. H. Milman:

Latin Christianity,

2821 (2747).

A. H. Johnson:

The Normans in Europe,

1850-1851 (1810-1811).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1051 (1023).

3. RISE OF THE FREE CITIES:

P. Godwin:

History of France,

2077-2078 (2033-2034).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

The Italian Republics,

1850 (1810).

Hinschius:

Investiturstreit,

2488-2489 (3794-3796).

H. E. Napier:

Florentine History,

3273 (3157).

(a) Milan.

W. Ihne:

History of Rome,

2746-2747 (2672-2673).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

2226 (2182).

G. B. Testa:

War of Frederick I. against Lombardy,

2226 (2182).

T. Hodgkin:

Italy and Her Invaders,

2226-2227 (2182-2183).

(b) Florence.

H. E. Napier:

Florentine History,

1160 (1130).

T. A. Trollope:

Commonwealth of Florence,

1160-1161 (1130-1131).

B. Duffy:

The Tuscan Republics,

1161 (1131).

(c) Pavia.

G. B Niebuhr:

History of Rome,

2070 (2026).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

2077 (2033).

(d) Pisa.

L. Pignotti:

History of Tuscany,

2605-2606 (2537-2538).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Italian Republics,

2606-2607 (2538-2539).

(e) Venice.

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

3722 (3602).

T. Hodgkin:

Italy and Her Invaders,

3722 (3602).

G. Finlay:

Byzantine Empire,

3722-3723 (3602-3603).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Italian Republics,

3724-3725 (3604-3605).

4. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE STATES OF THE CHURCH:

J. N. Murphy:

The Chair of Peter,

2492 (2432).

H. E. Napier:

Florentine History,

3273 (3157).

M. Creighton:

History of the Papacy,

2493 (2433).

5. CONDITIONS IN ROME.

J. I. Döllinger:

European History,

2821 (2747).

H. H. Milman:

Latin Christianity,

2821 (2747).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

2822 (2748).

6. STRUGGLE OF THE ITALIAN REPUBLICS WITH THE EMPERORS:

(a) With Frederick I., Barbarossa (A. D. 1154-1183).

O. Browning:

Guelphs and Ghibellines,

1478-1479 (1445-1446).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

The Italian Republics,

1851-1852 (1811-1812).

U. Balzani:

The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,

1852 (1812).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

The Italian Republics,

1852 (1812).

U. Balzani:

The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,

1852-1853 (1812-1813).

W. Menzel:

History of Germany,

1853 (1813).

(b) With Frederick the Second

(A. D. 1220-1250).

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

1854 (1814).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Italian Republics,

1137-1138 (1109-1110).

E. A. Freeman:

European History,

1479 (1446).

E. A. Freeman:

Frederick the Second,

1480, first column (1447).

J. A. Symonds:

The Revival of Learning,

720 (697).

(c) The Results of the Contest.

J. Burckhardt:

The Renaissance in Italy,

1856-1857 (1816-1817).

O. Browning:

Guelfs and Ghibellines,

1856 (1816).

E. Smedley:

History of France,

1858-1859 (1818-1819).

J. A. Symonds:

Florence and the Medici,

1163 (1133).

7. THE GUELFS AND GHIBELLINES:

U. Balzani:

The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,

1478 (1445).

H. Hallam:

Middle Ages,

1652 (1614).

Sir A. Halliday:

Annals of House of Hanover,

1652 (1614).

T. A. Trollope:

Commonwealth of Florence,

1857-1858 (1817-1818).

R. W. Church:

Dante,

1858 (1818).

N. Machiavelli:

History of Florence,

1161-1162 (1131-1132).

{753}

O. Browning:

Guelphs and Ghibellines,

1162 (1132).

T. A. Trollope:

The Commonwealth of Florence,

1162-1163 (1132-1133).

8. THE AGE OF THE DESPOTS

(A. D. 1250-1500):

J. Burckhardt:

The Renaissance in Italy,

1856-1857 (1816-1817).

T. A. Trollope:

The Commonwealth of Florence,

1857-1858 (1817-1818).

E. A. Freeman:

Historical Geography of Europe,

1859 (1819).

J. A. Symonds:

The Renaissance in Italy,

1859 (1819).

J. Yeats:

Growth of Commerce,

2249, second column, (2205).

A. von Reumont:

Lorenzo de’ Medici,

2250 (2206).

T. A. Trollope:

Commonwealth of Florence,

2250 (2206).

J. A. Symonds:

The Renaissance,

2463-2464.

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1074-1045 (1046-1047).

9. CONTINUED CONTESTS BETWEEN THE GUELFS AND GHIBELLINES:

W. Hunt:

History of Italy,

1860-1861 (1820-1821).

H. E. Napier:

Florentine History,

1861 (1821).

G. Procter:

History of Italy,

1862-1863 (1822-1823).

10. RIENZI; THE LAST OF THE TRIBUNES

(A. D. 1347-1354):

Professor de Vericour:

Rienzi, 2822-2824 (2748-2750).

W. W. Story:

The Castle of St. Angelo,

2824-2825 (2750-2751).

11. THE INFAMOUS "FREE COMPANIES"

(ABOUT A. D. 1340-1390):

T. A. Trollope:

Commonwealth of Florence,

1865-1866 (1825-1826).

W. P. Urquhart:

Life of F. Sforza,

1866 (1826).

Sir John Hawkwood,

1866 (1826).

12. DEVELOPMENT OF THE CITY PRINCIPALITIES:

(a) Florence.

(1) The Passing of the Republic.

J. A. Symonds:

Florence and the Medici,

1163 (1133).

C. Balbo:

Life of Dante,

1164 (1134).

W. P. Urquhart:

Life of F. Sforza,

1165 (1135).

T. B. Macaulay:

Machiavelli,

1166 (1136).

G. Boccaccio:

The Decameron,

1166 (1136).

J. E. T. Rogers:

History of Agriculture,

292-293 (283-284).

T. A. Trollope:

Commonwealth of Florence,

1166-1167 (1136-1137).

H. E. Napier:

Florentine History,

1167 (1137).

(2) The Medici.

J. A. Symonds:

Florence and the Medici,

1167-1168 (1137-1138).

T. A. Trollope:

Commonwealth of Florence,

1168-1169 (1138-1139).

W. B. Scaife:

Florentine Life,

1169 (1139).

W. Hunt:

History of Italy,

1169 (1139).

A. von Reumont:

Lorenzo de’ Medici,

1169-1170 (1139-1140).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Italian Republics,

1170-1171 (1140-1141).

P. Villari:

Machiavelli,

1171-1172 (1141-1142).

Mrs. Oliphant:

Makers of Florence,

1172 (1142).

H. A. Taine:

Italy, Florence, and Venice,

1172-1173 (1142-1143).

(3) Savonarola.

O. T. Hill:

Savonarola’s Triumph of the Cross,

1173-1175 (1143-1145).

H. E. Napier:

Florentine History,

1176 (1146).

J. A. Symonds:

Studies in Italy,

1176-1177 (1146-1147).

Mrs. Oliphant:

Makers of Florence,

1172 (1142).

"Florence was as near a pagan city as it was possible for its

rulers to make it. … Society had never been more dissolute,

more selfish, or more utterly deprived of any higher aim.

Barren scholarship, busy over grammatical questions, and

elegant philosophy, snipping and piecing its logical systems,

formed the top-dressing to that half-brutal,

hall-superstitious ignorance of the poor. The dilettante world

dreamed hazily of a restoration of the worship of the pagan

gods; Cardinal Bembo bade his friend beware of reading St.

Paul’s Epistles, lest their barbarous style should corrupt his

taste. … Thus limited intellectually, the age of Lorenzo was

still more hopeless morally, full of debauchery, cruelty and

corruption, violating oaths, betraying trusts, believing in

nothing but Greek manuscripts, coins, and statues, caring for

nothing but pleasure. This was the world in which Savonarola

found himself."

MRS. OLIPHANT.

(b) Milan.

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Italian Republics,

1851, second column, (1811).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

1852, second column, (1812).

J. A. Symonds:

Age of Despots,

2227-2228 (2183-2184).

W. Robertson:

Charles the Fifth,

2228 (2184).

A. von Reumont:

Lorenzo de’ Medici,

2228-2229 (2184-2185).

(c) Pisa.

J. T. Bent:

Genoa,

2606-2607 (2538-2539).

J. A. Symonds:

Studies in Italy,

50-51 (43-44).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

522-523 (508-509).

G. Procter:

History of Italy,

1862-1863 (1822-1823).

W. Hunt:

History of Italy,

1868 (1828).

J. N. Murphy:

The Chair of St. Peter,

2498 (2438).

(d) Genoa.

J. T. Bent:

Genoa,

1452-1453, 2606-2607 (1419-1420, 2538-2539).

J. A. Symonds:

Renaissance in Italy,

2227, second column, (2183).

J. T. Bent:

Genoa,

1454, 2251-2252 (1421, 2207-2208).

G. B. Malleson:

Genoese History,

1454 (1421).

J. N. Larned:

Venice and Genoa,

3220 (3709).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Italian Republics,

1454 (1421).

(e) Venice.

G. Finlay:

Byzantine and Greek Empires,

3726 (3606).

The Republic of Venice,

3726 (3606).

E. Pears:

The Fall of Constantinople,

3726 (3606).

W. C. Hazlitt:

The Venetian Republic,

3727 (3607).

J. Yeats:

The Growth of Commerce,

3727 (3607).

G. Finlay:

Byzantine and Greek Empires,

523-524 (509-510).

F. A. Parker:

Fleets of the World,

3728 (3608).

J. T. Bent:

Genoa,

3729 (3609).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Italian Republics,

1869 (1829).

STUDY XVIII.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCH: FROM PENTECOST TO GREGORY THE GREAT

(A. D. 30(?)-600).

1. JUDÆA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA:

E. de Pressensé:

Jesus Christ,

1961-1962 (1920-1921).

E. Schürer:

The Jewish People,

1678 (1639).

A. Edersheim:

Life of Jesus,

446 (432).

H. W. Hulbert:

Historical Geography,

446 (432).

{754}

2. HEROD AND THE HERODIANS

(B. C. 40-A. D. 44):

T. Keim:

Jesus of Nazara,

1958-1959 (1917-1918).

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

1960 (1919).

H. H. Milman:

History of the Jews,

1960 (1919).

3. THE BIRTH OF JESUS:

T. Keim:

Jesus of Nazara,

1960-1961 (1919-1920).

W. Hales:

Analysis of Chronology,

1011 (984).

4. PENTECOST, AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FIRST CHURCHES:

G. Y. Lechler:

The Apostolic Times,

447 (433).

A. Sabatier:

The Apostle Paul,

447 (433).

J. B. Lightfoot:

The Apostolic Age,

448 (434).

W. Moeller:

The Christian Church,

448 (434).

J. E. Wiltsch:

Statistics of the Church,

448 (434).

J. B. Lightfoot:

The Apostolic Age,

449 (435).

W. Moeller:

The Christian Church,

449 (435).

5. THE APOSTOLIC PERIOD (A. D. 30(?)-100):

(a) The Church at Antioch.

C. Thirlwall:

History of Greece,

2107, 2960 (2063, 2883).

W. Moeller:

The Christian Church,

448 (434).

J. J. von Döllinger:

European History,

449 (435).

W. M. Ramsay:

The Church in the Roman Empire,

449 (435).

W. Moeller:

The Christian Church,

449 (435).

B. Weiss:

Introduction to the New Testament,

450 (436).

G. B. Brown:

From Schola to Cathedral,

450 (436).

(b) The Missions of St. Paul.

G. P. Fisher:

The Christian Church,

450 (436).

A. Sabatier;

The Apostle Paul,

450-451 (436-437).

A. Sabatier;

The Apostle Paul,

451, second column, (437).

J. B. Lightfoot:

Biblical Essays,

451 (437).

W. M. Ramsay:

The Church in the Roman Empire,

451 (437).

C. T. Cruttwell:

Literary History of Early Christianity,

191-192 (184-185).

(c) The Church at Rome.

W. Moeller:

The Christian Church,

453 (439).

G. Salmon:

Infallibility of the Church,

2476 (2417).

J. J. I. Döllinger:

History of the Church,

2476-2477 (2417-2418).

F. W. Farrar:

Early Days of Christianity,

2781-2782 (2707-2708).

J. B. Lightfoot:

The Apostolic Age,

453 (439).

(d) The Church at Alexandria.

R. S. Poole:

The Cities of Egypt,

44 (37).

E. Kirkpatrick:

Development of Superior Education,

708 (685).

A. Neander:

History of the Christian Church,

452 (438).

J. P. Mahaffy:

Alexander’s Empire,

2973 (2896).

(e) The Destruction of Jerusalem.

J. B. Lightfoot:

The Apostolic Age,

449 (435).

C. Merivale:

History of the Romans,

1962 (1921).

Besant and Palmer:

Jerusalem,

1963 (1922).

H. H. Milman:

History of the Jews,

1963 (1922).

J. B. Lightfoot:

The Apostolic Age,

461 (447).

(f) St. John, and the Church at Ephesus.

E. Abbott:

History of Greece,

146, second column, (139).

J. T. Wood:

Discoveries at Ephesus,

1008-1009 (981-2)

C. Merivale:

History of the Romans,

1009 (982).

J. B. Lightfoot;

Biblical Essays,

451-452 (437-438).

"For Christians are not distinguished from the rest of mankind

either in locality or in speech, or in customs. … They dwell

in their own countries as the lot of each is cast, but only as

sojourners; they bear their share in all things as citizens,

and they endure all hardships as strangers. Every foreign

country is a fatherland to him and every fatherland is

foreign. … Their existence is on earth, but their citizenship

is in heaven. They obey the established laws, and they surpass

the laws in their own lives. They love all men, and they are

persecuted by all. War is urged against them as aliens by the

Jews, and persecution is carried on against them by the

Greeks, and yet those that hate them cannot tell the reason of

their hostility."

THE EPISTLE TO DIOGNETUS (ABOUT A. D. 150).

6. THE PERIOD OF CHURCH DEVELOPMENT (A. D. 100-312):

G. B. Brown:

From Schola to Cathedral,

455 (441).

B. F. Westcott:

Religious Thought in the West,

453-454, 454 (439-440, 440).

J. F. Hurst:

History of the Christian Church,

454 (440).

G. Uhlhorn:

Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism,

454 (440).

W. M. Ramsay:

The Church in the Roman Empire,

455 (441).

J. H. Kurtz:

Church History,

457 (443).

G. A. Jackson:

The Fathers of the Third Century,

457 (443).

See Map between pages 446-7 (432-3),

and Appendix D, 3806-3810 (End of Volume I.).

7. CHARACTERISTICS OF EARLY CHURCH AND CHRISTIANS:

G. Uhlhorn:

Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism,

454 (440).

J. B. Lightfoot:

Translation Epistle to Diognetus,

454 (440).

R. W. Church:

Gifts of Civilization,

455 (441).

J. B. Lightfoot:

Apostolic Age,

457 (443).

G. P. Fisher:

Christian Church,

459 (445).

W. M. Ramsay:

The Church in the Roman Empire,

456 (442).

H. Hayman:

Diocesan Synods,

456 (442).

W. Moeller:

History of the Christian Church,

457 (443) .

G. A. Jackson:

Fathers of the Third Century,

457 (443).

J. H. Kurtz:

Church History,

459 (445).

8. THE RISE OF ECCLESIASTICISM:

W. D. Killen:

The Old Catholic Church,

458 (444).

J. B. Lightfoot:

The Apostolic Age,

458 (444).

C. Gore:

The Mission of the Church,

458 (444).

A. Neander:

The Christian Religion,

458 (444).

9. GROWTH OF GREAT CHURCH CENTRES:

F. W. Puller:

Primitive Saints,

458 (444).

(a) Alexandria.

C. T. Cruttwell:

Literary History of Early Christianity,

459-460 (445-446).

J. B. Heard:

Alexandrian Theology,

460 (446).

W. Moeller:

Christian Church,

460 (446).

C. Bigg:

The Christian Platonists,

460-461 (446-447).

F. C. Baur:

Church of the First Three Centuries,

1589 (1551).

(b) Rome.

W. Moeller:

The Christian Church,

462 (448).

R. Lanciani:

Pagan and Christian Rome,

462-463 (448-449).

E. de Pressensé:

Early Years of Christianity,

463 (449).

(c) Carthage.

C. T. Cruttwell:

Literary History of Early Christianity,

461-462 (447-448).

J. I. von Döllinger:

European History,

462 (448).

{755}

10. THE PERSECUTIONS:

G. Uhlhorn:

The Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism,

456 (442).

G. B. Brown:

From Schola to Cathedral,

455 (442).

(а) Under Nero

(A. D. 64-68).

F. W. Farrar:

Early Days of Christianity,

2781-2782 (2707-2708).

(b) Under Domitian

(A. D. 93-96).

V. Duruy:

History of Rome,

2784 (2710).

(c) Under Trajan

(A. D. 112-116).

R. W. Browne:

History of Rome,

2786, first column, (2712).

(d) Under Marcus Aurelius

(A. D. 175-178).

F. W. Farrar:

Seekers after God,

2788 (2714).

(e) Under Decius

(about A. D. 250).

J. C. Robertson:

History of Christian Church,

2790 (2716).

(f) Under Diocletian

(A. D. 303-5).

S. Eliot:

History of the Early Christians,

2792-2793 (2718-2719).

The Ante-Nicene Churches,

Appendix D, 3806 (End of Volume I.).

11. THE CHURCH FATHERS:

J. F. Hurst:

History of the Christian Church,

454 (440).

W. Moeller:

The Christian Church,

456-457 (442-443).

J. H. Kurtz:

Church History,

457 (443).

G. A. Jackson:

Fathers of the Third Century,

457 (443).

W. Moeller:

The Christian Church,

460 (446).

A. Plummer:

Church of the Early Fathers,

461 (447).

J. I. von Döllinger:

European History,

462 (448).

E. de Pressensé:

Early Years of Christianity,

463 (449).

W. Stewart:

Church in the Fourth Century,

468 (454).

G. T. Stokes:

The Celtic Church,

472 (458).

W. Stewart:

Church in the Fourth Century,

471 (456-457).

T. W. Allies:

The Holy See,

2482 (2423).

12. THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH BECOMES THE CHURCH OF THE EMPIRE

(A. D. 323):

G. P. Fisher:

History of the Christian Church,

465 (451).

A. Carr:

The Church and the Roman Empire,

465-466 (451-452).

Eusebius:

Ecclesiastical History,

2794 (2720).

E. L. Cutts:

Constantine the Great,

2794-2795 (2721).

A. Neander:

History of the Christian Church,

2795 (2721).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Fall of the Roman Empire,

2795 (2721).

H. H. Milman:

History of Christianity,

466-467, 467-468 (452-453, 453-454).

13. THE EASTERN, OR GREEK CHURCH:

E. L. Cutts:

Constantine the Great,

519 (505).

G. Finlay:

Greece under the Romans,

520 (506).

T. Hodgkin:

Italy and Her Invaders,

2801 (2727).

H. F. Tozer:

The Church and the Eastern Empire,

468-469 (454-455).

R. W. Church:

The Gifts of Civilization,

469 (455).

J. C. Lees:

The Greek Church,

470 (456).

14. THE ARIAN CONTROVERSY, AND COUNCIL OF NICÆA

(A. D. 325):

The Councils of the Church,

644 (621).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Fall of the Roman Empire,

138 (131).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

138-139 (131-132).

R. W. Bush:

St. Athanasius,

2411 (2359).

W. Moeller:

Christian Church,

466 (452).

T. Hodgkin:

The Dynasty of Theodosius,

2799, second column, (2725).

E. L. Cutts:

Charlemagne,

1150 (1120).

P. Schaff:

History of Christian Church,

1150 (1120).

15. THE REVIVAL OF PAGANISM, AND FORMAL ESTABLISHMENT OF

CHRISTIANITY (A. D. 361-395):

G. Uhlhorn:

Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism,

2796-2798 (2722-2724).

J. C. L. Sismondi:

Fall of the Roman Empire,

2798, first column, (2724).

J. B. S. Carwithen:

History of the Christian Church,

2801 (2727).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

2800-2801 (2726-2727).

16. THE SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE PROVINCES:

E. de Pressensé:

Early Years of Christianity,

463 (449).

C. A. A. Scott:

Ulfilas,

464, 1594 (450, 1556).

R. W. Church:

Beginning of the Middle Ages,

1432 (1399).

S. Baring-Gould;

The Church in Germany,

472 (458).

C. Merivale:

Church History,

464 (450).

R. W. Church:

Gifts of Civilization,

465 (451).

A. Plummer:

Church of the Early Fathers,

464 (450).

Appendix D, 3807-3810 (End of Volume I.).

17. THE FALL OF IMPERIAL, RISE OF ECCLESIASTICAL ROME:

J. Watt:

The Latin Church,

471 (457).

C. Merivale:

Early Church History,

471 (457).

E. Hatch:

Organization of the Christian Churches,

471 (457).

G. T. Stokes:

The Celtic Church,

472 (458).

J. J. I. von Döllinger:

History of the Church,

2481 (2421-2482).

C. Gore:

Leo the Great,

2481 (2422).

STUDY XIX.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE ESTABLISHMENT AND GROWTH OF THE PAPACY.

1. THE ROMAN CHURCH CLAIM OF DESCENT FROM ST. PETER:

G. Salmon:

Infallibility of the Church,

2476 (2417).

J. J. I. von Döllinger;

History of the Church,

2476-2477 (2417-2418).

Cardinal Gibbons:

The Faith of Our Fathers,

2477-2478 (2418-2419).

Abbé Guettée:

The Papacy,

2478-2479 (2419-2420).

S. Cheetham:

History of the Church,

2480 (2421).

G. F. Seymour:

Christian Unity,

2480 (2421).

E. de Pressensé:

Early Years of Christianity.

463 (449).

2. THE RISE OF THE EPISCOPATE:

W. D. Killen:

The Old Catholic Church,

458 (444).

C. Gore:

Mission of the Church,

458 (444).

J. B. Lightfoot;

The Apostolic Age, 458 (444).

A. Neander:

The Christian Religion,

458 (444).

E. Hatch:

Organization of the Christian Churches,

471 (457).

C. Gore:

Leo the Great,

2481 (2422).

{756}

3. The PATRIARCHATES:

J. H. Egar:

Christendom; Ecclesiastical and Political,

466 (452).

J. E. T. Wiltsch:

Statistics of the Church,

466 (452).

J. C. Lees:

The Greek Church,

470, first column, (456).

C. Merivale:

Early Church History,

471 (457).

4. THE EARLY BISHOPS OF ROME

(A. D. 42-600):

J. J. I. von Döllinger:

History of the Church,

2480-2481 (2421-2422).

C. Gore:

Leo the Great,

2481 (2422).

J. H. Egar:

Ecclesiastical and Political Christendom,

476 (462).

V. Duruy:

Middle Ages,

476 (462).

5. ORIGIN OF THE PAPAL TITLE:

A. P. Stanley:

The Eastern Church,

2480 (2421).

R. W. Bush:

St. Athanasius,

2411 (2359).

6. CAUSES THAT LED TO THE SUPREMACY OF THE ROMAN CHURCH:

J. Watt:

The Latin Church,

471 (457).

C. Merivale:

Church History,

471 (457).

E. Hatch:

The Christian Churches,

471 (457).

C. Gore:

Leo the Great,

2481 (2422).

S. Cheetham:

The Christian Church,

2479, last column, 2480 (2421).

J. N. Larned:

Europe, 1045 (1017).

7. GREGORY THE GREAT

(A. D. 590-604):

V. Duruy:

The Middle Ages,

475-476 (461-462).

J. Barmby:

Gregory the Great,

2481-2482 (2422-2423).

T. W. Allies:

The Holy See,

2482 (2423).

M. Creighton:

History of the Papacy,

2818 (2744).

C. Merivale:

Early Church History,

476 (462).

V. Duruy:

The Middle Ages,

476-477 (462-463).

J. F. Rowbotham:

History of Music,

2280-2281.

8. FROM GREGORY TO CHARLEMAGNE

(A. D. 600-800):

The Succession of Popes,

2482-2483 (2423-2424).

(a) The Rise of Papal Sovereignty at Rome.

G. Finlay:

The Byzantine Empire,

2483 (2424).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

2483 (2424).

J. E. Darras:

History of the Catholic Church,

2483 (2424).

P. Godwin:

History of France,

2483 (2424).

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

2483 (2424).

C. J. Stillé;

Mediæval History,

1467, second column, (1436).

(b) The Iconoclastic Controversy.

J. L. von Mosheim:

Ecclesiastical History,

1732 (1692-1693).

J. C. Lees:

The Greek Church,

470 (456).

(c) The Forged Donation of Constantine, and False Decretals.

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

2484 (2425).

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

2484 (2425).

J. Alzog:

Manual of Church History,

2484 (2425).

J. E. Riddle:

History of the Papacy,

2485 (2426).

9. THE ALLIANCE BETWEEN THE PAPACY AND THE FRANKS:

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire

(1846-1806). [sic]

R. W. Church:

Beginning of the Middle Ages,

1846-1847 (1806-1807).

C. J. Stillé:

Studies in Mediaeval History,

1467-1468 (1436-1437).

E.Emerton:

The Middle Ages,

1434-1435 (1401-1402).

10. FROM CHARLEMAGNE TO HILDEBRAND; DEGRADATION OF THE HOLY SEE

(A. D. 300-1073):

Cardinal J. H. Newman:

Essays,

2485-2486 (2426-2427).

A. F. Villemain:

Life of Gregory VII.,

2820 (2746).

Abbé J. E. Darras:

The Catholic Church,

2820 (2746).

C. W. Koch:

The Revolutions of Europe,

1471 (1439-1440).

J. I. von Döllinger:

European History,

2820-2821 (2746-2747).

J. H. Allen:

Christian History,

1473 (1442).

G. B. Adams:

Civilization during Middle Ages,

1473-1474 (1442-1443).

E. L. Cutts:

Charlemagne,

1150 (1120).

P. Schaff;

History of the Christian Church,

1150 (1120).

"Such are a few of the most prominent features of the

ecclesiastical history of these dreadful times, when, in the

words of St. Bruno, 'the world lay in wickedness, holiness had

disappeared, justice had perished, and truth had been buried;

Simon Magus lording it over the Church, whose bishops and

priests were given to luxury and fornication.’ Had we lived in

such deplorable times … we should have felt for certain, that

if it was possible to retrieve the Church, it must be by some

external power; she was helpless and resourceless; and the

civil power must interfere, or there was no hope."

CARDINAL J. H. NEWMAN.

11. HILDEBRAND AND REFORM

(A. D. 1073-1086):

Count de Montalembert:

Monks of the West,

2486-2487 (2427-2428).

J. Alzog:

Manual of History,

2487-2488 (2428).

G. B. Adams:

Civilization during Middle Ages,

1473-1474 (1442-1443).

J. N. Murphy:

The Chair of Peter,

2492 (2432).

(а) Papal Elections.

H. Hallam:

The Middle Ages,

2491-2492 (2431-2432).

(b) Celibacy.

Sir James Stephen:

Hildebrand,

2488 (2429).

(c) Investitures.

Hinschius:

Investiturstreit,

2488-2489 (3794-3796).

(d) At Canossa.

W. Moeller:

The Christian Church,

2490 (2430).

W. R. W. Stephens:

Hildebrand and His Times,

396-397 (386-387).

W. S. Lilly:

The Turning-Point of the Middle Ages,

2490-2491 (2430-2431).

J. H. Allen:

Christian History,

1474 (1442).

H. H. Milman:

Latin Christianity,

2821 (2747).

(e) The Concordat of Worms.

J. Sime:

History of Germany,

1474 (1443).

J. J. I. Döllinger:

History of the Church,

1474-1475 (1443-1444).

R. C. Trench:

Mediæval Church History,

2491 (2431).

12. THE POPES AND THE HOHENSTAUFEN

(A. D. 1138-1250):

J. C. L. Sismondi:

The Italian Republics,

1850 (1810).

M. Creighton:

History of the Papacy,

2492-2493 (2432-2433).

H. Hallam:

The Middle Ages,

2493-2494 (2433-2434).

U. Balzani:

The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,

1478 (1445).

O. Browning:

Guelphs and Ghibellines,

1478-1479 (1445-1446).

E. A. Freeman:

European History,

1479 (1446).

E. A. Freeman:

Frederick the Second,

1479-1480 (1446-1447).

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

1854 (1814).

T. L. Kington:

Frederick the Second,

1855-1856 (1815-1816).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1050 and 1054 (1022, 1026).

13. THE "BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY"

(A. D. 1294-1378):

G. Trevor:

Rome,

2494-2495 (2434-2435).

L. Pastor:

History of the Popes,

2495-2496 (2435-2436).

M. Creighton:

History of the Papacy,

2496 (2436).

{757}

14. THE "GREAT SCHISM"

(A. D. 1378-1417):

W. W. Story:

Castle St. Angelo,

2497 (2437).

J. N. Murphy:

The Chair of Peter,

2498 (2438).

L. Pastor:

History of the Popes,

2498 (2438).

J. Alzog:

Manual of Church History,

2498-2499 (2438-2439).

15. THE DARKEST AGE OF THE PAPACY

(A. D. 1417-1517):

R. C. Trench:

Mediæval Church History,

2500 (2440).

R. L. Poole:

Wycliffe and Reform Movements,

2501 (2441).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

2501 (2441).

H. A. Taine:

English Literature,

2501-2502 (2441-2442).

J. A. Symonds:

Renaissance in Italy,

2502, 2503 (2442, 2443).

16. EVE OF THE GREAT REFORMATION;

T. Kolde:

Martin Luther,

2504.

L. Ranke:

History of the Reformation,

2504-2505 (2443-2444).

G. P. Fisher:

The Reformation,

2505 (2444).

Cardinal N. Wiseman:

Lectures on Catholic Church,

2505-2506 (2444-2445).

J. N. M. D’Aubigné:

Story of the Reformation,

2506 (2445).

17. THE INQUISITION

(A. D. 1203-1525):

J. A. Symonds:

The Catholic Reaction,

1789-1791 (1750-1752).

STUDY XX.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

MONASTICISM AND THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS.

1. MONASTICISM:

I. Gregory Smith:

Christian Monasticism,

468 (454).

E. Schürer:

The Jewish People,

1014 (3745).

Charles Kingsley:

The Hermits,

119-120 (112-113).

I. Gregory Smith:

Christian Monasticism,

2239-2240 (2195-2196).

Count de Montalembert:

Monks of the West,

2240-2241 (2196-2197).

A. Jessop:

The Coming of the Friars,

2241-2242 (2197-2198).

Count de Montalembert:

Monks of the West,

2050-2051 (2006-2007).

F. Madan:

Books in Manuscript,

2051-2052 (2007-2008).

F. Guizot:

History of Civilization,

711 (688).

A. T. Drane:

Christian Schools,

711-712 (688-689).

2. THE BENEDICTINES

(ABOUT A. D. 500):

(a) The Original Order.

C. J. Stillé:

Mediæval History,

288 (279).

(b) The Congregations of Cluny.

R. C. Trench:

Mediæval History,

495 (481).

3. THE CARTHUSIANS

(ABOUT A. D. 1075):

J. E. Darras:

The Catholic Church,

405 (395).

M. A. Schimmelpenninck:

La Grande Chartreuse,

405 (395).

4. THE CISTERCIANS

(ABOUT A. D. 1100):

(a) The Original Order.

K. Norgate:

England under the Angevin Kings,

487 (472-473).

C. J. Stillé:

Mediæval History,

491-492 (477-478).

H. Stebbing:

The Universal Church,

492 (478).

G. W. Cox:

The Crusades,

653 (630).

(b) The Trappists

(about 1150).

C. Lancelot:

La Grande Chartreuse,

3237-3238 (3121-3122).

(c) Port Royal

(A. D. 1204-1710).

J. Tulloch:

Pascal,

2637 (2565).

J. B. Perkins:

France under Mazarin,

2637-2639 (2565-2567).

H. Martin:

History of France,

2639 (2567).

Duke of Saint Simon:

Memoirs,

2640 (2568).

J. J. I. Döllinger:

European History,

2640 (2568).

5. THE AUGUSTINIANS, OR AUSTIN CANONS

(ABOUT A. D. 1150):

K. Norgate:

England under the Angevin Kings,

197 (190).

E. L. Cutts:

Middle Ages,

2656 (2584).

6. THE CARMELITE FRIARS

(ABOUT A. D. 1150):

J. L. von Mosheim:

Ecclesiastical History,

401 (391).

7. THE DOMINICANS

(ABOUT A. D. 1200):

J. Alzog:

Manual of Church History,

2196 (2152).

J. A. Symonds:

Renaissance in Italy,

1789-1791 (1750-1752).

8. THE FRANCISCANS

(ABOUT A. D. 1225):

J. Alzog:

Manual of Church History,

2196 (2152).

E. L. Cutts:

Middle Ages,

2196 (2152).

A. M. F. Robinson:

End of the Middle Ages,

285 (276).

J. L. von Mosheim:

Ecclesiastical History,

286 (277).

M. Creighton:

The Papacy,

2493, first column, (2433).

See

"The Recollects,"

2700 (2627).

9. THE CAPUCHINS

(ABOUT A. D. 1500):

J. Alzog:

Manual of Church History,

399 (389).

10. THE THEATINES

(ABOUT A. D. 1525):

A. W. Ward:

The Counter-Reformation,

3189 (3104).

L. von Ranke:

History of the Popes,

3189 (3104).

11. THE LAZARISTS

(ABOUT A. D. 1625):

J. Alzog:

Universal History,

2039 (1995).

12. HOSPITALLERS OF ST. JOHN OF JERUSALEM

(A. D. 1118-):

T. Keightley:

The Crusaders,

1701-1702 (1662-1663).

F. C. Woodhouse:

Military Religious Orders,

1702 (1663).

G. Finlay:

The Byzantine and Greek Empires,

1702 (1663).

W. H. Prescott:

Reign of Philip II.,

1703-1704 (1664-1665).

F. C. Woodhouse;

Military Religious Orders,

1704-1705 (1665-1666).

13. THE KNIGHTS TEMPLARS

(ABOUT A. D. 1120):

T. Keightley:

The Crusaders,

3176 (3091).

C. G. Addison:

The Knights Templars,

3176 (3091).

G. W. Kitchin:

History of France,

3177 (3092).

A. P. Marras:

Secret Fraternities of the Middle Ages,

1438-1439 (1405-1406).

R. A. Vaughn:

Hours with the Mystics,

2826-2827 (2752-2753).

14. THE TEUTONIC KNIGHTS

(ABOUT A. D. 1190):

F. C. Woodhouse:

Military Religious Orders,

3185-3186 (3100-3101).

G. F. Maclear:

Apostles of Mediæval Europe,

2684-2685 (2612-2613).

{758}

15. THE SOCIETY OF JESUS

(A. D. 1540-):

(a) Loyola, and the Founding of the Order.

L. Häusser:

The Reformation,

1928-1929 (1887-1888).

G. B. Nicolini:

The Jesuits,

1929 (1888).

A. T. Drane:

Christian Schools,

731 (708).

G. Compayré:

History of Pedagogy,

731-732 (708-709).

O. Browning:

Educational Theories,

732 (709).

(b) Early Jesuit Missions.

A Historical Sketch of the Jesuits,

1929-1930 (1888-1889).

W. P. Greswell:

The Dominion of Canada,

1930 (1889).

F. Parkman:

The Jesuits in North America,

1930-1931 (1889-1890).

R. Mackenzie:

America,

371-372 (361-362).

The Hundred Years of Christianity in Japan,

1915-1916 (1875-1876).

D. Murray:

The Story of Japan,

1916 (1876).

(c) Changes in the Statutes of the Order.

L. von Ranke:

History of the Popes,

1931-1932 (1890-1891).

(d) Expulsion of the Order from France

(A. D. 1595).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

1246, first column, (1214).

(e) Controversy with the Jansenists

(A. D. 1653-1715).

J. B. Perkins:

France and Mazarin,

2637-2639 (2565-2567).

H. Martin:

History of France,

2639 (2567).

(f) General Suppression of the Society throughout Europe

(A. D. 1757-1775).

H. M. Stephens:

The Story of Portugal,

1932-1933 (1891-1892).

W. H. Jervis:

History of the Church of France,

1933-1934 (1892-1893).

(g) Suppression of the Order by the Pope (A. D. 1773),

and Restoration (A. D. 1814).

The Jesuits and Their Expulsion,

1934-1935, and 1935 (1893-1894, and 1894).

Clement XIV. and the Jesuits,

1935 (1894).

"Himself without home or country, and not holding the

doctrines of any political party, the Disciple of Jesus

renounced everything which might alienate him among varying

nationalities, pursuing various political aims. Then he did

not confine his labors to the pulpit and the confessional; he

gained an influence over the rising generation by a systematic

attention to education, which had been shamefully neglected by

the other orders. It is a true saying, that ‘he who gains the

youth possesses the future’; and by devoting themselves to the

education of youth, the Jesuits secured a future to the Church

more surely than by any other scheme that could have been

devised. What the schoolmasters were for the youth, the

confessors were for those of riper years; what the clerical

teachers were for the common people, the spiritual directors

and confidants were for great lords and rulers—for the Jesuits

aspired to a place at the side of the great, and at gaining

the confidence of Kings."

L. HÄUSSER.

STUDY XXL

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE RISE AND CONQUESTS OF MOHAMMEDANISM.

1. ARABIA AND THE ARABS; THE SARACENS;

A. H. Sayce;

Races of the Old Testament,

2963 (2886).

G. Rawlinson:

Notes to Herodotus,

128 (121).

F. Lenormant:

Ancient History.

128-129 (121-122).

A. H. Sayce:

Ancient Arabia,

129-130 (122-123).

E. Gibbon;

Decline and Fall,

2878 (2803).

H. H. Milman:

Note to Gibbon,

2878 (2803).

H. Yule:

Cathay,

3215-3216, and 3216-3217 (3704-3705, and 3705-3706).

2. The Birth and Career of Mohammed

(A. D. 570-632):

E. A. Freeman:

Conquests of the Saracens,

2112 (2067).

Sir W. Muir:

Life of Mahomet,

2112-2113 (2067-2068).

J. W. H. Stobart

Islam and Its Founder,

1843 (1803).

Sir H. Nicholas:

Chronology of History,

1011 (984).

S. Lane-Poole:

Studies in a Mosque,

2194 (2150).

3. THE FIRST CALIPHATE; FROM ABU BEER TO ALI

(A. D. 632-661);

See

Caliph,

363 (353).

R. D. Osborn:

Islam under the Khalifs,

1735 (1696).

(а) Conquest of Syria.

George Adam Smith:

Geography of Holy Land,

3141-3142 (3057-3058).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

2113-2114 (2068-2069).

W. Irving:

Mahomet and His Successors,

1923 (1882).

(b) Conquest of Persia.

G. Rawlinson:

Seventh Oriental Monarchy,

2114 (2069).

(c) Conquest of Egypt.

Sir W. Muir:

Annals of Early Caliphate,

2114-2115 (2069-2070).

Researches on Burning of Library of Alexandria,

2047-2048 (2003-2004).

(d) Conquest of Northern Africa.

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

2442 (2390)

H. E. M. Stutfield:

El Maghreb,

2133-2134 (2089-2090).

E. A. Freeman:

Conquest of Saracens,

2115 (2070).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

2115 (2070).

4. THE OMEYYAD CALIPHATE

(A. D. 661-750)

E. A. Freeman:

Conquests of the Saracens,

2116 (2071).

Sir W. Muir:

Annals of the Early Caliphate,

2116-2117 (2071-2072).

5. THE SUBJUGATION OF THE TURKS

(A. D. 710):

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall, 3246 (3130).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall, 2117 (2072).

6. THE CONQUEST OF SPAIN (A. D. 711-13),

AND BATTLE OF TOURS (732):

R. W. Church:

Beginning of the Middle Ages,

1599-1600 (1561-1562).

H. Coppée:

The Conquest of Spain,

3054 (2974).

P. Godwin:

History of France,

2117-2118, 2119 (2072-2075, 2076).

7. THE DIVIDED CALIPHATE; THE OMEYYADS AND ABBASSIDES

(A. D. 715):

Sir W. Muir:

Annals of the Early Caliphate,

2118 (2075).

E. A. Freeman:

Conquests of the Saracens,

2119, 2120 (2076, 2077).

E. H. Palmer:

Haroun Alraschid,

2119 (2076).

T. Nöldeke:

Eastern History,

2120 (2077).

8. TURKISH SUPREMACY, AND ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SULTANATE

(A. D. 1000-):

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall.

3247 (3131).

A. Vambéry:

History of Bokhara,

3247, 3249 (3131, 3133).

R. D. Osborn:

Islam under Khalifs of Bagdad,

3247-3248 (3131-3132).

E. Pears:

The Fall of Constantinople,

3248 (3132).

G. Finlay:

The Byzantine and Greek Empires,

3348 (3133).

{759}

9. RISK OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE (A. D. 1250-):

Besant and Palmer:

Jerusalem,

3867 (3793-3763).

J. F. Michaud:

History of the Crusades,

3867 (3793).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

3349-3350 (3133-3131).

10. CIVILIZATION OF THE SARACENS:

(a) Education.

J. W. Draper.

Intellectual Development of Europe,

713 (690).

Westminster Review:

Intellectual Revival,

713-714 (690-691).

(b) Medical Science.

J. H. Baas:

History of Medicine,

3173-3174 (3130).

G. F. Fort:

Medical Economy of Middle Ages,

2174 (2130).

P. V. Renouard:

History of Medicine,

3174 (2130).

(c) Commerce.

H. Yule:

Cathay,

3215-3217 (3704-3706).

G. Finlay:

The Byzantine Empire,

3217-3218 (3706-3707).

STUDY XXII.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE CRUSADES.

"‘You,’ continued the eloquent pontiff [Urban II.], ‘you, who

hear me, and who have received the true faith, and been

endowed by God with power, and strength, and greatness of

soul,—whose ancestors have been the prop of Christendom, and

whose Kings have put a barrier against the progress of the

infidel,—I call upon you to wipe off these impurities from the

face of the earth, and lift your oppressed fellow Christians

from the depths into which they have been trampled.’ Palestine

was, he said, a land flowing with milk and honey, and precious

in the sight of God, as the scene of the grand events which

have saved mankind. That land, he promised, should be divided

among them. Moreover, they should have full pardon for all

their offenses against God or man. ‘Go then,’ he added, ‘in

expiation of your sins; and go assured that, after this world

shall have passed away, imperishable glory shall be yours in

the world to come.’ The enthusiasm was no longer to be

restrained, and loud shouts interrupted the speaker; the

people exclaiming as with one voice, ‘Dieu le veult! Dieu le

veult!’"

C. MACKAY.

1. CAUSES OF THE MOVEMENTS:

W. Irving:

Mahomet and His Successors,

1923 (1882).

E. A. Freeman:

Conquests of the Saracens,

2120 (2077).

G. Finlay:

Byzantine and Greek Empires,

649 (626).

2. PREACHING OF POPE URBAN II., AND PETER THE HERMIT:

C. Mackay:

Popular Delusions,

649-50 (626-627).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

650 (627).

3. THE FIRST CRUSADE

(A. D. 1096-1099):

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

650-651 (627-628).

Besant and Palmer:

Jerusalem,

1923-1924 (1882-1883).

T. Keightley:

The Crusaders,

651-652 (628-629).

H. F. Brown:

Venice,

3725-3726 (3605-3606).

4. THE LATIN KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM

(A. D. 1099-1291):

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

1924 (1883).

T. Keightley:

The Crusaders,

1924 (1883).

C. Mills:

The Crusades,

1924-1925 (1883-1884).

G. W. Cox:

The Crusades,

1925 (1884).

5. THE SECOND CRUSADE

(A. D. 1147-1149):

H. von Sybel:

The Crusades,

652-653 (629-630).

G. W. Cox:

The Crusades,

653 (630).

C. M. Yonge:

History of France,

1193 (1161-1162).

K. Norgate:

England under the Angevin Kings,

127-128 (120-121).

6. THE THIRD CRUSADE

(A. D. 1188-1192):

J. F. Michaud:

The Crusades,

653 (630).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

653-654 (630-631).

G. W. Cox:

The Crusades,

654 (631).

7. THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CRUSADES

(A. D. 1196-1203):

G. W. Cox:

The Crusades,

654 (631).

E. Pears:

The Fall of Constantinople,

654-655 (631-632).

8. THE CONQUEST OF CONSTANTINOPLE

(A D. 1204):

G. Finlay:

The Byzantine and Greek Empires,

3726 (3606).

E. Pears:

The Fall of Constantinople,

3726, and 350-351 (3606 and 340-341).

G. Finlay:

History of Greece,

351 (341).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

351-352 (341-342).

G. Finlay:

History of Greece,

6 and 2730 (6 and 2656).

G. Finlay:

Byzantine and Greek Empires,

1649-1650 (1611-1612).

9. MINOR CRUSADING MOVEMENTS:

(a) The Children’s Crusade (A. D. 1212).

Besant and Palmer:

Jerusalem,

655-656 (632-633).

(b) Against the Albigenses (A. D. 1209-1229).

G. Rawlinson:

Seventh Oriental Monarchy,

2127-2128 (2083-2084).

J. L. Mosheim:

Christianity.

2128 (2084).

H. H. Milman:

Latin Christianity,

39 (32).

J. Alzog:

Manual of Church History,

39 (32).

Sir J. Stephen:

History of France,

39 (32).

E. Smedley:

History of France,

39-40 (32-33).

Sir James Stephen:

History of France,

40 and 41 (33 and 34).

E. A. Freeman:

Historical Geography of Europe,

40-41 (33-34).

(c) Against the Livonians

(about A. D. 1200).

G. F. Maclear:

Apostles of Mediaeval Europe,

2075 (2031).

(d) Against the Prussians

(about A. D. 1250-).

G. F. Maclear:

Apostles of Mediæval Europe,

2684-2685 (2612-2613).

T. Carlyle:

Frederick the Great,

2685 (2613).

(e) Against the Almohades

(A. D. 1212).

E. A. Freeman:

Conquest of the Saracens,

49 (42.)

H. Coppée:

Conquest of Spain by the Moors,

3058 (2977).

10. THE SIXTH CRUSADE

(A. D. 1216-1229):

G. Procter:

The Crusades,

656-657 (633-634).

E. A. Freeman:

Emperor Frederick the Second,

1480 (1446-1447).

Besant and Palmer:

Jerusalem,

1926 (1885).

11. THE SEVENTH CRUSADE

(A. D. 1248-1254):

F. P. Guizot:

History of France,

657-658 (634-635).

J. F. Michaud:

The Crusades,

658 (635).

12. FINAL MOVEMENTS

(A. D. (1270-1299):

F. P. Guizot:

HISTORY OF FRANCE,

658-659 (635-636).

G. Procter:

The Crusades,

1927-1928 (1886-1887).

W. Stubbs:

Mediaeval and Modern History,

1928 (1887).

C. G. Addison:

The Knights Templars,

659 (636).

{760}

13. THE EFFECTS OF THE CRUSADES:

E. Gibbon;

Decline and Fall,

659 (636).

H. Hallam;

The Middle Ages,

659 (636).

W. Robertson;

Progress of Society in Europe,

659 (636).

W. Stubbs;

Mediæval and Modern History,

660 (637).

F. Guizot:

History of Civilization,

660-661 (637-638).

"The principle of the Crusades was a savage fanaticism; and

the most important effects were analogous to the cause. Each

pilgrim was ambitious to return with his sacred spoils, the

relics of Greece and Palestine; and each relic was preceded

and followed by a train of miracles and visions. The belief of

the Catholics was corrupted by new legends, their practice by

new superstitions; and the establishment of the inquisition,

the mendicant orders of monks and friars, the last abuse of

indulgences, and the final progress of idolatry, flowed from

the baleful fountain of the holy war."

E. GIBBON.

STUDY XXIII.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE RENAISSANCE—THE BIRTH OF THE MODERN AGE

(A. D. 1400-1500).

1. THE GENERAL MEANING OF THE TERM:

J. A. Symonds:

Renaissance in Italy,

2703-2704 (2630-2631).

P. Villari:

Niccolo Machiavelli,

2704 (2631).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1077-1079 (1049-1051).

2. THE LEADING INFLUENCE OF ITALY IN THE AWAKENING:

J. A. Symonds:

Renaissance in Italy,

1872-1873, 1874-1875 (1832-1833, 1834-1835).

Vernon Lee:

Euphorion,

1874 (1834).

H. A. Taine:

Italy, Florence, and Venice,

1173 (1143).

"When Machiavelli called Italy 'the corruption of the world,'

he did not speak rhetorically. An impure and worldly clergy;

an irreligious, though superstitious, laity; a self-indulgent

and materialistic middle class: an idle aristocracy, excluded

from politics and unused to arms; a public given up to

pleasure and money getting; a multitude of scholars, devoted

to trifles, and vitiated by studies which clashed with the

ideals of Christianity—from such elements in the nation

proceeded a widely spread and ever-increasing degeneracy. …

Religion expired in laughter, irony, and license. Domestic

simplicity yielded to vice, whereof the records are precise

and unmistakable. The virile virtues disappeared. What

survived of courage assumed the forms of ruffianism, ferocity,

and treasonable daring. Still, simultaneously with this

decline in all the moral qualities which constitute a powerful

people, the Italians brought their arts and some departments

of their literature to a perfection that can only be

paralleled by Ancient Greece. The anomaly implied in this

statement is striking; but it is revealed to us by evidence

too overwhelming to be rejected.

J. A. SYMONDS.

3. OTHER GREATLY CONTRIBUTING CAUSES:

(a) The Capture of Constantinople by the Turks (A. D. 1453):

C. C. Felton:

Greece, Ancient and Modern,

524 (510).

Demetrios Bikelas:

The Byzantine Empire,

352 (342).

J. N. Larned:

The Greek Revival,

1077-1078 (1050).

(b) The Invention of Printing (A. D. 1456).

J. N. Larned:

The Invention of Printing,

1077 (1049).

H. Bouchot:

The Printed Book,

2660 (2588).

W. Blades:

Books in Chains,

2660-2661 (2588-2589).

(c) The Marvelous Results of Exploration and Discovery.

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1078-1079 (1050-1051).

J. A. Blanqui:

History of Political Economy,

3730-3731 (3610-3611).

(1) The Early Successes of the Portuguese.

C. R. Markham:

The Sea Fathers,

2644 (2572).

J. Yeats:

Growth of Commerce,

2644-2645 (2572-2573).

J. W. Draper:

Intellectual Development of Europe,

2645 (2573).

(2) The Spanish Discoveries.

H. H Bancroft:

History of the Pacific States,

55 (48).

Sir A. Helps:

The Spanish Conquest,

55-56 (48-49).

C. R. Markham:

The Sea Fathers,

56 (49).

W. Irving:

Life of Columbus,

57-58 (50-51).

J. Fiske:

The Discovery of America,

60 (53).

J. Winsor:

Narrative and Critical History of America,

61-62 (54-55).

(3) The English Discoveries.

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

58 (51).

H. Harrisse:

Discovery of North America,

59.

H. Harrisse:

Discovery of North America,

61 (3678).

4. THE EFFECTS OF THE RENAISSANCE:

(a) In Italy.

H. A. Taine:

History of English Literature,

2502 (2442).

W. Hunt:

History of Italy,

1870 (1830).

Mrs. Oliphant:

Makers of Florence,

1172 (1142).

H. A. Taine:

Italy, Florence, and Venice,

1172-1173 (1142-1143).

(b) In France.

J. A Symonds:

Renaissance in Italy,

1872-1873 (1832-1833).

Mrs. Mark Pattison:

The Renaissance of Art,

1216-1217 (1184-1185).

A. Tilley:

Literature of the French Renaissance,

1217 (1185).

(c) In Germany.

M. Arnold:

Schools on the Continent,

727 (704).

(d) In England.

H. A. Taine:

English Literature,

851-852 (824-825).

J. A. Symonds:

Shakespeare's Predecessors,

852-853 (825-826).

5. THE INFLUENCE OF THE RENAISSANCE:

(a) Upon Art.

R. N. Wornum:

Epochs of Painting,

2462-2463.

J. A. Symonds:

Renaissance in Italy,

2463-2454.

R. Westmacott:

Handbook of Sculpture,

2957-2958.

J. A. Symonds:

Renaissance in Italy,

3732 (3612).

W. B. Scaife:

Florentine Life,

1169 (1139).

(b) Upon Education.

G. Compayré:

History of Pedagogy,

725 (702).

M. Arnold:

Schools on the Continent,

727 (704).

D. Campbell:

The Puritan in Holland, etc.,

728-729 (705-706).

A. Lang:

Oxford,

729-730 (706-707).

(c) Upon Music.

W. J. Henderson:

The Story of Music,

2284.

H. G. B. Hunt:

A History of Music,

2284.

(d) Upon the Foundation of Libraries.

J. A. Symonds:

The Renaissance in Italy,

2052-2053 (2008-2009).

G. W. Greene:

Historical Studies,

2053 (2009).

E. Edwards:

Statistics of Libraries,

2054 (2010).

(e) Upon Trade and Commerce.

J. N. Larned:

Modern Trade Routes, etc.,

3224-3228 (3713-3717).

J. A. Blanqui:

History of Political Economy,

3730-3731 (3610-3611).

D. Campbell:

The Puritan in Holland,

2299 (2251).

{761}

STUDY XXIV.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE GREAT REFORMATION

(A. D. 1517-).

1. STATE OF RELIGION AT THE CLOSE OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY:

Vernon Lee:

Euphorion,

1874 (1834).

R. L. Poole:

Wyclif and Reform,

2501 (2441).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

2501 (2441).

H. A. Taine:

English Literature,

2502 (2442).

J. A. Symonds:

Renaissance in Italy,

2502 (2442).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1081-1082 (1053-1054).

2. REFORMERS BEFORE THE REFORMATION:

(a) The Albigenses

(A. D. 1209-1229).

(1) Their Origin and Beliefs.

H. Hallam:

The Middle Ages,

2561 (2495).

H. H. Milman:

Latin Christianity,

39 (32).

A. Neander:

The Christian Church,

39 (32).

Sir J. Stephen:

History of France,

39 (32).

R. C. Trench:

Mediæval Church,

409 (399).

R. C. Trench:

Mediæval Church,

3762-3763 (3641-3642).

(2) Their Extermination.

E. Smedley:

History of France,

39-40 (32-33).

Sir J. Stephen:

History of France.

40 (33).

E. E. Crowe:

History of France,

41 (34).

E. A. Freeman:

Historical Geography of Europe,

41 (34).

Sir J. Stephen:

History of France,

41 (34).

(b) Wyclif and the Lollards

(about A. D. 1375-1400).

A. M. F. Robinson:

End of Middle Ages,

285 (276).

C. Ullmann;

Reformers before the Reformation,

285-286 (276-277).

B. Herford:

Story of Religion in England,

841-842 (814-815).

R. L. Poole:

Wyclif and Reform,

842 (815).

J. A. Froude:

History of England,

842 (815).

J. Gairdner:

English History,

842 (815).

C. H. Pearson:

English History,

843-844 (816-817).

J. R. Green:

History of English People,

844 (817).

(c) Hus and the Bohemian Reformation

(A. D. (1405-1434).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1072-1073 (1044-1045).

R. C. Trench:

Mediæval Church,

296-297 (287-288).

B. Taylor:

History of Germany,

297-298 (288-289).

(d) Savonarola

(A. D. 1490-1498).

Mrs. Oliphant:

Makers of Florence,

1172 (1142).

O. T. Hill:

Introduction to Savonarola’s Triumph of the Cross,

1173-1175 (1143-1145).

3. THE IMMEDIATE CAUSES OF THE REFORM OUTBREAK:

G. P. Fisher:

The Christian Church,

1489-1490 (1456-1457).

L. Ranke:

History of Reformation,

2504-2505 (2443-2444).

G. P. Fisher:

The Reformation,

2505 (2444).

Cardinal Wiseman:

Doctrines of Catholic Church,

2505-2506 (2444-2445).

T. Kolde:

Martin Luther,

2503-2504.

J. N. M. D’Aubigné:

Story of the Reformation,

2506 (2445).

4. LUTHER’S PROTEST AND THE AWAKENING OF GERMANY

(A. D. 1517):

F. Seebohm:

The Protestant Revolution,

2506-2507 (2445-2446).

L. Ranke:

History of the Reformation,

2507 (2446).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1081-1082 (1053-1054).

5. THE NINETY-FIVE THESES:

Full Text of Luther’s Manifesto,

2507-2509 (2446-2448).

6. LUTHER BURNS THE PAPAL BULL (1520);

THE DIET AT WORMS (1521):

S. Baring-Gould;

The Church in Germany,

1490 (1457).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

2509-2511 (2448-2450).

J. A. Froude:

Luther,

2512-2513 (2451-2452).

"The presence in which he [Luther, at the Diet] found himself

would have tried the nerves of the bravest of men; the

Emperor, sternly hostile, with his retinue of Spanish priests

and nobles; the Archbishops and bishops, all of the opinion

that the stake was the only fitting place for so insolent a

heretic; the dukes and barons, whose stern eyes were little

likely to reveal their sympathy, if sympathy any of them felt.

Only one of them, George of Frundsberg, had touched Luther on

the shoulder as he passed through the ante-room. ‘Little monk,

little monk,’ he said, ‘thou hast work before thee that I, and

many a man whose trade is war, never faced the like of. If thy

heart is right, and thy cause good, go on, in God’s name. He

will not forsake thee.’ … There was a pause, and then Eck said

that he had spoken disrespectfully; his heresies had already

been condemned at the Council at Constance; let him retract on

these special points, and he should have consideration for the

rest. He required a plain Yes or No from him ‘without horns.’

The taunt roused Luther’s blood. His full brave self was in

the reply. ‘I will give you an answer,’ he said, ‘which has

neither horns nor teeth. Popes have erred and Councils have

erred. Prove to me out of Scripture that I am wrong, and I

submit. Till then my conscience binds me. Here I stand. I can

do no more. God help me. Amen.’ All day long the storm raged.

Night had fallen, and torches were lighted before the sitting

closed. Luther was dismissed at last. When he had reached his

lodging again, he flung up his hands. ‘I am through!’ he

cried. ‘I am through! If I had a thousand heads they should be

struck off one by one before I would retract.’"

J. A. FROUDE.

7. ZWINGLI, AND THE REFORMATION IN SWITZERLAND

(A. D. 1519-1531):

G. Waddington:

The Reformation,

2511 (2450).

Hug and Stead:

Switzerland,

2511-2512 (2450-2451).

Hug and Stead:

Switzerland,

3130-3131 (3046-3047).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1087-1088 (1059-1060).

8. THE REFORMATION MOVEMENT IN FRANCE:

M. Creighton:

The Papacy,

1210-1211 (1178-1179).

A. Tilley:

The French Renaissance,

1217 (1185).

G. P. Fisher:

The Reformation,

2513-2514 (2452-2453).

R. Heath:

The Reformation in France,

2514 (2453).

9. THE REVOLT IN THE NETHERLANDS:

J. E. T. Rogers:

The Story of Holland,

2302 (2254).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

2302-2303 (2254-2255).

C. Ullmann:

Reformers before the Reformation,

326 (316).

W. E. Griffis:

Influence of the Netherlands,

326 (316).

D. Campbell:

The Puritan in Holland, etc.,

728-729 (705-706).

G. P. Fisher:

The Reformation,

2303 (2255).

J. L. Motley:

The Dutch Republic,

2303-2304 (2255-2256).

10. GROWTH OF THE LUTHERAN MOVEMENT IN GERMANY

(A. D. 1522-1529):

W. Coxe:

House of Austria,

2515-2516 (2454-2455).

G. P. Fisher:

The Reformation,

2516 (2455).

11. ORIGIN OF THE NAME "PROTESTANT"

(A. D.1529):

P. Bayne:

Martin Luther,

2516-2517 (2455-2456).

12. THE FINAL BREACH; THE "AUGSBURG CONFESSION"

(A. D. 1530):

J. Michelet:

Life of Luther,

2517 (2456).

J. Alzog:

Manual of Church History,

2517-2518 (2456-2457).

W. Robertson:

Charles V.,

1493-1494 (1460-1461).

J. N. Earned:

Europe,

1086-1087 (1058-1059).

{762}

13. CALVIN, AND HIS ECCLESIASTICAL STATE:

J. Tulloch:

Leaders of the Reformation,

1450 (1417).

R. Heath:

Reformation in France,

2514 (2453).

L. Häusser:

The Reformation,

1451-1452 (1417-1419).

14. THE BEGINNING OF THE COUNTER-REFORMATION

(ABOUT A. D. 1535):

"I intend to use this term Counter-Reformation to denote the

reform of the Catholic Church, which was stimulated by the

German Reformation, and which, when the Council of Trent had

fixed the dogmas and discipline of Latin Christianity, enabled

the Papacy to assume a militant policy in Europe, whereby it

regained a large portion of the provinces that had previously

lapsed to Lutheran and Calvinistic dissent. … The centre of

the world-wide movement which is termed the

Counter-Reformation was naturally Rome. Events had brought the

Holy See once more into a position of prominence. It was more

powerful as an Italian State now, through the support of Spain

and the extinction of national independence, than at any

previous period of history."

J. A. SYMONDS.

J. A. Symonds:

The Italian Renaissance,

1883-1884 (1843-1844).

A. W. Ward:

The Counter-Reformation,

2518 (2457).

J. A. Symonds;

The Catholic Reaction,

2518-2519 (2457-2458).

15. TWO EFFECTIVE AGENTS OF THE ROMAN CHURCH:

(a) The Council of Trent

(A. D. 1545-1563).

L. Häusser:

The Reformation,

2519-2520 (2458-2459).

L. von Ranke:

History of the Popes,

2520-2521 (2459-2460).

A. W. Ward:

The Counter-Reformation,

2521 (2460).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1092 (1064).

(b) The Society of Jesus (A. D. 1540-).

L. Häusser:

The Reformation,

1928-1929 (1887-1888).

G. B. Nicolini:

History of the Jesuits,

1929 (1888).

L. von Ranke:

History of the Popes,

1931-1932 (1890-1891).

16. PROGRESS OF LUTHERANISM IN GERMANY

(A. D. 1530-1620):

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1086-1087 (1058-1059).

W. Robertson:

Charles V.,

1493-1494 (1460-1461).

S. A. Dunham:

The Germanic Empire,

1494-1495 (1461-1462).

S. Baring-Gould:

The Story of Germany,

118-119 (111-112).

17. WAR WITH THE EMPEROR

(A. D. 1546-1561):

C. D. Yonge:

Three Centuries of Modern History,

1495-1496 (1462-1463).

J. Alzog:

Universal Church History,

1496-1497 (1463-1464).

W. Menzel:

History of Germany,

1497-1498 (1464-1465).

18. INTERNAL DISSENSIONS AND THE CATHOLIC REACTION:

W. Zimmerman:

History of Germany,

1498-1499 (1465-1466).

O. Kämmel:

German History,

2521-2522 (3766-3767).

STUDY XXV.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE REFORM MOVEMENT AND RELIGIOUS WARS IN FRANCE.

1. THE COMPARATIVE INDEPENDENCE OF THE GALLICAN CHURCH:

H. Hallam;

The Middle Ages,

1197 (1165).

H. H. Milman:

Latin Christianity,

1197 (1165).

M. Creighton:

The Papacy,

1210-1211 (1178-1179).

F. P. Guizot:

History of France,

1219-1220 (1187-1188).

W. H. Jervis:

The Church of France,

1220 (1188).

"The long contest for Gallican rights had lowered the prestige

of the popes in France, but it had not weakened the Catholic

Church, which was older than the monarchy itself, and, in the

feelings of the people, was indissolubly associated with it.

The College of the Sorbonne, or the Theological Faculty at

Paris, and the Parliament, which had together maintained

Gallican liberty, were united in stern hostility to all

doctrinal innovations."

G. P. FISHER.

2. BEGINNING OF THE PROTESTANT REFORM MOVEMENT

(ABOUT A. D. 1520):

A. Tilley:

The French Renaissance,

1217 (1185).

G. P. Fisher:

The Reformation,

2513-2514 (2452-2453).

R. Heath:

The Reformation in France,

2514 (2453).

W. Hanna:

The Wars of the Huguenots,

2292-2293 (2244-2245).

E. de Bonnechose:

History of France,

1225-1226 (1193-1194).

3. THE RISE OF THE HUGUENOTS

(ABOUT A. D. 1560):

L. Häusser:

The Reformation,

1229 (1197).

H. M. Baird:

The Rise of the Huguenots,

1230 (1198).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1089 (1061).

4. BEGINNING OF THE CIVIL WARS; THE GUISES, CONDÉS, ET AL.:

G. Masson:

The Huguenots,

1230 (1198).

W. Besant:

Gaspard de Coligny,

1230-1232 (1198-1200).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1097-1098 (1069-1070).

5. ROCHELLE, AND HENRY OF NAVARRE:

W. Hanna:

The Wars of the Huguenots,

2292-2293 (2244-2245).

W. Hanna:

The Wars of the Huguenots,

1232-1233 (1200-1201).

L. Häusser:

The Reformation,

1233-1234 (1201-2120).

6. THE MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW’S DAY

(A. D. 1572):

J. A. Froude:

History of England,

1236 (1204).

T. Wright:

History of France,

1236 (1204).

7. THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CIVIL WARS

(A. D. 1572-1576):

F. P. Guizot:

History of France,

1236-1237 (1204-1205).

E. E. Crowe:

History of France,

1237-1238 (1205-1206).

S. A. Dunham:

History of Poland,

2615-2616 (2547).

8. THE CATHOLIC LEAGUE AND THE POPE’S BULL

(A. D. 1576):

W. H. Jervis:

The Church of France,

1238-1239 (1206-1207).

G. W. Kitchin:

History of France,

1239 (1207).

9. HENRY OF NAVARRE, AND THE BATTLE OF COUTRAS

(A. D. 1584-1589):

Duc d’Aumale:

Princes of Condé,

1240-1241 (1209).

W. Hanna:

Wars of the Huguenots,

1241 (1209).

V. Duruy:

History of France,

1241-1242 (1209-1210).

"The struggle lasted but an hour, yet within that hour the

Catholic army lost 3000 men, more than 400 of whom were

members of the first families in the Kingdom; 3000 men were

made prisoners. Not more than a third part of their entire

army escaped. The Huguenots lost only about 200 men. … Before

night fell Navarre wrote a few lines to the French King, which

ran thus:

‘Sire, my Lord and Brother,—Thank God, I have beaten your

enemies and your army.' It was but too true that the poor

King’s worst enemies were to be found in the very armies that

were marshalled in his name."

W. HANNA.

{763}

10. HENRY BECOMES HENRY IV. OF FRANCE; THE BATTLE OF IVRY

(A. D. 1589):

Henry the Fourth of France,

1242-1243 (1210-1211).

"My friends, if you share my fortune this day, I share yours.

I am resolved to conquer or to die with you. Keep your ranks

firmly, I beg; if the heat of the combat compels you to quit

them, think always of the rally; it is the gaining of the

battle. If you lose your ensigns, pennons, and banners, do not

lose sight of my white plume; you will find it always on the

road of honor and victory.’

HENRY OF NAVARRE.

11. HENRY’S ABJURATION OF PROTESTANTISM

(A. D. 1593):

Duc d’Aumale:

The Princes of Condé,

1244-1245 (1212-1213).

H. M. Baird:

The Huguenots,

1245 (1213).

Sir J. Stephen:

History of France,

1245 (1213).

12. THE SIEGE OF PARIS; INTERFERENCE OF PHILIP II.

(A. D. 1590-1598):

J. L. Motley:

The United Netherlands,

1243-1244 (1211-1212).

T. H. Dyer;

Modern Europe,

1245-1247 (1213-1215).

13. FROM THE EDICT OF NANTES (1598)

TO ASSASSINATION OF THE KING (1610):

H. M. Baird:

The Huguenots,

1247-1248 (1215-1216).

W. Hanna:

Wars of the Huguenots,

1248 (1216).

A. de Bonnechose;

History of France,

1248 (1216).

"For the benefit of the Protestants the cardinal concession of

the Edict was liberty to dwell anywhere in the royal

dominions, without being subjected to inquiry, vexed,

molested, or constrained to do anything contrary to their

conscience. As respects public worship, while perfect equality

was not established, the dispositions were such as to bring it

within the power of a Protestant in any part of the Kingdom to

meet his fellow-believers for the holiest acts, at least from

time to time. … Scholars of both religions were to be admitted

without distinction of religion to all universities, colleges,

and schools throughout France. The same impartiality was to

extend to the reception of the sick in the hospitals, and to

the poor in the provision made for this relief. More than

this, the Protestants were permitted to establish schools of

their own in all places where their worship was authorized."

H. M. BAIRD.

14. THE RISE OF RICHELIEU, AND DISTRACTION OF THE KINGDOM:

Voltaire:

Ancient and Modern History,

1248-1249 (1216-1217).

J. B. Perkins:

France under Mazarin,

1251 (1219).

G. W. Kitchin:

History of France,

1251-1252 (1220).

15. THE HUGUENOT REVOLT

(A. D. 1627-1628):

C. D. Yonge:

France under the Bourbons,

1252-1253 (1220-1221).

A. D. White:

The Statesmanship of Richelieu,

1253 (1221).

R. Heath:

The Reformation in France,

1253 (1221).

16. ACCESSION OF LOUIS XIV., AND RENEWED PERSECUTION

OF THE HUGUENOTS (A. D. 1661):

J. C. Morison:

Reign of Louis XIV.,

1265 (1233).

S. Smiles:

The Huguenots,

1265-1266 (1233-1234).

17. REVOCATION OF THE EDICT OF NANTES (1685),

AND EXODUS OF THE HUGUENOTS (1681-1688):

A. de Lamartine:

Memoirs of Celebrated Characters,

1269 (1237).

R. L. Poole:

Huguenots of the Dispersion,

1269-1270 (1237-1238).

STUDY XXVI.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

SPAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS—THE INQUISITION.

1. CONQUEST OF SPAIN BY THE ARAB MOORS

(A. D. 711-713):

H. Coppée:

Conquest of Spain,

3054 (2974).

S. A. Dunham:

History of Spain,

3056-3057 (2976-2977).

2. RISE OF THE CHRISTIAN STATES:

H. Coppée:

Conquest of Spain,

3055 (2975).

E. A. Freeman:

Conquest of the Saracens,

3055 (2975).

S. A. Dunham:

History of Spain,

2291 and 3056 (2243, 2976).

E. A. Freeman:

Historical Geography of Europe,

3058 (2977).

3. UNION OF CASTILE AND ARAGON:

E. E. Hale:

The Story of Spain,

3060 (2979).

C. H. Pearson:

English History,

3061-3062 (2980-2981).

H. Hallam:

Middle Ages,

3062-3063 (2981-2982).

4. RISE AND FALL OF THE MOORISH KINGDOM OF GRANADA:

C. M. Yonge:

The Christians and Moors of Spain,

3059-3060 (2978-2979).

H. Coppée:

Conquest of Spain,

3061 (2980).

H. Coppée:

Conquest of Spain,

3063-3064 (2982-2983).

W. H. Prescott:

Ferdinand and Isabella,

3064 (2983).

5. THE EARLY SPANISH CORTES AND THE SANTA HERMANDAD:

W. H. Prescott:

Ferdinand and Isabella,

639-640 (616-17).

H. Hallam:

Middle Ages,

640-641 (617-618).

W. H. Prescott:

Ferdinand and Isabella,

1698-1699 (1659-1660).

6. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE INQUISITION:

J. A. Symonds:

Renaissance in Italy,

1789-1791 (1750-1752).

J. I. von Döllinger:

The Jews in Europe,

1966 (1925).

H. T. Buckle:

History of Civilization,

2270-2271 (2226-2227).

7. EARLY HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS:

J. L. Motley:

Rise of the Dutch Republic,

2298 (2250).

W. T. McCullagh:

The Free Nations,

2298-2299 (2250-2251).

D. Campbell:

The Puritan in Holland, etc.,

2299 (2251).

C. M. Yonge:

Cameos of History.

2300 (2252).

8. RELATIONS WITH BURGUNDY; THE STATES GENERAL:

C. M. Davies:

History of Holland.

2300 (2252).

J. L. Motley:

The Dutch Republic,

2300-2301 (2252-2253).

9. MARRIAGE OF MARY OF BURGUNDY TO MAXIMILIAN OF AUSTRIA

(A. D. 1477):

Philip de Commines:

Memoirs,

2301 (2253).

C. M. Davies:

History of Holland,

2301-2302 (2254).

10. RISE OF THE AUSTRO-SPANISH DYNASTY:

W. H. Prescott:

Ferdinand and Isabella,

3065-3066 (2984-2985).

J.E.T. Rogers:

The Story of Holland,

2302 (2254).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

2302-2303 (2254-2255).

J. Bigland:

History of Spain,

3066 (2985).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

3066-3067 (2985-2986).

W. H. Prescott:

Philip II.,

3067 (2986).

11. BEGINNING OF THE REFORMATION IN THE NETHERLANDS:

G. P. Fisher:

The Reformation,

2303 (2255).

J. L. Motley:

The Dutch Republic,

2303-2304 (2255-2256).

{764}

12. THE ACCESSION AND HORRIBLE CHARACTER OF PHILIP II.

(A. D. 1555):

C. M. Davies:

History of Holland,

2304 (2256).

T. C. Grattan:

History of the Netherlands,

2304-2305 (2256-2257).

C. Gayarré:

Philip II.,

2305, 3068 (2257, 2987).

13. PHILIP II. AND THE CATHOLIC REACTION:

G. Procter:

History of Italy,

2520 (2459).

L. von Ranke:

History of the Popes,

2520-2521 (2459-2460).

O. Kämmel:

History of Germany,

2521-2522.

14. BEGINNING OF ORGANIZED RESISTANCE TO THE TYRANNY OF PHILIP

(A. D. 1562):

W. H. Prescott:

The Reign of Philip II.,

2305-2306 (2257-2258).

J. L. Motley:

The Dutch Republic,

2306 (2258).

T. C. Grattan:

History of the Netherlands,

2306-2307 (2258-2259).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

2307 (2259).

F. Schiller:

The Revolt of the Netherlands,

2307 (2259).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1094-1095 (1066-1067).

15. THE DUKE OF ALVA AND HIS COUNCIL OF BLOOD

(A. D. 1567):

L. Häusser:

The Reformation,

2307-2308 (2259-2260).

J. L. Motley:

The Dutch Republic,

2309-2310 (2261-2262).

16. THE STUPENDOUS DEATH-SENTENCE

(A. D. 1568):

J. L. Motley:

The Dutch Republic,

2310 (2262).

"Upon the 16th February, 1568, a sentence of the Holy Office

condemned all the inhabitants of the Netherlands to death as

heretics. From this universal doom only a few persons,

especially named, were excepted. A proclamation of the King,

dated ten days later, confirmed this decree of the

Inquisition, and ordered it to be carried into instant

execution, without regard to age, sex, or condition. This is

probably the most concise death-warrant that was ever framed.

Three millions of people, men, women, and children, were

sentenced to the scaffold in three lines; and as it was well

known that these were not harmless thunders, like some bulls

of the Vatican, but serious and practical measures which it

was intended should be enforced, the horror which they

produced may be easily imagined."

J. L. MOTLEY.

17. BEGINNING OF THE FORTY YEARS’ WAR

(A. D. 1568):

C. D. Yonge:

Modern History,

2310-2311 (2262-2263).

J. L. Motley:

The Dutch Republic,

2311-2312

(2263-2264).

A. Young:

History of the Netherlands,

2312-2313 (2264-2265).

18. THE RECALL OF ALVA, AND THE SIEGE OF LEYDEN

(A. D. 1573-1574):

C. M. Davies:

History of Holland,

2313-2314 (2265-2266).

D. Campbell:

The Puritan in Holland, etc.,

729 (706).

19. THE PACIFICATION OF GHENT, AND THE UNION OF BRUSSELS

(A. D. 1575-1577):

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

2314-2316 (2266-2268).

J. E. T. Rogers:

The Story of Holland,

2316-2317 (2268-2269).

J. L. Motley:

The Dutch Republic,

2317-2318 (2269-2270).

20. THE ASSASSINATION OF WILLIAM OF ORANGE,

AND BIRTH OF THE REPUBLIC (A. D. 1584-1585):

T. Grattan:

History of the Netherlands,

2318 (2270).

J. L. Motley:

The United Netherlands,

2318-2320 (2270-2272).

"Thus constituted was the commonwealth upon the death of

William the Silent. The gloom produced by that event was

tragical. Never in human history was a more poignant and

universal sorrow for the death of any individual. The despair

was, for a brief season, absolute; but it was soon succeeded

by more lofty sentiments. … Even on the very day of the

murder, the Estates of Holland, then sitting at Delft, passed

a resolution ‘to maintain the good cause, with God’s help, to

the uttermost, without sparing gold or blood.’ … The next

movement, after the last solemn obsequies had been rendered to

the Prince, was to provide for the immediate wants of his

family. For the man who had gone into the revolt with almost

royal revenues, left his estate so embarrassed that his

carpets, tapestries, household linen—nay, even his silver

spoons, and the very clothes of his wardrobe—were disposed of

at auction for the benefit of his creditors."

J. L. MOTLEY.

21. THE DOWNFALL OF ANTWERP

(A. D. 1585):

J. L. Motley:

The Dutch Republic,

125 (118).

G. L. Craik:

History of British Commerce,

3107 (3025).

J. N. Larned:

The Flemings and Dutch,

3226-3227 (3715-3716).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

2320 (2272).

22. THE UNITED PROVINCES AND ELIZABETH OF ENGLAND:

Sir T. E. May:

Democracy in Europe,

2320-2321 (2272-2273).

J. A. Froude:

History of England,

2321-2322 (2274).

C. M. Davies:

History of Holland,

2322 (2274).

23. STEADY DECLINE OF SPANISH POWER, AND DEATH OF PHILIP II.

(A. D. 1590-1598):

Sir E. Cust:

The Thirty Years’ War,

2322-2323 (2274-2275).

Sir T. E. May:

Democracy in Europe,

2323-2324 (2275-2276).

24. RISE OF DUTCH COMMERCE; THE EAST INDIA COMPANY

(A. D. 1595-1620):

W. T. McCullagh:

Industrial History,

2324 (2276).

F. H. H. Guillemard:

Malaysia,

2124.

J. N. Larned:

The Flemings and the Dutch,

3226-3228 (3715-3717).

25. JOHN BARNEVELDT, AND THE ARMINIAN CONTROVERSY

(A. D. 1600-1620):

C. M. Yonge:

Cameos from English History,

2324-2326 (2276-2278).

D. Campbell:

The Puritan in Holland, etc.,

729 (706).

26. FINAL ESTABLISHMENT OF PEACE BETWEEN SPAIN AND

THE UNITED PROVINCES

(A. D. 1648):

J. B. Perkins:

France under Mazarin,

2329-2330 (2281-2282).

J. Geddes:

John De Witt,

2330 (2282).

27. PROSPERITY OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC, WHICH BECOMES HOLLAND

(ABOUT A. D. 1660):

D. Campbell:

The Puritan in Holland, etc.,

2332-2333 (2284-2285).

O. Airy:

The English Restoration,

2333 (2285).

{765}

STUDY XXVII.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE THIRTY YEARS’ WAR

(A. D. 1618-1648).

"The Thirty Years’ War was the last struggle which marked the

progress of the Reformation. This war, whose direction and

object were equally undetermined, may be divided into four

distinct portions, in which the Elector Palatine, Denmark,

Sweden, and France played in succession the principal part. It

became more and more complicated until it spread over the

whole of Europe. It was prolonged indefinitely by various

causes.

I. The intimate union between the two branches of the house of

Austria and of the Catholic party,—their opponents, on the

other hand, were not homogeneous.

II. The inaction of England, the tardy intervention of France,

the poverty of Denmark and Sweden, etc. The armies which took

part in the Thirty Years’ War were no longer feudal militias,

they were permanent armies, and lived at the expense of the

countries which they laid waste."

J. MICHELET.

1. CONDITIONS WHICH LED UP TO THE WAR:

O. Kämmel:

History of Germany,

2521-2522 (3767).

E. L. Godkin:

History of Hungary,

1717, first column, (1678).

W. Zimmerman:

History of Germany,

1498-1499 (1465-1466).

F. Schiller:

The Thirty Years’ War,

301-302 (293).

J. Sime:

History of Germany,

1499-1500 (1466-1467).

J. Michelet:

Modern History,

1500 (1467).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1099-1100 (1071-1072).

2. THE PROSTRATION OF PROTESTANTISM

(A. D. 1618-1626):

F. Kohlrausch:

History of Germany,

1500-1501 (1467-1468).

B. Chapman:

Gustavus Adolphus,

1501-1502 (1469).

S. R. Gardiner:

Thirty Years’ War,

1502 (1469).

W. Coxe:

House of Austria,

1502-1504 (1469-1471).

3. THE SUPPRESSION OF BOHEMIA

(A. D. 1621-1648):

L. Häusser:

The Great Reformation,

302 (293).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1100 (1072).

"No succor reached the unfortunate people; but neither did the

victors attain their end. Protestantism and Hussite memories

could not be slain, and only outward submission was extorted.

… But a desert was created; the land was crushed for a

generation. Before the war Bohemia had 4,000,000 inhabitants,

and in 1648 there were but 700,000 or 800,000. In some parts

of the country the population has not attained the standard of

1620 to this day."

L. HÄUSSER.

4. THE RISE OF PRUSSIA:

C. F. Johnstone:

Historical Abstracts,

318 (308).

H. von Treitschke:

History of Germany,

2685-2686 (3768-3769).

5. THE GROWING POWER OF SWEDEN:

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

2893-2894 (2818-2819).

C. R. L. Fletcher:

Gustavus Adolphus,

2894-2896 (2819-2821).

J. L. Stevens:

Gustavus Adolphus,

2896-2897 (2822).

6. THE SUPREMACY OF WALLENSTEIN

(A. D. 1625-1630):

G. B. Malleson:

Battlefields of Germany,

1504-1505 (1471-1472).

J. Mitchell:

Life of Wallenstein,

1505-1506 (1472-1473).

G. P. R. James:

Dark Scenes of History,

1506-1507 (1473-1474).

7. THE ADVENT OF GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS

(A. D. 1630-1632):

C. T. Lewis:

History of Germany,

1507-1508 (1475).

F. Schiller:

The Thirty Years’ War,

1508 (1475).

C. R. L. Fletcher:

Gustavas Adolphus,

1508-1509 (1475-1476).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1100-1101 (1072-1073).

8. THE DECISIVE BATTLE AT LEIPSIG (BREITENFELD)

(A. D. 1631):

B. Chapman:

Gustavus Adolphus,

1509-1510 (1477).

C. R. L. Fletcher:

Gustavus Adolphus,

1510 (1477).

"The battle of Breitenfeld was an epoch in war, it was an

epoch in history. It was an epoch in war, because first in it

was displayed on a great scale the superiority of mobility

over weight. It was an epoch in history, because it broke the

force upon which the revived Catholicism had relied for the

extension of its empire over Europe. Germany might tear

herself to pieces for yet another half-generation, but the

actual result of the Thirty Years’ War was as good as

achieved."

C. R. L. FLETCHER.

9. RECALL OF WALLENSTEIN;

THE BATTLE OF LÜTZEN;

DEATH OF GUSTAVUS

(A. D. 1632):

C. M. Yonge:

English History,

1510-1511 (1477-1478).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

1511-1512 (1478-1479).

C. T. Lewis:

History of Germany,

1512 (1479).

10. RICHELIEU BECOMES AN ACTIVE FACTOR IN THE WAR:

J. Mitchell:

Life of Wallenstein,

1512-1513 (1480).

H. M. Hozier:

Turenne,

1513 (1480).

G. B. Malleson:

Battlefields of Germany,

1513-1514 (1480-1481).

11. SUCCESSES OF THE SWEDISH ARMY UNDER TORSTENSON

(A. D. 1640-1642):

L. Häusser:

The Reformation,

1514-1515 (1481-1482).

12. THE FINAL CAMPAIGNS OF THE WAR

(A. D. 1645-1648):

H. M. Hozier:

Turenne,

1515-1516 (1482-1453).

T. O. Cockayne:

Life of Turenne,

1516 (1483).

F. Schiller:

The Thirty Years’ War,

1516-1517 (1483-1484).

13. THE HORRORS OF THE THIRTY YEARS’ WAR:

R. C. Trench:

Gustavus Adolphus,

1517-1518 (1484-1485).

H. von Z-Südenhorst:

History of Germany,

1518 (3770).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1101 (1073).

"This, which had been a civil war at the first, did not

continue such for long, or rather it united presently all the

dreadfulness of a civil war and a foreign. It was not long

before the hosts which trampled the German soil had in large

part ceased to be German; every region of Europe sending of

its children, and, as it would seem, of those whom it must

have been gladdest to be rid of, to swell the ranks of the

destroyers. … Under conditions like these it is not wonderful

that the fields were left untilled; for who would sow, what he

could never reap? What wonder that famine, thus invited,

should before long have arrived? … Persons were found dead in

the fields with grass in their mouths, while the tanner’s and

knackers’ yards were beset for the putrid carcasses of beasts.

Men climbed up the gibbets and tore down the bodies which were

suspended there, and devoured them. Prisoners were killed that

they might be eaten. Children were enticed from home. …

Putting all together, it is not too much to say that the

crowning horrors of Samaria, of Jerusalem, of Saguntum, found

their parallels, and often worse than their parallels, in

Christian Germany only two centuries ago. … Of the population

it was found that three-fourths, in some parts a far larger

proportion, had perished … or fled to Switzerland, to Holland,

and to other countries never to return from them again."

R. C. TRENCH.

14. THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA (A. D. 1648);

G. W. Kitchin:

History of France,

1518-1519 (1486).

A. Gindely:

The Thirty Years’ War,

1519 (1486).

F. Kohlrausch:

History of Germany,

1519-1520 (1486-1487).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1101 (1073).

15. RESULTS OF THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA:

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

1520 (1487).

S. A. Dunham:

The Germanic Empire,

1520-1521 (1487-1488).

S. E. Turner:

The Germanic Constitution,

683-684 (660-661).

S. A. Dunham:

The Germanic Empire,

684 (661).

See Map of Germany at Peace of Westphalia,

1518-1519 (1486-1487).

{766}

"Both Lutherans and Calvinists were declared free from all

jurisdiction of the Pope or any Catholic prelate. Thus the

last link which bound Germany to Rome was snapped, the last of

the principles by virtue of which the Empire had existed was

abandoned. … The Peace of Westphalia was therefore an

abrogation of the sovereignty of Rome, and of the theory of

Church and State with which the name of Rome was associated. …

The Peace of Westphalia is an era in imperial history not less

clearly marked than the Coronation of Otto the Great, or the

death of Frederick II. … Properly, indeed, it was no longer an

Empire at all, but a Confederation, and that of the loosest

sort. … There were 300 petty principalities between the

Alps and the Baltic, each with its own laws, and its own

courts, its little armies, its separate coinage, its tolls and

custom-houses on the frontier, its crowd of meddlesome and

pedantic officials. This vicious system, which paralyzed the

trade, the literature, and the political thought of Germany,

had been forming itself for sometime, but did not become fully

established until the Peace of Westphalia, by emancipating the

princes from imperial control, had made them despots in their

own territories."

JAMES BRYCE.

16. THE RELATIONS OF AUSTRIA, GERMANY, AND FRANCE

AFTER THE THIRTY YEARS’ WAR:

H. von Treitschke:

History of Germany,

1521-1522 (3770-3771).

L. Häusser:

History of Germany,

1522 (3771).

H. von Sybel:

The French Revolution,

1522-1523 (1488-1489).

STUDY XXVIII.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE MAKING OF ENGLAND

(A. D. 449-1200).

1. BRITAIN:

C. F. Keary:

Dawn of History,

144-145 (137-138).

T. Wright:

Celt, Roman, and Saxon,

329 (319).

J. Cæsar:

Gallic War,

329 (319).

C. Merivale:

History of the Romans,

329-331 (319-321).

H. M. Scarth:

Roman Britain,

331 (321).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

332 (322).

J. R. Green:

The Making of England,

332 (322).

2. ENGLAND:

W. Stubbs:

Constitutional History of England,

121 (114).

E. A. Freeman:

The Norman Conquest,

121 (114).

T. Hodgkin:

Italy and Her Invaders,

2885 (2810).

W. Stubbs:

Constitutional History of England,

806 (779).

E. A. Freeman:

The English People,

807 (780).

J. R. Green:

The Making of England,

807-808 (780-781).

3. IRELAND:

M. Haverty:

History of Ireland,

1794-1795 (1754-1755).

E. Lawless:

The Story of Ireland,

1795 (1755).

T. Wright:

Celt, Roman, and Saxon,

1795 (1755).

4. SCOTLAND:

W. F. Skene:

Celtic Scotland,

2913-2914 (2838-2839).

J. Rhys:

Celtic Britain,

2914 (2839).

E. A. Freeman:

The Norman Conquest,

2914 (2839).

W. F. Skene:

Celtic Scotland,

2914-2915 (2839-2840).

5. THE ANGLO-SAXON CONQUEST

(A. D. 470-630):

F. Palgrave:

The Anglo-Saxons,

808 (781).

J. M. Lappenberg:

England under the Anglo-Saxon Kings,

808-809 (781-782).

E. A. Freeman:

Old English History,

809 (782).

Thomas Fuller:

Church History of Britain,

810 (782-783).

G. F. Maclear:

The Conversion of the West,

810 (783).

E. A. Freeman:

The Norman Conquest,

810 (783).

J. R. Green:

The Making of England,

811 (784).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1042 (1014).

6. THE CONVERSION OF IRELAND; ITS SCHOOLS AND MISSIONARIES:

Sir C. G. Duffy:

Irish History,

1795-1796 (1755-1756).

Count de Montalembert:

Monks of the West,

1796 (1756).

G. F. Maclear:

Conversion of the West,

474 (460).

R. C. Trench:

Mediæval Church History,

474-475 (460-461).

J. E. T. Wiltsch:

Statistics of the Church,

475 (461).

A. T. Drane:

Christian Schools,

711-712 (688-689).

"The rapid extension of the monastic institute in Ireland, and

the extraordinary ardour with which the Irish cœnobites

applied themselves to the cultivation of letters, remain

undisputed facts. ‘Within a century after the death of St.

Patrick,’ says Bishop Nicholson, ‘the Irish seminaries had so

increased that most parts of Europe sent their children to be

educated here, and drew thence their bishops and teachers.’

The whole country for miles round Leighlin was denominated the

‘land of Saints and Scholars.’ By the ninth century Armagh

could boast of 7000 students, and the schools of Cashel,

Dindaleathglass, and Lismore vied with it in renown."

A. T. DRANE.

7. THE SAXON HEPTARCHY:

E. A. Freeman:

The Norman Conquest,

811 (784).

F. Gneist:

The English Constitution,

811 (784).

E. A. Freeman:

Old English History,

812 (785).

W. F. Skene:

Celtic Scotland,

2914-2915 (2839-2810).

8. THE DANISH INVASIONS, AND ALFRED THE GREAT:

R. G. Latham:

Nationalities of Europe,

2891 (2816).

A. Thierry:

Conquest of England by the Normans,

2418 (2366).

G. W. Dasent:

The Story of Burnt Njal,

2418 (2366).

E. A. Freeman:

The Norman Conquest,

812-813 (785-786).

M. J. Guest:

History of England,

813 (786).

Thomas Hughes:

Alfred the Great,

813-814 (786-787).

S. R. Gardiner:

English History,

815-816 (788-789).

J. A. Giles:

Alfred the Great,

713 (690).

"Alfred is the most perfect character in history. … No other

man on record has ever so thoroughly united all the virtues

both of ruler and of the private man. In no other man on

record were so many virtues disfigured by so little alloy. A

saint without superstition, a scholar without ostentation, a

warrior all whose wars were fought in the defense of his

country, a conqueror whose laurels were never stained by

cruelty, a prince never cast down by adversity, never lifted

up to insolence in the day of triumph—there is no other name

in history to compare with his. … The virtue of Alfred, like

the virtue of Washington, consisted in no marvelous displays

of superhuman genius, but in the simple, straight-forward

discharge of the duty of the moment."

E. A. FREEMAN.

9. THE DANISH CONQUEST

(A. D. 970-1042):

Sir E. S. Creasy:

History of England,

816 (789).

Gardiner and Mullinger:

History of England,

816 (789).

W. Stubbs:

Constitutional History of England,

817 (790).

M. Haverty:

History of Ireland,

1796 (1756).

S. Bryant:

Celtic Ireland,

1796-1797 (1756-1757).

T. D. McGee:

History of Ireland,

1797 (1757).

10. THE SAXON RESTORATION TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST

(A. D. 1042-1066):

A. H. Johnson:

The Normans in Europe,

817-818 (790-791).

R. Vaughan:

Revolutions of English History,

819 (792).

E. A. Freeman:

The Norman Conquest,

819 (792).

{767}

11. FORMATION OF THE SCOTTISH KINGDOM,

AND ITS RELATION TO ENGLAND:

W. F. Skene:

Celtic Scotland,

2915 (2840).

E. A. Freeman:

The Norman Conquest,

2916 (2840-2841).

W. F. Skene:

Celtic Scotland,

2916 (2841).

12. WILLIAM OF NORMANDY, AND HIS CLAIMS TO THE ENGLISH CROWN:

J. R. Green:

The Conquest of England,

2417 (2365).

E. A. Freeman:

The Norman Conquest,

2417 (2365).

A. H. Johnson:

The Normans in Europe,

818 (791).

Sir F. Palgrave:

Normandy and England,

818 (791).

E. A. Freeman:

William the Conqueror,

818 (791).

13. THE BATTLE OF HASTINGS (A. D. 1066) AND NORMAN CONQUEST:

J. R. Green:

History of the English People,

819 (792).

E. A. Freeman:

The Norman Conquest,

820 (793).

A. Thierry:

The Conquest of England,

820 (793).

H. Hallam:

The Middle Ages.

820-821 (793-794).

C. Kingsley:

Hereward the Wake,

821 (794).

14. THE DOMESDAY BOOK

(A. D. 1086):

E. Fischel:

The English Constitution,

821 (794).

T. Taswell-Langmead:

English Constitutional History,

821-822 (794-795).

Stuart Moore:

A Study of Domesday Book,

822 (795).

I. Taylor:

Domesday Survivals,

822 (795).

15. SCOTLAND AND THE CONQUEST:

J. H. Burton:

History of Scotland,

2916-2917 (2841-2842).

Sir Walter Scott:

Tales of a Grandfather,

2917 (2842).

16. REIGNS OF THE SONS OF THE CONQUEROR

(A. D. 1087-1154):

S. Turner:

History of England,

823-824 (796-797).

C. H. Pearson:

England during the Middle Ages,

824 (797).

J. H. Round:

Geoffrey de Mandeville,

824-825 (797-798).

J. F. Bright:

History of England,

3106-3107 (3024-3025).

E. W. Robertson:

Scotland’s Early Kings,

2918 (2842-2843).

17. THE ANGEVIN KINGS (PLANTAGENETS);

HENRY II. (A. D. 1154-1189):

Sir F. Palgrave:

England and Normandy,

121-122 (114-115).

J. R. Green:

History of the English People,

122 (115).

K. Norgate:

England under the Angevins,

127-128 (120-121).

Mrs. J. R. Green:

Henry II.,

826 (799).

K. Norgate:

England under the Angevins,

826 (799).

C. H. Pearson:

England during the Middle Ages,

1798-1799 (1758-1759).

18. HENRY’S CONFLICT WITH THE CHURCH; BECKET

(A. D. 1162-1170):

J. Campbell:

Lives of the Lord Chancellors,

826-827 (799-800).

F. W. Maitland:

Henry II. and the Criminous Clerks,

827 (800).

A. P. Stanley:

Memorials of Canterbury,

827-828 (800-801).

H. C. Lea:

Studies in Church History,

289 (280).

Pollock and Maitland:

English Law,

1975.

J. B. Thayer:

Older Modes of Trial,

2000-2001 (1956-1957).

W. Forsyth:

Trial by Jury,

2001 and 2002 (1957-1958).

"He [Henry II.] was a foreign King who never spoke the English

tongue, who lived and moved for the most part in a foreign

camp, surrounded with a motley host of Brabançons and

hirelings. … It was under the rule of a foreigner such as

this, however, that the races of conquerors and conquered in

England first learnt to feel that they were one. It was by his

power that England, Scotland, and Ireland were brought to some

vague acknowledgment of a common suzerain lord, and the

foundations laid of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and

Ireland. It was he who abolished feudalism as a system of

government, and left it little more than a system of land

tenure. It was he who defined the relations established

between Church and State, and decreed that in England

churchman as well as baron was to be held under the common

law. … His reforms established the judicial system whose main

outlines have been preserved to our own day. It was through

his ‘Constitutions’ and his ‘Assizes’ that it came to pass

that over all the world the English-speaking races are

governed by English and not by Roman law. It was by his genius

for government that the servants of the royal household became

transformed into Ministers of State. It was he who gave

England a foreign policy which decided our continental

relations for seven hundred years. The impress which the

personality of Henry II. left upon his time meets us wherever

we turn."

MRS. J. R. GREEN.

19. RICHARD CŒUR DE LION

(A. D. 1189-1199):

M. Burrows:

History of England,

828 (801).

W. Stubbs: Constitutional History of England,

828 (801).

J. F. Michaud:

The Crusades,

653 (630).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

653-654 (630-631).

G. W. Cox:

The Crusades,

654 (631).

STUDY XXIX.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

ENGLAND FROM MAGNA CARTA TO ACCESSION OF THE TUDORS

(A. D. 1215-1485).

1. KING JOHN AND MAGNA CARTA

(A. D. 1215):

H. Hallam:

The Middle Ages,

1193-1194 (1162).

W. Stubbs:

Constitutional History of England,

828 (801).

M. A. Hookham:

Margaret of Anjou,

122-123 (116).

J. F. Bright:

History of England,

828-829 (801-802).

2. THE BATTLE OF BOUVINES

(A. D. 1214):

G. W. Kitchin:

History of France,

315 (305).

F. P. Guizot:

History of France,

315 (305).

3. MAGNA CARTA

(A. D. 1215, JUNE 15):

S. Turner:

England during the Middle Ages,

824 (797).

J. R. Green:

The English People,

829 (802).

W. Stubbs:

Constitutional History of England,

829-830 (802-803).

R. Gneist:

The English Constitution,

834, first column, (807).

T. P. Taswell-Langmead:

English Constitution,

888

Full Text of the Great Charter,

830-834 (803-807).

"The Great Charter although drawn up in the form of a royal

grant, was really a treaty between the King and his subjects.

… It is the collective people who really form the other high

contracting party in the great capitulation. … The Great

Charter is the first great public act of the nation, after it

has realized its identity. … The whole of the constitutional

history of England is little more than a commentary on Magna

Carta."

W. STUBBS.

{768}

4. THE EVOLUTION OP THE ENGLISH PARLIAMENT

(A. D. 1216-):

E. A. Freeman:

Growth of the English Constitution,

2552-2553 (2486-2487).

(a) Under Henry III. (A. D. 1216-1272).

R. Gneist:

The English Constitution,

834 (807).

Simon de Montfort,

834-836 (807-809).

W. Stubbs:

Constitutional History of England,

836 (809).

(b) Under Edward I. (A. D. 1272-1307).

S. R. Gardiner:

English History,

836 (809).

W. Stubbs:

The Early Plantagenets,

836-837 (809-810).

T. F. Tout:

Edward the First,

837 (810).

É. Boutmy:

The English Constitution,

837-838 (810-811)

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1061-1062 (1033-1034).

5. GROWTH OF THE COMMON LAW UNDER HENRY III. AND EDWARD I.:

T. P. Taswell-Langmead:

English Constitution,

838 (811).

See Law, Common,

2005-2007 (1960-1963).

6. CONQUEST OF SCOTLAND AND WALES BY EDWARD I.:

J. R. Green:

History of the English People,

2919-2920 (2844-2845).

W. Stubbs:

The Early Plantagenets,

3764-3765 (3643-3644).

7. RESISTANCE TO PAPAL AGGRESSIONS

(A. D. 1200-1400):

C. H. Pearson:

England during Middle Ages,

838 (811).

T. P. Taswell-Langmead:

English Constitution,

838 (811).

W. Stubbs:

Constitutional History of England,

838-839 (811-812).

8. Renewal of the Wars with Scotland; Bannockburn

(A. D. 1314):

M. MacArthur:

History of Scotland,

2920 (2845).

J. H. Burton:

History of Scotland,

2920-2921 (2845-2846).

W. Denton:

England in the 15th Century,

2921-2922 (2846-2847).

P. F. Tytler:

History of Scotland,

2922 (2847).

9. THE NOTABLE REIGN OF EDWARD III.

(A. D. 1327-1377):

(a) His Wars with the Scots.

W. Robertson:

History of Scotland,

2922 (2847).

Sir Walter Scott:

History of Scotland,

2922-2923 (2847-2848).

W. Warburton:

Edward III.,

2923-2924 (2848-2849).

Sir Walter Scott:

Tales of a Grandfather,

2924 (2849).

J. R. Green:

The English People,

291 (282).

(b) The One Hundred Years War

(A. D. 1337-1453).

J. Froissart:

Chronicles,

1200-1201 (1168-1169).

H. Hallam:

The Middle Ages,

1201 and 2868 (1169, 2794).

G. W. Kitchin;

History of France,

1201 (1169).

H. Hallam:

Middle Ages,

1201 (1169).

F. P. Guizot:

History of France,

1204 (1172).

C. H. Pearson:

English History,

839 (812).

(c) The Black Death

(A. D. 1348-1349).

J. E. T. Rogers:

History of Agriculture,

292-293 and 1970 (283-284 and 1929).

G. Boccaccio:

The Decameron,

1166 (1136).

J. Michelet:

History of France,

1201-1202 (1169-1170).

J. E. T. Rogers:

History of Agriculture,

840 (813).

10. CHAUCER, AND THE NEW ENGLISH LANGUAGE

(A. D. 1340-1400):

B. Ten Brink:

English Literature,

840-841 (813-814).

G. P. Marsh:

History of the English Language,

841 (814).

11. WYCLIF, AND THE TRANSLATION OF THE BIBLE

(A. D. 1384):

J. A. Froude:

History of England,

842 (815).

J. Gairdner:

English History,

842 (815).

12. THE LOLLARDS, AND WAT TYLER REBELLION

(A. D. 1375-):

C. Ullmann:

Reformers before the Reformation,

285-286 (276-277).

B. Herford:

Story of Religion in England,

841-842 (814-815).

S. R. Gardiner:

English History,

842-843 (815-816).

J. Gairdner:

Houses of Lancaster and York,

843 (816).

C. H. Pearson:

English History,

843-844 (816-817).

J. R. Green:

History of the English People,

844 (817).

Professor de Vericour:

Wat Tyler,

844 (817).

J. N. Larned:

England under Richard II.,

1068-1069 (1040-1041).

13. THE HOUSE OF LANCASTER

(A. D. 1399-1471):

J. Gairdner:

The Houses of Lancaster and York,

844-845 (817-818).

J. H. Burton:

History of Scotland,

2925 (2850).

J. Gairdner:

Houses of Lancaster and York,

3765 (3644).

W. Stubbs:

Constitutional History of England,

845 (818).

14. HENRY V. (1413-1422) AND AGINCOURT:

A. J. Church:

Henry the Fifth,

1205-1206 (1173-1174).

C. M. Yonge:

English History,

1206-1207 (1174-1175).

F. P. Guizot:

History of France,

1207 (1175).

A. J. Church:

Henry the Fifth,

1207 (1175).

15. HENRY VI. (1422-1471) AND END OF HUNDRED YEARS’ WAR:

A. de Lamartine:

Joan of Arc,

1207-1208 and 1208-1209 (1175-1176).

Lord Mahon:

Historical Essays,

1209 (1177).

J. O’Hagan:

Joan of Arc,

1209 (1177).

E. E. Crowe:

History of France,

1210 (1178).

C. W. Oman:

Warwick, the Kingmaker,

846-847 (819-820).

16. THE WARS OF THE ROSES

(A. D. 1455-1485):

Mrs. Hookham:

Life of Margaret of Anjou,

847 (820).

J. S. Brewer:

Reign of Henry VIII.,

848 (821).

W. Denton:

England in the 15th Century,

848 (821).

É. Boutmy:

The English Constitution,

848 (821).

J. Gairdner:

Henry VII.,

1801 (1761).

17. THE HOUSE OF YORK (A. D. 1461-1485);

THE "NEW MONARCHY":

Sir J. Mackintosh:

History of England,

848-849 (821-822).

J. R. Green:

History of the English People,

849 (822).

C. M. Yonge:

English History.

849 (822).

J. Gairdner:

Life of Richard III.,

849-850 (822-823).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1069-1071 (1041-1043).

18. ADVANCE IN CIVILIZATION, 14TH TO 16TH CENTURIES:

(a) The Renaissance in England.

H. A. Taine:

English Literature,

851-852 (824-825).

J. A. Symonds:

Shakespere’s Predecessors,

852-823 (825-826).

A. Lang:

Oxford,

729-730 (706-707).

{769}

(b) The State of Learning.

B. Ten Brink:

English Literature,

840-841 (813-814).

H. C. M. Lyte:

The University of Oxford,

722 (699).

A. Lang:

Oxford,

722-723 (699-700).

V. A. Huber:

English Universities,

723-724 (700-701).

J. Mullinger:

The University of Cambridge,

724 (701).

W. Everett:

On the Cam,

724 (701).

F. Seebohm:

The Oxford Reformers,

730-731 (707-708).

C. Knight:

History of England,

2009 (1965).

(c) Caxton, and the Introduction of Printing.

J. R. Green:

History of the English People,

2662-2663 (2590-2591).

J. H. Slater:

Book Collecting,

2663 (2591).

T. A. Romer:

Copyright Law,

2009-2010 (1965-1966).

(d) Trade and Commerce.

L. Levi:

British Commerce,

3222 (3711).

W. Cunningham:

Growth of English Industry,

3222 (3711).

J. Michelet:

History of France,

1156 (1126).

STUDY XXX.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

ENGLAND: THE TUDORS (A. D. 1485-1603).

1. THE ACCESSION OF THE TUDORS; HENRY VII. (A. D. 1485-1509):

J. Forster:

Historical Essays,

850 (823).

J. Gairdner:

Henry the Seventh,

853 (826).

J. H. Burton:

History of Scotland,

2926-2927 (2851-2852).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1089 (1061).

2. THE FIRST ENGLISH VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY

(A. D. 1497-1498):

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

58 (51).

H. Harrisse:

The Discovery of America,

61 (3678).

"The discovery of the continent of North America and the first

landing on its east coast were accomplished, not by Sebastian

Cabot, but by his father John, in 1197, under the auspices of

King Henry VII. … The voyage of 1498, also accomplished under

the British flag, was likewise carried out by John Cabot

personally … and the exploration embraced the northeast coast

of the present United States, as far as Florida."

HENRY HARRISSE.

"Under this patent John Cabot, taking with him his son

Sebastian, embarked in quest of new islands and a passage to

Asia by the northwest. On the 24th day of June [1497], almost

fourteen months before Columbus came in sight of the main, and

more than two years before Amerigo Vespucci sailed west of the

Canaries, he discovered the western Continent, probably in the

latitude of about 56°, among the dismal cliffs of Labrador. He

ran along the coast for many leagues, it is said for even 300,

and landed on what he considered to be the territory of the

Grand Cham."

GEORGE BANCROFT.

3. HENRY VIII. (1509-1547) AND CARDINAL WOLSEY:

Sir R. Comyn:

The Western Empire,

1218 (1186).

M. Creighton:

Cardinal Wolsey,

854 (827).

4. THE FIELD OF THE CLOTH OF GOLD (A. D. 1520):

J. Michelet:

Modern History,

1222 (1190).

J. S. Brewer:

Henry VIII.,

1148 (1119).

5. HENRY VIII., AND THE DIVORCE QUESTION:

G. P. Fisher:

The Christian Church,

854-855 (827-828).

Sir J. Mackintosh:

Sir Thomas More,

855-856 (828-829).

Sir J. Mackintosh:

History of England,

858-859 (831-832).

6. THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND

(A. D. 1530-):

(a) Origin of the Term "Protestant."

P. Bayne:

Martin Luther,

2516-2517 (2455-2456).

(b) Henry’s Rupture with Rome.

G. P. Fisher:

The Christian Church,

855 (828).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1089-1090 (1061-1062).

(c) The Establishment of the Church of England.

T. B. Macaulay:

History of England,

856 (829).

J. Tulloch:

Christian Philosophy,

856-857 (829-830).

G. G. Perry:

The Reformation in England,

857 (830).

"The Reformation in England was singular amongst the great

religious movements of the sixteenth century. It was the least

heroic of them all—the least swayed by religious passion, or

moulded and governed by spiritual and theological necessities.

From a general point of view, it looks at first little more

than a great political change. The exigencies of royal

passion, and the dubious impulses of statecraft, seem its

moving and really powerful springs. … The lust and avarice of

Henry, the policy of Cromwell, and the vacillations of the

leading clergy, attract prominent notice; but there may be

traced beneath the surface a widespread evangelical fervour

amongst the people, and, above all, a genuine spiritual

earnestness and excitement of thought at the universities.

These higher influences preside at the first birth of the

movement. They are seen in active operation long before the

reforming task was taken up by the Court and the bishops."

J. TULLOCH.

(d) The Suppression of the Monasteries.

H. Hallam:

History of England,

857-858 (830-831).

G. G. Perry:

Reformation in England,

858 (831).

F. A. Gasquet:

Henry VIII. and the Monasteries,

858 (831).

(e) The Reaction; The "Six Articles."

J. F. Bright:

History of England,

859 (832).

(f) The Establishment of Protestantism under Edward VI.

(A. D. 1547-1553).

D. Hume:

History of England,

859-860 (832-833).

J. R. Green:

History of the English People,

860 (833).

7. THE FOREIGN RELATIONS OF HENRY VIII.:

(a) Scotland.

J. H. Burton:

History of Scotland,

2926-2927 (2851-2852).

J. F. Bright:

History of England,

2927 (2852).

Sir W. Scott:

History of Scotland,

2927 (2852).

D. Hume:

History of England,

2927-2928 (2852-2853).

D. Wilson:

Memories of Edinburgh,

2928 (2853).

(b) Ireland.

M. Haverty:

History of Ireland,

2471 (2412).

J. A. Froude:

History of England,

1801-1802 (1761-1762).

J. R. Green:

History of the English People,

1802-1803 (1762-1763).

(c) France.

W. Robertson:

Reign of Charles V.,

1880-1882 (1840-1842).

F. P. Guizot:

History of France,

1225 (1193).

E. de Bonnechose:

History of France,

1225-1226 (1193-1194).

8. THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND:

W. Robertson:

History of Scotland,

2928-2929 (2853-2854).

L. von Ranke:

History of England,

2929-2930 (2854-2855).

J. Cunningham:

Church History of Scotland,

2930 (2855).

M. Creighton:

The Age of Elizabeth,

2930-2931 (2855-2856).

{770}

9. "BLOODY" MARY, AND CATHOLIC ASCENDENCY

(A. D. 1553-1558):

Sir J. Mackintosh:

History of England,

860-861 (833-834).

T. Fuller:

Church History of Britain,

861 (834).

R. Southey:

Book of the Church,

861-862 (834-835).

Sir J. Mackintosh:

History of England,

862 (835).

J. A. Froude:

History of England,

862 (835).

H. Hallam:

Constitutional History of England,

862 (835).

W. H. Jervis:

History of France,

1228 (1196).

10. THE ACCESSION OF ELIZABETH; THE ELIZABETHAN AGE

(A. D. 1558-1603):

(a) The Final Establishment of Protestantism.

D. Hume:

History of England,

862-863 (835-836).

C. Beard:

The Reformation,

863 (836).

(b) The Civil Government.

M. Burrows:

History of England,

863 (836).

H. Hallam:

Constitutional History of England,

863-864 (836-837).

E. Fischel:

The English Constitution,

2993 (2915).

D. Campbell:

The Puritan in Holland, etc.,

2027 (1983).

Austin Abbott:

Capital Punishment,

2027 (1983).

(c) The State of Literature.

W. Hazlitt:

Literature of the Age of Elizabeth,

864 (837).

J. A. Symonds:

Elizabethan and Victorian Poetry,

864-865 (837-838).

(d) The Rise of the Great Schools of England.

H. Coleridge:

Biographia Borealis,

731 (708).

F. Seebohm:

The Oxford Reformers,

730-731 (707-708).

T. Hughes:

The Public Schools of England,

733-735 (710-712).

Our Public Schools—Their Discipline,

735 (712).

(e) Trade and Commerce.

C. Gross:

The Gild Merchant,

2197 (2153).

J. N. Larned:

Commercial Progress,

3228-3229 (3718).

Lord Mahon:

History of England,

1748-1749 (1710).

11. THE ACT OF SUPREMACY, AND ACT OF UNIFORMITY:

M. Burrows:

History of England,

865 (838).

D. Neal:

History of the Puritans,

865-866 (838-839).

12. THE RISE OF PURITANISM

(About A. D. 1560):

J. A. Froude:

History of England,

866 (839).

T. B. Macaulay:

History of England,

866-867 (840).

H. O. Wakeman:

The Church and the Puritans,

867 (840).

13. FIRST USE OF THE TERM "PROTESTANT"

(A. D. 1564):

T. Fuller:

Church History of Britain,

867 (840).

P. Heylyn:

Ecclesia Restaurata,

867 (840).

14. ELIZABETH AND THE CATHOLICS:

H. Hallam:

Constitutional History of England,

867 (840).

J. F. Bright:

History of England,

867-868 (840-841).

J. L. Motley:

The United Netherlands,

868 (841).

15. MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS:

D. Wilson:

Memorials of Edinburgh,

2928 (2853).

M. Mac Arthur:

History of Scotland,

2931-2932 (2856-2857).

E. S. Beesly:

Queen Elizabeth,

2932 (2857).

J. Skelton:

Historical Essays,

2932-2933 (2857-2858).

T. F. Henderson:

The Casket Letters,

2933 (2858).

S. H. Burke:

Historical Portraits,

2933-2934 (2858-2859).

A. C. Swinburne:

Mary Queen of Scots,

2934 (2859).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1095-1096 (1067-1068).

16. MARY AND THE CATHOLIC CONSPIRACIES; HER EXECUTION

(A. D. 1587):

J. R. Green:

History of the English People,

868-869 (841-842).

J. A. Froude:

History of England,

869 (842).

17. THE EFFECT OF MARY’S EXECUTION; THE SPANISH ARMADA

(A. D. 1588):

R. Southey:

Lives of British Admirals,

869 (842).

S. A. Dunham:

Spain and Portugal,

869 (842).

J. L. Motley:

The United Netherlands,

869-870 (842-843).

H. R. Clinton:

From Crécy to Assye,

870-871 (843-844).

W. Camden:

History of Queen Elizabeth,

871-872 (844-845).

"The flame of patriotism never burnt purer; all Englishmen

alike, Romanists, Protestant Episcopalians, and Puritans, were

banded together to resist the invader. Every hamlet was on the

alert for the beacon-signal. … Philip’s preparations had been

commensurate with the grandeur of his scheme. … A vast

armament, named, as if to provoke Nemesis, the ‘Invincible

Armada,’ on which for three years the treasures of the

American mines had been lavished, at length rode the seas,

blessed with Papal benediction and under the patronage of the

Saints. … The 129 vessels were armed with 2430 brass and iron

guns of the best manufacture, and carried 5000 seamen. Parma’s

army amounted to 30,000 men—Spaniards, Portuguese, Italians,

and Walloons; and 19,000 Castilians and Portuguese, with 1000

gentlemen volunteers, were coming to meet him. … The overthrow

of this armament was effected by the navy and the elements. …

More than two-thirds of the expedition perished; and of the

remnant that again viewed the hills of Spain all but a few

hundred returned only to die."

H. R. CLINTON.

18. PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND:

M. C. Taylor:

John Knox,

2934 (2859).

T. Carlyle:

Heroes and Hero Worship,

2934-2935 (2859-2860).

J. Tulloch:

John Knox,

2935 (2860).

W. Robertson:

History of Scotland,

2935 (2860).

J. Cunningham:

Church History of Scotland,

2935-2936 (2860-2861).

T. M’Crie:

Scottish Church History,

2936 (2861).

J. Cunningham:

Church History of Scotland,

2936-2937 (2861-2862).

Sir W. Scott:

History of Scotland,

2937 (2862).

19. THE ACCESSION OF THE STUARTS; JAMES I.

(A. D. 1603):

J. Forster:

Historical Essays,

872 (845).

"His [James’] mother was Marie Stuart, or Mary, Queen of

Scots, born of her marriage with Lord Darnley. He came to the

English throne at a time when the autocratic spirit of the

Tudors, making use of the peculiar circumstances of their

time, had raised the royal power and prerogative to their most

exalted pitch; and he united the two Kingdoms of Scotland and

England under one sovereignty. The noble inheritance fell to a

race who, comprehending not one of the conditions by which

alone it was possible to be retained, profligately misused

until they lost it utterly. … What is called the Great

Rebellion can have no comment so pregnant as that which is

suggested by the character and previous career of the first of

the Stuart Kings."

J. FORSTER.

{771}

STUDY XXXI.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

ENGLAND: JAMES I. AND CHARLES I.; THE GREAT REBELLION

(A. D. 1603-1649).

I. THE ACCESSION OF THE STUARTS

(A. D. 1603):

*

J. H. Burton:

History of Scotland,

2925 (2850).

M. Noble:

Genealogy of the House of Stuart,

2925 (2850).

J. Forster:

Historical Essays,

872 (845).

T. P. Taswell-Langmead:

English Constitutional History,

3107 (3025).

A. V. Dicey:

The Privy Council,

3107-3108 (3025-3026).

2. THE REIGN OF JAMES I.

(A. D. 1603-1625):

T. McCrie:

Scottish Church History,

872-873 (845-846).

D. Hume:

History of England,

873 (846).

H. Hallam:

Constitutional History of England,

874 (847).

J. Cunningham:

Church History of Scotland,

2937 (2862).

3. THE SETTLEMENTS IN AMERICA:

(a) In Virginia (A. D. 1606-).

John Fiske:

Beginnings of New England,

3748 (3627).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

3748-3749 (3627-3628).

H. C. Lodge:

English Colonies in America,

3749 (3628).

(b) The Independents or Separatists.

J. A. Goodwin:

The Pilgrim Republic,

2690-2691 (2617-2618).

G. Punchard:

History of Congregationalism,

2691 (2618).

J. Hunter:

The Founders of New Plymouth,

1737 (1698).

D. Masson:

Life of John Milton,

1737 (1698).

(c) The Plymouth, Massachusetts, Colony

(A. D. 1620).

J. Fiske:

The Beginnings of New England,

1738 (1699).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

1738-1739 (1699-1700).

F. B. Dexter:

The Pilgrim Church,

2141-2142 (2097-2098).

(d) The Massachusetts Bay Company

(A. D. 1630).

J. B. Moore:

Governors of Massachusetts Bay,

2145-2146 (2101-2102).

S. A. Drake:

Around the Hub,

2146-2147 (2102-2103).

R. C. Winthrop:

Boston Founded,

2147 (2103).

4. CHARLES I. (A. D. 1625-1649);

THE GREAT REBELLION:

T. B. Macaulay:

History of England,

874 (847).

C. D. Yonge:

History of France,

1252-1253 (1220-1221).

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of England,

1805 (1765).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1103-1104 (1075-1076).

"He [Charles I.] seems to have learned from the theologians

whom he most esteemed that between him and his subjects there

could be nothing of the nature of mutual contract; that he

could not, even if he would, divest himself of his despotic

authority; and that, in every promise which he made, there was

an implied reservation that such promise might be broken in

case of necessity, and that of the necessity he was the sole

judge."

T. B. MACAULAY.

5. THE PETITION OF RIGHT

(A. D. 1628):

H. Hallam:

Constitutional History of England,

874 and 875 (847, 848).

Full Text of the Petition of Right,

875-876 (848-849).

"Our English Constitution was never made, in the sense in

which the Constitutions of many other countries have been

made. There never was any moment when Englishmen drew out

their political system in the shape of a formal document,

whether as the carrying out of any abstract political theories

or as the imitation of the past or present system of any other

nation. There are indeed certain great political documents,

each of which forms a land mark in our political history.

There is the Great Charter [1215], the Petition of Right

[1628], and the Bill of Rights [1689]. But not one of these

gave itself out as the enactment of anything new. All claimed

to set forth, with new strength, it might be, and with new

clearness, those rights of Englishmen which were already old.

… The life and soul of English law has ever been precedent; we

have always held that whatever our fathers once did their sons

have a right to do again."

E. A. FREEMAN.

"Lord Chatham called these three [Magna Carta, the Petition of

Right, and the Bill of Rights] ‘The Bible of the English

Constitution,’ to which appeal is to be made on every grave

political question."

SIR E. S. CREASY.

6. THE BURNING QUESTION OF TAXATION:

T. Carlyle:

Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches,

877 (850).

T. B. Macaulay:

Essays.—Hampden,

878-879 (851-852).

7. BUCKINGHAM AND LAUD:

C. M. Yonge:

English History,

876-877 (849-850).

F. P. Guizot:

The English Revolution,

877-878 (850-851).

8. PRESBYTERIANS AND INDEPENDENTS:

J. Rushworth:

Historical Collections,

879 (852).

W. Godwin:

History of the Commonwealth,

879 (852).

D. Masson:

Life of John Milton,

1737 (1698).

9. THE SCOTTISH NATIONAL COVENANT

(A. D. 1638):

T. Fuller:

Church History of Britain,

2937-2938 (2862-2863).

J. H. Burton:

History of Scotland,

2938 (2863).

J. Taylor:

The Scottish Covenanters,

2938 (2863).

A. P. Stanley:

The Church of Scotland,

2938-2939 (2863-2864).

Full text of the National Covenant,

2939-2942 (2864-2867).

10. THE BISHOPS’ WARS:

M. MacArthur:

History of Scotland,

2942-2943 (2867-2868).

T. Carlyle:

Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches,

879-880 (852-853).

11. WENTWORTH’S SYSTEM OF "THOROUGH":

R. Hassencamp:

History of Ireland,

1805-1806 (1765-1766).

R. Browning:

Thomas Wentworth,

1806 (1766).

12. THE LONG PARLIAMENT (1640-1641);

EXECUTION OF STRAFFORD:

T. B. Macaulay:

Essays.—Hampden,

880 (853).

G. B. Smith:

History of the English Parliament,

2553 (2487).

J. R. Green:

The English People,

880-881 (853-854).

H. D. Traill:

Lord Strafford,

881 (854).

R. Browning:

Thomas Wentworth,

881-882 (855).

Text of the Articles of Impeachment of Strafford,

882 (855).

13. RISE OF PERMANENT PARTIES; CAVALIERS AND ROUNDHEADS:

T. B. Macaulay:

History of England,

882-883 (855-856).

D. Masson:

Life of John Milton,

2828 (2754).

14. THE GRAND REMONSTRANCE

(A. D. 1641):

D. Masson:

Life of John Milton,

883 (856).

J. Forster:

Historical Essays,

883 (856).

Full Text of the Grand Remonstrance,

883-893 (856-866).

15. THE BEGINNING OF CIVIL WAR

(A. D. 1642):

D. Hume:

History of England,

893-894 (866-867).

T. Carlyle:

Letters and Speeches of Cromwell,

894 (867).

D. Masson:

Life of John Milton,

894-895 (867-868).

F. Harrison:

Oliver Cromwell,

895 (868).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1104-1105 (1076-1077).

{772}

16. EARLY ENGAGEMENTS AND CROMWELL’S IRONSIDES;

J. F. Bright:

History of England,

895-896 (868-869).

T. Carlyle:

Letters and Speeches of Cromwell,

896 (869).

F. Harrison:

Oliver Cromwell,

896 (869).

"These were the men who ultimately decided the war, and

established the Commonwealth. On the field of Marston, Rupert

gave Cromwell the name of Ironside, and from thence this

famous name passed to his troopers. There are two features in

their history which we need to note. They were indeed ‘such

men as had some conscience in their work’; but they were also

much more. They were disciplined and trained soldiers. They

were the only body of ‘regulars ’ on either side. The

instinctive genius of Cromwell from the very first created the

strong nucleus of a regular army, which at last in discipline,

in skill, in valor, reached the highest perfection ever

attained by soldiers either in ancient or modern times."

FREDERIC HARRISON.

17. THE WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY, AND SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT

(A. D. 1643):

D. Masson:

Life of Milton,

896-897 (869-870).

J. Forster:

Statesmen of the Commonwealth,

897-898 (870-871).

Text of the Solemn League and Covenant,

898-899 (871-872).

18. THE CATHOLIC RISING AND MASSACRES IN IRELAND

(A. D. 1641):

L. von Ranke:

History of England,

1806-1807 (1766-1767).

W. A. O’Connor:

The Irish People,

1807 (1767).

M. Hickson:

Ireland in 17th Century,

1807 (1767).

N. L. Walford:

Parliamentary Generals,

896 (869).

J. R. Green:

English People,

896 (869).

19. PROGRESS OF THE WAR; MARSTON MOOR

(A. D. 1644):

T. B. Macaulay:

History of England,

899 (872).

Earl of Clarendon:

History of the Rebellion,

899-900 (872-873).

N. L. Walford:

Parliamentary Generals,

900 (873).

C. R. Markham:

Life of Lord Fairfax,

900 (873).

C. Knight:

The History of England,

900 (873).

20. FROM MARSTON MOOR TO NASEBY:

F. Harrison:

Oliver Cromwell,

901 (874).

H. Hallam:

Constitutional History of England,

901 (874).

N. L. Walford:

Parliamentary Generals,

901 (874).

J. F. Bright:

History of England,

902 (875).

T. Carlyle:

Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches,

902 (875)

21. CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR

(A. D. 1645-1648):

H. Hallam:

Constitutional History of England,

902 (875).

C. R. Markham:

Life of Lord Fairfax,

903 (876).

W. Chambers:

Stories of Old Families,

2943 (2868).

B. M. Cordery:

King and Commonwealth,

903 (876).

J. A. Picton:

Oliver Cromwell,

903-904 (876-877).

J. K. Hosmer:

Life of Sir Henry Vane,

904-905 (877-878).

J. R. Green:

History of the English People,

905 (878).

22. THE SECOND CIVIL WAR, AND BATTLE OF PRESTON

(A. D. 1648):

F. Harrison:

Oliver Cromwell,

906 (879).

H. Hallam:

Constitutional History of England,

906 (879).

F. P. Guizot:

The English Revolution,

906 (879).

23. PRIDE’S PURGE, AND THE RUMP PARLIAMENT:

W. Godwin:

History of the Commonwealth,

906-907 (879-880).

J. K. Hosmer:

Life of Sir Henry Vane,

907 (880).

D. Neal:

History of the Puritans,

907 (880).

24. TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF CHARLES I.

(A. D. 1649):

C. Knight:

History of England,

907-908 (880-881).

F. Harrison:

Oliver Cromwell,

908 (881).

W. Godwin:

History of the Commonwealth,

908-909 (881-882).

S. R. Gardiner:

History of the Great Civil War,

909 (882).

Text of the Act arraigning the King,

909-910 (882-883).

"As the head of the King rolled on the scaffold the old Feudal

Monarchy expired forever. In January, 1649, a great mark was

set in the course of the national life—the Old Rule behind it,

the New Rule before it. Parliamentary government, the consent

of the Nation, equality of rights, and equity in the law—all

date from this great New Departure. The Stuarts indeed

returned for one generation, but with the sting of the old

monarchy gone, and only to disappear almost without a blow.

The Church of England returned; but not the Church of Laud or

of Charles. The peers returned, but as a meek House of Lords

with their castles razed, their feudal rights and their

political power extinct. It is said that the regicides killed

Charles I. only to make Charles II. King. It is not so. They

killed the old Monarchy; and the restored monarch was by no

means its heir, but a royal Stadtholder or Hereditary

President."

FREDERIC HARRISON.

25. THE EIKON BASILIKE (FEBRUARY, 1649):

D. Masson:

Life of John Milton,

910 (883).

T. Carlyle:

Life, by Froude,

910-911 (883-884).

STUDY XXXII.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

ENGLAND: FROM THE COMMONWEALTH TO CLOSE OF STUART DYNASTY

(A. D. 1649-1714).

1. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE COMMONWEALTH

(A. D. 1649):

D. Masson:

Life of John Milton,

910 (883).

D. Masson:

Life of John Milton,

2043 (1999).

J. A. Picton:

Oliver Cromwell,

2043 (1999).

2. CROMWELL IN IRELAND

(A. D. 1649-1650):

N. L. Walford:

Parliamentary Generals,

1807-1808 (1767-1768).

B. M. Cordery:

King and Commonwealth,

1808 (1768).

T. Carlyle:

Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches,

1808-1809 (1768-1769).

J. P. Prendergast:

The Cromwellian Settlement,

1809-1810 (1769-1770).

3. THE SCOTTISH REVOLT; DUNBAR AND WORCESTER

(A. D. 1650-1651):

J. H. M. d’Aubigné:

The Protector,

2943-2944 (2868-2869).

J. F. Bright:

History of England,

2944 (2869).

C. Knight:

History of England,

2945 (2870).

D. Hume:

History of England,

2945 (2870).

F. P. Guizot:

Oliver Cromwell,

2945-2946 (2870-2871).

4. PASSAGE OF THE NAVIGATION ACTS

(A. D. 1651):

D. Campbell:

The Puritan in Holland, etc.,

2332-2333 (2284-2285).

G. L. Craik:

British Commerce,

2293 (2245).

E. G. Scott:

Constitutional Liberty in English Colonies,

3286-3287 (3170-3171).

{773}

5. WAR WITH THE DUTCH REPUBLIC

(A.D. 1652-1624):

D. Hume:

History of England,

911-912 (884-885).

J. F. Blight:

History of England,

912 (885).

6. CROMWELL AND THE PARLIAMENTS

(A. D. 1651-1653):

J. R. Green:

Short History of England,

911 (884).

F. Harrison:

Oliver Cromwell,

912-913 (885-886).

T. Carlyle:

Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches,

913 (886).

F. P. Guizot:

Oliver Cromwell,

913 (886).

7. THE PROTECTORATE

(A. D. 1653-1660):

Full Text of the Instrument of Government,

914-918 (887-891).

D. Masson:

Life of John Milton,

913-914 (886-887).

F. Harrison:

Oliver Cromwell,

918 (891).

H. Hallam:

Constitutional History of England,

918 (891).

B. M. Cordery:

King and Commonwealth,

919 (892).

"His [Cromwell’s] wish seems to have been to govern

constitutionally, and to substitute the empire of the laws for

that of the sword. But he soon found that, hated as he was,

both by Royalists and Presbyterians, he could be safe only by

being absolute. … Those soldiers who would not suffer him to

assume the kingly title, stood by him when he ventured on acts

of power as high as any English King has ever attempted. The

government, therefore, though in form a republic, was in truth

a despotism, moderated only by the wisdom, the sobriety, and

the magnanimity of the despot."

T. B. MACAULAY.

8. THE RESTORATION; CHARLES II.

(A. D. 1660-1685):

T. B. Macaulay:

History of England,

919-920 (892-893).

F. P. Guizot:

The Restoration,

920 (893).

C. Dickens:

History of England,

920-921 (893-894).

H. Martin:

History of France,

921 (894).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1105-1106 (1077-1078).

J. Lingard:

History of England,

1810 (1770).

9. THE STATE OF THE CHURCH FOLLOWING THE RESTORATION:

O. Airy:

The English Restoration,

921 (894).

J. Stoughton:

History of Religion,

921 (894).

J. Lingard:

History of England,

921-922 (894-895).

E. Calamy:

The Nonconformist’s Memorial,

922 (895).

T. B. Macaulay:

History of England,

2946(2871).

J. F. Bright:

History of England,

2946 (2871).

10. THE WARS WITH HOLLAND

(A.D. 1665-1678):

O. Airy:

The English Restoration,

2333 (2285).

G. P. R. James.

Life of Louis XIV.,

2333-2334 (2285-2286).

J. R. Green:

History of the English People,

2334 (2286).

J. Lingard:

History of England,

2335 (2287).

C. M. Yonge:

Landmarks of History,

2335-2336 (2287-2288).

O. Airy:

The English Restoration,

2336 (2288).

J. R. Brodhead:

History of New York,

2336-2337 (2288-2289).

H. Martin:

History of France,

2414 (2362).

J. A. Stevens:

The English in New York,

2383 (2330-2331).

J. R. Brodhead:

History of New York,

2384-2385 (2332-2333).

11. CATHOLICISM AND THE TEST ACT

(A. D. 1673):

J. Lingard:

History of England,

922-923 (895-896).

J. R. Green:

History of the English People,

923-924 (896-897).

J. Stoughton:

History of Religion,

924 (897).

12. TITUS OATES, AND THE ALLEGED POPISH PLOT

(A. D. 1678-1679):

A. B. Buckley:

History of England,

924 (897).

T. B. Macaulay:

History of England,

924 (897).

A. Carrel:

The Counter-Reformation,

925 (898).

C. Butler:

Memoirs of English Catholics,

925 (898).

H. Hallam:

Constitutional History of England,

930 (903).

13. THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT

(A. D. 1679):

D. Hume:

History of England,

925 (898).

E. Fischel:

The English Constitution,

925-926 (898-899).

W. Blackstone:

Commentaries,

2014 (1970).

Full Text of the Act,

926-929 (899-902).

14. WHIGS AND TORIES

(ABOUT A. D. 1680):

D. Hume:

History of England.

930 (903).

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of England,

2698 (2625).

G. Burnet:

History of My Own Time,

3772 (3651).

15. JAMES II. (A. D. 1685-1689);

THE REVOLUTION:

J. R. Green:

History of the English People,

930 (903).

T. B. Macaulay:

History of England,

931 (904).

J. F. Bright:

History of England,

931 (904).

T. B. Macaulay:

History of England,

931-932 (904-905).

Sir J. Mackintosh:

History of the Revolution,

932 (905).

16. THE REVOLUTION:

W. H. Torriano:

William the Third,

933 (906).

Sir J. Mackintosh:

History of the Revolution,

933-934 (906-907).

R. Vaughan:

England under the Stuarts,

934-935 (907-908).

17. WILLIAM AND MARY

(A. D. 1689-1702):

J. R. Green:

History of the English People,

934 (907).

Sir J. Mackintosh:

History of the Revolution,

934 (907).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1106-1107 (1078-1079).

H. D. Traill:

William the Third,

934 (907).

H. Hallam:

Constitutional History of England,

935-936 (908-909).

Full Text of the Bill of Rights,

987-989 (910-912).

18. THE WAR IN IRELAND;

THE BATTLE OF THE BOYNE AND PEACE OF LIMERICK:

E. Hale:

The Fall of the Stuarts,

1810-1811 (1770-1771).

T. B. Macaulay:

History of England,

1811 (1771).

W. H. Torriano:

William the Third,

1811-1812 (1771-1772).

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of England,

1812-1813 (1772-1773).

W. K. Sullivan:

Two Centuries of Irish History,

1813-1814 (1773-1774).

J. R. Green:

History of the English People,

1814 (1774).

19. THE CHURCH AND THE REVOLUTION:

J. Rowley:

The Settlement of the Constitution,

936 (909).

E. Hale:

The Fall of the Stuarts,

2948-2949 (2873-2874).

J. Cunningham:

Church History of Scotland,

2949 (2874).

20. WAR WITH FRANCE;

BEACHY HEAD, AND LA HOGUE

(A. D. 1690-1692):

W. H. Torriano:

William the Third,

939 (912).

T. B. Macaulay:

History of England,

939 (912).

H. Martin:

History of France,

939-940 (912-13).

G. P. R. James:

Life of Louis XIV.,

1275 (1243).

J. W. Gerard:

The Peace of Utrecht,

1275-1276 (1243-1244).

{774}

21. FOUNDING OF THE BANK OF ENGLAND

(A. D. 1694):

T. B. Macaulay:

History of England,

2253-2254 (2209-2210).

W. Bagehot:

Lombard Street,

2254-2255 (2210-2211).

"It was indeed not easy to guess that a bill, which purported

only to impose a new duty on tonnage for the benefit of such

persons as should advance money towards carrying on the war

was really a bill creating the greatest commercial institution

that the world had ever seen."

T. B. MACAULAY.

22. THE ACT OF SETTLEMENT

(A. D. 1701):

J. Rowley:

Settlement of the Constitution,

940-941 (913-914).

H. Hallam:

Constitutional History of England,

941 (914).

"According to the tenor and intention of the Act of Settlement

all prior claims of inheritance, save that of the issue of

King William and the Princess Anne, being set aside and

annulled, the Princess Sophia became the source of a new royal

line. The throne of England and Ireland, by virtue of the

paramount will of Parliament, stands entailed upon the heirs

of her body, being protestants. In them the right is as truly

hereditary as it ever was in the Plantagenets or the Tudors.

But they derive it not from those ancient families. The blood

indeed of Cerdic and of the Conqueror flows in the veins of

his present majesty [George IV.]. Our Edwards and Henries

illustrate the almost unrivalled splendor and antiquity of the

house of Brunswick. But they have transmitted no more right to

the allegiance of England than Boniface of Este or Henry the

Lion. That rests wholly on the Act of Settlement, and resolves

itself into the sovereignty of the legislature."

H. HALLAM.

23. THE REIGN OF QUEEN ANNE

(A. D. 1702-1714):

H. D. Traill:

William the Third,

941 (914).

L. Stephen:

English Thought in 18th Century,

941-942 (914-915).

E. Gosse:

Eighteenth Century Literature,

942 (915).

24. THE WARS OF THE SPANISH SUCCESSION

(1702-1714):

Earl Stanhope:

Reign of Queen Anne,

3074 (2993).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

3074-3075 (2993-2994).

J. W. Gerard:

The Peace of Utrecht,

1526 (1492).

G. B. Malleson:

Prince Eugene of Savoy,

1526 (1492).

A. Alison:

Life of Marlborough,

1526-1527 (1492-1493).

G. Saintsbury:

Marlborough,

2341 (2293).

G. B. Malleson:

Eugene of Savoy,

2341-2342 (2293-2294).

L. Creighton:

Life of Marlborough,

2342 (2294).

G. Saintsbury:

Marlborough,

2342-2343 (2294-2295).

R. Johnson:

History of the French War,

2362 (2314).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

379-380 (369-370).

W. Russell:

History of Modern Europe,

3712-3713 (3592-3593).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1110-1111 (1082-1083).

25. THE UNION OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND

(A. D. 1707):

Earl Stanhope:

History of England,

2952-2953 (2877-2878).

Sir W. Scott:

Tales of a Grandfather,

2953 (2878).

J. Rowley:

Settlement of the Constitution,

2953-2954 (2878-2879).

26. FALL OF THE WHIGS AND MARLBOROUGH

(A. D. 1710-1712):

J. R. Green:

History of the English People,

943-944 (916-917).

R. B. Brett:

Footprints of Statesmen,

944 (917).

W. E. H. Lecky:

England in the 18th Century,

944-945 (917-918).

27. END OF THE STUART LINE

(A. D. 1714):

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of England,

945 (918).

E. E. Morris:

The Early Hanoverians,

945-946 (918-919).

28. BEGINNINGS OF ENGLISH COMMERCIAL SUPREMACY:

D. Campbell:

The Puritan in Holland, etc.,

2332-2333 (2284-2285).

R. L. Poole:

The Huguenots,

1270 (1238).

Earl Stanhope:

History of England,

1748-1749 (1709-1710).

J. E. T. Rogers:

Economic Interpretation of History,

3228-3230 (3717-3719).

E. Eggleston:

Commerce in the Colonies,

3230 (3719).

Lord Campbell:

Lives of the Chief Justices,

2017 (1973).

STUDY XXXIII.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

ENGLAND: FROM GEORGE I. TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

1. ACCESSION OF GEORGE I.

(A. D. 1714):

L. Mariotti:

Italy,

1014-1015 (986-987).

H. Hallam:

The Middle Ages,

1652 (1614).

P. M. Thornton:

The Brunswick Accession,

1652-1653 (1614-1615).

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of England,

945 (918).

E. E. Morris:

The Early Hanoverians,

946 (919).

2. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT:

J. Morley:

Walpole,

946-947 (919-920).

J. F. Bright:

History of England,

947 (920).

3. THE EVOLUTION OF THE CABINET:

A. C. Ewald:

The Crown and Its Advisers,

2681 (2609).

T. B. Macaulay:

History of England,

354 (344).

John Morley:

Walpole,

354 (344).

A. Y. Dicey:

The Privy Council,

354-355 (344-345).

"George I. cared very little for his new Kingdom, and knew

very little about its people or its institutions. … His

expeditions to Hanover threw the management of all domestic

affairs almost without control into the hands of his English

ministers. If the two first Hanoverian Kings had been

Englishmen instead of Germans, if they had been men of talent

and ambition, or even men of strong and commanding will

without much talent, Walpole would never have been able to lay

the foundations of government by the House of Commons and by

Cabinet so firmly that even the obdurate will of George III.

was unable to overthrow it. Happily for the system now

established, circumstances compelled the first two sovereigns

of the Hanoverian line to strike a bargain with the English

Whigs, and it was faithfully kept until the accession of the

third George. The King was to manage the affairs of Hanover,

and the Whigs were to govern England. It was an excellent

bargain for England."

JOHN MORLEY.

4. THE SOUTH SEA BUBBLE, AND THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME:

Lord Mahon:

History of England,

3051-3052 (2971-2972).

J. W. Monette:

The Valley of the Mississippi,

2089 (2045).

S. A. Drake:

Making of the Great West,

2089-2090 (2045-2046).

Viscount Bury:

Exodus of the Western Nations,

1279-1280 (1247-1248).

L. Stephen:

Swift,

1816 (1776).

{775}

5. TROUBLES WITH SPAIN

(A. D. 1726-1731):

C. W. Koch:

Revolutions of Europe,

3079 (2998).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

3079-3080 (2998-2999).

6. ACCESSION OF GEORGE II. (1727);

WALPOLE’S ADMINISTRATION:

J. E. T. Rogers:

Historical Gleanings,

947-948 (920-921).

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of England,

948 (921).

7. THE WAR OP JENKINS’ EAR

(A. D. 1739-1741):

E. E. Morris:

Early Hanoverians,

949 (922).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

949 (922).

8. THE RISE OF PITT,—LORD CHATHAM:

Sir E. Creasy:

Eminent Etonians,

950 (923).

R. B. Brett:

Footprints of Statesman,

950 (923).

9. WAR OF THE AUSTRIAN SUCCESSION

(A. D. 1740-1748):

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

225 (218).

J. Graham:

History of the United States,

2362-2363 (2314-2315).

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

2363-2364 (2315-2316).

J. G. Palfrey:

History of New England,

2364 (2316).

T. C. Haliburton:

English in America,

2364-2365 (2316-2317).

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of Europe,

951 (924).

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of Europe,

28-29 (21-22).

H. Tuttle:

History of Prussia,

29 (22).

10. THE LAST RISING OF THE JACOBITES

(A. D. 1745-1746):

J. R. Green:

History of the English People,

2954 (2879).

11. ADOPTION OF THE GREGORIAN CALENDAR

(A. D. 1751):

W. Hales:

Analysis of Chronology,

357 (347).

Sir H. Nicholas:

Chronology of History,

357 (347).

12. THE SEVEN YEARS’ WAR

(A. D. 1754-1763):

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

951-952 (924-925).

A. R. Ropes:

Causes of the Seven Years’ War,

952 (925).

B. A. Hinsdale:

The Old Northwest,

2445-2446 (2393-2394).

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

3755 (3634).

T. J. Chapman:

The French in the Allegheny Valley,

2446-2447 (2394-2395).

C. B. Brackenbury:

Frederick the Great,

1529 (1495).

T. Carlyle:

Friedrich II. of Prussia,

1529 (1495).

Lord Mahon:

History of England,

1529-1530 (1495-1496).

Justin McCarthy:

The Four Georges,

952 (925).

T. B. Macaulay:

William Pitt,

952-953 (925-926).

F. W. Longman:

The Seven Years’ War,

954 (927).

C. B. Brackenbury:

Frederick the Great,

1535-1536 (1501-1502).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

2975 (2898).

T. Carlyle:

Friedrich II. of Prussia,

2975-2976 (2898-2899).

Frederick II.:

The Seven Years’ War,

2976 (2899).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1114-1115 (1086-1087).

13. ACCESSION OF GEORGE III.

(A. D. 1760):

J. Fiske:

The American Revolution,

954-955 (927-928).

Sir T. E. May:

Constitutional History of England,

955-956 (928-929).

14. THE GREAT STRUGGLE OF THE PEOPLE WITH ABSOLUTISM:

(a) The Fight for the Freedom of the Press.

C. H. Timperley:

Encyclopedia of Typography,

2667-2668 (2595-2596).

J. Grant:

The Newspaper Press,

2668 (2596).

T. B. Macaulay:

History of England,

2669 (2597).

C. H. Timperley:

Encyclopaedia of Typography,

2671-2672 (2599-2600).

(1) The Case of John Wilkes.

W. Massey:

History of England,

956-957 (930).

W. F. Rae:

John Wilkes,

958-959 (931-932).

(2) The Junius Letters.

Lord Mahon:

History of England,

959-960 (933).

Cushing:

Initials and Pseudonyms,

960 (933).

J. W. Ross Brown:

Criminal Law of Libel,

2028-2029 (1984-1985).

"It may be doubted whether Junius had any confidant or trusted

friend. When dedicating his collected letters to the English

people, he declares: ‘I am the sole depository of my own

secret, and it shall perish with me.’"

LORD MAHON.

(3) The Surrender of Parliament.

W. Massey:

History of England,

961-962 (934-935).

T. P. Taswell-Langmead:

English Constitutional History,

962 (935).

(b) Remarkable Increase of Capital Offenses.

Sir T. E. May:

Constitutional History of England,

2028 (1984).

J. F. Dillon:

Jurisprudence of England,

2029 (1985).

(c) Arbitrary Taxation.

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

3295 (3178-3179).

B. A. Hinsdale:

The American Government,

3295 (3179).

J. Fiske:

War of Independence,

3297-3298 (3182).

J. Morley:

Edmund Burke,

3298 (3182).

(d) The Stamp Act.

J. G. Palfrey:

History of New England,

3299 (3183).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

3303 (3186-3187).

W. Wirt:

Life of Patrick Henry,

3303-3305 (3189).

J. Fiske:

The American Revolution,

3305-3306 (3189-3190).

(e) Declaration of Rights of Stamp Act Congress.

R. Frothingham:

Rise of the Republic,

3306-3307 (3190-3191).

Full Text of the Stamp Act,

3299-3302 (3183-3186).

15. THE MINISTRY OP LORD NORTH; THE AMERICAN WAR:

J. F. Bright:

History of England,

960-961 (933-934).

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of England,

962-963 (935-936).

J. Morley:

Edmund Burke,

963 (936).

E. A. Freeman:

The English People,

963 (936).

16. EARLY WAR MEASURES:

H. S. Randall:

Life of Jefferson,

3346-3347 (3230-3231).

Lord Mahon:

History of England,

3347 (3231).

E. J. Lowell:

Hessians in the Revolution,

3347-3348 (3231-3232).

For Details of the American War,

see Study XXXVIII.

17. CATHOLIC RELIEF AND THE GORDON RIOTS

(A. D. 1778-1780):

J. G. Bourinot:

Constitutional History of Canada,

388-389 (378-379).

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of England,

963-964 (936-937).

Sketches of Popular Tumults,

964-965 (937-938).

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of England,

1818-1819 (1778-1779).

{776}

18. LEGISLATIVE INDEPENDENCE FOR IRELAND

(A. D. 1782):

J. H. McCarthy:

Ireland since the Union,

1817 (1777).

W. F. Collier:

History of Ireland,

1817-1818 (1777-1778).

J. E. T. Rogers:

Ireland,

1818 (1778).

19. THE FALL OF LORD NORTH’S MINISTRY:

J. Fiske:

American Revolution,

965 (938).

W. Massey:

History of England,

965-966 (938-939).

H. O. Wakeman:

Life of Fox,

966-967 (939-940).

20. CLOSE OF AMERICAN WAR; THE TREATY OF PARIS

(A. D. 1783):

The Diplomacy of the United States,

3398-3399 (3282-3283).

E. Fitzmaurice:

The Earl of Shelburne,

3399-3400 (3283-3284).

John Fiske:

Critical Period,

3400-3401 (3284-3285).

J. Q. Adams:

Life of John Adams,

3401-3402 (3285-3286).

F. Wharton:

Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence,

3402 (3286).

J. Bigelow:

Life of Franklin,

3402-3403 (3286-3287).

Text of the Treaty of Peace,

3403-3404 (3287-3288).

21. BRITISH RULE IN INDIA:

(a) Establishment of the Empire.

J. M. Ludlow:

British India,

1752 (1713).

H. Martineau:

British Rule in India,

1752-1753 (1713-1714).

J. Mill:

British India,

1753-1754 (1714-1715).

J. R. Seeley:

Expansion of England,

1754 (1715).

"The words ‘wonderful,’ ‘strange,’ are often applied to great

historical events, and there is no event to which they have

been applied more freely than to our [the English] conquest of

India. But the event was not wonderful in a sense that it is

difficult to discover adequate causes by which it could have

been produced. If we begin by remarking that authority in

India had fallen on the ground through the decay of the Mogul

Empire, that it lay there waiting to be picked up by somebody,

and that all over India in that period adventurers of one kind

or another were founding Empires, it is really not surprising

that a mercantile corporation which had money to pay a

mercenary force should be able to compete with other

adventurers, nor yet that it should outstrip all its

competitors by bringing into the field English military

science and generalship, especially when it was backed over

and over again by the whole power and credit of England and

directed by English statesmen. … England did not, in a strict

sense, conquer India; but certain Englishmen, who happened to

reside in India at the time when the Mogul Empire fell, had a

fortune like that of Hyder Ali or Runjeet Singh and rose to

supreme power there."

J. R. SEELEY.

(b) The Administration of Clive.

T. B. Macaulay:

Lord Clive,

1754-1756 (1715-1717).

C. Knight:

History of England,

1756 (1717).

Sir W. Hunter:

India,

1756-1758 (1717-1719).

(c) Passing of the East India Company; Warren Hastings.

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of England,

1759-1760 (1720-1721).

H. Martineau:

British Rule in India,

1760-1761 (1721-1722).

Sir A. Lyall:

Warren Hastings,

1761 (1722).

Sir J. Strachey:

Hastings and the Rohillas,

1762 (1723).

L. J. Trotter:

Warren Hastings,

1762-1763 (1723-1724).

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of England,

1763-1764 (1724-1725).

Sir A. Lyall:

British Dominion in India,

1764-1765 (1725-1726).

(d) The Permanent Settlement.

J. M. Ludlow:

British India,

1765 (1726).

Sir J. Strachey:

India,

1765-1766 (1726-1727).

(e) The Impeachment of Warren Hastings.

T. B. Macaulay:

Warren Hastings,

1766-1768 (1727-1729).

Sir A. Lyall:

Warren Hastings,

1768 (1729).

22. RISE OF THE YOUNGER PITT:

Lord Rosebery:

Pitt,

968 (941).

W. Bagehot:

William Pitt,

968-969 (941-942).

Sir T. E. May:

Constitutional History of England

969 (942).

23. POPULAR FEELING TOWARD THE FRENCH REVOLUTION:

J. R. Green:

History of the English People,

969-970 (942-943).

Goldwin Smith:

Three English Statesman,

970 (943).

G. W. Cooke:

History of Party,

970 (943).

24. A PERIOD OF REVOLUTIONARY INVENTION:

S. Walpole:

History of England,

643-644 (620-621).

S. Smiles:

Lives of Boulton and Watt,

3109-3110 (3027-3028).

Life of James Watt,

3110-3111 (3028-3029).

25. THE RISE OF THE PRESS:

I. Thomas:

Printing in America,

2669-2670 (2598).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

2670 (2598).

T. B. Macaulay:

Life of Addison,

2670 (2598).

E. Gosse:

Eighteenth Century Literature,

2670-2671 (2598-2599).

A. Dobson:

Eighteenth Century Essays,

2671 (2599).

F. Hudson:

Journalism in the United States,

2672 (2600).

C. Pebody:

English Journalism,

2672-2873 (2601)

STUDY XXXIV.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

EUROPE: FROM THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA (1648)

TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION (1789).

1. THE GENERAL SITUATION AT CLOSE OF THIRTY YEARS’ WAR:

A. Gindely:

The Thirty Years’ War,

1519 (1486).

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

1520 (1487).

S. A. Dunham:

The Germanic Empire,

1520-1521 (1487-1488).

H. von Treitschke:

History of Germany,

1521-1522 (3770-3771).

J. B. Perkins:

France under Mazarin,

2329-2330 (2281-2282).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1101 (1073).

See Map between pages

1518-1519 (1486-1487).

2. THE RISE OF PRUSSIA:

T. Carlyle:

Frederick the Great,

316-317 (306-307).

H. Tuttle:

History of Prussia,

317-318 (307-308).

T. Carlyle:

Frederick the Great,

2684-2685 (2613).

C. F. Johnstone:

Historical Abstracts,

318 (308).

G. B. Malleson:

The Battlefields of Germany,

318-320 (308-310).

H. von Treitschke:

History of Germany,

2685-2686 (3768-3769).

H. Martin:

History of France,

2686 (2613).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1107-1108 (1079-1080).

{777}

3. THE WARS OF THE FRONDE IN FRANCE:

J.B. Perkins:

France under Mazarin,

1258 (1226).

H. M. Hozier:

Turenne,

1258-1259 (1226-1227).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

1260 (1228).

C. M. Yonge:

English History,

1260-1262 (1228-1230).

J. B. Perkins:

France under Mazarin,

306 (297).

J. N. Larned:

Europe, 1102

(1074).

4. THE TREATY OF THE PYRENEES

(A. D. 1659):

T. Wright:

History of France,

1262 (1230).

T. O. Cockayne:

Life of Turenne,

1262-1263 (1231).

O. Airy:

The English Restoration,

1263 (1231).

G. W. Kitchin:

History of France,

1263-1264 (1231-1232).

J. Dunlop:

Memoirs of Spain,

1264(1232).

5. LOUIS XIV. ASSUMES THE GOVERNMENT OF FRANCE

(A. D. 1661):

F. P. Guizot:

History of France,

1255, second column, (1223).

Sir J. Stephen:

History of France,

1257-1258 (1225-1226).

J. C. Morison:

Reign of Louis XIV.,

1264-1265 (1232-1233).

"What the age of Pericles was in the history of the Athenian

Democracy, what the age of the Scipios was in the history of

the Roman Republic, that was the reign of Louis XIV. in the

history of the old monarchy of France. … It is not only the

most conspicuous reign in the history of France—it is the most

conspicuous reign in the History of Monarchy in general. … His

court was an extraordinary creation. He made it the microcosm

of all that was most brilliant and prominent in France. Every

order of merit was invited there and received courteous

welcome. … But Louis XIV.’s reign has better titles than the

adulations of courtiers and the eulogies of wits and poets to

the attention of posterity. It marks one of the most memorable

epochs in the annals of mankind. It stretches across history

like a great mountain range, separating ancient France from

the France of modern times. On the farther slope are

Catholicism and Feudalism in their various stages of splendor

and decay—the France of crusade and chivalry, of St. Louis

and Bayard. On the hither side are free-thought, industry, and

centralization—the France of Voltaire, Turgot, and Condorcet.

When Louis came to the throne, the Thirty Years’ War still

wanted six years of its end, and the heat of theological

strife was at its intensest glow. When he died, the religious

temperature had cooled nearly to the freezing point, and a new

vegetation of science and positive inquiry was overspreading

the world."

J. C. MORISON.

6. THE ADMINISTRATION OF COLBERT

(A. D. 1661-1683):

(a) Some other Tariff Measures.

J. A. Blanqui:

History of Political Economy,

3730-3731 (3610-3611).

W. T. McCullagh:

Industrial History,

3147-3148 (3063-3064).

D. Campbell:

The Puritan in Holland, etc.,

2332-2333 (2284-2285).

M. Chamberlain:

The Revolution Impending,

3286-3287 (3170-3171).

(h) The System of Colbert.

Lady Dilke:

France under Colbert,

1266-1267 (1234-1235).

J. A. Blanqui:

History of Political Economy,

3148-3149 (3064-3065).

H. Martin:

History of France,

1267-1268 (1235-1236).

7. THE DUTCH REPUBLIC:

A. L. Pontalis:

John de Witt,

2330-2332 (2282-2284).

D. Campbell:

The Puritan in Holland, etc.,

2332-2333 (2284-2285).

O. Airy:

The English Restoration,

2333 (2285).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1106-1107 (1078-1079).

8. WARS WITH FRANCE AND ENGLAND:

T. B Macaulay:

Sir William Temple,

2335 (2287).

J. Lingard:

History of England,

922-923 (895-896).

C. M. Yonge:

Landmarks of History,

2335-2336 (2287-2288).

O. Airy:

The English Restoration,

2336 (2288).

J. R. Brodhead:

History of New York,

2336-2337 (2288-2289).

H. Martin:

History of France,

2337-2338 (2289-2290).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1109-1110 (1081-1082).

9. THE PEACE OF NIMEGUEN

(A. D. 1678-1679):

H. Martin:

History of France,

2414 (2362).

O. Airy:

The English Restoration,

2414-2415 (2362-2363).

J. C. Morison:

Reign of Louis XIV.,

2338 (2290).

10. FRENCH ABSORPTION OF ALSACE AND LORRAINE

(A. D. 1679-1681):

G. B. Malleson:

Battlefields of Germany,

1513-1514 (1480-1481).

G. W. Kitchin:

History of France,

1518-1519 (1485-1486).

W. Coxe:

House of Austria,

1519 (1486).

J. B. Perkins:

France under Mazarin,

2086-2087 (2042-2043).

H. Martin:

History of France,

1268-1269 (1236-1237).

11. LOUIS XIV.’S PERSECUTION OF THE HUGUENOTS:

S. Smiles:

History of the Huguenots,

1265-1266 (1233-1234).

A. de Lamartine:

Bossuet,

1269 (1237).

R. L. Poole:

Huguenots of the Dispersion,

1270 (1237-1238).

12. WAR OF THE LEAGUE OF AUGSBURG

(A. D. 1689-1697):

E. Hale:

Fall of the Stuarts,

1271 (1239).

T. B. Macaulay:

History of England,

1271 (1239).

W. K. Sullivan:

Irish History,

1813 (1773).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

1271-1272 (1239-1240).

H. D. Traill:

William the Third,

1272-1273 (1240-1241).

T. B. Macaulay:

History of England,

1273-1274 (1241-1242).

G. P. R. James:

Life of Louis XIV.,

1275 (1243).

13. THE PEACE OF RYSWICK

(A. D. 1697):

J. W. Gerard:

The Peace of Utrecht,

1275-1276 (1243-1244).

H. Martin:

History of France,

1276 (1244).

14. THE WAR OF THE SPANISH SUCCESSION

(A. D. 1702-1714):

See Study XXXII.

15. FURTHER RELIGIOUS PERSECUTIONS:

(a) The Camisards.

H. M. Baird:

The Camisard Uprising,

1276 (1244-1245).

(b) The Port Royalists.

J. Tulloch:

Pascal,

2637 (2565).

J. B. Perkins:

France under Mazarin,

2637-2639 (2565-2567).

H. Martin:

History of France,

2639 (2567).

Duke of Saint Simon:

Memoirs,

2639-2640 (2568).

J. I. von Döllinger:

European History,

2640 (2568).

16. THE PAPACY:

L. von Ranke:

History of the Popes,

2524-2525 (2462-2463).

A. R. Pennington:

Epochs of the Papacy,

2525-2526 (2463-2464).

17. DEATH OF LOUIS XIV., AND STATE OF THE KINGDOM

(A. D. 1715):

A. Thierry:

The Tiers État,

1278 (1246).

{778}

Y. Duruy:

History of France,

1278-1279 (1246-1247).

"When the reign, which was to crown … the ascendant march of

the French monarchy, had falsified the unbounded hopes which

its commencement had excited; when in the midst of fruitless

victories and continually increasing reverses, the people

beheld progress in all the branches of public economy changed

into distress,—the ruin of the finances, industry, and

agriculture—the exhaustion of all the resources of the

country,—the impoverishment of all classes of the nation, the

dreadful misery of the population, they were seized with a

bitter disappointment of spirit, which took the place of the

enthusiasm of their confidence and love."

A. THIERRY.

"Succeeding generations have remembered only the numerous

victories, Europe defied, France for twenty years

preponderant, and the incomparable splendor of the Court of

Versailles, with its marvels of letters and arts, which have

given to the 17th century the name of the age of Louis XIV. It

is for history to show the price which France has paid for her

King’s vain attempts abroad to rule over Europe, and at home

to enslave the wills and consciences of men. … The weight of

the authority of Louis XIV. had been crushing during his last

years. When the nation felt it lifted, it breathed more

freely; the court and the city burst into disrespectful

demonstrations of joy; the very coffin of the great King was

insulted."

V. DURUY.

18. ACCESSION AND CHARACTER OF LOUIS XV.

(A. D. 1715-1774);

V. Duruy:

History of France,

1278-1279 (1246-1247).

W. Smyth;

The French Revolution,

1280 (1248).

J. B. Perkins:

France under the Regency,

1280-1281 (1248-1249).

19. POLAND;

S. A. Dunham:

History of Poland,

2613 (2545).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

2100 (2056).

W. Koch:

Revolutions in Europe,

2613-2614 (2545-2546).

Westminster Review:

Poland: Her History and Prospects,

2614-2615 (2546-2547).

Westminster Review:

Poland: Her History and Prospects,

2616-2617 (2548-2549).

S. A. Dunham:

History of Poland,

2619-2620 (2551-2552).

20. RUSSIA:

V. Thomsen:

Russia and Scandinavia,

2829 (2755).

E. A. Freeman:

Historical Geography of Europe,

2830 (2756).

C. F. Johnstone:

Historical Abstracts,

2830-2832 (2756-2758).

A. Leroy-Beaulieu:

Empire of the Tsars,

2832 (2758).

H. S. Edwards:

The Romanoffs,

2832-2833 (2758-2759).

A. Rambaud:

History of Russia,

2833 (2759).

Voltaire:

History of Charles XII.,

2835 (2761).

21. SWEDEN:

(a) Early History.

H. H. Howorth:

History of Sweden,

2890 (2815).

R. G. Latham:

Nationalities of Europe,

2890-2891 (2825-2816).

E. A. Freeman:

Historical Geography of Europe,

2891-2892 (2816-2817).

T. Carlyle:

Early Kings of Norway,

2892 (2817).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

2893-2894 (2818-2819).

C. R. Fletcher:

Gustavus Adolphus,

2894-2896 (2819-2821).

J. L. Stevens:

Gustavus Adolphus,

2897 (2822).

(b) From the Thirty Years’ War.

J. Mitchell:

Life of Wallenstein,

1505-1506 (1473).

G. P. R. James:

Wallenstein,

1506-1507 (1473-1474).

F. Schiller:

The Thirty Years’ War,

1507-1508 (1475).

B. Chapman:

Gustavus Adolphus,

1509-1510 (1477).

C. M. Yonge:

English History,

1510-1511 (1478).

L. Häusser:

The Reformation,

1514-1515 (1481-1482).

E. C. Otté:

Scandinavian History,

2897-2899 (2824).

22. WARS OF CHARLES XII. OF SWEDEN:

Voltaire:

History of Charles XII.,

2899-2900 (2824-2825).

A. Crichton:

Scandinavia,

2900-2901 (2825-2826).

W. C. Taylor:

Modern History,

2901-2903 (2826-2828).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

2903 (2828).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1111-1112 (1083-1084).

23. RAPID ADVANCE OF PRUSSIA:

T. B. Macaulay:

Frederic the Great,

1524 (1490).

H. von Sybel:

Founding of the German Empire,

1524-1525 (1490-1491).

L. P. Ségur:

Frederic William II.,

1528 (1494).

24. WAR OF THE AUSTRIAN SUCCESSION

(A. D. 1740-1748):

See Study XXXIII.

25. THE SEVEN YEARS’ WAR

(A. D. 1754-1763):

See Study XXXIII.

26. THE PARTITION OF POLAND:

G. W. Kitchin:

History of France,

2621 (2553).

H. von Sybel:

First Partition of Poland,

2621-2623 (2553-2555).

T. Carlyle:

Frederick the Great,

2623 (2555).

Sir J. Mackintosh:

The Partition of Poland,

2623-2624 (2555-2556).

A. Rambaud:

History of Russia,

2624-2625 (2556-2557).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1115-1116 (1087-1088).

See Maps between pages

1114-1115 and 2622-2623 (1086-1087 and 2554-2555).

27. THE GENERAL ATTACK UPON THE JESUIT ORDER:

H. M. Stephens:

The Story of Portugal,

1932-1933 (1891-1892).

W. H. Jervis:

The Church of France,

1933-1934 (1892-1893).

Clement XIV. and the Jesuits,

1934-1935 (1893-1894).

28. EUROPE ON THE EVE OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION:

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1116-1117 (1088-1089).

A. Sorel:

Europe and the French Revolution,

1283-1284 (3755-3756).

E. J. Lowell:

Eve of the French Revolution,

1286-1287 (1253-1254).

Sarah Tytler:

Marie Antoinette,

1287-1288 (1254-1255).

F. A. Mignet:

The French Revolution,

1288-1289 (1255-1256).

W. Bagehot:

William Pitt,

968-969 (941-942).

T. E. May:

Constitutional History of England,

969 (942).

C. T. Lewis:

History of Germany,

1536-1537 (1503).

I. Butt:

History of Italy,

1892-1893 (1852-1853).

A. Sorel:

Europe and the French Revolution,

3081-3082 (3804-3805).

C. E. Mallet:

The French Revolution,

228-229 (221-222).

STUDY XXXV.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

(A. D. 1789-1796).

1. THE GOVERNMENT OF LOUIS XVI.:

A. Thiers:

The French Revolution,

1285-1286 (1252-1253).

E. J. Lowell:

Eve of the French Revolution,

1286-1287 (1253-1254).

Sarah Tytler:

Marie Antoinette,

1287-1288 (1254-1255).

{779}

2. THE FRENCH PEOPLE AT THE OUTBREAK OF THE REVOLUTION:

H. A. Taine:

Ancien Régime,

1289-1291 (1256-1258).

T. H. Huxley:

The Revolutionary Spirit,

1291 (1258).

Chancellor Pasquier:

Memoirs,

1291-1292 (1258-1259).

H. von Holst:

The French Revolution,

1292 (3757).

M. de la Rocheterie:

Marie Antoinette,

1292 (1259).

"'I am miserable because too much is taken from me. Too much

is taken from me because not enough is taken from the

privileged. Not only do the privileged force me to pay in

their place, but, again, they previously deduct from my

earnings their ecclesiastical and feudal dues. When, out of my

income of 100 francs, I have parted with 58 francs, or more,

to the collector, I am obliged again to give 14 francs to the

seignior, also more than 14 for tithes, and, out of the

remaining 18 or 19 francs I have additionally to satisfy the

exciseman.' … These, in precise terms, are the vague ideas

beginning to ferment in the popular brain and encountered on

every page of the records of the States-General. … The

privileged wrought their own destruction."

H. A. TAINE.

"In 1791, long before the inauguration of the Reign of Terror,

there were in a population of 650,000 [in Paris], 118,000

paupers. Under the 'ancien regime' the immigrant proletariat

from the country was by the law barred out from all ways of

earning a livelihood except as common day laborers, and the

wages of these were in 1788, on an average, 26 cents for men

and 15 for women, while the price of bread was higher than in

our times. What a gigantic heap of ferment!"

H. VON HOLST.

3. THE STATES-GENERAL:

Sir J. Stephen:

History of France,

3108-3109 (3027).

F. P. Guizot:

History of France,

3109 (3027).

Lord Brougham:

History of England and France,

2555 (2489).

Bussey and Gaspey:

History of France,

1197, second column, (1165).

A. Thierry:

Formation of the Tiers État,

1202-1203 (1170-1171).

Voltaire:

Modern History,

1249, first column, (1216).

F. A. Mignet:

The French Revolution,

1288-1289 (1255-1256).

H. von Sybel:

The French Revolution,

1292-1293 (1259-1260).

4. THE THIRD ESTATE; THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

(JUNE, 1789):

W. Stubbs:

Constitutional History of England,

1014 (986).

A. Thierry:

Formation of the Third Estate,

1014 (986).

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of England,

1293-1294 (1260-1261).

5. THE MOB IN ARMS;

FALL OF THE BASTILLE

(JULY 14, 1789):

Chambers’ Miscellany:

History of the Bastille,

280 (271).

H. A. Taine:

The French Revolution,

1294-1295 (1261-1262).

Chancellor Pasquier:

Memoirs,

1295-1296 (1262-1263).

6. THE WORK OF THE ASSEMBLY;

THE DECLARATION OF RIGHTS:

B. Tuckerman:

Life of Lafayette,

1296-1297 (1264).

H. M. Stephens:

The French Revolution,

1297-1298 (1264-1265).

G. H. Lewes:

Life of Robespierre,

1298-1299 (1265-1266).

G. H. Lewes:

Life of Robespierre,

1656 (1618).

7. THE ATTACK OF THE WOMEN ON VERSAILLES:

T. Carlyle:

The French Revolution,

1299-1300 (1266-1267).

F. A. Mignet:

The French Revolution,

1300-1301 (1267-1268).

8. THE NEW CONSTITUTION (A. D. 1789-1791):

Sir T. E. May:

Democracy in Europe,

1301 (1268).

W. O’C. Morris:

The French Revolution,

1301-1302 (1268-1269).

9. THE EMIGRATION OF THE NOBILITY:

Chancellor Pasquier:

Memoirs,

1297 (1264).

W. O’C. Morris:

The French Revolution,

1302, first column, (1269).

10. THE RISE OF THE CLUBS:

F. A. Mignet:

The French Revolution,

1302 (1269).

H. von Sybel:

The French Revolution,

1302 (1269).

G. H. Lewes:

Life of Robespierre,

1302-1303 (1270).

J. Michelet:

The French Revolution,

1303 (1270).

11. THE ATTITUDE OF FOREIGN POWERS;

FLIGHT OF THE KING

(A. D. 1791):

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

1303-1304 (1270-1271).

H. von Sybel:

The French Revolution,

1304-1305 (1271-1272).

12. The GIRONDISTS:

H. Van Laun:

The Revolutionary Epoch,

1306 (1273).

A. de Lamartine:

The Girondists,

1306 (1273).

H. von Sybel:

The French Revolution,

1306-1307 (1273-1274).

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of England,

1307 (1274).

R. Lodge:

Modern Europe,

1307-1308 (1274-1275).

13. WAR WITH AUSTRIA AND PRUSSIA;

MOB RULE IN PARIS

(A. D. 1792):

A. Griffiths:

Revolutionary Generals,

1308-1309 (1275-1276).

B. M. Gardiner:

The French Revolution,

1309-1310 (1276-1277).

H. M. Stephens:

The French Revolution,

1310-1312 (1277-1279).

14. THE SEPTEMBER MASSACRES

(A. D. 1792):

A. de Lamartine:

The Girondists,

1312-1313 (1280).

H. A. Taine:

The French Revolution,

1313-1314 (1280-1281).

15. THE PROCLAMATION OF THE REPUBLIC

(SEPTEMBER 21, 1792):

Sir A. Alison:

History of Europe,

1314-1316 (1283).

C. MacFarlane:

The French Revolution,

1332 (1299).

H. M. Stephens:

The French Revolution,

1332 (1299).

16. FIRST SUCCESSES OF THE REPUBLICAN ARMY:

C. F. Johnstone:

Historical Abstracts,

2345-2346 (2297-2298).

C. E. Mallet:

The French Revolution,

228-229 (221-222).

H. von Sybel:

The French Revolution,

1537-1539 (1503-1505).

C. A. Fyffe:

Modern Europe,

1316-1317 (1283-1284).

17. THE TRIAL, SENTENCE, AND EXECUTION OF LOUIS XVI.

(JANUARY, 1793):

F. A. Mignet:

The French Revolution,

1317-1318 (1284-1285).

W. O’C. Morris:

The First Empire,

1318 (1285).

T. Carlyle:

The French Revolution,

1319-1320 (1286-1287).

18. INCREASING ANARCHY;

THE REVOLUTIONARY TRIBUNAL:

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

1320-1321 (1287-1288).

H. M. Stephens:

The French Revolution,

1322-1324 (1289-1291).

{780}

19. THE INSURRECTION IN LA VENDÉE

(A. D. 1793):

A. Thiers:

The French Revolution,

1321-1322 (1288-1289).

A. de Lamartine:

The Girondists,

1324-1325 (1292).

F. A. Mignet:

The French Revolution,

1325 (1292).

F. A. Mignet:

The French Revolution,

1327-1328 (1294-1295).

20. FORMATION OF EUROPEAN COALITION AGAINST FRANCE:

J. R. Green:

History of the English People,

969-970 (942-943).

Goldwin Smith:

Three English Statesmen,

970 (943).

G. W. Cooke:

History of Party,

970 (943).

H. von Sybel:

The French Revolution,

1318 (1285).

J. R. Green:

History of the English People,

1318 (1285).

Sir A. Alison:

History of Europe,

1324 (1291).

21. THE COMMITTEE OF PUBLIC SAFETY

(AUGUST, 1793):

R. Lodge:

Modern Europe,

1325-1326 (1292-1293).

L. Gronlund:

Ça Ira,

1326 (1293).

22. CHARLOTTE CORDAY;

THE ASSASSINATION OF MARAT:

B. M. Gardiner:

The French Revolution,

1326-1327 (1293-1294).

23. THE "REIGN OF TERROR";

EXECUTION OF MARIE ANTOINETTE, AND MME. ROLAND

(A. D. 1793):

H. Martin:

History of France,

1329-1331 (1296-1298).

H. M. Stephens:

The French Revolution,

1331-1332 (1298-1299).

Sir T. E. May:

Democracy in Europe,

1333 (1300).

T. Carlyle:

The French Revolution,

1333-1334 (1300-1301).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1119-1120 (1091-1092).

24. ABANDONMENT OF CHRISTIANITY; THE WORSHIP OF REASON:

C. MacFarlane:

The French Revolution,

1332 (1299).

W. H. Jervis:

The Gallican Church,

1332-1333 (1299-1300).

John Morley;

Robespierre,

1334-1335 (1301-1302).

"Before the year ended [1793] the legislators of Paris voted

that there was no God, and destroyed or altered nearly

everything that had any reference to Christianity. … They

decreed that on the 10th of November the ‘Worship of Reason’

should be inaugurated at Notre Dame. A temple dedicated to

‘Philosophy’ was erected on a platform in the middle of the

choir. A motley procession of citizens of both sexes, headed

by the constituted authorities, advanced towards it; on their

approach, the Goddess of Reason, impersonated by a well known

figurante of the opera, took her seat upon a grassy throne in

front of the temple; a hymn, composed in her honor by the poet

Chenier, was sung by a body of young girls dressed in white

and bedecked with flowers; and the multitude bowed the knee

before her in profound adoration. It was the ‘abomination of

desolation sitting in the holy place.’ … The example set by

Paris, was faithfully repeated, if not surpassed in atrocity,

throughout the provinces. Religion was proscribed, churches

closed, Christian ordinances interdicted; the dreary gloom of

atheistical despotism overspread the land."

W. H. JERVIS.

25. PROGRESS OF THE WAR AGAINST THE COALITION

(A. D. 1793-1794):

W. O’C. Morris:

The French Revolution,

1328 (1295).

Sir A. Alison:

History of Europe,

1328-1329 (1296).

W. Massey:

History of England,

1336-1337 (1303-1304).

26. THE CLIMAX OF THE "REIGN OF TERROR" (A. D. 1794);

THE 22D PRAIRIAL;

John Morley:

Robespierre,

1337-1338 (1304-1305).

H. von Sybel:

The French Revolution,

1338 (1305).

A. Thiers:

The French Revolution,

1338 (1305).

H. A. Taine:

The French Revolution,

1338 (1305).

"It is estimated that, in the eleven western departments, the

dead of both sexes and of all ages exceeded 400,000.

Considering the programme and principles of the Jacobin sect,

this is no great number; they might have killed a good many

more. But time was wanting; during their short reign they did

what they could with the instrument in their hands."

H. A. TAINE.

27. FALL OF ROBESPIERRE; END OF THE "REIGN OF TERROR"

(JULY, 1794):

J. E. Symes:

The French Revolution,

1338-1339 (1305-1306).

T. B. Macaulay:

Barère’s Memoirs,

1340 (1307).

H. Martin:

History of France,

1340 (1307).

Sergent Marceau:

Reminiscences of a Regicide,

1340 (1307).

B. M. Gardiner:

The French Revolution,

1340-1341 (1307-1308).

28. PROGRESS OF THE FOREIGN WARS:

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

1341-1342 (1308-1309).

H. Van Laun:

The Revolutionary Epoch,

1342-1343 (1309-1310).

H. Martin:

History of France,

1345-1346 (1312-1313).

Sir A. Alison:

History of Europe,

1346 (1313).

29. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE YEAR III.

(A. D. 1795):

F. A. Mignet:

The French Revolution,

1343-1344 (1310-1311).

A. Thiers:

The French Revolution,

1344-1345 (1311-1312).

30. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE; THE DIRECTORY

(A. D. 1795):

J. G. Lockhart:

Life of Napoleon,

1346-1347 (1314).

E. de Bonnechose:

History of France,

1347 (1314).

"Within five days from the ‘Day of the Sections’ Buonaparte

was named second in command of the army of the interior; and

shortly afterwards, Barras finding his duties as Director

sufficient to occupy his time, gave up the command-in-chief of

the same army to his ‘little Corsican officer.’"

J. G. LOCKHART.

STUDY XXXVI.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

FRANCE UNDER NAPOLEON

(A. D. 1795-1815).

1. NAPOLEON IN COMMAND

(A. D. 1795):

J. G. Lockhart:

Life of Napoleon,

1346-1347 (1313-1314).

E. de Bonnechose:

History of France,

1347 (1314).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1120 (1092).

2. THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN

(A. D. 1796-1797):

C. A. Fyffe:

Modern Europe,

1347-1349 (1314-1316).

Count de Melito:

Memoirs,

1349 (1316).

R. Lodge:

Modern Europe,

1349-1350 (1316-1317).

3. THE STATE OF ENGLAND:

A. Alison:

History of Europe,

970-971 (943-944).

T. Wright:

History of France,

1349 (1316).

W. Bagehot:

Lombard Street,

2255 (2211).

4. THE OVERTHROW OF VENICE;

PEACE OF CAMPO FORMIO:

T. Mitchell:

Rise of Napoleon,

1350-1351 (1317-1318).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

1351-1352 (1318-1319).

See Map between pages 2622-2623 (2554-2555).

{781}

5. THE COUP D’ÉTAT OF THE 18TH FRUCTIDOR

(A. D. 1797):

E. de Bonnechose:

History of France,

1352-1353 (1319-1320).

A. Thiers:

The French Revolution,

1353 (1320).

Chevalier O’Clery:

The Italian Revolution,

1353-1354 (1320-1321).

6. THE UNITED STATES AND THE REVOLUTION;

THE X. Y. Z. LETTERS:

E. Everett:

Life of Washington,

3422 (3306).

H. C. Lodge:

George Washington,

3422 (3306).

T. W. Higginson:

The United States,

3431 (3315).

"The plan of this covert intercourse came through the private

Secretary of M. de Talleyrand, then French Minister for

Foreign Affairs; and the impudence of these three letters of

the alphabet went so far as to propose" a bribe of 1,200,000

francs. ‘You must pay money, a great deal of money,’ remarked

Monsieur Y. The secret of these names was kept, but the

diplomatic correspondence was made public, and created much

wrath in Europe, as well as in America. … At last the insults

passed beyond bearing, and it was at this time that ‘millions

for defense, not one cent for tribute,’ first became a

proverbial phrase, having been originally used by Charles C.

Pinckney."

T. W. HIGGINSON.

7. THE HELVETIC REPUBLIC:

H. Zschokke:

History of Switzerland,

3133-3134 (3049-3050).

C. A. Fyffe:

Modern Europe,

3134-3135 (3050-3051).

Sir A. Alison:

History of Europe,

3135 (3051).

8. Napoleon in Egypt (A. D. 1798-1799);

Battle of the Nile:

W. Massey:

History of England,

1354-1355 (1321-1322).

J. G. Lockhart:

Life of Napoleon,

1357-1359 (1326).

9. THE SECOND EUROPEAN COALITION

(A. D. 1798-1799):

H. Van Laun:

The Revolutionary Epoch,

1355-1357 (1322-1324).

T. Wright:

History of France,

1359-1360 (1326-1327).

Sir A. Alison:

History of Europe,

1360-1361 (1327-1328).

Sir W. Scott:

Life of Napoleon,

1361 (1328).

F. C. Schlosser:

The Eighteenth Century,

1361-1362 (1328-1329).

J. Adolphus:

History of England,

1362 (1329).

10. END OF THE FIRST REPUBLIC;

NAPOLEON FIRST CONSUL

(A. D. 1799):

C. K. Adams:

Democracy in France,

1362-1364 (1329-1331).

F. A. Mignet:

The French Revolution,

1364 (1331).

F. C. Schlosser:

The Eighteenth Century,

1364-1365 (1331-1332).

11. THE SECOND CONQUEST OF ITALY;

PEACE OF LUNEVILLE

(A. D. 1800-1801):

R. H. Horne:

Napoleon Bonaparte,

1365-1366 (1332-1333).

W. O’C. Morris:

The French Revolution,

1366-1367 (1333-1334).

Sir W. Scott:

Life of Napoleon,

1367 (1334).

Sir A. Alison:

History of Europe,

1539-1540 (1505-1506).

C. T. Lewis:

History of Germany,

1540 (1506).

12. LOUISIANA WRESTED FROM SPAIN AND SOLD TO THE UNITED STATES

(A. D. 1802-1803):

M. Thompson:

The Story of Louisiana,

2093-2094 (2049-2050).

C. F. Robertson:

The Louisiana Purchase,

2094 (2050).

H. von Holst:

Constitutional History of the United States,

3443 (3327).

T. M. Cooley:

The Acquisition of Louisiana,

3443-3444 (3327-3328).

Henry Adams:

History of the United States,

3444 (3328).

13. THE "CONTINENTAL SYSTEM"; NAPOLEON’S DOMESTIC POLICIES:

J. R. Green:

The English People,

1368-1369 (1335-1336).

L. Levi:

British Commerce,

1379-1380 (1346-1347).

Captain A. T. Mahan:

Influence of Sea Power,

1380-1381 (1347-1348).

H. Martin:

History of Europe,

1369-1370 (1336-1337).

C. A. Fyffe:

Modern Europe,

1370-1371 (1337-1338).

P. Lanfrey:

History of Napoleon,

1371 (1338).

M. Arnold:

Schools on the Continent,

738-739 (715-16).

"The significance of the Peace of Luneville lay in this, not

only that it was the close of the earlier revolutionary

struggle in Europe; … but that it marked the concentration of

all her energies in a struggle with Britain for the supremacy

of the world. … The country [Britain] stood utterly alone

while the Peace of Luneville secured France from all hostility

on the Continent. … To strike at England’s wealth had been

among the projects of the Directory; it was now the dream of

the First Consul. … Her carrying trade must be annihilated if

he closed every port against her ships. It was this gigantic

project of a 'Continental System' that revealed itself as soon

as Buonaparte became master of France."

J. R. GREEN.

14. WAR DECLARED BY GREAT BRITAIN;

NAPOLEON BECOMES EMPEROR:

H. Martineau:

History of England,

1371-1373 (1338-1340).

J. R. Seeley:

History of Napoleon I.,

1373-1374 (1340-1341).

Chancellor Pasquier:

Memoirs,

1374 (1341).

Sir W. Scott:

Life of Napoleon,

1374-1375 (1341-1342).

15. THIRD EUROPEAN COALITION;

TRAFALGAR AND AUSTERLITZ

(A. D. 1805):

R. Lodge:

Modern Europe,

1375 (1342).

J. F. Bright:

History of England,

1375-1376 (1342-1343).

W. O’C. Morris:

Napoleon,

1376-1377 (1343-1344).

16. THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST PRUSSIA AND RUSSIA

(A. D. 1806-1807):

W. Menzel:

History of Germany,

1540-1541 (1506-1507).

J. Bryce:

Holy Roman Empire,

1541 (1507).

J. G. Lockhart:

Life of Napoleon,

1542-1544 (1510).

Sir A. Alison:

History of Europe,

1544-1545 (1511).

H. Martin:

History of France,

1545-1546 (1511-1512).

A. Rambaud:

History of Russia,

1546-1547 (1513).

R. Lodge:

Modern Europe,

1547 (1513).

C. Joyneville:

Life of Alexander I.,

1547-1548 (1514).

17. THE CHARACTER OF NAPOLEON’S EMPIRE AND RULE:

W. O ’C. Morris:

The French Revolution,

1381-1382 (1348-1349).

P. Lanfrey:

History of Napoleon,

1382 (1349).

Sir H. L. Bulwer:

Historical Characters,

1382-1383 (1349-1350).

Sir A. Alison:

History of Europe,

1383-1384 (1350-1351).

H. Martin:

History of France,

2526 (2464).

Sir A. Alison:

History of Europe,

2526-2527 (2464-2465).

M. Talleyrand:

Memoirs,

2527-2528 (2465-2466)

18. THE PENINSULAR WAR

(A. D. 1808-1814):

M. M. Busk:

History of Portugal,

2647-2648 (2576).

J. R. Seeley:

Napoleon I.,

3082-3083 (3000-3001).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

3083-3084 (3001-3002).

P. Lanfrey:

History of Napoleon I.,

1384 (1351).

H. R. Clinton:

The War in the Peninsula,

3084 (3002).

C. Knight:

History of England,

3084-3085 (3002-3003).

H. R. Clinton:

War in the Peninsula,

3087 (3005).

The Times:

Memoir of Wellington,

3087-3089 (3007).

T. Hamilton:

The Peninsular Campaigns,

3089-3090 (3907-3908).

P. Lanfrey:

History of Napoleon I.,

3091 (3009).

{782}

General Vane:

The Peninsular War,

3092 (3010).

J. F. Bright:

History of England,

3092-3093 (3010-3011).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1123 (1095).

19. THE RUSSIAN CAMPAIGN

(A. D. 1812):

J. R. Seeley:

History of Napoleon,

1385-1386 (1353).

P. Lanfrey:

History of Napoleon I.,

1386 (1353).

E. Labaume:

The Campaign in Russia,

1386 (1353).

A. Rambaud:

History of Russia,

2842-2843 (2768-2769).

L. Tolstoi:

The Russian Campaign,

2843-2844 (2769-2770).

A. Thiers:

History of the Empire,

2844-2845 (2771).

V. Duruy:

History of France,

2845-2846 (2771-2772).

Sir R. Wilson:

The Invasion of Russia,

2846-2847 (2772-2773).

E. Labaume:

The Campaign in Russia,

2847 (2773).

A. Thiers:

History of the Empire,

1387 (1354).

20. THE GERMANIC UPRISING;

BATTLE OF LEIPSIC

(A. D. 1812-1813):

H. Martin:

History of France,

1555-1556 (1521-1522).

W. Menzel:

History of Germany,

1556 (1522).

J. Mitchell:

The Fall of Napoleon,

1557-1558 (1523-1524).

J. G. Lockhart:

Life of Napoleon,

1558-1559 (1525).

R. H. Horne:

History of Napoleon,

1560 (1526).

C. T. Lewis:

History of Germany,

1561-1562 (1528).

W. Hazlitt:

Life of Napoleon,

1562-1563 (1528-1529).

A. Thiers:

History of the Empire,

1563 (1529).

Sir A. Alison:

History of Europe,

1563-1564 (1530).

21. INVASION OF THE ALLIES;

ABDICATION OF NAPOLEON

(A. D. 1814):

A. Rambaud:

History of Russia,

1387-1389 (1354-1356).

J. Mitchell:

The Fall of Napoleon,

1389-1391 (1356-1358).

Sir A. Alison:

History of Europe,

1895 (1855).

W. R. Thayer:

Dawn of Italian Independence,

1895-1896 (1855-1856).

I. Butt:

History of Italy,

1896-1897 (1856-1857).

"The act of abdication was worded in the following terms: 'The

Allied Powers having proclaimed that the Emperor Napoleon is

the sole obstacle to the re-establishment of peace in Europe,

the Emperor Napoleon, faithful to his oath, declares that he

is ready to descend from the throne, to quit France, and even

to relinquish life, for the good of the country, which is

inseparable from the rights of his son, from those of the

regency in the person of the Empress, and from the maintenance

of the laws of the Empire. Done at our palace of Fontainbleau,

4th April, 1814. Napoleon.'"

J. MITCHELL.

22. THE POPE AND THE JESUITS:

M. Talleyrand:

Memoirs,

2527-2528 (2465-2466).

Fraser’s Magazine:

The Jesuits,

1935 (1894).

23. THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA

(SEPTEMBER, 1814):

C. A. Fyffe:

Modern Europe,

3745-3747 (3624-3626).

R. Lodge:

Modern Europe,

3747 (3626).

24. THE NEW GOVERNMENT;

LOUIS XVIII.:

H. Martin:

History of France,

1391-1392 (1358-1359).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

1392 (1359).

25. THE "ONE HUNDRED DAYS";

WATERLOO

(A. D. JUNE 18, 1815):

G. Hooper:

Waterloo,

1392-1394 (1359-1361).

H. R. Clinton:

Wellington’s Campaigns,

1394-1396 (1361-1363).

G. Hooper:

Waterloo,

1396-1397 (1363-1364).

Baron de Jomini:

The Campaign of Waterloo,

1397-1398 (1364-1365).

J. R. Seeley:

Napoleon I.,

1398-1399 (1365-1366).

Sir A. Alison:

History of Europe,

1399-1400 (1366-1367).

STUDY XXXVII.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE AMERICAN COLONIES.

1. THE DISCOVERY OF NORTH AMERICA

(A. D. 1498):

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

58 (51).

H. Harrisse:

Discovery of North America,

59 (3678).

H. Harrisse:

Discovery of North America,

61 (3678).

2. THE ABORIGINES:

D. G. Brinton:

The Lenape,

84 (77).

J. G. Palfrey:

History of New England,

84-85 (77-78).

J. W. Powell:

Ethnological Report,

85 (78).

J. R. Brodhead:

History of New York,

85 (78).

3. EARLIEST ENGLISH VENTURES:

E. J. Payne:

Elizabethan Seamen,

74-75, 76 (67-69).

E. Hayes:

Sir Humphrey Gilbert,

76 (69).

I. N. Tarbox:

Sir Walter Raleigh,

77 (70).

J. A. Doyle:

English in America,

76-77 (69-70).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

77-78 (70-71).

J. G. Palfrey:

History of New England,

78-79 (71-72).

4. THE VIRGINIA COMPANY AND COLONY:

J. Fiske:

Beginnings of New England,

3748 (3627).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

3748-3749 (3627-3628).

H. C. Lodge:

The English Colonies,

3749 (3628).

R. A. Brooke:

Virginia,

3749-3750 (3628-3629).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

3751 (3630).

C. Campbell:

The Colony of Virginia,

3751-3752 (3630-3631).

H. B. Adams:

College of William and Mary,

749-750 (726-727).

5. VIRGINIA UNDER THE STUARTS:

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

3752 (3631).

R. Beverley:

History of Virginia,

3752-3753 (3632).

J. E. Cooke:

Virginia,

3753 (3632).

W. Ware:

Nathaniel Bacon,

3753-3755 (3632-3634).

6. THE MAYFLOWER AND THE PLYMOUTH COLONY

(A. D. 1620):

C. Deane:

New England,

2141 (2097).

F. B. Dexter:

The Pilgrim Church,

2141-2142 (2097-2098).

Goldwin Smith:

The American Colonies,

2142 (2098).

J. G. Palfrey:

History of New England,

2143 (2099).

W. T. Davis:

Ancient Plymouth,

2144-2145 (2100-2101).

7. THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COMPANY:

H.C. Lodge:

English Colonies,

2145 (2101).

J. G. Palfrey:

History of New England,

2145 (2101).

J. B. Moore:

Governors of New Plymouth,

2146 (2101-2142).

J. Fiske:

Beginnings of New England,

2148 (2104).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

2148-2149 (2104-2105).

8. FOUNDING OF BOSTON

(A. D. 1630):

S. A. Drake:

Around the Hub,

2146-2147 (2102-2103).

R. C. Winthrop:

Boston Founded,

2147 (2103).

G. G. Bush:

Harvard,

751 (728).

The Oldest School in America,

750-751 (727-728).

9. EARLY RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS;

J. G. Palfrey:

New England,

2147 (2103).

J. Fiske:

Beginnings of New England,

2147 (2103).

G. E. Ellis:

Early Massachusetts,

2147-2148 (2103-2104).

J. A. Doyle:

The American Colonies,

2149 (2105).

J. S. Barry:

Massachusetts,

2149 (2105).

G. E. Ellis:

Early Massachusetts,

2149-2150 (2105-2106).

C. F. Adams:

Massachusetts,

2150-2151 (2106-2107).

{783}

10. THE DUTCH SETTLEMENTS:

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

79-80 (72-73).

E. B. O’Callaghan:

New Netherlands,

2377 (2325).

J. R. Brodhead:

History of New York,

2377-2378 (2325-2326).

G. W. Schuyler:

Colonial New York,

2378-2379 (2326-2327).

G. Bancroft:

History of United States,

677 (654).

H. C. Lodge:

English Colonies,

2379-2380 (2327-2328).

J. W. Gerard:

William Kieft,

2380 (2328).

S. S. Randall:

History of New York,

2380 (2328).

H. R. Stiles:

History of Brooklyn,

2381 (2329).

Mrs. M. J. Lamb:

The City of New York,

2379, 2382 (2327, 2330).

11. THE BEGINNINGS OF CONNECTICUT

(A. D. 1634):

(a) The First Settlements.

B. Trumbull:

History of Connecticut,

510 (496).

C. W. Bowen:

Boundary Disputes,

510 (496).

A. Johnston:

Connecticut,

510 (496).

J. Fiske:

The Beginnings of New England,

510-511 (496-497).

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

513 (499).

J. G. Palfrey:

History of New England,

513 (499).

A. Johnston:

A New England State,

514-515 (500-501).

(b) Constitution Making.

A. Johnston:

A New England State,

511 (497).

Public Records of Colony of Connecticut,

511-513 (497-499).

Full Text of the Fundamental Orders,

511-513 (497-499).

(c) The Fundamental Agreement, and the "Blue Laws."

J. A. Doyle:

The Puritan Colonies,

513-514 (499-500).

C. H. Levermore:

New Haven,

514 (500).

J. H. Trumbull:

The True Blue Laws,

514 (3691-3692).

12. ROGER WILLIAMS, AND THE PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS:

(a) The Persecution of Williams.

S. G. Arnold:

History of Rhode Island,

2707 (2634).

T. Durfee:

Historical Discourse,

2707-2708 (2634-2635).

J. L. Diman:

Orations and Essays,

2708-2709 (2636).

J. R. Bartlett:

Letters of Roger Williams,

2709 (2636).

W. Gammell:

Life of Roger Williams,

2709-2710 (2636-2637).

J. D. Knowles:

Memoir of Roger Williams,

2710-2711 (2637-2638).

(b) Constitution of Providence Plantation.

G. W. Greene:

Rhode Island,

2712 (2639).

Stephen Hopkins:

The Planting of Providence,

2712-2714 (2639-2641).

(c) First Baptist Church.

W. R. Staples:

The Town of Providence,

2714 (2641).

13. THE FOUNDING OF RHODE ISLAND:

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

2711-2712 (2638-2639).

O. S. Straus:

Roger Williams,

2712 (2639).

14. LORD BALTIMORE, AND MARYLAND:

(a) The Planting of the Colony.

J. McSherry:

History of Maryland,

2135 (2091).

J. L. Bozman:

Maryland,

2135-2136 (2091-2092).

J. G. Shea:

Catholic Church in Colonial Days,

2136-2137 (2092-2093).

G. B. Keen:

New Albion,

2353 (2305).

(b) Religious Troubles, and Toleration.

J. A. Doyle:

English in America,

2137-2138 (2093-2094).

G. L. Davis:

American Freedom,

2138 (2094).

W. H. Browne:

Maryland,

2138 (2094).

H. C. Lodge:

The English Colonies,

2138-2139 (2094-2095).

15. THE SWEDISH SETTLEMENT IN DELAWARE:

J. R. Brodhead:

History of New York,

677 (654).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

677 (654).

B. Ferris:

Settlements on the Delaware,

677-678 (654-655).

G. W. Schuyler:

Colonial New York,

678 (655).

E. H. Roberts:

New York,

678-679 (655-656).

16. EARLY HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA:

(a) Rival Claims to Territory.

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

2354 (2306).

W. H. Browne:

Maryland,

2135-2136 (2091-2092).

C. H. Levermore:

Republic of New Haven,

2368 (2319).

J. R. Brodhead:

History of New York,

2384-2385 (2332-2333).

(b) The Territory and Government of Penn.

Susan Coolidge:

History of Philadelphia,

2564-2565 (2498-2499).

Scharf and Westcott:

Philadelphia,

2565 (2499).

T. Clarkson:

Memoirs of Penn,

2565 (2499).

W. H. Dixon:

History of Penn,

2566-2567 (2500-2501).

B. A. Hinsdale:

Old Northwest,

2567 (2501).

J. Dunlop:

Controversy between Penn and Baltimore,

2567-2568 (2501-2502).

B. Fernow:

The Middle Colonies,

2568-2569 (2502-2503).

17. GENERAL REVIEW OP THE SETTLEMENT OF THE COLONIES, AND THEIR

RELATION TO THE MOTHER COUNTRY, 3281-3286 (3165-3170).

18. FIRST CONFEDERATION OF COLONIES

(A. D. 1643):

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

2357-2358 (2309-2310).

19. NEW AMSTERDAM BECOMES NEW YORK

(A. D. 1664):

J. A. Stevens:

The English in New York,

2382-2383 (2330-2331).

R. L. Fowler:

History of New York,

2383 (2331).

B. Tuckerman:

Peter Stuyvesant,

2384 (2332).

J. R. Brodhead:

History of New York,

2384-2385 (2332-2333).

J. R. Brodhead:

History of New York,

2336-2337 (2288-2289).

20. ATTEMPTED OVERTHROW OF CHARTERS;

ANDROS;

THE CHARTER OAK:

J. G. Palfrey:

History of New England,

2385 (2333).

G. L. Austin:

History of Massachusetts,

2153-2154 (2109-2110).

Brooks Adams:

Emancipation of Massachusetts,

2154-2155 (2110-2111).

H. C. Lodge:

The English Colonies,

2155-2156 (2111-2112).

J. S. Barry:

History of Massachusetts,

2156-2157 (2112-2113).

G. H. Hollister:

History of Connecticut,

515 (501).

E. B. Sanford:

History of Connecticut,

515-516 (501-502).

A. Johnston:

Connecticut,

516 (502).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

516-517 (502-503).

{784}

21. KING PHILIP’S WAR

(A. D. 1674-1678):

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

2358-2359 (2310-2311).

C. W. Elliott:

New England History,

2359 (2311).

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

2359-2360 (2311-2312).

J. G. Palfrey:

History of New England,

2360 (2312).

J. Fiske:

Beginnings of New England,

2360 (2312).

22. FIRST COLONIAL CONGRESS (A. D. 1690),

AND KING WILLIAM’S WAR:

R. Frothingham:

Rise of the Republic,

3287-3288 (3171-3172).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

376-377 (366-367).

J. G. Palfrey:

History of New England,

377 (367).

J. S. Barry:

History of Massachusetts,

377-378 (367-368).

23. THE SALEM WITCHCRAFT MADNESS

(A. D. 1692-1693):

J. G. Palfrey:

History of New England,

2157-2158 (2113-2114).

C. W. Elliott:

New England History,

2158-2159 (2114-2115).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

2159 (2115).

C. W. Upham:

Salem Witchcraft,

2159 (2115).

J. R. Lowell:

Witchcraft,

2159 (2115).

24. THE CAROLINAS AND GEORGIA:

J. A. Doyle:

English in America,

76-77 (69-70).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

77-78 (70-71).

F. X. Martin:

History of North Carolina,

81 (74).

J. H. Wheeler:

North Carolina,

2424 (2372).

F. L. Hawks:

History of North Carolina,

2424-2425 (2372-2373).

W. G. Simms:

History of South Carolina,

2425 (2373).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

2425-2426 (2373-2374).

J. A. Doyle:

English in America,

2426 (2374).

W. G. Simms:

History of South Carolina,

3047 (2967).

R. Mackenzie:

America,

1457 (1424).

25. THE INTERCOLONIAL WARS;

LOUISBURG:

R. Johnson:

The French War,

2362 (2314).

J. Grahame:

History of the United States,

2362-2363 (2314-2315).

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

2363-2364 (2315-2316).

T. C. Haliburton:

The English in America,

2364-2365 (2316-2317).

26. THE STRUGGLE FOR THE OHIO VALLEY:

R. G. Thwaites:

The Colonies,

3290 (3174).

Viscount Bury:

Exodus of Western Nations,

3290 (3174).

F. Parkman:

Montcalm and Wolfe,

3290-3291 (3174-3175).

H. Hale:

Iroquois Book of Rites,

2444-2445 (2392-2393).

B. A. Hinsdale:

The Old Northwest,

378-379 (368-369).

B. A. Hinsdale:

The Old Northwest,

2445-2446 (2393-2394).

J. Winsor

Narrative and Critical History of America,

2446 (2394).

R. Mackenzie:

America,

2446-2447 (2394-2395).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

2975 (2898).

27. THE CONGRESS AT ALBANY

(A. D. 1754):

B. Franklin:

Autobiography,

3291 (3175).

W. E. Foster:

Stephen Hopkins,

3291 (3175).

Full Text Representation of the

Present State of the Colonies,

3291-3293 (3175-3177).

Text of the Plan of Union,

3293-3294 (3177-3178).

28. Mason and Dixon’s Line:

W. H. Dixon:

William Penn,

2566-2567 (2500-2501).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

2571 (2505).

B. A. Hinsdale:

The Old Northwest,

2571 (2505).

29. The Scotch-Irish:

W. W. Henry:

The Scotch-Irish,

2912-2913 (2837-2838).

T. Roosevelt:

Winning of the West,

2913 (2838).

"Full credit has been awarded the Roundhead and the Cavalier

for their leadership in our history; nor have we been

altogether blind to the deeds of the Hollander and the

Huguenot; but it is doubtful if we have wholly realized the

importance of the part played by that stern and virile people,

the Irish whose preachers taught the creed of Knox and Calvin.

These Irish representatives of the Covenanters were in the

West almost what the Puritans were in the Northeast, and more

than the Cavaliers were in the South. … That these Irish

Presbyterians were a bold and hardy race is proved by their at

once pushing past the settled regions, and plunging into the

wilderness as the leaders of the white advance. … They were

fitted to be Americans from the very start; they were kinsfolk

of the Covenanters; they deemed it a religious duty to

interpret their own Bible, and held for a divine right the

election of their clergy. For generations, their whole

ecclesiastic and scholastic systems had been fundamentally

democratic."

T. ROOSEVELT.

30. EARLY WESTERN SETTLEMENTS:

(a) The Northwest Territory.

T. Roosevelt:

Winning of the West,

2429 (2377).

W. F. Poole:

The West from 1763 to 1783,

2429-2430 (2377-2378).

(5) The Wyoming Valley.

A. Johnston:

Connecticut,

2569-2570 (2503-2504).

(c) Transylvania and Daniel Boone.

N. S. Shaler:

Kentucky,

1981-1982 (1939-1940).

(d) The Watauga Commonwealth.

T. Roosevelt:

Winning of the West,

3179-3180 (3094-3095).

(e) The State of Franklin, and Sevier.

J. B. McMaster:

History of the United States,

3181-3182 (3096-3097).

W. H. Carpenter:

History of Tennessee,

3182 (3097).

31. COLONIAL LIFE:

(a) Religion.

J. G. Palfrey:

History of New England,

2147 (2103).

G. E. Ellis:

Early Massachusetts,

2147-2148 (2104).

J. A. Doyle:

American Colonies,

2149 (2105).

G. E. Ellis:

Early Massachusetts,

2149-2150 (2105-2106).

C. F. Adams:

Massachusetts,

2150-2151 (2106-2107).

J. Fiske:

Beginnings of New England,

2151 and 2153 (2107, 2109).

J. Fiske:

Beginnings of New England,

309 (299).

W. R. Staples:

The Town of Providence,

2714 (2641).

D. Weston:

Early Baptists,

266-267 (3690).

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

2568 (2502).

G. L. Davis:

American Freedom,

2138 (2094).

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

3755-3756 (3635).

J. A. Russell:

Catholic Church in the United States,

2526 (2464).

(b) Education.

H. B. Adams:

College of William and Mary,

749-750 (726-727).

The Oldest School in America,

750-751 (727-728).

G. G. Bush:

Harvard,

751 (728).

R. G. Boone:

Education in the United States,

751-752 (728-729).

J. L. Stewart:

The University of Pennsylvania,

752 (729).

J. G. Palfrey:

History of New England (Yale),

752-753 (729-730).

{785}

The College of New Jersey,

753 (3799).

Columbia College Handbook,

753-754 (730-731).

G. T. Curtis:

Daniel Webster (Dartmouth),

754-755 (3741-3742).

R. A. Guild:

Rhode Island College (Brown),

755 (3693).

(c) Printing and the Press.

C. R. Hildeburn:

Printing in New York,

2668-2669 (2596-2597).

I. Thomas:

History of Printing,

2669-2670 (2598).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

2670 (2598).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

2387 (2335).

F. Hudson:

Journalism in the United States,

2672 (2600).

J. Parton:

Life of Franklin,

2061-2062 (2017-2018).

B. Samuel:

The Father of American Libraries,

2062-2063 (2018-2019).

(d) Money and Banking.

W. B. Weeden:

Indian Money,

2252-2253 (2208-2209).

J. R. Snowden:

Description of Coins,

2253 (2209).

J. J. Knox:

United States Notes,

2255-2256 (2212).

W. G. Sumner:

History of American Currency,

2256 (2212).

John Fiske:

American Revolution,

2256 (2212).

(e) Trade and Commerce.

J. E. T. Rogers:

Economic Interpretation of History,

3229-3230 (3718-3719).

E. Eggleston:

Commerce in the Colonies,

3230 (3719).

M. Chamberlain:

Revolution Impending,

3286-3287 (3170-3171).

J. L. Bishop:

American Manufactures,

3289 (3173).

G. L. Beer:

Commercial Policy of England,

3296-3297 (3180-3181).

John Morley:

Edmund Burke,

3298 (3182).

(f) Slavery.

E. J. Payne:

Elizabethan Seamen,

74-75 (67-68).

G. W. Williams:

Negro Race in America,

2998 (2920).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

3751 (3630).

E. Washburn:

Slavery in Massachusetts,

2998-2999 (2920-2921).

G. W. Greene:

Rhode Island,

2715 (2642).

W. E. Foster:

Stephen Hopkins,

3002 (2924).

J. A. Doyle:

English in America.

3047-3048 (2968).

G. Bancroft:

History of United States,

3048 (2968).

T. Clarkson:

Abolition of the Slave Trade,

3000 (2922).

J. Fiske:

Critical Period,

3001 (2923).

T. Jefferson:

The State of Virginia,

3001 (2923).

J. E. Cooke:

Virginia,

3001 (2923).

E. B. Sanford:

Connecticut,

3001-3002 (2923-2924).

W. F. Poole:

Anti-Slavery Opinions,

3002 (2924).

STUDY XXXVIII.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

1. RELATIONS BETWEEN THE COLONIES AND THE CROWN

ON THE EVE OF THE REVOLUTION:

M. Chamberlain:

Revolution Impending,

3286-3287 (3170-3171).

G. L. Craik:

British Commerce,

2293 (2245).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

3288 (3172).

H. W. Preston:

American History,

3288-3289 (3172-3173).

J. L. Bishop:

History of American Manufactures,

3289 (3173).

B. A. Hinsdale:

The American Government,

3295 (3179).

G. L. Beer:

Commercial Policy of England,

3296-3297 (3180-3181).

John Morley:

Edmund Burke,

3298 (3182).

"Historians, in treating of the American rebellion, have

confined their arguments too exclusively to the question of

internal taxation, and the right or policy of exercising this

prerogative. The true source of the rebellion lay deeper, in

our traditional colonial policy. Just as the Spaniards had

been excited to the discovery of America by the hope of

obtaining gold and silver, the English merchants utilized the

discovery by the same fallacious method, and with the same

fallacious aspirations. … They only saw that a colonial trade

had sprung up, and their jealousy blinded them to the benefits

that accrued to themselves as a consequence of it. Their folly

found them out. … The result of the whole transaction was the

birth of a very strong sense in the minds of the colonists

that the mother country looked upon them as a sponge to be

squeezed. This conviction took more than a passing hold upon

them. It was speedily inflamed into inextinguishable heat,

first by the news that they were to be taxed without their own

consent, and next by the tyrannical and atrocious measures by

which it was proposed to crush their resistance."

JOHN MORLEY.

2. THE QUESTION OF TAXATION:

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

3294-3295 (3178-3179).

W. Tudor:

Life of James Otis,

3295-3296 (3179-3180).

J. Fiske:

The War of Independence,

3297-3298 (3181-3182).

T. Hutchinson:

Province of Massachusetts Bay,

3298-3299 (3182-3183).

3. THE STAMP ACT, AND THE STAMP ACT CONGRESS

(A. D. 1765):

J. G. Palfrey:

History of New England,

3299 (3183).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

3303 (3187).

W. Wirt:

Life of Patrick Henry,

3303-3305 (3187-3189).

W. W. Henry:

Patrick Henry,

3305 (3189).

J. A. Stevens:

The Stamp Act,

3305 (3189).

John Fiske:

The American Revolution,

3305-3306 (3189-3190).

E. B. Sanford:

History of Connecticut,

517 (503).

R. Frothingham:

Rise of the Republic,

3306-3307 (3190-3191).

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of England,

3317-3319 (3201-3203).

Full Text of the Stamp Act,

3299-3302 (3183-3186).

"It was in the midst of this magnificent debate, while he

[Patrick Henry] was descanting on the tyranny of the obnoxious

act, that he exclaimed in a voice of thunder, and with the

look of a god: ‘Caesar had his Brutus—Charles the First his

Cromwell—and George the Third—("Treason!" cried the speaker.

"Treason, treason!" echoed from every part of the house. It

was one of those trying moments that is decisive of character.

Henry faltered not for an instant; but rising to a loftier

attitude, and fixing on the speaker an eye of the most

determined fire, he finished his sentence with the firmest

emphasis)—may profit by their example. If this be treason,

make the most of it.’"

W. WIRT.

4. EXAMINATION OF FRANKLIN BY THE HOUSE OF COMMONS

(A. D. 1766):

J. Bigelow:

Life of Benjamin Franklin,

3317 (3201).

Full Text of the Questions and Answers from the

"Parliamentary History of England,"

3308-3317 (3192-3201).

"What used to be the pride of the Americans?"

"To indulge in the fashions and manufactures of

Great Britain."

"What is now their pride?"

"To wear their old clothes over again, until they can

make new ones."

{786}

5. THE "BOSTON MASSACRE," AND ITS RESULTS

(A. D. 1770):

J. K. Hosmer:

Samuel Adams,

311 (301).

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of England,

311-312 (301-302).

R. Frothingham:

Rise of the Republic,

3321 (3205).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

3321 (3205).

6. THE TOWNSHEND ACTS, AND THE "BOSTON TEA PARTY":

J. K. Hosmer:

Samuel Adams,

3319 (3203).

C. J. Stillé:

Life of John Dickinson,

3319-3320 (3203-3204).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

3321-3322 (3206).

J. Fiske:

War of Independence,

3322 (3206).

J. K. Hosmer:

Samuel Adams,

3322-3323 (3206-3207).

J. K. Hosmer:

Samuel Adams,

3324-3325 (3208-3209).

A. Gilman:

The Story of Boston,

312 (302).

7. THE BOSTON PORT BILL AND ITS EFFECTS

(A. D. 1774):

W. M. Sloane:

The French War and the Revolution,

3325 (3209).

R. Frothingham:

The Siege of Boston,

313-314 (303-304).

E. G. Scott:

Development of Constitutional Liberty,

3325-3326 (3209-3210).

8. EXAMINATION OF GOVERNOR HUTCHINSON BY KING GEORGE

(A. D. 1774):

Diary of Thomas Hutchinson,

Full Text of the Conversation.

3326-3330 (3210-3214).

9. THE FIRST CONTINENTAL CONGRESS

(A. D. 1774):

R. Frothingham:

Rise of the Republic,

3330 (3214).

J. C. Hamilton:

History of the United States,

3330-3331 (3214-3215).

P. L. Ford:

The First Congress,

3331-3332 (3215-3216).

M. Chamberlain:

John Adams,

3332 (3216).

H. von Holst:

Constitutional History of the United States,

3332-3333 (3216-3217).

10. THE GENERAL SITUATION IN THE COLONIES, AND IN PARLIAMENT:

R. Frothingham:

The Siege of Boston,

3333 (3217).

H. B. Carrington:

The American Revolution,

3333 (3217).

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of England,

3334 (3218).

Edmund Burke:

His Great Speech in the House of Commons,

3334-3337 (3218-3221).

G. Pellew:

John Jay,

2388-2389 (2336-2337).

B. J. Lossing:

Life of Philip Schuyler,

2389-2390 (2337-2338).

M. L. Booth:

History of New York,

2390-2391 (2338-2339).

H. S. Randall:

Life of Jefferson,

3756 (3635).

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

3049 (2969).

11. THE BEGINNING OF THE WAR

(APRIL, 1775):

R. Frothingham:

The Siege of Boston,

2160-2161 (2116-2117).

T. W. Higginson:

History of the United States,

3338 (3222).

G. E. Ellis:

Battle of Bunker’s Hill,

3338-3340 (3222-3224).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

3340-3341 (3225).

J. Sparks:

Life of Ethan Allen,

3341 (3225).

C. W. Elliott:

New England History,

3341-3342 (3225-3226).

A. Johnston:

History of the United States,

3343 (3227).

J. Winsor:

Narrative and Critical History of America,

3343 (3227).

G. E. Ellis:

The Battle of Bunker’s Hill,

3343-3344 (3227-3228).

"Allen sought and found the Commander’s bed-room, and when

Captain Delaplace waked he … opened the door, with trousers in

hand, and there the great gaunt Ethan stood, with a drawn

sword in his hand. ‘Surrender!’ said Ethan. ‘To you?’ asked

Delaplace. ‘Yes, to me, Ethan Allen.’ ‘By whose authority?’

asked Delaplace. Ethan was growing impatient, and raising his

voice, and waving his sword, he said: ‘In the name of the

Great Jehovah, and of the Continental Congress.’ Delaplace

little comprehended the words, but surrendered at once. Thus,

on the morning of 10th of May, the strong fortress of

Ticonderoga was taken by the border-men, and with it 44

prisoners, 120 iron cannon, with swivels, muskets, balls, and

some powder, without the loss of a single man. The surprise

was planned and paid for by Connecticut, and was led by Allen,

a Connecticut-born man, but was carried out by the ‘Green

Mountain Boys.’"

C. W. ELLIOTT.

12. WASHINGTON, COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE CONTINENTAL ARMY:

W. Irving:

Life of Washington,

3342 (3226).

E. Everett:

Life of Washington,

3345 (3229).

E. E. Hale:

Naval History of the Revolution,

3345-3346 (3229-3230).

13. WAR MEASURES OF PARLIAMENT;

THE HESSIANS:

H. S. Randall:

Life of Jefferson,

3346 (3230).

Earl Stanhope:

History of England,

3347 (3231).

E. J. Lowell:

Hessians in the Revolution,

3347-3348 (3231-3232).

14. INDEPENDENCE DECLARED

(JULY 4, 1776):

L. Sabine:

Biographical Sketches,

3337-3338 (3222).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

3340-3341 (3225).

H. S. Randall:

Life of Jefferson,

3347 (3231).

J. Q. Adams:

Life of John Adams,

3348-3349 (3232-3233).

J. T. Morse, Jr.:

Thomas Jefferson,

3349-3350 (3233-3234).

J. Fiske:

American Revolution,

3350 (3234).

H. von Holst:

Constitutional History of the United States,

3352 (3236).

Text of the Declaration, and Signers,

3351-3352 (3235-3236).

15. THE WAR IN NEW YORK AND NEW JERSEY

(A. D. 1776-1777):

B. J. Lossing:

History of the United States,

3352-3353 (3237).

H. C. Lodge:

George Washington,

3353-3354 (3238).

J. Fiske:

War of Independence,

3354-3356 (3238-3240).

H. P. Johnston:

Campaign of 1776,

3356 (3240).

E. Lawrence:

New York in the Revolution,

3356-3357 (3240-3241).

16. THE CAMPAIGN ON THE DELAWARE

(A. D. 1777):

F. D. Stone:

The Struggle for the Delaware,

3361-3362 (3245-3246).

G. Washington:

Writings,

3362-3363 (3246-3247).

F. Kapp:

Life of von Steuben,

3363-3364 (3247-3248).

17. THE STRUGGLE FOR THE HUDSON;

SURRENDER OF BURGOYNE

(OCTOBER 15, 1777):

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

3365-3366 (3249-3250).

Sir E. Creasy:

Fifteen Decisive Battles,

3366-3368 (3250-3252).

E. Everett:

Life of Washington,

3368 (3252).

G. Washington:

Writings,

3368 (3252).

18. FORMATION OF STATE GOVERNMENTS,

AND ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION:

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

3360-3361 (3244-3245).

J. Story:

Commentaries on the Constitution,

3368-3369 (3252-3253).

H. von Holst:

Constitutional History of the United States,

3372 (3256).

Full Text of the Articles of Confederation,

3369-3372 (3253-3256).

{787}

19. THE FRENCH ALLIANCE:

F. Wharton:

Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States,

3357 (3241).

J. T. Morse, Jr.:

Benjamin Franklin,

3357-3358 (3241-3242).

J. Marshall:

Life of Washington,

3358 (3242).

W. G. Sumner:

Finances of American Revolution,

3359-3360 (3243-3244).

B. Tuckerman:

Life of Lafayette,

3364-3365 (3249).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

3372-3373 (3257).

S. Eliot:

History of the United States,

3376-3377 (3260-3261).

F. Wharton:

Diplomatic Correspondence of United States,

3380-3381 (3264-3265).

20. INDIAN TROUBLES;

CLARK’S CONQUEST OF THE NORTHWEST

(A. D. 1778-1779)

E. H. Roberts:

New York,

3374 (3258).

E. Cruikshank:

Story of Butler’s Rangers,

3374-3375 (3258-3259).

A. F. McDavis:

Border Warfare of the Revolution,

3375-3376 (3259-3260).

W. L. Stone:

Life of Joseph Brant,

3376 (3260).

T. Roosevelt:

Winning of the West,

2429 (2377).

O. Turner:

History of Pioneer Settlement,

3382-3383 (3266-3267).

A. T. Norton:

Sullivan’s Campaign against the Iroquois,

3383-3384 (3267-3268).

21. THE WAR IN THE SOUTH

(A. D. 1778-1780):

W. Irving:

Life of Washington,

3381 (3265).

C. B. Hartley:

Life of General Marion,

3384-3385 (3268-3269).

G. Tucker:

History of the United States,

3286-3287 (3270-3271).

G. W. Greene:

Life of Nathanael Greene,

3389-3390 (3273-3274).

W. G. Simms:

History of South Carolina,

3390 (3274).

J. Fiske:

War of Independence,

3390-3391 (3274-3275).

22. WASHINGTON'S ANXIETIES AND MOVEMENTS

(A. D. 1778-1780):

W. Irving:

Life of Washington,

3377 (3261).

G. Washington:

Writings,

3377-3378 (3261-3262).

G. W. Greene:

Life of Nathanael Greene,

3378-3379 (3262-3263).

H. C. Lodge:

George Washington,

3381-3382 (3265-3266).

W. Irving:

Life of Washington,

3385-3386 (3269-3270).

W. G. Sumner:

History of American Currency,

3386 (3270).

"At the end of 1779 Congress was at its wit’s end for money.

Its issues had put specie entirely out of reach, and the cause

of the Revolution was in danger of being drowned under the

paper sea. … In the spring or 1780 the bills were worth two

cents on the dollar, and then ceased to circulate. The paper

was now worth more for an advertisement or a joke than for any

prospect of any kind of redemption. A barber’s shop in

Philadelphia was papered with it; and a dog, coated with tar,

and with the bills stuck all over him, was paraded in the

streets."

W. G. SUMNER.

23. The Arrival of Rochambeau

(A. D. 1780):

J. C. Hamilton:

History of the United States,

3387 (3271).

T. Balch:

The French in America,

3387-3388 (3271-3272).

24. THE TREASON OF ARNOLD;

AND MUTINY OF PENNSYLVANIA TROOPS:

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

8388-8389 (3272-3273).

H. B. Carrington:

Battles of the Revolution,

3391-3392 (3275-3276).

25. THE VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN

(A. D. 1781):

B. Tuckerman:

Life of Lafayette,

3392-3393 (3276-3277).

H. P. Johnston:

The Yorktown Campaign,

3393 (3277).

H. B. Carrington:

The American Revolution,

3393-3394 (3277-3278).

R. C. Winthrop:

Address at Yorktown,

3394-3395 (3278-3279).

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of England,

3395-3396 (3279-3280).

26. THE CESSION OF WESTERN TERRITORY TO THE UNION:

A. Johnston:

The United States,

3396 (3280).

H. B. Adams:

Land Cessions to the United States,

3396-3397 (3280-3281).

B. A. Hinsdale:

The Northwest,

3397 (3281).

27. PEACE NEGOTIATIONS:

J. Marshall:

Life of Washington,

3397-3398 (3281-3282).

Diplomacy of the United States,

3398-3399 (3282-3283).

E. Fitzmaurice:

Life of the Earl of Shelburne,

3399-3400 (3283-3284).

E. B. Andrews:

History of the United States,

3400 (3284).

J. Fiske:

The Critical Period,

3400-3401 (3284-3286).

J. Q. Adams:

Life of John Adams,

3401-3402 (3285-3286).

F. Wharton:

Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence,

3402 (3286).

J. Bigelow:

Life of Franklin,

3402-3403 (3286-3287).

28. THE DEFINITIVE TREATY OF PEACE

(SEPTEMBER, 1783):

H. W. Preston:

Documents of American History,

3403-3404 (3287-3288).

T. Pitkin:

Political History of the United States,

3409-3411 (3293-3295).

T. Roosevelt:

Winning of the West,

3411-3412 (3295-3296).

29. THE DISSOLUTION OF THE CONTINENTAL ARMY:

G. T. Curtis:

The Constitution of the United States,

3403 (3287).

J. B. McMaster:

History of the United States,

3404-3405 (3288-3289).

30. GENERAL CONDITIONS FOLLOWING THE WAR:

G. E. Ellis:

Loyalists and their Fortunes,

3202-3203 (3116-3117).

J. B. McMaster:

History of the United States,

3405-3406 (3289-3290).

A. Hamilton:

The Federalist,

3406-3407 (3290-3291).

A. Johnston:

History of American Politics,

3407 (3291).

J. R. Soley:

Maritime Industries of America,

3408 (3292).

W. B. Weeden:

Economic History of New England,

3408 (3292).

W. G. Sumner:

Finances of the Revolution,

3409 (3293).

J. Schouler:

History of the United States,

2161 (2117).

"Four years only elapsed, between the return of peace and the

downfall of a government which had been framed with the hope

and promise of perpetual duration. … But this brief period was

full of suffering and peril. There are scarcely any evils or

dangers, of a political nature, and springing from political

and social causes, to which a free people can be exposed,

which the people of the United States did not experience

during that period."

G. T. CURTIS.

"It is not too much to say that the period of five years

following the peace of 1783 was the most critical moment in

all the history of the American people."

JOHN FISKE.

31. PLANS FOR SETTLEMENT OF THE NORTHWEST TERRITORY:

J. B. McMaster:

History of the United States,

2430-2431 (2378-2379).

T. Donaldson:

The Public Domain,

2431 (2379)

{788}

R. King:

Ohio,

2431 (2379).

J. Winsor:

Narrative and Critical History of America,

2431-2432 (2380).

T. Donaldson:

The Public Domain,

2434-2435 (2382-2383).

Full Text of the Ordinance of 1787,

2432-2434 (2382).

STUDY XXXIX.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE UNITED STATES:

UNION UNDER THE CONSTITUTION;

ADMINISTRATIONS OF WASHINGTON AND ADAMS.

1. FEDERAL GOVERNMENT:

E. A. Freeman:

History of Federal Government,

1136 (1108).

A. B. Hart:

The Study of Federal Government,

1136 (1108).

J. N. Dalton:

Federal States of the World,

1138-1139 (1110-1111).

2. THE WEAKNESS OF THE CONFEDERATION:

J. B. McMaster:

History of the United States,

3405-3406 (3289-3290).

Alexander Hamilton:

The Federalist,

3405-3406 (3290-3291).

A. Johnston:

History of American Politics,

3407 (3291).

Text of the Articles of Confederation,

3369-3372 (3253-3256).

3. THE MAKING OF THE CONSTITUTION

(A. D. 1787):

J. S. Landon:

Constitutional History of United States,

3412-3413 (3296-3297).

K. M. Rowland:

Life of George Mason,

3413 (3297).

W. C. Rives:

Life of James Madison,

3413-3414 (3297-3298).

James Madison:

Letters and Writings,

3414-3415 (3298-3299).

S. H. Gay:

James Madison,

3415-3416 (3299-3300).

John Fiske:

The Critical Period,

3416 (3300).

A. B. Hart:

Formation of the Union,

3416-3417 (3300-3301).

4. RATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITUTION, AND ELECTION OF PRESIDENT

(A. D. 1789):

J. S. Landon:

Constitutional History of United States,

3417-3418 (3301-3302).

W. Irving:

Life of Washington,

3418 (3302).

Text of the Constitution, with all Amendments,

619-625 (596-602).

5. ORGANIZATION OF THE GOVERNMENT;

FORMATION OF PARTIES:

A. Johnston:

History of American Politics,

3418-3419 (3302-3303).

Thomas Jefferson:

Writings,

3419-3420 (3303-3304).

H. C. Lodge:

Life of George Cabot,

3420-3421 (3304-3305).

6. THE FIRST CENSUS (A. D. 1790):

3421 (3305).

7. ORGANIZATION OF THE SUPREME COURT

(A. D. 1789):

J. S. Landon:

Constitutional History of United States,

3122-3123 (3039-3040).

J. Bryce:

The American Commonwealth,

3123 (3040).

E. A. Freeman:

The English People,

3123 (3040).

"It [the Supreme Court] is, I believe, the only national

tribunal in the world which can sit in judgment on a national

law, and can declare an act of all the three powers of the

Union to be null and void. No such power does or can exist in

England. Any one of the three powers of the State,—King,

Lords, or Commons,—acting alone, may act illegally, the three

acting together cannot act illegally. An act of Parliament is

final; it may be repealed by the power which enacted it; it

cannot be questioned by any other power. For in England there

is no written constitution; the powers of Parliament,—of King,

Lords, and Commons, acting together,—are literally boundless.

But in your Union, it is not only possible that President,

Senate, or House of Representatives, acting alone, may act

illegally; the three acting together may act illegally. …

Congress may pass, the President may assent to a measure which

contradicts the terms of the Constitution. If they so act,

they act illegally, and the Supreme Court can declare such an

act to be null and void. This difference flows directly from

the difference between a written and unwritten constitution."

E. A. FREEMAN.

8. The First Tariff Measure, and First Bank of the United States:

J. T. Morse, Jr.:

Life of Alexander Hamilton,

3150 (3066).

A. Hamilton:

Report on Manufactures,

3150-3152 (3066-3068).

H. W. Domett:

The Bank of New York,

2256 (2212).

J. A. Stevens:

Albert Gallatin,

2257-2258 (2213-2214).

9. FOUNDING OF THE FEDERAL CAPITAL

(A. D. 1791):

A. Johnston:

History of American Politics,

3419 (3303).

J. Schouler:

History of the United States,

3767-3768 (3646-3647).

10. ADMISSION OF NEW STATES TO THE UNION:

(a) Vermont (A. D. 1791).

B. J. Lossing:

Life of Philip Schuyler,

3736-3737 (3616-3617).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

3737 (3617).

Z. Thompson:

History of Vermont,

3737-3738 (3617-3618).

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

3738-3739 (3618-3619).

(b) Kentucky (A. D. 1792).

N. S. Shaler:

Kentucky,

1981-1982 (1939-1940).

W. B. Allen:

History of Kentucky,

1982-1983 (1940-1941).

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

1983 (1941).

(c) Tennessee (A. D. 1796).

T. Roosevelt:

Winning of the West,

3179-3180 (3094-3095).

J. Phelan:

History of Tennessee,

3180-3181 (3095-3096).

J. B. McMaster:

History of the United States,

3181-3182 (3096-3097).

W. H. Carpenter:

History of Tennessee,

3182 (3097).

11. SLAVERY; THE FIRST FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW

(A. D. 1793):

H. G. McDougall:

Fugitive Slaves,

3421-3422 (3305-3306).

William Jay:

Letter to Josiah Quincy,

3422 (3306).

J. W. Draper:

History of the Civil War,

3422-3423 (3306-3307).

H. Von Holst:

Constitutional History of the United States,

3431-3432 (3315-3316).

12. RELATIONS WITH FRANCE;

"CITIZEN" GENET;

THE X. Y. Z. LETTERS:

E. Everett:

Life of Washington,

3422 (3306).

H. C. Lodge:

George Washington,

3422 (3306).

T. W. Higginson:

History of the United States,

3431 (3315).

{789}

13. THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION

(A. D. 1794):

George Tucker:

History Of The United States,

2572-2573 (2506-2507).

14. STRAINED RELATIONS WITH GREAT BRITAIN;

THE JAY TREATY

(A. D. 1794-1795):

G. Pellew:

John Jay,

3423-3424 (3307-3308).

H. von Holst:

Constitutional History of the United States,

3424 (3308).

15. THIRD PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;

WASHINGTON’S FAREWELL ADDRESS

(A. D. 1796):

H. von Holst:

Constitutional History of the United States,

3430-3431 (3314-3315).

W. Irving:

Life of Washington,

3424-3425 (3308-3309).

Full Text of the Farewell Address,

3425-3430 (3309-3314).

"In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old

and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the

strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will

control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our

nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the

destiny of nations. But if I may even flatter myself that they

may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional

good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of

party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign

intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended

patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the

solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

… Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I

am unconscious of intentional error, I am, nevertheless, too

sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may

have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently

beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which

they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my

Country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and

that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its

service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent

abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon

be to the mansions of rest."

GEORGE WASHINGTON, FAREWELL ADDRESS.

16. THE DEATH OF WASHINGTON

(DECEMBER 14, 1799):

H. C. Lodge:

George Washington,

3439.

17. THE ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS

(A. D. 1798):

J. S. Landon:

Constitutional History of the United States

3432 (3316).

H. C. Lodge:

Alexander Hamilton,

3434-3435 (3319).

Text of the Naturalization Act,

3432 (3316).

Texts of the Alien Acts,

3432-3434 (3316-3318).

Text of the Sedition Act,

3434 (3318).

18. THE KENTUCKY AND VIRGINIA RESOLUTIONS:

E. D. Warfield:

The Kentucky Resolutions,

3435 (3319).

S. H. Gay:

James Madison,

3438-3439 (3322-3323).

J. B. McMaster:

History of the United States,

3439 (3323).

Text of the Kentucky Resolutions,

3435-3437 (3321).

Text of the Virginia Resolutions,

3437-3438 (3321-3322).

STUDY XL.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE UNITED STATES:

THE THREE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATIONS

(A. D. 1801-1825).

1. THE FOURTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;

THOMAS JEFFERSON PRESIDENT:

W. Whitelock:

Life of John Jay,

3440 (3324).

Goldwin Smith:

The United States,

3440-3441 (3324-3325).

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

3441 (3325).

A. Bradford:

Federal Government,

3441-3442 (3325-3326).

2. JOHN MARSHALL CHIEF JUSTICE:

A. B. Magruder:

John Marshall,

3442-3443 (3326-3327).

3. WAR WITH THE BARBARY STATES:

E. Schuyler:

American Diplomacy,

272 (263).

J. Schouler:

History of the United States,

272-273 (263-264).

Henry Adams:

History of the United States,

273 (264).

S. Lane Poole:

The Barbary Corsairs,

273-274 (264-265).

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

274 (265).

4. OHIO ADMITTED TO THE UNION

(A. D. 1802):

T. Roosevelt:

Winning of the West,

2429 (2377).

H. Hale:

The Iroquois Book of Rites,

2444-2445 (2392-2393).

B. A. Hinsdale:

The Old Northwest,

2445-2446 (2393-2394).

B. King:

Ohio,

2431 (2379).

J. Winsor:

Narrative and Critical History of America,

2431-2432 (2380).

T. Donaldson:

The Public Domain,

2434-2435 (2383).

Full Text of the Ordinance of 1787,

2432-2434 (2380-2382).

5. THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE

(A. D. 1803):

C. Gayarré:

Louisiana,

2090 (2046).

Waring and Cable:

New Orleans,

647 (624).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

2091 (2047).

G. W. Cable:

The Creoles of Louisiana,

2091-2092 (2047-2048).

T. M. Cooley:

The Acquisition of Louisiana,

2092-2093 (2048-2049).

M. Thompson:

The Story of Louisiana,

2093-2094 (2049-2050).

C. F. Robertson:

The Louisiana Purchase,

2094 (2050).

H. von Holst:

Constitutional History of the United States

3443 (3327).

Henry Adams:

History of the United States,

3444 (3328).

See maps between pages

3342-3343 (3326-3327).

6. FEDERALIST SECESSION MOVEMENT

(A. D. 1804):

T. M. Cooley:

The Acquisition of Louisiana,

3444 (3328).

C. F. Robertson:

The Louisiana Purchase,

3445 (3329).

"The purchase, according to the Federal view of the

Constitution, was perfectly legitimate. … But the Federalists

in general took narrow and partisan views, and in order to

embarrass the administration resorted to quibbles which were

altogether unworthy the party which had boasted of Washington

as its chief and Hamilton as the exponent of its doctrines. …

The Federal leaders did not stop at cavils; they insisted that

the unconstitutional extension of territory was in effect a

dissolution of the Union, so that they were at liberty to

contemplate and plan for a final disruption."

JUDGE T. M. COOLEY.

7. THE BRITISH IMPRESSMENT OF SEAMEN:

G. Tucker:

History of the United States

3444 (3328).

Henry Adams:

History of the United States,

3444 (3328).

Goldwin Smith:

The United States,

3444-3445 (3328-3329).

8. THE IMPEACHMENT OF JUDGE CHASE

(A. D. 1804-1805):

Henry Adams:

John Randolph,

3445-3446 (3330).

J. Q. Adams:

Memoirs,

3446 (3330).

J. Schouler:

History of the United States,

3446-3447 (3331).

9. THE LEWIS AND CLARK EXPEDITION

(A. D. 1804-1805):

The Nation:

Review of Dr. Coues’ History,

3447-3448 (3331-3332).

10. AARON BURR’S FILIBUSTERING SCHEME

(A. D. 1806-1807):

J. D. Hammond:

History of Political Parties,

3450-3451 (3334-3335).

{790}

11. THE QUESTION OF THE SLAVE TRADE:

W. F. Poole:

Anti-Slavery Opinions,

3002 (2924).

John Fiske:

The Critical Period,

3002-3003 (2924-2925).

C. P. Lucas:

The British Colonies,

3003 (2925).

E. Quincy:

Life of Josiah Quincy,

3451-3452 (3336).

12. TROUBLES WITH GREAT BRITAIN

(A. D. 1804-1810):

J. B. McMaster:

History of the United States,

3448-3449 (3332-3333).

S. H. Gay:

James Madison,

3449-3450 (3333-3334).

Henry Adams:

History of the United States,

3450 (3334).

Henry Adams:

History of the United States,

3452-3453 (3336-3337).

Goldwin Smith:

The United States,

3453 (3337).

G. L. Rives:

Thomas Barclay,

3454 (3338).

13. SIXTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;

JAMES MADISON PRESIDENT (A. D. 1808):

J. Schouler:

History of the United States,

3453 (3337).

14. THE THIRD CENSUS (A. D. 1810),

3454 (3338).

15. LOUISIANA ADMITTED TO THE UNION

(A. D. 1812):

Waring and Cable:

New Orleans,

2095 (2051).

L. Carr:

Missouri,

2095 (2051).

J. W. Monette:

The Valley of the Mississippi,

2095 (2051).

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

1182-1183 (1153).

16. BEGINNING OF THE WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN

(A. D. 1812):

C. Schurz:

Life of Henry Clay,

3455 (3339).

R. Johnson:

The War of 1812,

3456-3457 (3340-3341).

T. W. Higginson:

History of the United States,

3457-3458 (3341-3342).

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

3458 (3342).

J. Schouler:

History of the United States,

3458-3459 (3342-3343).

17. CONDITION, AND EARLY SUCCESSES, OF THE NAVY:

J. A. Stevens:

Second War with Great Britain,

3459 (3343).

J. R. Soley:

Wars of the United States,

3459-3460 (3343-3344).

18. PERRY’S VICTORY ON LAKE ERIE

(A. D. 1813):

J. Schouler:

History of the United States,

3460-3462 (3344-3346).

T. Roosevelt:

The Naval War,

3462 (3346).

19. THE BURNING OF TORONTO, AND BUFFALO

(A. D. 1813):

G. Bryce:

History of Canada,

3462-3463 (3346-3347).

J. T. Headley:

Second War with England,

3463-3464 (3347-3348).

R. Johnson:

The War of 1812,

3464-3465 (3348-3349).

20. THE CREEK WAR; JACKSON’S FIRST CAMPAIGN:

A. S. Gatschet:

The Creek Indians,

102 (95).

A. Gallatin:

Synopsis of Indian Tribes,

102 (95).

W. G. Sumner:

Andrew Jackson,

3465 (3349).

21. LUNDY’S LANE, AND LAKE CHAMPLAIN

(A. D. 1814):

S. Perkins:

History of the Late War,

3466-3467 (3350-3351).

W. Dorsheimer:

Buffalo in the War of 1812,

3467-3468 (3351-3352).

T. Roosevelt:

The Naval War of 1812,

3469-3470 (3353-3354).

22. THE CAPTURE OF WASHINGTON;

BURNING OF PUBLIC BUILDINGS

(A. D. 1814):

A. Johnston:

The United States,

3465 (3349).

C. B. Todd:

The Story of Washington,

3468 (3352).

G. R. Gleig:

Campaigns of the British Army,

3468 (3352).

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

3468-3469 (3352-3353).

23. THE LAST BATTLES OF THE WAR:

J. R. Soley:

The Boys of 1812,

3474 (3358).

J. Schouler:

History of the United States,

3474-3475 (3358-3359).

24. THE TREATY OF PEACE

(A. D. 1814):

J. T. Morse, Jr.:

John Quincy Adams,

3470-3471 (3354-3355).

T. Wilson:

The Treaty of Ghent,

3471 (3355).

Full Text of the Treaty,

3471-3474 (3355-3358).

25. INCORPORATION OF THE SECOND BANK OF THE UNITED STATES

(A. D. 1817):

D. Kinley:

The Treasury of the United States,

2258-2259 (2214-2215).

W. G. Sumner:

Andrew Jackson,

2259 (2215).

A. Johnston:

History of American Politics,

2259 (2215).

26. THE EIGHTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;

JAMES MONROE ELECTED

(A. D. 1816):

N. Sargent:

Public Men and Events,

3475-3476 (3359-3360).

E. Stanwood:

Presidential Elections,

3476 (3360).

27. THE FIRST MOVE TOWARD "INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS"

(A. D. 1816-1817):

A. B. Hart:

Formation of the Union,

3476 (3360).

C. Colton:

Life of Henry Clay,

3476 (3360).

28. ADMISSION OF NEW STATES TO THE UNION:

(a) Indiana (A. D. 1816).

T. Donaldson:

The Public Domain,

2434-2435 (2382-2383).

J. W. Monette:

The Mississippi Valley,

1787-1788 (1748-1749).

(b) Mississippi (A. D. 1817).

J. W. Monette:

The Mississippi Valley,

2233 (2189).

T. Donaldson:

The Public Domain,

2094 (2050).

J. Schouler:

History of the United States,

2233 (2189).

(c) Illinois (A. D. 1818).

J. Wallace:

History of Illinois,

1734 (1695).

B. A. Hinsdale:

The Old Northwest,

3379-3380 (3263-3264).

J. B. McMaster:

History of the United States,

2430-2431 (2378-2379).

J. W. Monette:

The Mississippi Valley,

1787-1788 (1748-1749).

R. G. Thwaites:

The Boundaries of Wisconsin,

3776 (3655).

(d) Alabama (A. D. 1819).

W. Brewer:

Alabama,

30 (32).

(e) Maine (A. D. 1820).

C. W. Tuttle:

Captain John Mason,

2354-2355 (2306-2307).

C. W. Elliott:

New England History,

2122-2123 (2079-2080).

G. L. Austin:

History of Massachusetts,

2123 (2080).

W. D. Williamson:

History of Maine,

2123 (2080).

29. THE SEMINOLE WARS:

A. S. Gatschet:

The Creek Indians,

108 (101).

D. G. Brinton:

The Floridian Peninsula,

108-109 (101-102).

Bryant and Gay:

History of the United States,

1183 (1153).

W. G. Sumner:

Andrew Jackson,

1183-1184 (1154).

T. Roosevelt:

Life of Benton,

1184 (1154).

30. THE DARTMOUTH COLLEGE CASE

(A. D. 1819):

G. T. Curtis:

Life of Daniel Webster,

754-755 (3741-3742).

{791}

31. THE BEGINNING OF OCEAN NAVIGATION:

F. E. Chadwick:

Development of the Steamship,

3115-3116 (3033-3034).

32. NINTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;

THE "ERA OF GOOD FEELING"

(A. D. 1820):

J. Schouler:

History of the United States,

3478 (3362).

T. W. Higginson:

History of the United States,

3478 (3362).

"Monroe like Washington was re-chosen President by a vote

practically unanimous. One, however, of the 232 electoral

votes cast was wanting to consummate this exceptional honor;

for a New Hampshire elector, with a boldness of discretion

which, in our days and especially upon a close canvass, would

have condemned him to infamy, threw away upon John Quincy

Adams the vote which belonged like those of his colleagues to

Monroe, determined, so it is said, that no later mortal should

stand in Washington’s shoes. Of America’s Presidents elected

by virtual acclamation history furnishes but these two

examples; and as between the men honored by so unapproachable

a tribute of confidence, Monroe entered upon his second term

of office with less of real political opposition than

Washington."

J. SCHOULER.

33. THE FOURTH CENSUS (A. D. 1820),

3478 (3362).

34. THE FIRST GREAT CONFLICT OVER SLAVERY;

THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE

(A. D. 1818-1821):

Waring and Cable:

New Orleans,

2095 (2051).

L. Carr:

Missouri,

2095 (2051).

Carl Schurz:

Life of Henry Clay,

3476-3477 (3360-3361).

J. A. Woodburn:

The Missouri Compromise,

3477-3478 (3361-3362).

35. THE MONROE DOCTRINE

(A. D. 1823):

T. W. Higginson:

History of the United States,

3478-3479 (3362-3363).

D. C. Gilman:

James Monroe,

3479 (3363).

36. TARIFF LEGISLATION;

"THE AMERICAN SYSTEM"

(A. D. 1816-1824):

O. L. Elliott:

The Tariff Controversy,

3153-3154 (3069-3070).

T. H. Benton:

Thirty Years’ View,

3154 (3070).

STUDY XLI.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE UNITED STATES FROM THE ELECTION OF ADAMS (1825) TO

THE COMPROMISE OF 1850.

1. TENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

(A. D. 1824):

J. Quincy:

Life of J. Q. Adams,

3479-3480 (3364).

J. P. Kennedy:

Life of William Wirt,

3480 (3364).

Goldwin Smith:

The United States,

3480-3481 (3364-3365).

2. RECONSTRUCTION OF PARTIES:

T. H. Benton:

Thirty Years’ View,

3481 (3365).

A. Johnston:

History of American Politics,

3481-3482 (3365-3366).

3. TARIFF CHANGES;

"THE BILL OF ABOMINATIONS":

T. H. Benton:

Thirty Years' View,

3154 (3070).

H. C. Lodge:

Daniel Webster,

3154 (3070).

W. G. Sumner:

Andrew Jackson,

3154-3155 (3071).

C. Schurz:

Life of Henry Clay,

3155 (3071).

4. ELEVENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;

ANDREW JACKSON

(A. D. 1828):

W. G. Sumner:

Andrew Jackson,

3482 (3366).

T. H. Benton:

Thirty Years’ View,

3482 (3366).

5. NULLIFICATION AND DISUNION SENTIMENT:

S. H. Gay:

James Madison,

3438-3439 (3322-3323).

T. M. Cooley:

The Acquisition of Louisiana,

3443-3444 (3327-3328).

A. Johnston:

American Politics,

3470 (3354).

H. von Holst:

Constitutional History,

3470 (3354).

Texts of Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions,

3435-3438 (3319-3322).

6. NULLIFICATION ORDINANCE OF SOUTH CAROLINA;

WEBSTER-HAYNE DEBATE:

G. T. Curtis:

Life of Daniel Webster,

3482-3483 (3366-3367).

C. Schurz:

Life of Henry Clay,

3483 (3367).

G. Hunt:

The Nullification Struggle,

3483-3484 (3367-3368).

Text of Ordinance of Nullification,

3485 (3369).

7. THE BEGINNING OF THE "SPOILS SYSTEM":

John Fiske:

Civil Government in the United States,

490.

8. RISE OF THE ABOLITIONISTS:

H. von Holst:

Constitutional History,

3005-3006 (2927-2928).

B. Tuckerman:

William Jay,

3485-3486 (3369-3370).

Goldwin Smith:

William Lloyd Garrison,

3486 (3370).

J. F. Clarke:

Anti-Slavery Days,

3487 (3370-3371).

"The ‘Liberator’ was a weekly journal, bearing the names of

William Lloyd Garrison and Isaac Knapp as publishers. Its

motto was, ‘Our Country is the world, Our Countrymen are

Mankind,’ a direct challenge to those whose motto was the

Jingo cry of those days, ‘Our Country, right or wrong!’ … The

salutatory of the ‘Liberator’ avowed that its editor meant to

speak out without restraint. ‘I will be as harsh as truth and

as uncompromising as justice. On this subject [Slavery] I do

not wish to think, or speak, or write with moderation. No! No!

Tell a man whose house is on fire to give a moderate alarm;

tell him to moderately rescue his wife from the hands of the

ravisher; tell the mother to gradually extricate her babe from

the fire into which it as fallen—but urge me not to use

moderation in a cause like the present. I am in earnest—I will

not equivocate—I will not excuse—I will not retreat a single

inch—I will be heard.’ This promise was amply kept."

GOLDWIN SMITH.

9. THE FIFTH CENSUS

(A. D. 1830).

3487 (3371).

10. THE FIRST RAILROADS:

W. J. M. Rankine:

The Steam Engine,

3111-3112 (3029-3030).

S. Smiles:

Life of George Stephenson,

3112 (3030).

C. F. Adams, Jr.:

Railroads,

3112-3113 (3030-3031).

11. JACKSON AND THE UNITED STATES BANK:

D. Kinley:

The Independent Treasury,

2258-2259 (2214-2215).

W. G. Sumner:

Andrew Jackson,

2259 (2215).

A. Johnston:

American Politics,

2259 (2215).

J. Parton:

Life of Jackson,

3487-3488 (3371-3372).

C. Schurz:

Life of Clay,

3488 (3372).

12. BIRTH OF THE WHIG PARTY

(A. D. 1834):

E. Stanwood:

Presidential Elections,

3488 (3372).

G. T. Curtis:

Life of Webster,

3488-3489 (3372-3373).

13. SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA;

THE RIGHT OF PETITION:

N. Sargent:

Public Men and Events,

3489 (3373).

J. F. Clarke:

Anti-Slavery Days,

3490 (3374), 3494 (3378).

Bryant and Gay:

History of the United States,

3490 (3374).

T. H. Benton:

Thirty Years’ View,

3492 (3376).

14. THIRTEENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

(A. D. 1836):

A. D. Morse:

Political Influence of Jackson,

3490-3491 (3374-3375).

G. Bancroft:

Martin Van Buren,

3491 (3375).

{792}

15. THE FINANCIAL PANIC OF 1837:

A. Johnston:

American Politics,

2259 (2215).

E. M. Shepard:

Martin Van Buren,

3489 (3373).

A. Johnston:

History of the United States,

3774 (3653).

Century Magazine:

Cheap Money Experiments,

2259-2260 (2215-2216).

T. M. Cooley:

Michigan,

2260 (2216).

E. G. Spaulding:

100 Years of Banking,

2260 (2216).

A. S. Bolles:

Financial History,

3491 (3375).

16. ADMISSION OF NEW STATES;

ARKANSAS, MICHIGAN:

T. Donaldson:

The Public Domain,

2094 (2050).

J. W. Monette:

The Mississippi Valley,

140 (133), 1787-1788 (1748-1749).

R. G. Thwaites:

The Boundaries of Wisconsin,

2223-2224 (2179-2180).

17. THE SIXTH CENSUS

(A. D. 1840).

3493 (3377).

18. THE HARRISON-TYLER ADMINISTRATION

(A. D. 1841-1845):

N. Sargent:

Public Men and Events,

3493 (3377).

A. Johnston:

American Politics,

3493-3494 (3377-3378).

J. F. Clarke:

Anti-Slavery Days,

3494 (3378).

A. S. Bolles:

Financial History,

3158 (3074).

J. Schouler:

History of the United States,

3494-3495 (3378-3379).

19. THE POLK ADMINISTRATION

(A. D. 1845-1849):

W. Wilson:

Division and Reunion,

3495 (3379).

E. M. Shepard:

Martin Van Buren,

3496 (3380).

20. THE "WALKER TARIFF"

(A. D. 1846):

A. L. Perry

Political Economy,

3159 (3075).

J. G. Blaine:

Twenty Years in Congress,

3159-3160 (3075-3076).

21. ADMISSION OF NEW STATES TO THE UNION;

FLORIDA, TEXAS, IOWA, WISCONSIN:

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

1184 (1154).

T. Roosevelt:

Life of Benton,

1184 (1154).

H. Wilson:

The Slave Power,

3495-3496 (3379-3380).

J. W. Monette:

The Mississippi Valley,

3186 (3101).

C. Schurz:

Life of Clay,

3187 (3102).

J. W. Draper:

American Civil War,

3187-3188 (3102-3103).

R. G. Thwaites:

Boundaries of Wisconsin,

3776 (3655).

See Maps between

3442-3443 (3326-3327).

22. THE WAR WITH MEXICO

(A. D. 1846-1848):

H. Wilson:

The Slave Power,

2217 (2173).

J. W. Draper:

American Civil War,

2217-2218 (2173-2174).

A. H. Noll:

History of Mexico,

2218 (2174).

Bryant and Gay:

History of the United States,

2218 (2174).

J. R. Soley:

Wars of the United States,

2218-2219 (2174-2175).

H. O. Ladd:

War with Mexico,

2219-2220 (2175-2176).

23. THE FREE SOIL PARTY;

SIXTEENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

(A. D. 1848):

E. M. Shepard:

Martin Van Buren,

3498 (3382).

C. F. Adams:

Richard Henry Dana,

3498 (3382).

C. Colton:

Life of Clay,

3498 (3382).

24. THE SEVENTH CENSUS (A. D. 1850),

3499 (3383).

25. CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA;

DISCOVERY OF GOLD:

J. Royce:

California,

358 (348).

E. E. Dunbar:

Romance of the Age,

359-360 (349-350).

J. S. Hittell:

Discovery of Gold,

360 (350).

J. E. Cairnes:

Political Economy,

2261 (2217).

26. AGGRESSION OF THE SLAVE POWER;

WEBSTER’S "SEVENTH OF MARCH" SPEECH

(A. D. 1850):

J. S. Landon:

Constitutional History,

3499 (3883).

F. W. Seward:

Seward at Washington,

3499-3500 (3883-3884).

Daniel Webster:

Works,

3500-3503 (3384-3387).

H. C. Lodge:

Daniel Webster,

3503 (3387).

J. F. Rhodes:

History of the United States,

3503 (3387).

H. Wilson:

The Slave Power,

1685 (1646).

"When Seward came to the territorial question, his words

created a sensation. ‘We hold,’ he said, ‘no arbitrary

authority over anything, whether acquired lawfully or seized

by usurpation. The Constitution regulates our stewardship; the

Constitution devotes the domain (i. e. the territories not

formed into States) to union, to justice, to defense, to

welfare, and to liberty. But there is a higher law than the

Constitution, which regulates our authority over the

domain, and devotes it to the same noble purposes. The

territory is a part, no inconsiderable part, of the common

heritage of mankind, bestowed upon them by the Creator of the

Universe. We are His stewards, and must so discharge our trust

as to secure in the highest attainable degree their

happiness.’ This remark about ‘a higher law’ … was destined to

have a transcendent moral influence. A speech which can be

condensed into an aphorism is sure to shape convictions."

J. F. RHODES.

27. The Fugitive Slave Law;

"Compromise of 1850":

M. G. McDougall:

Fugitive Slaves,

3421-3422 (3305-3306)

W. R. Houghton:

American Politics,

3503-3504 (3387-3388).

J. F. Rhodes:

History of the United States,

3504 (3388)

C. Schurz:

Life of Clay,

3504 (3388).

Text of Fugitive Slave Law,

3504-3507 (3388-3391).

STUDY XLII

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

ENGLAND (GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND)

FROM THE FALL OF NAPOLEON TO THE DEATH OF QUEEN VICTORIA.

1. ENGLAND AT THE CLOSE OF THE NAPOLEONIC WARS:

J. F. Bright:

History of England,

975-976 (948-9).

J. McCarthy:

Sir Robert Peel,

977-978 (950-951).

H. Ashworth:

Richard Cobden,

3152-3153 (3068-3069).

2. AGITATION FOR PARLIAMENTARY REFORM

(A. D. 1816-):

C. Knight:

History of England,

976-977 (949-950).

J. McCarthy:

Sir Robert Peel,

977-978 (950-951).

3. REMOVAL OF DISABILITIES FROM DISSENTERS

(A. D. 1827):

J. R. Green:

History of the English People,

923-924 (896-897):

J. Stoughton:

Religion in England.

924 (897).

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of England,

944-945 (917-918).

S. Walpole:

England from 1815,

979 (952).

4. UNION OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND;

CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION:

J. H. McCarthy:

Ireland since the Union,

1817 (1777).

W. F. Collier:

History of Ireland,

1817-1818 (1778).

W. A. O’Connor:

The Irish People,

1818 (1778).

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of England,

1818-1819 (1778-1779); 1822-1823 (1782-1784).

{793}

W. Massey:

Reign of George III.,

1821-1822 (1782).

W. E. H. Lecky:

Leaders of Public Opinion,

1824-1825 (1784-1785).

J. A. Hamilton:

Daniel O'Connell,

1825 (1785).

5. PARTY DIVISIONS:

R. Burnet: History of My Own Time,

3772 (3651).

R. Chambers:

Annals of Scotland,

3772-3773 (3652).

D. Hume:

History of England,

930 (903).

I. Jennings:

The Croker Papers,

518 (504).

6. THE GREAT REFORM OF REPRESENTATION

(A. D. 1830-1832):

W. Heaton:

Three Reforms of Parliament,

980-982 (953-955).

Sir T. E. May:

Constitutional History,

982-983 (955-956).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1126 (1098).

7. SUPPRESSION OF SLAVE TRADE;

ABOLITION OF COLONIAL SLAVERY

(A. D. 1792-1833).

C. P. Lucas:

British Colonies,

3003 (2925), 3006 (2928).

L. Herstlet:

Treaties and Conventions,

3003 (2925).

J. McCarthy:

Epoch of Reform,

983 (956).

8. The Oxford, or Tractarian Movement

(1833-):

H. O. Wakeman:

Religion in England,

2459-2460 (2407-2408).

S. Walpole:

History of England,

2460 (2408).

9. COMMERCIAL SUPREMACY;

FREE TRADE AGITATION:

H. deB. Gibbins:

British Commerce,

3230-3231 (3719-3720).

A. J. Wilson:

British Trade,

3231-3232 (3720-3721).

A. L. Bowley:

Foreign Trade,

3232 (3721).

H. Ashworth:

Recollections of Cobden,

3152-3153 (3068-3069).

John Morley:

Life of Cobden,

3156-3157 (3072-3073).

10. FACTORY LEGISLATION:

G. Howell:

Conflicts of Capital and Labor,

1133-1134 (1105-1106).

C. D. Wright:

Factory Legislation,

1134 (1106).

11. ACCESSION AND MARRIAGE OF QUEEN VICTORIA

(A. D. 1837, 1840):

A. H. McCalman:

History of England,

984 (957).

J. McCarthy:

Sir Robert Peel,

985 (958).

J. McCarthy:

History of Our Own Times,

988-989 (959-960).

12. THE CHARTIST AGITATION

(A. D. 1838-1848):

C. Knight:

History of England,

987 (960).

J. McCarthy:

History of Our Own Times,

987-988 (960-961).

J. F. Bright:

History of England,

990 (963).

13. THE OPIUM WAR

(A. D. 1839-1842):

S. Walpole:

England from 1815,

435-437 (421-423).

C. Knight:

History of England,

437 (423).

S. W. Williams:

The Middle Kingdom,

437 (423).

14. ADOPTION OF PENNY POSTAGE

(A. D. 1840):

C. Knight:

History of England,

988 (961).

W. N. Molesworth:

History of England,

988 (961).

15. AFFAIRS IN IRELAND

(A. D. 1840-1850):

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1130-1131 (1102-1103).

(а) Agitation for Repeal of the Union.

Sir C. G. Duffy:

Irish History,

1825-1827 (1785-1787).

E. Lawless:

The Story of Ireland,

1827-1829 (1787-1789).

(b) The Maynooth Grant.

S. Walpole:

History of England,

1829-1830 (1790).

(c) The Great Famine

(A. D. 1845-1847).

A. M. Sullivan:

New Ireland,

1830-1831 (1790-1791).

L. Levi:

British Commerce,

1831 (1791).

Sir R. Blennerhassett:

Ireland,

1832 (1792).

T. P. O’Connor:

The Parnell Movement,

1832 (1792).

16. BANK OF ENGLAND;

CHARTER ACT OF 1844:

T. B. Macaulay:

History of England,

2253-2254 (2209-2210).

W. Bagehot:

Lombard Street,

2254-2255 (2210-2211).

W. C. Taylor:

Sir Robert Peel,

2260 (2216).

F. C. Montague:

Life of Peel,

2260-2261 (2216-2217).

17. REPEAL OF THE CORN LAWS (A. D. 1846);

PERFECTED FREE TRADE:

F. G. Montague:

Sir Robert Peel,

3157-3158 (3073-3074).

L. Levi:

History of British Commerce,

3158-3159 (3074-3075).

H. Martineau:

History of Thirty Years' Peace,

3159 (3075).

W. N. Molesworth:

History of England,

2293-2294 (2245-2246).

J. McCarthy:

Epoch of Reform,

3160 (3076).

A. Mongredien:

Free Trade Movement,

3160-3161 (3076-3077).

18. OVERTHROW OF PEEL;

ADVENT OF DISRAELI

(A. D. 1846):

J. McCarthy:

Epoch of Reform,

989 (962).

J. A. Froude:

Lord Beaconsfield,

989-990 (982-983).

19. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM

(A. D. 1853-1855):

D. B. Eaton:

Civil Service in Great Britain,

489-490 (475-476).

20. THE CRIMEAN WAR

(A. D. 1853-1856):

S. Walpole:

Foreign Relations,

2848-2849 (2774-2775).

J. McCarthy:

History of Our Own Times,

2849-2850 (2775-2776).

J. F. Bright:

History of England,

2850-2851 (2776-2777).

W. N. Molesworth:

England,

2851-2852 (2777-2778).

21. ANGLO-FRENCH WAR WITH CHINA

(A. D. 1856-1860):

J. McCarthy:

History of Our Own Times,

439-441 (425-427).

22. SEPOY MUTINY IN INDIA

(A. D. 1857-1858):

W. W. Hunter:

Brief History of Indian People,

1779 (1740)

Lord Lawrence:

Speech,

1779-1780 (1740-1741).

H. S. Cunningham:

Earl Canning,

1780 (1741).

Sir O. T. Burne:

Clyde and Strathnairn,

1780-1782 (1741-1743).

J. T. Wheeler:

Short History,

1782-1783 (1743-1744).

R. B. Smith:

Lord Lawrence,

1783-1784 (1744-1745).

W. N. Molesworth:

History of England,

1784-1785 (1745-1746).

S Walpole:

History of England,

1785-1786 (1746-1747).

J. McCarthy:

History of Our Own Times,

1786 (1747).

23. ATTITUDE TOWARD THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR

(A. D. 1861-1865):

The Queen’s Proclamation of Neutrality,

3544 (3428).

Proclamation of President Lincoln,

3544 (3428).

The Case of the United States at Geneva,

3544-3545 (3428-3429).

J. Jay:

The Great Conspiracy,

3545 (3429).

J. Watts:

Facts of the Cotton Famine,

993-994 (966-967).

{794}

24. FURTHER PARLIAMENTARY REFORM

(A. D. 1865-1868):

A. H. McCalman:

History of England,

994-995 (967-968).

B. C. Skottowe;

History of Parliament,

995-996 (968-969).

D. W. Rannie:

The English Constitution,

996 (969).

R. Wilson,

Queen Victoria,

997 (970).

25. MR. GLADSTONE’S FIRST IRISH MEASURES

(A. D. 1868-1870):

J. McCarthy:

History of Our Own Times,

996-997 (969-970).

26. TREATY OF WASHINGTON; GENEVA ARBITRATION

(A. D. 1869-1872):

B. J. Lossing:

The Civil War,

30-31 (23-24).

Case of the United States Before Tribunal of Arbitration,

31 (24).

C. Cushing:

The Treaty of Washington,

34(27); 35-36 (28-29).

Treaties and Conventions between United States

and Other Powers,

34-35 (27-28).

27. IRISH POLITICS;

THE HOME RULE PARTY;

PARNELL;

COERCION.—PHOENIX PARK MURDERS

(A. D. 1873-1882).

J. H. McCarthy:

Irish History,

1835-1836 (1795-1796).

J. H. McCarthy:

England Under Gladstone,

1836-1837 (1797).

Summaries from The Times,

1837 (1797).

W. M. Pimblett:

Political History,

1837-1838 (1798).

Cassell’s History of England,

1838 (1798).

28. ENGLAND IN SOUTH AFRICA

(A. D. 1877-1881):

A. Trollope:

South Africa,

3039-3040 (2961-2962).

J. H. McCarthy:

England Under Gladstone,

3040-3002 (2962-2964).

J. F. Bright:

History of England,

3042-3043 (2964-2965).

J. S. Keltie:

Partition of Africa,

3043-3045 (2967).

29. THE WAR IN EGYPT (A. D. 1882-):

J. C. McCoan:

Egypt,

788-789 (761-762).

H. Vogt:

The Egyptian War,

790-792 (763-765).

J. E. Bowen:

Conflict in Egypt,

792-794 (765-767).

A. E. Hake:

Story of "Chinese" Gordon,

794-795, (767-768).

30. THE PARTITION OF AFRICA (A. D. 1884-1891):

A. S. White:

Development of Africa,

21-23 (17-19).

31. THE THIRD REFORM BILL (A. D. 1884-1885):

W. Heaton:

Three Reforms of Parliament,

999-1000 (972-973).

R. Gneist:

Parliament in Transformation,

1000 (973).

W. A. Holdsworth:

New Reform Act,

1005 (978).

Text of Third Reform Act, 1884,

1000-1004 (973-977).

32. GLADSTONE’S HOME RULE BILL FOR IRELAND

(A. D. 1885-1886):

G. B. Smith:

Prime Ministers of Queen Victoria,

1005 (978).

P. W. Clayden:

England Under the Coalition,

1005-1007 (978-980); 1839-1840 (1799-1800).

J. Bryce:

The Irish Question,

1838-1839 (1798-1799).

R. Johnston:

The Queen’s Reign,

1840 (1800).

33. RETIREMENT OF GLADSTONE

(A. D. 1892-1894):

Irish Home Rule Bill,

1007-1008 (980-981).

Earl of Rosebery Prime Minister,

Volume VI., 203-204.

34. VENEZUELA BOUNDARY DISPUTE

(A. D. 1895):

See Study XLVI.

35. DIAMOND JUBILEE OF THE QUEEN

(A. D. 1897):

The Message of the Queen to her Subjects,

Volume VI., 207-208.

36. Death of Gladstone (May 19, 1898):

Tributes of Lords Salisbury and Rosebery, and Mr. Balfour,

Volume VI., 209-210.

"The most distinguished political name of the century has been

withdrawn from the roll of Englishmen."

LORD SALISBURY.

"This country, this nation, loves brave men. Mr. Gladstone was

the bravest of the brave. There was no cause so hopeless that

he was afraid to undertake it; there was no amount of

opposition that would cowe him when once he had undertaken

it."

LORD ROSEBERY.

37. THE GREAT BOER WAR

(A. D. 1899-1902):

[The treatment of this subject in Volumes VI. and VII. of

History for Ready Reference covers sixty-five of its large

double-column pages (456-517 in Volume 6 and 620-624 in Volume

7), and is the most complete statement of all the causes that

led up to that conflict that can be found in any work. The

scope of these Studies does not admit of a detailed analysis

of this material, nor is such an analysis necessary; as all

the despatches, State papers, and descriptive matter are

arranged in such an orderly manner, under the general head of

"South Africa," that one needs no aid in studying the

subject.]

38. DEATH OF QUEEN VICTORIA

(JANUARY 28, 1901):

Detailed Account of her last illness,

Volume VI., 212-213.

Tributes of leading Statesmen,

Volume VI., 213-216.

"The simple dignity, befitting a Monarch of this realm, in

that she could never fail, because it arose from her inherent

sense of the fitness of things. It was no trapping put on for

office, and therefore it was that this dignity, this Queenly

dignity, only served to throw into a brighter light those

admirable virtues of the wife, the mother, and the woman, with

which she was so richly endowed."

A. J. BALFOUR, Leader of the House of Commons.

"But have you realized what the personal weight of the late

Queen was in the councils of the world? She was by far the

senior of all the European Sovereigns. The German Emperor was

her grandson by birth. The Emperor of Russia was her grandson

by marriage. She had reigned eleven years when the Emperor of

Austria came to his throne. She had seen two dynasties pass

from the throne of France. She had seen, as Queen, three

Monarchs of Spain, and four Sovereigns of the House of Savoy

in Italy. … Can we not realize, then, what a force the

personal influence of such a Sovereign was in the troubled

councils of Europe? And when, as we know, that influence was

always given for peace, for freedom, and for good government,

we feel that not merely ourselves but all the world has lost

one of its best friends."

LORD ROSEBERY.

39. VICTORIAN AGE IN LITERATURE:

J. McCarthy:

Literature of the Victorian Reign,

985 (958).

R. Garnett:

Reign of Queen Victoria,

986 (959).

G. L. Craik:

History of English Literature,

986 (959).

J. A. Symonds:

Elizabethan and Victorian Poetry,

986-987 (959-960).

T. D. Robb:

Elizabethan Drama and Victorian Novel,

987 (960).

STUDY XLIII.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

FRANCE FROM THE FALL OF NAPOLEON TO A. D. 1910.

1. TREATY OF PARIS;

NEW BOUNDARIES

(A. D. 1814):

H. Martin:

History of France,

1391-1392 (1358-1359).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

1392 (1359).

2. CONGRESS OF VIENNA

(A. D. 1814):

C. A. Fyffe:

Modern Europe,

3745-3747 (3625-3626).

R. Lodge:

Modern Europe,

3747 (3626).

3. THE HOLY ALLIANCE

(A. D. 1815-):

M. E. G. Duff:

European Politics,

1697 (1658).

E. Hertslet:

Europe by Treaty,

1697 (1658).

{795}

W. R. Thayer:

Dawn of Italian Independence,

1607-1608 (1658-1659).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1124 (1096).

4. RESTORED MONARCHY; LOUIS XVIII

(A. D. 1815-1824):

J. H. Rose:

Century of Continental History,

1401 (1368).

5. CONGRESS OF VERONA

(A. D. 1822):

R. Lodge:

Modern Europe,

3741 (3621).

F. H. Hill:

George Canning,

3741 (3621).

R. Bell:

Life of Canning,

3741-3742 (3621-3622).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1124-1125 (1096-1097).

6. FRENCH INVASION OF SPAIN:

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

3094-3096 (3012-3014).

7. CHARLES X;

REVOLUTION OF 1830;

LOUIS PHILIPPE

(A. D. 1824-1830):

J. H. Rose:

Century of Continental History,

1401-1402 (1368-1369); 1402 (1369).

T. W. Knox:

Decisive Battles,

1645-1646 (1607-1608).

W. Müller:

Political History,

1402-1403 (1369-1370).

8. REVOLT OF BELGIUM

(A. D. 1830-1832).

S. Walpole:

England from 1815,

2348-2350 (2302).

C. A. Fyffe:

Modern Europe,

2350 (2302).

9. CONQUEST OF ALGIERS

(A. D. 1830-).

T. W. Knox:

Decisive Battles,

275 (266).

T. Wright:

History of France,

275-276 (266-267).

J. R. Morell:

Algeria,

276-277 (267-268).

10. REVOLUTION OF 1848:

J. Macdonnell:

France since the First Empire,

1404 (1371).

R. Mackenzie:

The Nineteenth Century,

1404-1405 (1371-1372).

11. SECOND REPUBLIC;

LOUIS NAPOLEON:

N. W. Senior:

Journals,

1405-1406 (1372-1373).

E. S. Cayley:

Revolution of 1848,

1406-1408 (1373-1375).

12. FRENCH INTERVENTION AT ROME

(A. D. 1849):

W. Muller:

Political History,

1901-1903 (1861-1863).

W. R. Thayer:

Dawn of Italian Independence,

1903 (1863).

13. THE COUP D’ÉTAT OF 1851:

A. W. Kinglake:

Invasion of the Crimea,

1408-1410 (1375-1377).

H. Murdock:

Reconstruction of Europe,

1410-1411 (1377-1378).

14. THE SECOND EMPIRE ORDAINED

(A. D. 1851-1852):

H. Martin:

History of France,

1411-1412 (1378-1379).

15. CRIMEAN WAR;

PEACE CONGRESS OF PARIS;

"DECLARATION OF PARIS"

(A. D. 1853-1856):

S. Walpole:

Foreign Relations,

2848-2849 (2774-2775);

2853-2855 (2779-2781).

J. McCarthy:

Our Own Times,

2849-2850 (2775-2776).

J. F. Bright:

History of England,

2850-2851 (2776-2777).

W. N. Molesworth:

England,

2851-2852 (2777-2778).

E. Schuyler:

American Diplomacy,

675-676 (652-653).

16. ALLIANCE WITH SARDINIA;

WAR WITH AUSTRIA

(A. D. 1859):

J. W. Probyn:

Italy,

1815-1890, 1903-1905 (1863-1855).

H. Murdock:

The Reconstruction of Europe,

1905-1906 (1865-1866).

17. WITH THE ENGLISH IN CHINA

(A. D. 1856-1860):

J. McCarthy:

Our Own Times,

439-441 (425-427).

18. THE COBDEN-CHEVALIER COMMERCIAL TREATY

(A. D. 1860):

C. F. Bastable:

The Commerce of Nations,

3161 (3077).

L. Levi:

Treaties of Commerce,

3161-3162 (3077-3078).

19. THE FRENCH IN MEXICO

(A. D. 1861-1867):

A. H. Noll:

History of Mexico,

2221, first column (2177).

J. McCarthy:

History of Our Own Times,

2221-2222 (2177-2178).

20. FRENCH WITHDRAWAL FROM ROME:

G. S. Godkin:

Victor Emmanuel II.,

1906-1908 (1866-1868).

J. Marriott:

Modern Italy,

1908-1909 (1868-1869).

21. DECLARATION OF WAR AGAINST PRUSSIA

(A. D. 1870):

E. B. Washburne:

Recollections,

1413 (1380-1381).

W. Maurenbrecher:

The German Empire,

1413-1414.

22. DISASTERS OF THE WAR;

SEDAN:

W. Müller:

Political History,

1414-1415 (1381-1382).

G. Hooper:

Campaign of Sedan,

1415 (1382).

W. O’C. Morris:

Sedan,

1415-1416 (1382-1383).

H. M. Hozier:

Franco Prussian War,

1416-1417 (1383-1384).

E. W. Latimer:

France in the 19th Century,

1418 (1384-1385).

German Official Account,

1418 (1385).

23. COLLAPSE OF THE EMPIRE

(A. D. 1870):

H. Vizetelly:

Paris in Peril,

1418-1419 (1385-1386).

E. Simon:

Emperor William,

1419-1420 (1386-1387).

24. CAPITULATION OF PARIS;

TREATY OF FRANKFORT

(A. D. 1871):

C. A. Fyffe:

Modern Europe,

1420-1422 (1387-1389).

H. Murdock:

Reconstruction of Europe,

1422 (1389).

C. Lowe:

Prince Bismarck,

1422-1423 (1389-1390).

25. THE COMMUNE;

SECOND SIEGE OF PARIS

(A. D. 1871):

H. Martin:

History of France,

1423-1424 (1390-1391).

G. L. Dickinson:

Revolution and Reaction,

1424-1425 (1391-1392).

26. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE THIRD REPUBLIC

(A. D. 1871-1876):

P. de Rémusat:

Thiers,

1425 (1392).

G. M. Towle:

Modern France,

1425-1427 (1392-1394).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1129 (1101).

Text of the Constitution of the Third Republic,

558-567 (538-547).

27. STRENGTHENING OF CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT

(A. D. 1875-1889):

V. Duruy:

History of France,

1427-1429 (1394-1396).

The Assassination of President Carnot,

1429 (1396).

Census of the Republic (1896),

Volume VI., 225.

28. CONQUESTS IN COCHIN-CHINA:

V. Duruy:

History of France,

1428 (1395).

A. H. Keane:

Eastern Geography,

3201 (3115).

É. Reclus:

Asia,

3201-3202 (3115-3116).

29. THE PANAMA CANAL SCANDAL:

L. F. Vernon-Harcourt:

Achievements in Engineering,

2474 (2415).

Quarterly Register of Current History,

2475 (2416).

P. de Coubertin:

The Evolution of France,

2475 (2416).

30. THE DREYFUS AFFAIR:

Sir G. Lushington:

Full detailed Review,

Volume VI., 225-233.

31. THE REGULATION OF RELIGIOUS ORDERS

(A. D. 1901):

M. Waldeck-Rousseau:

A Bill on Associations,

Volume VI., 236-238.

{796}

Text of the Principal Sections of the Bill,

Volume VI., 238.

Closing of unauthorized Schools,

Volume VII., 275.

32. SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE

(A. D. 1905-1907):

J. Legrand:

Church and State in France,

Volume VII., 275-276.

J. A. Bain:

The New Reformation,

Volume VII., 276-277.

R. Wallier:

Le Vingtième Siècle Politique,

Volume VII., 277-278.

F. W. Parsons:

Separation of Church and State,

Volume VII., 278-279.

O. Guerlac:

Separation of Church and State,

Volume VII., 281-282.

J. F. Boyd:

French Ecclesiastical Revolution,

Volume VII., 282-283.

S. Dewey:

The Year [1906] in France,

Volume VII., 283.

F. Klein:

Present Difficulties of the Church,

Volume VII., 284.

Papal Encyclical Vehementer Nos,

Volume VII., 472-474.

33. THE MOROCCO QUESTION;

CONFERENCE AT ALGECIRAS

(A. D. 1904-1906):

Text of the Anglo-French Agreements of 1904,

Volume VII., 249-250.

A. Tardieu:

France and the Alliances,

Volume VII., 249, 252-253.

British Parliamentary Paper

(Cd. 1952, April, 1904), 251-252.

W. C. Dreher:

The Year [1906] in Germany,

Volume VII., 253.

B. Meakin:

The Algeciras Conference,

Volume VII., 254.

34. POLITICAL PARTIES IN FRANCE

(A. D. 1906-1909):

R. Dell:

France, England and Mr. Bodley,

Volume VII., 280.

S. Dewey:

The Year [1906] in France,

Volume VII., 281.

35. LABOR ORGANIZATION IN FRANCE:

The London Times:

The Syndicalist Movement,

Volume VII., 376-378.

The London Times:

Strike of Government Employés (1909),

378-380.

STUDY XLIV.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

GERMANY.

1. IN ROMAN TIMES (B. C. 12-A. D. 752):

Tacitus:

Germany,

1462-1463 (1429-1430).

C. Merivale:

History of the Romans,

1463-1464 (1430-1431).

T. Smith:

Arminius,

1464-1465 (1431-1432).

T. Mommsen:

History of Rome,

42 (35).

W. C. Perry:

The Franks,

1430-1431 (1397-1398), 1432-1433 (1399-1400).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1043-1044 (1015-1016).

J. B. Bury:

The Later Roman Empire,

2805 (2731).

E. A. Freeman:

Chief Periods, European History,

2805-2806 (2731-2732).

F. P. Guizot:

History of Civilization,

2806 (2732).

G. B. Adams:

Civilization, Middle Ages,

2807 (2733).

2. MEDIÆVAL GERMANY; CHARLEMAGNE’S EMPIRE, AND AFTER

(A. D. 768-).

R. W. Church:

Beginnings of the Middle Ages,

1434 (1401).

E. Emerton:

Introduction to the Middle Ages,

1434-1435 (1401-1402).

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

1435 (1402), 1436-1438 (1403-1405).

H. H. Milman:

History of Latin Christianity,

1468 (1437).

E. A. Freeman:

Historical Geography of Europe,

1469 (1438).

H. Hallam:

The Middle Ages,

1470 (1439), 1481 (1448).

L. von Ranke:

Reformation in Germany,

1471-1472 (1440-1441).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1050 (1022), 1053-1055 (1025-1027).

M. Creighton:

History of the Papacy,

2492-2493 (2432-2433).

I. Jastrow:

Geschichte des deutschen Einheitstraumes,

1477-1478 (1445).

U. Balzani:

The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,

1478 (1445).

O. Browning:

Guelphs and Ghibellines,

1478-1479 (1445-1446).

E. A. Freeman:

Sketch of European History,

1479 (1446).

E. A. Freeman:

Emperor Frederick II.,

1479-1480 (1446-1447).

3. UNDER THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA

(A. D. 1272-1519):

J. Bryce:

The Holy Roman Empire,

1481-1482 (1448-1449).

W. Coxe:

The House of Austria,

206 (199).

Sir R. Comyn:

History of Western Empire,

206-207 (199-200),

1482-1483 (1449-1450).

V. Duruy:

History of the Middle Ages,

208 (201).

H. Hallam:

The Middle Ages,

1485-1486 (1452-1453).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1083-1084 (1055-1056).

L. von Ranke:

Latin and Teutonic Nations,

210-212 (203-205).

T. H. Dyer:

History of Modern Europe,

1490-1491 (1457-1458).

4. RISE OF BRANDENBURG AND PRUSSIA;

THE HOHENZOLLERNS

(A. D. 1142-1688):

T. Carlyle:

Friedrich II., called the Great,

316-317 (306-307), 1696 (1657).

H. Tuttle:

History of Prussia,

317-318 (307-308).

L. von Ranke:

House of Brandenburg,

1486-1487 (1453-1454).

C. F. Johnstone:

Historical Abstracts,

318 (308).

G. B. Malleson:

Battle-fields of Germany,

319-320 (309-310).

5. LUTHER AND THE REFORMATION

(A. D. 1517-1600):

See Study XXIV.

6. THE THIRTY YEARS WAR

(A. D. 1618-1648):

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1099-1101 (1071-1073).

G. B. Malleson:

Battle-fields of Germany,

1504-1505 (1471-1472).

J. Mitchell:

Life of Wallenstein,

1505-1506 (1472-1473).

C. T. Lewis:

History of Germany,

1507-1508 (1474-1475).

F. Schiller:

The Thirty Years War,

1508 (1475).

R. C. Trench:

Gustavus Adolphus,

1517-1518 (1484-1485).

A. Gindely:

The Thirty Years War,

1518-1519 (1485-1486)

H. von Treitschke:

Deutsche Geschichte,

1521-1522.

{797}

7. WARS OF THE 18TH CENTURY;

FREDERICK THE GREAT

(A. D. 1701-1763):

Lord Macaulay:

Essays,

1524 (1490).

H. von Sybel:

Founding of the German Empire,

1525 (1491).

(a) War of the Spanish Succession.

Lord Macaulay:

Essays,

3073 (2992).

C. W. Koch:

Revolutions of Europe,

3073-3074 (2992-2993).

W. Russell:

History of Modern Europe,

3712-3713 (3592-3593).

(b) War of the Austrian Succession.

W. Coxe:

The House of Austria,

218-219 (211-212).

Lord Mahon:

History of England,

219 (212).

Frederick the Great:

My Own Times,

220 (213).

Lord Macaulay:

Essays,

220-221 (213-214).

T. Carlyle:

Friedrich II.,

221 (214).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1113 (1085).

(c) The Seven Years War.

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

951-952 (924-925), 2975 (2898).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1114-1115 (1086-1087).

T. Carlyle:

Friedrich II.,

2975-2976 (2898-2899).

Friedrich II.:

Posthumous Works,

2976 (2899).

8. STRUGGLES WITH REVOLUTIONARY FRANCE AND NAPOLEON

(A. D. 1792-1814):

C. E. Mallet:

The French Revolution,

228-229 (221-222).

R. Lodge:

History of Modern Europe,

1308 (1275).

A. Griffiths:

French Revolutionary Generals,

1308-1309 (1275-1276).

C. A. Fyffe:

Modern Europe,

1316-1317 (1283-1284).

A. Alison:

Europe,

1324 (1291).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

1341-1342 (1308-1309).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1120-1121 (1092-1093).

A. Weir:

Historical Basis of Modern Europe,

229-231 (222-224).

C. A. Fyffe:

Modern Europe,

1541-1542 (1507-1508).

J. G. Lockhart:

Life of Napoleon,

1542-1544 (1510).

J. R. Seeley:

Life and Times of Stein,

1548 (1514).

J. R. Seeley:

Prussian History,

1548-1549 (1514-1515).

9. THE TEUTONIC AWAKENING:

J. R. Seeley:

Life of Stein,

1549-1551 (1515-1517).

H. Martin:

History of France,

1555-1556 (1521-1522).

W. Menzel:

History of Germany,

1556 (1522).

10. THE GERMANIC CONFEDERATION

(A. D. 1814-1820):

C. A. Fyffe:

Modern Europe,

3745-3747 (3624-3626).

R. Lodge:

Modern Europe,

3747 (3626).

M. E. G. Duff:

European Politics,

1565-1566 (1531-1532).

11. TENDENCIES TOWARD UNION;

THE ZOLLVEREIN:

G. Krause:

Growth of German Unity,

1566 (1532).

Bruno-Gebhart:

German History,

1566 (3775).

W. Maurenbrecher:

The German Empire,

1567 (3775).

The Edinburgh Review:

The Zollverein,

3155-3156 (3071-3072).

12. REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS

(A. D. 1848):

B. Taylor:

History of Germany,

1567-1568 (1532-1533).

E. S. Cayley:

Revolutions of 1848,

1568-1569 (1534).

J. Sime:

History of Germany,

235 (228).

J. H. Rose:

Century of Continental History,

235-237 (228-230).

E. L. Godkin:

History of Hungary,

1722 (1683-1685).

C. M. Yonge:

Landmarks of History,

1724 (1685).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1126-1127 (1098-1099).

13. REACTION;

FAILURE OF MOVEMENT FOR UNITY

(A. D. 1848-1850):

W. Müller:

Political History,

1569-1571 (1534-1536).

T. S. Fay:

The Three Germanys,

1571-1572 (1537).

F. H. Geffcken:

Unity of Germany,

237 (230).

M. E. G. Duff:

European Politics,

237-238 (231).

14. SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN QUESTION

(A. D. 1848-1862):

S. Walpole:

Life of Lord John Russell,

2908-2909 (2833-2834).

Sir A. Alison:

History of Europe,

2909 (2834).

15. WILLIAM I. AND BISMARCK;

"BLOOD AND IRON"

(A. D. 1861):

W. Maurenbrecher:

Founding of the German State,

1572-1573 (3777-3779).

A. Forbes:

William of Germany,

1574-1575 (1539).

"It is a fact, the great self-assertion of individuality among

us makes constitutional government very hard in Prussia. … We

are perhaps too ‘cultured’ to tolerate a constitution; we are

too critical; the ability to pass judgment on measures of the

government or acts of the legislature is too universal; there

is a large number of ‘Catilinarian Characters’ in the land

whose chief interest is in revolutions. People are too

sensitive about the faults of government. … Our blood is too

hot, we are fond of wearing an armor too large for our small

body; now let us utilize it. … Prussia must consolidate its

might and hold it together for the favorable moment, which has

been allowed to pass unheeded several times. Prussia’s

boundaries, as determined by the Congress of Vienna, are not

conducive to its wholesome existence as a sovereign state. Not

by speeches and resolutions of majorities the mighty problems

of the age are solved—that was the mistake of 1848 and

1849—but by Blood and Iron."

BISMARCK.

16. FORMATION OF THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY

(A. D. 1862-1864):

L. J. Huff;

Ferdinand Lasalle,

3027-3028 (2950).

R. T. Ely:

French and German Socialism,

3028 (2950).

17. THE SEVEN WEEKS WAR

(A. D. 1866):

S. Baring-Gould:

Story of Germany,

239 (232).

W. Zimmermann:

History of Germany,

1577 (1541).

H. von Sybel:

Founding of the German Empire

1577 (1541).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1128-1129 (1100-1001).

18. COMPLETION OF GERMANIC CONFEDERATION

(A. D. 1866-1870):

G. Krause:

Growth of German Unity,

1577-1579 (1541-1543).

E. Simon:

The Emperor William,

1579 (1543).

19. "THE HOHENZOLLERN INCIDENT";

WAR WITH FRANCE

(A. D. 1870)

E. B. Washburne:

Recollections,

1413 (1380-1381).

W. Maurenbrecher:

Founding of the German State,

1413-1414.

W. Müller:

Political History,

1414-1415 (1381-1382).

W. O’C. Morris:

Campaign of Sedan,

1415-1416 (1382-1383).

H. M. Hozier:

Franco-Prussian War,

1416-1417 (1383-1384).

E. W. Latimer:

France in the 19th Century,

1417-1418 (1384-1385).

C. A. Fyffe:

Modern History,

1420-1422 (1387-1389).

H. Murdock:

Reconstruction of Europe,

1422 (1389).

C. Lowe:

Prince Bismarck,

1422-1423 (1389-1390).

20. KING WILLIAM BECOMES EMPEROR

(A. D. 1871):

A. Forbes:

William of Germany,

1579-1580 (1544).

R. Rodd:

Frederick, Crown Prince,

1580 (1544).

21. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE NEW EMPIRE:

Proclamation by the Emperor,

April 16, 1871,

1580 (1544).

Text of the Constitution,

567-575 (547-554).

{798}

22. ESTABLISHMENT OF UNIFORM GOLD COINAGE

(A. D. 1871-1873):

J. L. Laughlin:

History of Bimetallism,

2264-2265 (2220-2221).

23. GOVERNMENT OF ALSACE-LORRAINE:

C. Lowe:

Prince Bismarck,

1580-1581 (1544-1545).

24. THE CULTURKAMPF:

J.N. Murphy:

The Chair of Peter,

1581-1582 (1546).

S. Baring-Gould:

Germany,

1582 (1546).

C. Bulle:

History of Our Time,

2542-2543 (3779-3791).

The Political Speeches of Prince Bismarck,

2543-2546 (3781-3784).

"There is therefore great importance for the German Empire in

the character that is given to our diplomatic relations with

the head of the Roman Church, wielding, as he does, an

influence in this country unusually extensive for a foreign

potentate. I scarcely believe, considering the spirit dominant

at present in the leading circles of the Catholic Church, that

any Ambassador of the German Empire could succeed … by

persuasion in exerting an influence to bring about a

modification of the position assumed by His Holiness the Pope

toward things secular. The dogmas of the Catholic Church

recently announced and publicly promulgated make it impossible

for any secular power to come to an understanding with the

Church without its own effacement, which the German Empire, at

least, cannot accept. Have no fear; we shall not go to

Canossa, either in body or in spirit."

BISMARCK.

25. ADOPTION OF THE PROTECTIVE POLICY:

H. Villard:

German Tariff Policy,

3162-3163 (3079).

C. F. Bastable:

Commerce of Nations,

3166 (3082).

26. INCREASING STRENGTH OF SOCIALISTIC PARTIES:

É. de Laveleye:

Socialism of To-day,

3031-3032 (2953-2954).

R. T. Ely:

French and German Socialism,

3032 (2954).

J. Rae:

Contemporary Socialism,

3032 (2954).

W. H. Dawson:

German Socialism,

3032-3033 (2955).

W. H. Dawson:

Bismarck and State Socialism,

3033-3034 (2955-2956).

27. ACCESSION OF WILLIAM II. (A. D. 1888);

RUPTURE WITH BISMARCK:

The Times:

Eminent Persons,

1582 (1546).

Fortnightly Review:

Change of Government in Germany,

1583 (1547).

Hans Blum:

The German Empire,

1583-1584 (1548).

28. GERMAN COLONIZATION IN AFRICA:

A. S. White:

Development of Africa,

21-23 (19).

29. ORGANIZATION OF THE GERMAN EMPIRE:

I. Jastrow:

Geschichte des deutschen Einheitstraumes,

1584-1586 (3785-3787).

Diplomatic Reports:

Tariff Changes,

Volume VI., 239-240;

Volume VII., 639-640.

30. THE EMPEROR AND THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATS

(A. D. 1894-1895).

Speeches of the Emperor,

Volume VI., 240-241.

"You have, my children, sworn allegiance to me. That means

that you have given yourselves to me body and soul. You have

only one enemy, and that is my enemy. With the present

socialist agitation, I may order you—which God forbid!—to

shoot down your brothers, and even your parents, and then you

must obey me without a murmur."

THE EMPEROR, TO THE FOOT GUARDS.

"Even the word 'opposition' has reached my ears. Gentlemen, an

Opposition of Prussian noblemen, directed against their King,

is a monstrosity. … I, in my turn, like my imperial

grandfather, hold my Kingship as by the grace of God. … To

you, gentlemen, I address my summons to the fight for

religion, morality, and order against the parties of

revolution. Even as the ivy winds round the gnarled oak, and,

while adorning it with its leaves, protects it when storms are

raging through its topmost branches, so does the nobility of

Prussia close round my house. May it, and with it, the whole

nobility of the German nation, become a brilliant example to

those sections of the people who still hesitate. Let us enter

into this struggle together. Forward with God, and dishonor to

him who deserts his King."

EMPEROR WILLIAM II.

31. THE KAISER WILHELM SHIP CANAL:

United States Consular Reports,

Volume VI., 241.

32. THE AGRARIAN PROTECTIONISTS:

Annual Register,

Volume VI., 242.

T. Barth:

Political Germany,

Volume VI., 242-243.

United States Consular Reports Sugar Bounties,

Volume VI., 243,

Volume VII., 635.

33. GERMAN ACTION IN CHINA (A. D. 1897-):

Naval Expeditions to China,

Volume VI., 244.

United States Bureau of Statistics.

Seizure of Kiao-Chau,

Volume VI., 80.

Great Britain,

Papers by Command,

Vol VI., 80-81, 85.

34. STATE SYSTEM OF WORKINGMEN’S INSURANCE

(A. D. 1897-):

United States Consular Reports, etc.:

Volume VI. 244-245;

Volume VII., 396, 509-11.

35. FOREIGN INTERESTS OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE:

United States Consular Reports, 1899:

Volume VI., 247.

36. GERMAN COLONIES AND COLONIAL POLICY:

Great Britain, Papers by Command,

Volume VI., 248.

W. C. Dreher:

The Year [1907] in Germany,

Volume VII., 290-291.

37. INTRODUCTION OF THE CIVIL CODE

(A. D. 1900):

R. Sohm:

The Civil Code of Germany,

Volume VI., 248-249.

38. CENSUS AND STATISTICS OF THE EMPIRE

(A. D. 1900-1907):

W. C. Dreher:

Atlantic Monthly,

Volume VI., 251-252

World’s Work,

Volume VI., 252.

London Times,

Volume VII., 292.

39. GERMANIZING THE POLISH PROVINCES:

E. Givskov:

Germany and her Subjected Races,

Volume VII., 288-289.

R. Blennerhassett.

The Polish Question,

Volume VII., 293-294.

40. PRESENT POLITICAL PARTIES; THE SOCIALISTS:

E. Sellers:

August Bebel,

Volume VII., 289.

Election Reports, 1907, 1909,

Volume VII., 291, 297.

41. CHANCELLOR BÜLOW’S "BLOC":

The occasion of the "Bloc,"

Volume VII., 290-292.

The Breaking of the "Bloc,"

Volume VII., 295-297.

42. THE MOROCCO QUESTION:

The Kaiser’s Speech at Tangier, and after,

Volume VII., 252-255.

43. THE TRIALS OF EDITOR HARDEN:

The Outlook:

Summary of Facts.

Volume VII., 292-293.

44. EMPEROR’S INTERVIEW WITH AN ENGLISHMAN:

Digest of Press reports,

Volume VII., 294-5.

45. BUILDING OF DREADNOUGHTS;

THE NAVAL PROGRAMME:

British Parliament:

Debate;

Volume VII., 701-703.

German Reichstag:

Speeches,

Volume VII., 705.

{799}

STUDY XLV.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE UNITED STATES FROM COMPROMISE OF 1850

TO CLOSE OF THE CIVIL WAR.

1. SEVENTEENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

(A. D. 1852):

A. Johnston:

American Politics,

3507 (3391).

G. E. Baker:

W. H. Seward,

3507-3508 (3391-3392).

E. Stanwood:

Presidential Elections,

3508 (3392).

2. APPEARANCE OF UNCLE TOM’S CABIN

(A. D. 1852):

J. F. Rhodes:

History of the United States,

3508 (3392).

C. F. Briggs:

Uncle Tomitudes,

3508-3509 (3392-3393).

Mrs. F. T. McCray:

Uncle Tom's Cabin,

3509 (3393).

"It is but nine months since this Iliad of the blacks, as an

English reviewer calls 'Uncle Tom,' made its appearance among

books, and already its sale has exceeded a million of copies;

author and publisher have made fortunes out of it, and Mrs.

Stowe, who was before unknown, is as familiar a name in all

parts of the civilized world as that of Homer or Shakespeare.

… The book was published on the 20th of last March … and the

publishers have paid to the author $20,300 as her share of the

profits on the actual cash sales for the first nine months.

But it is in England where Uncle Tom has made his deepest

mark. … We know of twenty rival editions in England and

Scotland, and that millions of copies have been produced. …

Uncle Tom was not long in making his way across the British

Channel, and four rival editions are claiming the attention of

the Parisians, one under the title of ‘le Père Tom,’ and

another ‘la Case de l’Oncle Tom.’"

C. F. BRIGGS, IN PUTNAM'S MAGAZINE, JANUARY, 1853.

"Of translations into different languages there are nineteen,

viz: Armenian, one; Bohemian, one; Flemish, one; French, eight

distinct versions, and two dramas; German, five distinct

versions, and four abridgments; Hungarian, one complete

version, one for children, and one versified abridgment;

Illyrian, two distinct versions; Italian, one; Polish, two

distinct versions; Portuguese, one; Roman, or modern Greek,

one; Russian, two distinct versions; Spanish, six distinct

versions; Swedish, one; Wallachian, two distinct versions;

Welsh, three distinct versions."

MRS. F. T. MCCRAY.

3. KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL;

"SQUATTER SOVEREIGNTY"

(A. D. 1854):

G. E. Baker:

W. H. Seward,

3509-3510 (3393-3394).

S. A. Douglas:

Treatise Upon the Constitution,

3510-3511 (3394-3395).

B. Tuckerman:

William Jay,

3511 (3395).

4. BIRTH OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

(A. D. 1854):

H. Wilson:

The Slave Power,

3511-3512 (3395-3396).

Nicolay and Hay:

Abraham Lincoln,

3512 (3396).

5. STRUGGLE FOR KANSAS:

A. Johnston:

American Politics,

1977-1978 (1936-1937).

J. F. Rhodes:

History of the United States,

3515 (3398-3399).

6. THE DRED SCOTT CASE:

W. A. Larned:

Negro Citizenship,

3516 (3400).

Goldwin Smith:

The United States,

3517 (3401).

Text of the Decision of Chief Justice Taney,

3516-3517 (3400-3401).

7. THE MORMON REBELLION IN UTAH

(A. D. 1857-1859)

T. Ford:

History of Illinois,

2277 (2233).

J. Remy:

Journey to Great Salt Lake,

2277-2278 (2233-2234).

H. H. Bancroft:

The Pacific States,

2278 (2234), 3709-3710 (3589-3590).

J. Schouler:

History of the United States,

3710-3711 (3591).

8. THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE

(A. D. 1858):

W. H. Herndon:

Lincoln,

3517-3519 (3401-3403).

9. OREGON ADMITTED TO THE UNION

(A.D. 1859):

T. Roosevelt:

Life of Benton,

2454-2455 (2402-2403).

H. Wilson:

The Slave Power,

2455 (2403).

10. THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD

(A. D. 1840-1860):

H. Wilson:

The Slave Power,

3007 (2929).

11. JOHN BROWN AT HARPER’S FERRY

(A. D. 1859):

H. Greeley:

The American Conflict,

3519-3520 (3404).

H. von Holst:

John Brown,

3520 (3404).

H. D. Thoreau;

Last Days of John Brown,

3520 (3404).

"At the last, when John Brown, wounded and a prisoner, lay

waiting his death … he writes, 'My health improves slowly, and

I am quite cheerful concerning my approaching end, since I am

convinced that I am worth infinitely more on the gallows than

I could be anywhere else.' … One year after the execution of

Brown, on the 20th of December, 1860, South Carolina declared

its secession from the Union, and on May 11, 1861, the Second

Massachusetts Regiment of Infantry was raised, which was first

to sing on its march South,—'John Brown’s body lies

mouldering in the grave. His Soul goes marching on.'"

H. VON HOLST.

12. THE EIGHTH CENSUS (A. D. 1860),

3521 (3405).

13. NINETEENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION; ABRAHAM LINCOLN

(A. D. 1860):

J. T. Morse, Jr.:

Abraham Lincoln,

3522 (3406).

E. Stanwood:

Presidential Elections,

3522 (3406).

14. ATTITUDE OF THE SOUTH; SOUTH CAROLINA SECEDES:

J. F. Claiborne:

Life of Quitman,

3522 (3406).

H. S. Foote:

War of the Rebellion,

3523 (3407).

Text of the Ordinance of Secession, and Declaration of Causes,

3523-3525 (3407-3409).

15. PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S DISUNION MESSAGE;

THE CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE:

J. G. Blaine:

Twenty Years in Congress,

3526 (3410).

J. W. Draper:

The American Civil War,

3526-3527 (3410-3411).

16. TREACHERY IN THE CABINET;

SEIZURE OF FORTS, ARSENALS, ETC.:

S. L. Woodford:

Story of Fort Sumter,

3527-3528 (3411-3412).

E. McPherson:

Political History,

3528 (3412).

H. Greeley:

The American Conflict,

3529 (3413)

17. "THE CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA":

E. A. Pollard:

First Year of the War,

3529 (3413).

A. H. Stephens:

Speech Against Secession,

3529 (3413).

J. W. Draper:

American Civil War,

3531 (3415).

J. L. M. Curry:

The Southern States,

3531-3532 (3415-3416).

A. H. Stephens:

Constitutional View of the War,

3532 (3416).

J. E. Cooke:

Virginia,

3759 (3638).

V. A. Lewis:

West Virginia,

3759 (3638).

18. INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

I. N. Arnold:

Life of Lincoln,

3533 (3417).

Carl Schurz:

Abraham Lincoln,

3536-3537 (3420-3421).

Full Text of the Inaugural Address,

3533-3536 (3417-3420).

(NOTE: The Story of the Civil War in "History for Ready

Reference" covers more than 140 of its large, double-column

pages. This matter would make an octavo Volume, similar to the

standard historical works, of nearly 600 pages. The plan of

these Studies will not admit of a detailed analysis of all

this material, so that only the most significant, or pivotal

topics will be treated. The development of the history is so

clearly presented in Volume V. that a guide is hardly needed

if one wishes to study the subject as a whole; while each

individual topic may readily be found in the usual manner.)

{800}

19. ATTACK ON FORT SUMTER (APRIL 12, 1861):

Governor Pickens:

Official Records,

3532 (3416).

Abraham Lincoln:

Complete Works,

3537-3538 (3421-3422).

J. G. Holland;

Life of Lincoln,

3538-3539 (3422-3423).

"The fall of Sumter was the resurrection of patriotism. The

North needed just this. Such a universal burst of patriotic

indignation as ran over the North under the influence of this

insult to the national flag has never been witnessed. It swept

away all party lines as if it had been flame and they had been

flax."

J. G. HOLLAND.

20. PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S CALL TO ARMS

(APRIL 15, 1861);

Nicolay and Hay:

Abraham Lincoln,

3539-3540 (3423-3424).

Goldwin Smith:

United States,

3540 (3424).

B. J. Lossing:

The Civil War,

3540-3541 (3424-3425).

Text of the Call to Arms,

3539 (3423).

21. THE MORRILL, AND THE WAR TARIFFS:

F. W. Taussig:

Tariff History,

3164-3165 (3080-3081).

J. G. Blaine:

Twenty Years in Congress,

3165 (3081).

22. MONARCHICAL CRAVINGS IN SOUTH CAROLINA:

W. H. Russell:

Letter to London Times,

3542 (3426).

23. ATTITUDE OF GREAT BRITAIN:

Case of the United States before

Tribunal of Arbitration at Geneva,

3544-3545 (3428-3429).

John Jay:

The Great Conspiracy,

3545 (3429).

Text of the Queen’s Neutrality Message,

3544 (3428).

J. Watts:

The Cotton Famine,

993-994 (966-967).

24. FIRST BATTLE OF BULL RUN:

JULY 21, 1861:

W. J. Tenney:

History of the Rebellion,

3549 (3433).

R. M. Hughes:

General Johnston,

3549-3550 (3433-3434).

J. H. Stine:

Army of the Potomac,

3550 (3434).

General McDowell:

Report,

3550-3551 (3434-3435).

R. Johnson:

War of the Rebellion,

3551 (3435).

General Beauregard:

Report,

3551 (3435).

Comte de Paris:

History of the Civil War,

3552 (3436).

General Slocum:

Military Lessons of the War,

3552 (3436).

25. THE TRENT AFFAIR:

G. E. Baker:

W. H. Seward,

3560 (3444).

W. H. Seward:

Despatch to Lord Lyons,

3560-3561 (3444-3445).

26. THE MONITOR AND THE MERRIMAC:

S. Eardley-Wilmot:

Development of Navies,

3570 (3454).

C. B. Boynton:

History of the Navy,

3570 (3454).

F. B. Butts:

The Monitor and the Merrimac,

3570-3571 (3454-3455).

J. T. Wood:

First Fight of Iron Clads,

3571-3572 (3455-3456).

"No battle was ever more widely discussed or produced a

greater sensation. It revolutionized the navies of the world.

… In this battle old things passed away, and the experience Of

a thousand years was forgotten. The effect of the news was

best described by the London ‘Times,’ which said: ‘ Whereas we

had available for immediate purposes 149 first class war

ships, we have now two, these two being the Warrior and

her sister Ironside. There is not now a ship in the

English navy apart from these two that it would not be madness

to trust to an engagement with that little Monitor.’ The

Admiralty at once proceeded to reconstruct the navy."

J. T. WOOD.

27. FARRAGUT’S CAPTURE OF NEW ORLEANS

(APRIL, 1862):

E. Shippen:

Naval Battles,

3574-3575 (3458-3459).

L. Farragut:

Life of Farragut,

3575-3576 (3459-3460).

D. D. Porter:

Naval History of the Civil War,

3576 (3460).

M. Thompson:

Story of Louisiana,

3576-3577 (3460-3561).

C. C. Chesney:

Military Biography,

3577 (3461).

28. THE HOMESTEAD ACT (A. D. 1862):

T. Donaldson:

The Public Domain,

3579-3580 (3463-3464).

29. PRELIMINARY PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION

(SEPTEMBER, 1862):

J. A. Garfield:

Works, 3596-3597 (3480-3481).

G. S. Boutwell:

Abraham Lincoln,

3597 (3481).

G. Welles:

Lincoln and Seward,

3597-3598 (3481-3482).

Text of Preliminary Proclamation,

3598 (3482).

30. THE FINAL PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION

(JANUARY 1, 1863):

H. Wilson:

The Slave Power,

3604 (3488).

Nicolay and Hay:

Abraham Lincoln,

3604 (3488).

Text of the Final Proclamation,

3603-3604 (3487-3488).

31. PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND THE COPPERHEADS:

J. T. Morse:

Abraham Lincoln,

3612-3613 (3497).

Abraham Lincoln,

Complete Works,

3613-3615 (3497-3499).

32. TURNING POINT OF THE WAR;

VICKSBURG, GETTYSBURG:

U. S. Grant:

The Siege of Vicksburg,

3612 (3496).

W. J. Tenney:

Military and Naval History,

3615 (3499).

J. E. Cooke:

Life General R. E. Lee,

3616 (3500).

General Doubleday:

Gettysburg,

3617-3619 (3503).

33. President Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address;

The Amnesty Proclamation:

Nicolay and Hay:

Abraham Lincoln,

3630-3631 (3514-3515).

Abraham Lincoln:

Complete Works,

3632-3633 (3516-3517).

Text of the Amnesty Proclamation,

3632 (3516).

34. GENERAL GRANT IN GENERAL COMMAND:

Nicolay and Hay:

Abraham Lincoln,

3636-3637 (3520-3521).

35. TWENTIETH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

(A. D. 1864):

H. J. Raymond:

Life of Lincoln,

3648-3649 (3533).

E. Stanwood:

Presidential Elections,

3649 (3533).

36. DESTRUCTION OF THE ALABAMA:

Senate Executive Document No. 31, 42d Congress, 31 (24).

E. A. Pollard:

The Lost Cause,

31-32 (24-25).

The Rebellion Record,

32 (25).

37. SHERMAN’S MARCH TO THE SEA:

U. S. Grant:

Personal Memoirs,

3659 (3543).

Nicolay and Hay:

Abraham Lincoln,

3659-3660 (3543-3544).

A. G. Bennett:

Report,

3663 (3547).

A. Badeau:

U. S. Grant,

3663-3664 (3547-3548).

{801}

38. LINCOLN’S SECOND INAUGURAL;

HIS LAST PUBLIC ADDRESS:

Carl Schurz:

Abraham Lincoln,

3665-3666 (3549-3550).

Text of the Inaugural Address,

3666 (3550).

Text of His Last Address, on Reconstruction,

3668-3669 (3552-3553).

39. RICHMOND ABANDONED;

SURRENDER AT APPOMATTOX:

A. L. Long:

Memoirs of R. E. Lee,

3669-3670 (3553-3554).

F. Lee:

General Lee,

3670 (3554).

B. J. Lossing:

The Civil War,

3670-3671 (3554-3555).

40. ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN

(APRIL 14, 1865):

Nicolay and Hay:

Abraham Lincoln,

3671-3673 (3555-3557).

H. Wilson:

The Slave Power,

3673 (3557).

G. W. Julian:

Political Recollections,

3673 (3557).

41. END OF THE REBELLION;

STATISTICS OF THE WAR:

Nicolay and Hay:

Abraham Lincoln,

3673-3674 (3557-3558); 3676 (3560).

U. S. Grant:

Personal Memoirs,

3674 (3558).

H. Greeley:

The American Conflict,

3674 (3558).

J. D. Cox:

Surrender of Johnston,

3675 (3559).

Battles and Leaders of the Civil War,

3675 (3559).

J. G. Blaine:

Twenty Years of Congress,

3675-3676 (3559-3560).

J. T. Scharf:

The Confederate Navy,

3676 (3560).

V. Mott:

Report of United States Sanitary Commission,

2679 (2607).

A. Spencer:

Narrative of Andersonville,

2679-2680 (2607-2608).

Southern Historical Society Papers,

2680 (2608).

A. H. Stephens:

War between the States,

2680 (2608).

STUDY XLVI

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

UNITED STATES FROM THE CIVIL WAR TO THE WAR WITH SPAIN.

1. PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S VIEWS OF RECONSTRUCTION:

A. Lincoln:

Complete Works,

3631-3633 (3515-3517); 3667-3669 (3552-3553).

G. W. Julian:

Political Recollections,

3673 (3557).

"I spent most of the afternoon [on the day of Johnson’s

inauguration] in a political caucus, held for the purpose of

considering the necessity for a new Cabinet, and a line of

policy less conciliatory than that of Mr. Lincoln; and while

everybody was shocked at his murder, the feeling was nearly

universal that the accession of Johnson to the Presidency

would prove a godsend to the country. Aside from Mr. Lincoln’s

known policy of tenderness to the Rebels, which now so jarred

upon the feelings of the hour, his well-known views on the

subject of reconstruction were as distasteful as possible to

radical Republicans."

G. W. JULIAN.

2. ACCESSION OF VICE-PRESIDENT JOHNSON:

H. Wilson:

The Slave Power in America,

3673 (3557).

3. CONDITIONS AT THE SOUTH;

FIRST RECONSTRUCTION MEASURES:

Reports of General Grant and Carl Schurz on Rebellious States,

3678-3679 (3562-3563).

J. G. Blaine:

Twenty Years of Congress,

3676-3678 (3560-3562).

4. END OF SLAVERY;

THE FREEDMEN’S BUREAU:

G. W. Julian:

Political Recollections,

3662 (3546).

O. J. Hollister:

Schuyler Colfax,

3662 (3546).

H. Wilson:

The Slave Power,

3665 (3549).

G. W. Williams:

The Negro Race,

3679 (3563).

O. Skinner:

American Politics,

3679-3680 (3564).

5. RECONSTRUCTION QUESTION IN CONGRESS;

THE CIVIL RIGHTS BILL:

S. S. Cox:

Federal Legislation,

3680 (3564).

W. H. Barnes:

The 39th Congress,

3680-3681 (3564-3565); 3681 (3565).

6. RECONSTRUCTION BEFORE THE PEOPLE;

THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT:

W. H. Barnes:

The 39th Congress,

3682 (3566).

J. G. Blaine:

Twenty Years of Congress,

3682 (3566).

H. A. Herbert:

Why the Solid South?

3682-3683 (3566-3567).

A. Badeau:

Grant in Peace,

3683 (3567).

7. RESTORATION OF TENNESSEE

(A. D. 1866):

J. G. Blaine:

Twenty Years of Congress,

3184 (3099).

W. H. Barnes:

The 39th Congress,

3184 (3099).

8. THE TENURE OF OFFICE BILL:

J. G. Blaine:

Twenty Years of Congress,

3683 (3567).

W. H. Barnes:

The 39th Congress,

3683 (3567).

9. THE FENIAN MOVEMENT

(A. D. 1866):

J. McCarthy:

History of Our Own Times,

1833-1834 (1793-1794).

G. Bryce:

The Canadian People,

393-394 (383-384).

10. THE KU-KLUX KLAN

(A. D. 1866-1871):

S. S. Cox:

Federal Legislation,

3683-3684 (3567-3568)

H. Wilson:

The Slave Power,

3684 (3568).

11. PURCHASE OF ALASKA

(A. D. 1867):

W. H. Dali:

Tribes of the Northwest,

88 (81).

H. Rink:

The Eskimo,

93 (86).

H. H. Bancroft:

The Pacific States,

37 (30).

12. MILITARY RECONSTRUCTION ACTS:

O. J. Hollister:

Schuyler Colfax,

3685 (3569).

W. H. Barnes:

The 39th Congress,

3685 (3569).

P. H. Sheridan:

Personal Memoirs,

2095-2096 (2052).

13. IMPEACHMENT OF PRESIDENT JOHNSON

(A. D. 1868):

T. P. Taswell-Langmead:

English Constitutional History,

1735-1736 (1696-1697).

J. Forster:

Historical Essays,

845 (818).

H. McCulloch:

Men and Measures,

3685-3686 (3570).

J. G. Blaine:

Twenty Years of Congress,

3686 (3570).

14. TWENTY-FIRST PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;

CHOICE OF GENERAL GRANT

(A. D. 1868):

E. Stanwood:

Presidential Elections,

3686 (3570).

15. COMPLETED RECONSTRUCTION

(A. D. 1868-1870):

W. Allen:

Governor Chamberlain in S. Carolina,

3050-3051 (2970-2971).

H. Wilson:

The Slave Power,

3687 (3571).

16. NATIONAL BANK SYSTEM;

GOLD SPECULATION;

BLACK FRIDAY

(A. D. 1869):

H. W. Richardson:

The National Banks,

2263-2264 (2219-2220).

W. G. Sumner:

History of American Currency,

2264 (2220).

A. S. Bolles:

Financial History of the United States,

2264 (2220).

W. R. Hooper:

Black Friday,

2399-2401 (2349).

17. THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT;

SUPPRESSION OF COLORED VOTE:

H. Wilson:

The Slave Power,

3687 (3571).

J. Bryce:

The American Commonwealth,

3688 (3572).

{802}

18. THE NINTH CENSUS

(A. D. 1870), 3689 (3573).

19. TREATY OF WASHINGTON, AND GENEVA ARBITRATION

(A. D. 1869-1872):

B. J. Lossing:

The Civil War,

30-31 (23-24).

Case of the U. S.,

31 (24).

R. Johnson:

The War of Secession,

32-33 (25-26).

Argument of the United States,

33-34 (26-27).

Summary of the Treaty of Washington,

34-35 (27-28).

C. Cushing:

The Treaty of Washington,

34 (27); 35-36 (28-29).

20. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM:

J. Fiske:

Civil Government in the United States,

490 (476).

H. Lambert:

Progress of Civil Service Reform,

490-491 (476-477).

G. W. Curtis:

Address,

491 (477).

21. TWENTY-SECOND PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

(A. D. 1872):

A. Johnston:

American Politics,

3689-3690 (3574).

E. Stanwood:

Presidential Elections,

3690 (3574).

22. THE "DEMONETIZATION OF SILVER;"

PANIC OF 1873:

J. L. Laughlin:

Bimetallism in the United States,

3690 (3574).

L. R. Ehrich:

The Question of Silver,

2261 (2217).

Banker’s Magazine:

The Panic of 1873,

3690-3602 (3574-3676).

23. The Sioux War;

Death of General Custer (A. D. 1876):

A. Gallatin:

Synopsis of Indian Tribes,

110-111 (103-104).

F. Whittaker:

Life of Custer,

3692 (3576).

24. THE CENTENNIAL EXHIBITION

(A. D. 1876):

C. B. Norton:

World’s Fairs,

3692-3693 (3576-3577).

25. TWENTY-THIRD PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;

THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION

(A. D. 1876):

E. Stanwood:

Presidential Elections,

3693-3694 (3577-3578).

J. Fiske:

Civil Government,

3697.

The Electoral Count Act (A. D. 1887),

3699.

26. THE BLAND SILVER BILL

(A. D. 1878):

F. W. Taussig:

The Silver Situation,

3694-3695 (3578-3579).

L. R. Ehrich:

The Question of Silver,

2262 (2218).

27. TWENTY-FOURTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;

ASSASSINATION OF GARFIELD:

E. McPherson:

Handbook of Politics,

3695 (3579).

J. C. Ridpath:

Life of Garfield,

3696 (3580).

28. THE TENTH CENSUS

(A. D. 1880),

3695 (3579).

29. TWENTY-FIFTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;

THE "MUGWUMPS"

(A. D. 1884):

E. McPherson:

Handbook of Politics,

3697 (3581).

J. Bryce:

The American Commonwealth,

3697 (3581).

30. THE BERING SEA CONTROVERSY:

American History Leaflets,

3698 (3581-3582).

The Bering Sea Arbitration,

3698-3699 (3582).

Messages of the President,

Volume VI., 51.

Treaty of Arbitration,

Volume VI., 51-52.

The Joint High Commission,

Volume VI., 63-64.

31. THE INTER-STATE COMMERCE ACT

(A. D. 1887), 3699.

32. ATTEMPTED TARIFF REVISION;

THE "MILLS BILL"

(A. D. 1887-1888):

O. H. Perry:

Proposed Tariff Legislation,

3167-3168 (3083-3084).

President Cleveland’s Tariff Message,

3168-3169 (3084-3085).

33. TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

(A. D. 1888):

Appleton’s Annual Encyclopedia,

3699 (3582).

34. OPENING OF OKLAHOMA;

ADMISSION OF SEVEN NEW STATES

(A. D. 1889-1890):

D. H. Montgomery:

Leading Facts of American History,

3699-3700 (3582-3583).

F. N. Thorpe:

Recent Constitution-making,

3700 (3583).

35. THE MCKINLEY TARIFF ACT

(A. D. 1890):

F. W. Taussig:

Tariff History,

3169-3170 (3086).

Report of Committee on Ways and Means,

3170 (3086).

Political Science Quarterly,

3170-3171 (3086-3087).

36. THE ELEVENTH CENSUS (A. D. 1890),

3700 (3583).

37. FINANCIAL PANIC;

REPEAL OF THE SHERMAN ACT

(A. D. 1893):

F. W. Taussig:

The Silver Situation,

3701 (3584).

Political Science Quarterly,

3701 (3584).

H. A. Pierce:

Review of Finance,

3702 (3585).

Message of the President,

2262 (2218).

38. THE CHINESE EXCLUSION ACT;

THE "GEARY ACT"

(A. D. 1892):

E. McPherson:

Handbook of Politics,

3702 (3585).

39. TWENTY-SEVENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

(A. D. 1892):

Appleton’s Annual Encyclopedia,

3702 (3585).

Political Science Quarterly,

3702-3703 (3585-3586).

40. THE WILSON TARIFF BILL

(A. D. 1894):

Political Science Quarterly,

3171-3172 (3087-3088).

H. A. Pierce:

Review of Finance,

3173 (3088).

41. THE INCOME TAX

(A. D. 1895):

Political Science Quarterly,

3172, first column (3088).

Decision of the Supreme Court,

Volume VI., 554-557.

42. THE VENEZUELA BOUNDARY DISPUTE

(A. D. 1895):

Despatch of Secretary Olney to Ambassador Bayard,

Volume VI., 684-687.

Reply of Lord Salisbury,

Volume VI., 687-688.

The Message of President Cleveland,

Volume VI., 689-690.

Commission to determine the Boundary,

Volume VI., 690.

Text of Arbitration Treaty,

Volume VI., 691-692.

Text of the Decision of the Tribunal,

Volume VI., 692-693.

J. Bryce:

British Feeling,

Volume VI., 559-560.

A. Carnegie:

The Venezuelan Question,

Volume VI., 560.

43. Serious Financial Difficulties of 1895-1896:

Messages and Documents,

Volume VI., 560-562.

Political Science Quarterly,

Volume VI., 562.

44. TWENTY-EIGHTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

(A. D. 1896):

Conditions preceding,

Volume VI., 563-564.

Full Texts of Party Platforms,

Volume VI., 564-573.

The Campaign, and Results,

Volume VI., 573-574.

{803}

45. PRESIDENT CLEVELAND’S VETO OF THE IMMIGRATION BILL

(A. D. 1897):

Text of the President’s Message,

Volume VI., 574-576.

46. INDIANAPOLIS MONETARY COMMISSION

(A. D. 1896-1898):

Proceedings, January 12, 1897,

Volume VI., 576.

Hostile Attitude of the United States Senate,

Volume VI., 576.

47. INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT MCKINLEY

(A. D. 1897):

The Inaugural Address,

Volume VI., 580-581.

His Cabinet,

Volume VI., 581.

48. THE DINGLEY TARIFF ACT

(A. D. 1897):

Extra Session of Congress,

Volume VI., 581.

Analysis of the Bill,

Volume VI., 581-2.

F. W. Taussig:

Tariff History,

Volume VI., 582.

49. FIRST ARBITRATION TREATY WITH GREAT BRITAIN

(A. D. 1897).

Text of the Treaty,

Volume VI., 577-579.

Action of the Senate; Popular Indignation,

Volume VI., 579-580.

STUDY XLVII.

(Entirely in Volumes VI. and VII.)

THE UNITED STATES FROM THE OUTBREAK OF WAR WITH SPAIN

(1898) TO 1910.

1. CAUSES OF THE WAR:

United States Senate Document, 54th Congress:

Cuban Insurrection, A. D. 1895,

Volume VI., 171-173.

Captain-General Weyler:

Concentration Orders,

Volume VI., 173.

President Cleveland:

Message, A. D. 1896,

Volume VI., 173-174.

Text of Constitution granted by Spain to Cuba and Porto Rico,

Volume VI., 175-180.

General F. Lee:

Cuba and her Struggle,

Volume VI., 180, 181.

Senator Proctor:

Speech in Congress,

Volume VI., 181-182.

President McKinley:

Message on the Destruction of the Maine,

Volume VI., 583-584.

President McKinley:

Message on the Cuban Situation,

Volume VI., 585-590.

Resolutions of Congress and Declaration of War,

Volume VI., 590-591.

2. OPERATIONS AND EVENTS OF THE SPANISH AMERICAN WAR

(A. D. 1898):

[The naval and military operations, engagements and other

events, of the war, are narrated very fully and consecutively

in about forty pages (591-638) of Volume VI., mostly in

quotations from the reports of the officers who conducted

them. This account covers the circumstances which brought the

Filipino insurgents under Aguinaldo into connection with the

American forces sent to lay siege to Manila, and the

subsequent breach with them, when Aguinaldo was declared

President of a Philippine Republic. It covers, also, the

negotiation at Paris of the treaty of peace, the text of the

treaty, and, in part, the debate and action of the United

States Senate on the ratification of the treaty.]

3. ESTABLISHMENT OF AMERICAN AUTHORITY IN THE PHILIPPINES:

Report of General Otis,

August, A. D. 1899,

Volume VI., 371-372.

F. H. Sawyer:

Inhabitants of the Philippines,

Volume VII., 372-373.

J. Foreman:

Will the United States withdraw?

Volume VI., 373.

Official and other Reports and Statements,

Volume VII., 373-375.

Instructions by the President of the United States

to the Military Governor,

Volume VI., 375-376.

Proclamation and Report of Military-Governor Otis,

Volume VI., 376-377.

Counter Proclamation of Aguinaldo,

Volume VI., 377-378.

President McKinley:

Instructions to First Commission to the Philippines,

Volume VI., 378-379.

Philippine Information Society:

Publication Number 7,

Volume VI., 379-380.

Reports of Philippine Commission, United States Secretary

of War, Military-Governor Otis, and others, A. D. 1899-1900,

Volume VI., 380-389.

Instructions to the Second Commission,

Volume VI., 389-392

Appeal of Citizens of Manila,

Volume VI., 392-393.

Reports of the United States Secretary of War and of the

Second Commission on the Civil Government of the Islands,

Volume VI., 393-396.

The Problem of the Friars,

Volume VI., 396-399.

Congressional grant of powers for Philippine Government,

Volume VI., 399-401.

Senator Hoar:

Speech against the Subjection of the Philippines,

Volume VI., 641-645.

Organization of Provincial Governments,

Volume VI., 401-402.

Capture of Aguinaldo,

Volume VI., 402-403.

4. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE GOLD STANDARD OF VALUE

(MARCH 14, A. D. 1900):

Report of the Secretary of the Treasury,

Volume VI., 639-640.

5. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1900:

Party Platforms and Nominations:

Re-election of President McKinley,

Volume VI., 646-666.

Inaugural Address of President McKinley,

Volume VI., 680-682.

6. CONSTITUTIONAL STATUS OF THE NEW POSSESSIONS:

Supreme Court Decisions,

Volume VI., 668-674, 683.

7. INCREASE OF THE STANDING ARMY

(A. D. 1901):

Act of Congress,

Volume VI., 678-680, 682.

8. TWELFTH CENSUS (A. D. 1900):

Statement of Population,

Volume VI., 645-646.

Apportionment of Representatives,

Volume VI., 674-678.

9. ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT MCKINLEY;

ACCESSION OF VICE-PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT

(A. D. 1901):

Message of President Roosevelt to Congress,

Volume VII., 665-666.

President Roosevelt’s Cabinet,

Volume VII., 666.

W. Wellman:

Narrative of the Tragedy,

Volume VII., 59-61.

10. ATTITUDE IN THE CASE OF VENEZUELA VS. GERMANY, ET AL

(A. D. 1901-1904):

U. S. Report on Foreign Relations,

Volume VII., 684.

Message of President Roosevelt,

Volume VII., 684-685.

H. W. Bowen:

Queer Diplomacy with Castro,

Volume VII., 685.

11. CONFERENCES OF AMERICAN REPUBLICS

(A. D. 1901-1902 AND 1906):

Reports of American Delegates,

Volume VII., 20-25.

Secretary Root:

Address at Rio Janeiro,

Volume VII., 24-25.

Bureau of American Republics,

Volume VII., 25.

{804}

12. THE UNDERTAKING OF THE PANAMA CANAL:

First Hay-Pauncefote Treaty,

Volume VI., 69-70.

Second Hay-Pauncefote Treaty,

Volume VII., 466-437.

Messages of the President and Official Reports,

Volume VII., 467-471.

13. MEASURES FOR THE REGULATION OF GREAT CORPORATIONS:

[The first Federal legislation regulative of the railway

service of commerce between the States, creating the

Interstate Commerce Commission, in 1887, is briefly noted in

Volume V., p. 3699 (3582). In six and one half pages of Volume

VI., under the heading "Trusts" (pages 529-536), the rise of

the great industrial and commercial combinations, which began

at about the beginning of the present century to cause serious

anxiety in the country, is related quite fully, from the

report of the United States Industrial Commission created by

Congress in 1898, and from other sources. In Volume VII.,

under the two headings of "Combinations, Industrial and

Commercial" (pages 116-135), and "Railways" (pages 547-558),

an extended history of the vigorous proceedings of Government,

between 1900 and 1910, to restrain wrong uses of the power

which great corporate combinations of capital can acquire, is

compiled. The particulars, of legislation, executive

prosecution and judicial decision, are too numerous to be

detailed here.]

14. NATIONAL MOVEMENT FOR THE CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES

(A. D. 1901-1910).

President Roosevelt’s Messages, etc.,

Volume VII., 145-148.

Conference of Governors:

Declaration,

Volume VII., 148-149.

National Conservation Commission:

Report,

Volume VII., 149-151.

President Taft’s Recommendations,

Volume VII., 152.

15. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM UNDER PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT:

A notable record,

Volume VII., 104-108.

16. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF CUBA

(A. D. 1902):

Senate Document 312, 58th Congress, 2d Session, etc.,

Volume VII., 174-177.

17. RESTORATION OF THE WHITE HOUSE

(A. D. 1902):

Charles Moore:

Restoration of the White House,

Volume VII., 667-668.

18. SETTLEMENT OF ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION

(A. D. 1903):

President Roosevelt:

Message,

Volume VII., 9.

F. B. Tracy:

Tercentenary History of Canada,

Volume VII., 9.

19. FINANCIAL CRISIS

(A. D. 1903-1904):

New York Evening Post,

Volume VII., 263.

20. FRAUDS IN LAND OFFICE

(A. D. 1903-1906):

Indictments and Prosecutions,

Volume VII., 669.

21. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

(A. D. 1904):

Parties, Candidates and Platforms; Result,

Volume VII., 669-671.

22. ARBITRATION OF NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERIES QUESTIONS

(A. D. 1905-1909):

Correspondence and Agreement,

Volume VII., 446-448.

23. FINANCIAL ASSISTANCE TO SAN DOMINGO:

President Roosevelt:

Message,

Volume VII., 583-584.

Bureau of Insular Affairs:

Report,

Volume VII., 584-585.

24. MEDIATION BETWEEN JAPAN AND RUSSIA

(A. D. 1905):

President Roosevelt’s Proffer, and the Replies,

Volume VII., 356-357.

F. De Martens:

The Portsmouth Peace Conference,

Volume VII., 357.

E. J. Dillon:

Story of the Peace Negotiations,

Volume VII., 357-358.

Text of the Treaty of Portsmouth,

Volume VII., 358-360.

25. VENEZUELAN COMPLICATIONS:

An extended Account,

Volume VII., 684-688.

26. CENTRAL AMERICAN MEDIATION, WITH MEXICO

(A. D. 1906):

Text of the resulting Treaty,

Volume VII., 77-79.

27. NATIONAL PURE FOOD LAW

(A. D. 1906):

United States Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry:

Bulletin 104,

Volume VII., 520-522.

28. AT THE ALGECIRAS CONFERENCE

(A. D. 1906):

United States Secretary of State:

Instructions to Delegates,

Volume VII., 254.

29. RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CUBAN REPUBLIC

(A. D. 1906-1909):

U. S. Papers Relating to Foreign Relations,

Volume VII., 178-180.

30. THE SAN FRANCISCO JAPANESE QUESTION

(A. D. 1906):

F. H. Clark:

Anti-Japanese Agitation in California,

Volume VII., 538-541.

31. MONETARY PANIC OF A. D. 1907:

New York Evening Post,

Volume VII., 264.

32. NEW LAW OF CITIZENSHIP

(A. D. 1907):

G. Hunt:

The New Citizenship Law,

Volume VII., 443-444.

33. PART TAKEN IN SECOND PEACE CONFERENCE AT THE HAGUE

(A. D. 1907):

United States Senate Documents, and other Sources,

Volume VII., 716-722.

34. CRUISE OF THE BATTLE-SHIP FLEET

(A. D. 1907-1909).

Various Sources,

Volume VII., 707-708.

35. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION,

(A. D. 1908):

Parties, Platforms, Candidates, Results,

Volume VII., 674-678.

36. THE EMERGENCY CURRENCY ACT

(A. D. 1908):

Summary of the Act,

Volume VII., 266.

37. PARTIAL REMISSION TO CHINA OF BOXER INDEMNITY

(A. D. 1908):

Correspondence on the Subject,

Volume VII., 92-93.

38. UNDERSTANDING WITH JAPAN:

Exchange of Notes on Policy to the East,

Volume VII., 362.

39. COMMISSION TO LIBERIA:

United States Secretary of State:

Memorandum to the President,

Volume VII., 414-417.

40. THE COUNTRY-LIFE COMMISSION:

President Roosevelt:

Letter,

Volume VII., 679.

Report of the Commission,

Volume VII., 679-680.

41. New Copyright Act:

New York Evening Post:

Summary of the Act,

Volume VII., 166-167.

{805}

42. THE PAYNE-ALDRICH TARIFF ACT

(A. D. 1909):

Party Promises of 1908,

Volume VII., 641.

C. F. Adams:

On the Hearings at Washington,

Volume VII., 641-642.

President Taft:

Statement on signing the Bill,

Volume VII., 642.

Woodrow Wilson:

The Tariff Make-Believe,

Volume VII., 644-645.

S. W. McCall:

Reasons for Satisfaction,

Volume VII., 645-646.

American Review of Reviews:

On the Changes Made,

Volume VII., 646.

Outside Effects.

Volume VII., 646-647.

43. PROPOSED INCOME TAX AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION:

Governor Hughes, of New York:

Objections stated,

Volume VII., 681-682.

44. HANKAU-SZECHUAN RAILWAY LOAN QUESTION:

President Taft:

Message,

Volume VII., 94-95.

STUDY XLVIII.

(Entirely in Volume VII.)

ENGLAND (GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND)

FROM THE DEATH OF QUEEN VICTORIA

TO THE DEATH OF EDWARD VII (1901-1910).

1. THE UNITED KINGDOM AND ITS EMPIRE IN 1901:

Census of the United Kingdom,

Volume VII., 229.

Census of the British Empire,

Volume VII., 51.

2. LAST YEAR OF THE BRITISH-BOER WAR

(A. D. 1901-1902):

The Times History of the War;

Text of Treaty of Peace,

Volume VII., 620-623.

3. IMPERIAL CONFERENCES WITH COLONIAL PREMIERS:

Conferences of 1902 and 1907,

Volume VII., 51-53, 53-57.

4. EDUCATION ACT OF 1902:

Text of its Main Provisions,

Volume VII., 196-197.

J. G. Rogers:

The Nonconformist Uprising,

Volume VII., 197.

J. Bryce:

The New Education Bill,

Volume VII., 197-198.

J. Clifford:

Passive Resistance,

Volume VII., 198-199.

5. DEFENSIVE AGREEMENTS WITH JAPAN

(A. D. 1902, 1905):

Texts and explanatory Despatches,

Volume VII., 342-343, 360-361.

6. LAND PURCHASE ACT FOR IRELAND

(A. D. 1903):

L. Paul Dubois:

Contemporary Ireland,

Volume VII., 330, 331-332.

Text of main Provisions of the Act,

Volume VII., 330-331.

7. PROPOSED RETURN TO A PROTECTIVE TARIFF,

WITH "PREFERENTIAL TRADE"

(A. D. 1903):

J. Chamberlain:

Speeches and Letter,

Volume VII., 230-231.

A. J. Balfour:

Letter to Mr. Chamberlain,

Volume VII., 232.

8. AGREEMENTS ("ENTENTE CORDIALE") WITH FRANCE

(A. D. 1904):

Text of the Agreements,

Volume VII., 249-251.

Lord Lansdowne:

Explanatory Despatch,

Volume VII., 252.

A. Tardieu:

France and the Alliances,

Volume VII., 249.

9. THE "DOGGER BANK INCIDENT" OF RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR

(A. D. 1904):

Naval Annual:

Abridged account,

Volume VII., 352-353.

10. RETURN OF THE LIBERAL PARTY TO POWER

(A. D. 1905):

Campbell-Bannermann Ministry,

Volume VII., 233-235.

11. RESTORATION OF SELF-GOVERNMENT TO THE BOER COLONIES

(A. D. 1904-1905):

Letters Patent from the Crown, etc.,

Volume VII., 626-627.

12. EDUCATION BILL OF 1906:

C. W. Barnes:

Summary of its Provisions,

Volume VII., 199-200.

Sir H. Campbell-Bannermann:

Resolutions on the Action of the Lords,

Volume VII., 235.

13. FRIENDLY CONVENTION WITH RUSSIA

(A. D. 1907):

Text of the Convention,

Volume VII., 255-257.

14. INSTITUTION OF "THE TERRITORIAL FORCE"

(A. D. 1907-1908):

Main Provisions of the Act,

Volume VII., 693-694.

Lord Roberts:

Proposal of Compulsory Service,

Volume VII., 694.

15. ACTION ON DISTURBANCES IN MACEDONIA

(A. D. 1907-1908):

Parliamentary Papers:

Official Correspondence.

16. ACTION IN PERSIA DURING THE REVOLUTION

(A. D. 1907-1908):

Parliamentary Papers;

Official Correspondence,

Volume VII., 483-487.

The London Times:

Correspondence,

Volume VII., 488-491.

17. DISAFFECTION IN INDIA;

GOVERNMENTAL REFORMS

(A. D. 1907-1909):

The London Times:

Correspondence,

Volume VII., 312-14, 314-15.

Sir H. Cotton:

The New Spirit in India,

Volume VII., 316.

Dr. R. B. Ghose:

Address to India Congress,

Volume VII., 316.

A. Iman:

Address to All-India Moslem League,

Volume VII., 316-317.

Goldwin Smith:

British Empire in India,

Volume VII., 317.

Report on Moral and Material Condition,

Volume VII., 318-319.

J. Morley (Viscount):

Speech in Parliament on the Indian Councils Bill,

Volume VII., 321-322.

Text of main Provisions of the Act,

Volume VII., 322-324.

18. CAMPAIGN OF ENGLISH "SUFFRAGETTES"

(A. D. 1907-1909):

Mrs. Pankhurst:

Address in New York,

Volume VII., 224.

English Press Reports,

Volume VII., 224-227.

19. OLD AGE PENSIONS ACT

(A. D. 1908-1909):

Summary of Provisions;

Speech of D. Lloyd-George,

Volume VII., 508-509.

20. HOUSING AND TOWN-PLANNING ACT (1909):

Summary of its Provisions,

Volume VII., 613.

21. BUILDING OF "DREADNOUGHTS" IN ENGLAND AND GERMANY

(A. D. 1909):

Lord Charles Beresford:

Speech in London,

Volume VII., 700.

Cassell’s Magazine:

The Dreadnought,

Volume VII., 700-701.

Speeches in British Parliament,

Volume VII., 700-703.

22. CHANCELLOR LLOYD-GEORGE’S BUDGET;

ITS REJECTION BY THE LORDS

(A. D. 1909):

D. Lloyd-George:

Explanatory Speech in Parliament,

Volume VII., 240-242.

H. H. Asquith:

Speech in Parliament,

Volume VII., 242-243.

Sir E. Grey:

Speech at Leeds,

Volume VII., 243.

Lords Lansdowne, Rosebery, Balfour, James, et al:

Speeches,

Volume VII., 243-245.

Proceedings, Votes, Parliamentary Dissolution, Election,

Volume VII., 244-5, 246.

{806}

STUDY XLIX.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

CANADA.

1. DISCOVERY AND EARLY EXPLORATION:

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

58 (51).

Sir A. Helps:

Spanish Conquest,

63 (56).

J. G. Kohl:

Discovery of Maine,

2404-2405 (2352-2353).

Father Charlevoix:

New France,

72-73 (65-66).

E. Warburton:

Conquest of Canada,

74 (67).

E. Hayes:

Sir Humphrey Gilbert,

76 (69).

2. THE ABORIGINES;

THE NAME CANADA:

D. G. Brinton:

The Lenape,

84 (77).

J. W. Powell:

Ethnological Report,

85 (78).

E. Warburton:

Conquest of Canada,

365 (355).

F. Parkman:

Pioneers of France,

366 (356)

3. THE ARRIVAL OF CHAMPLAIN;

ACADIA;

PORT ROYAL

(A. D. 1603):

E. Warburton:

Conquest of Canada,

366 (356).

F. Parkman:

Pioneers of France,

2437 (2385).

G. Bryce:

The Canadian People,

367 (357).

J. Hannay:

History of Acadia,

368-369 (358-359).

4. FOUNDING OF QUEBEC AND MONTREAL;

DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN:

W. Kingsford:

History of Canada,

367-368 (357-358).

J. MacMullen:

History of Canada,

369 (359).

J. R. Brodhead:

History of New York,

369 (359).

5. JESUIT MISSIONS:

E. F. Slafter:

Memoir of Champlain,

371 (361).

R. Mackenzie:

America,

371-372 (361-362).

F. Parkman:

Jesuits in North America,

372 (362).

E. Warburton:

Conquest of Canada,

373 (363).

A. Bell:

History of Canada,

373 (363).

6. THE GREAT PIONEER EXPLORERS:

G. Bryce:

The Canadian People,

372-373 (362-363).

J. Fiske:

Spanish and French Explorers,

375-376 (365-366)

B. A. Hinsdale:

The Old Northwest,

378-379 (368-369).

7. FIRST INTER-COLONIAL OR "KING WILLIAM’S" WAR

(A. D. 1689-1697):

G. Bancroft.

History of the United States,

376-377 (366-367).

J. G. Palfrey:

History of New England,

377 (367).

J. S. Barry:

History of Massachusetts,

378 (368).

8. SECOND INTER-COLONIAL OR "QUEEN ANNE’S" WAR

(A. D. 1711-1713):

R. Johnson:

History of the French War,

2362 (2314).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

379-380 (369-370).

S. S. Hebberd:

History of Wisconsin,

380 (370).

9. THIRD INTER-COLONIAL OR "KING GEORGE’S" WAR

(A. D. 1744-1748):

J. Graham:

History of the United States,

2362-2363 (2314-2315).

R. Brown:

Island of Cape Breton,

397-398 (387-388).

J. G. Palfrey:

History of New England,

398 (388).

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

2363-2364 (2315-2316).

R. Johnson:

History of French War,

2364 (2316).

T. C. Haliburton:

The English in America,

2364-2365 (2316-2317).

"As far as England was concerned the taking of Louisburg was

the great event of the war of the Austrian succession. England

had no other success in that war to compare with it. As things

turned out, it is not too much to say that this exploit of New

England gave peace to Europe."

J. G. PALFREY.

10. THE FATE OF THE ACADIANS:

J. Hannay: History of Acadia,

2438-2439 (2386-2387).

R. Johnson:

History of the French War,

2439-2440 (2387-2388).

T. C. Haliburton:

Nova Scotia,

2440 (2388).

F. Parkman:

Montcalm and Wolfe,

2440-2441 (2388-2389).

C. C. Smith:

Wars on the Seaboard,

2441 (2389).

11. A BORDER WARFARE:

F. Parkman:

Montcalm and Wolfe,

381 (371).

G. E. Hart:

The Fall of New France,

381 (371).

E. H. Roberts:

New York,

381 (371).

J. H. Patton:

The American People,

381-2 (372).

12. THE "SEVEN YEARS," OR "FRENCH AND INDIAN," WAR

(A. D. 1755-1763):

F. Parkman:

Montcalm and Wolfe,

382-383 (372-373).

G. E. Hart:

The Fall of New France,

383-384 (374).

C. C. Smith:

Wars on the Seaboard,

398 (388).

J. Marshall:

Life of Washington,

384-385 (374-375).

13. THE FALL OF QUEBEC;

MONTCALM AND WOLFE

(A. D. 1759):

E. Warburton:

Conquest of Canada,

385 (375).

W. Irving:

Life of Washington,

385-386 (375-376).

14. CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR:

R. Johnson:

History of the French War,

386-387 (376-377).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

387-388 (377-378).

T. H. Dyer:

History of Modern Europe,

2975 (2898).

15. THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION AND CANADA:

J. G. Bourinot:

Constitutional History of Canada,

388-389 (378-9).

G. Bryce:

The Canadian People,

389-390 (379-380).

J. Fiske:

War of Independence,

3355, first column (3239).

R. Hildreth:

History of the United States,

3365-3366 (3249-3250).

Sir E. Creasy:

Fifteen Decisive Battles,

3366-3368 (3250-3252).

H. W. Preston:

Historical Documents,

3403-3404 (3287-3288).

16. CONSTITUTIONAL ACT OF 1791;

UPPER AND LOWER CANADA:

J. E. C. Munro:

Constitution of Canada,

390 (380).

17. IN THE WAR OF 1812:

See Study XL.

18. CONVENTION RELATING TO FISHERIES

(A. D. 1818):

H. W. Preston:

Historical Documents, Article III.,

3404 (3288).

E. Schuyler:

American Diplomacy,

1151-1152 (1121-1122).

19. THE "FAMILY COMPACT";

REBELLION OF 1837:

G. Bryce:

The Canadian People,

390 (380).

Earl of Durham:

British North America,

390 (380).

J. McCarthy:

History of Our Own Times,

391 (381).

W. P. Greswell:

The Dominion of Canada,

391 (381).

Viscount Bury:

Exodus of Western Nations,

392 (382).

W. P. Greswell:

The Dominion of Canada,

392 (382).

20. THE "CAROLINE AFFAIR";

THE ASHBURTON TREATY

(A. D. 1842):

Viscount Bury:

Exodus of Western Nations,

392 (382).

H. C. Lodge:

Daniel Webster,

392-393 (382-383).

J. Schouler:

History of the United States,

3494-3495 (3378-3379).

21. OPPOSITION OF RACES;

RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES

(A. D. 1840-1865):

Goldwin Smith:

The Canadian Question,

393 (383).

Treaties and Conventions between the United States and

Other Powers,

3163-3164 (3079-3080).

F. E. Haynes:

Reciprocity Treaty,

3164 (3080).

H. J. Raymond:

Life of Abraham Lincoln,

3658 (3542).

{807}

22. FENIAN INVASIONS

(A. D. 1866-1871):

J. McCarthy:

History of Our Own Times,

1833-1834 (1793-1794).

G. Bryce:

The Canadian People,

393-394 (383-384).

23. FEDERATION;

THE DOMINION OF CANADA

(A. D. 1867).

J. G. Bourinot:

Federal Government in Canada,

1139-1140 (1111-1112).

J. G. Bourinot:

Constitutional History of Canada,

394 (384).

J. Bryce:

The American Commonwealth,

394-395 (384-385).

Full Text of the Constitution,

546-557 (526-537).

"The Federal Constitution of the Dominion of Canada is

contained in the British North America Act, 1867, a statute of

the British Parliament (30 Vict., c. 3). … The Federal, or

Dominion Government, is conducted on the so-called ‘Cabinet

system’ of England, i. e., the Ministry sit in Parliament, and

hold office at the pleasure of the House of Commons. … The

distribution of matters within the competence of the Dominion

Parliament and of the Provincial legislatures respectively,

bears a general resemblance to that existing in the United

States; but there is this remarkable distinction, that whereas

in the United States, Congress has only the powers actually

granted to it, the State legislatures retaining all such

powers as have not been taken from them, the Dominion

Parliament has a general power of legislation, restricted only

by the grant of certain specific and exclusive powers to the

Provincial legislatures. … The Constitution of the Dominion

was never submitted to popular vote, and can be altered only

by the British Parliament, except as regards certain points

left to its own legislature. There exists no power of amending

the provincial Constitutions by popular vote similar to that

which the peoples of the several States exercise in the United

States."

JAMES BRYCE.

24. LATER ADMISSIONS;

INCREASE OF TERRITORY:

J. E. C. Munro:

Constitution of Canada,

2429 (2377).

J. McCarthy:

History of Our Own Times,

395 (385).

J. McCoun:

The Great North West,

395-396 (385-386).

J. E. C. Munro:

Constitution of Canada,

333-334, 2658 (323-324, 2586).

C. Cushing:

The Treaty of Washington,

2874 (2799).

Viscount Milton:

The San Juan Boundary,

2874 (2799).

Creation of New Provinces in 1905,

Volume VII., 67.

25. THE FISHERIES QUESTION

(A. D. 1818-1910):

Treaties and Conventions Between

the United States and Other Powers,

35 (28).

C. B. Elliott:

The Northeastern Fisheries,

1152 (1122).

FINAL AGREEMENT FOR ARBITRATION (A. D. 1909),

Volume VII., 446-448.

26. THE MANITOBA SCHOOL QUESTION

(A. D. 1890-1896 and 1905):

J. G. S. Cox:

Mr. Laurier and Manitoba,

Volume VI., 59-61.

Text of the Encyclical Letter of the Pope,

Volume VI., 62-63.

The Outlook (A. D. 1905),

Volume VII., 68.

27. IMMIGRATION;

MOVEMENT FROM THE UNITED STATES.

E. Farrer:

Canada and the New Imperialism,

Volume VII., 63.

J. W. Dafoe:

Western Canada,

Volume VII., 63.

London Times:

Correspondence,

Volume VII., 64.

28. RECENT IMPORTANT TREATIES AND AGREEMENTS:

(a) Alaska Boundary.

President Roosevelt:

Message (1903),

Volume VII., 9.

F. B. Tracy:

Tercentenary History of Canada,

Volume VII., 9.

Convention for fixing the Line,

Volume VII., 9-10.

(b) Waterways Treaty.

Text of Treaty (1909) United States and Great Britain,

Volume VII., 71-72.

(c) General Boundary.

Summary of Boundary Treaty (1908),

Volume VII., 69-70.

29. IMPERIAL RELATIONS:

Parliamentary Papers:

Proceeding of Imperial Conferences of Colonial Premiers,

1897, 1902 and 1907,

Volume VI., 208-209; Volume VII., 51-57.

STUDY L.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

JAPAN.

1. EARLY HISTORY:

B. H. Chamberlain:

Things Japanese,

1913-1915 (1873-1875).

É. Reclus:

The Earth and Its Inhabitants,

1990 (3737).

2. JESUIT MISSIONS;

A CENTURY OF CHRISTIANITY

(A. D. 1550-1680):

Quarterly Review, 1871:

Christianity in Japan,

1915-1916 (1875-1876).

D. Murray:

Story of Japan,

1916 (1876).

Sir E. J. Reed:

Japan,

1916-1917 (1876-1877).

3. OPENING OF PORTS TO FOREIGNERS

(A. D. 1852):

Inazo Nitobe:

The United States and Japan,

1917-1918 (1877-1878).

Monument to Commodore Perry,

Volume VI., 282-283;

Volume VII., 341.

4. CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT

(A. D. 1869--):

T. Iyenaga:

Development of Japan,

1918-1919 (1878-1879).

H. N. G. Bushby:

Parliamentary Government in Japan,

Volume VI., 277-278.

Tokiwo Yokoi:

New Japan,

Volume VI., 278-279.

Text of the Constitution of 1889,

578-580 (554-557).

5. WAR WITH CHINA

(A. D. 1894-1895):

G. N. Curzon:

Problems of the Far East,

1990-1991 (3737-3738).

Political Science Quarterly,

1991 (3738).

Great Britain,

Papers by Command,

Volume VI., 76-78.

6. ACQUISITION OF FORMOSA:

J.H. Wilson:

China,

1185-1186 (3747).

S. W. Williams:

Middle Kingdom,

1186 (3747).

Treaty with China (1895),

Article II. (b),

Volume VI., 76.

The Annual Register (1896),

Volume VI., 279.

7. JAPAN AND RUSSIA IN KOREA

(A. D. 895-898):

United States Consular Reports,

Volume VI., 288-289.

Correspondence of London Times,

Volume VI., 289.

{808}

8. PARTY ORGANIZATIONS;

THE MARQUIS ITO:

H. N. G. Bushby:

Parliamentary Government in Japan,

Volume VI., 279-280.

Correspondence of the London Times,

Volume VI., 282;

Volume VII., 362-363.

W. E. Griffis:

Prince Ito’s Party,

Volume VII., 343.

9. DISTRUST OF THE RUSSIANS IN MANCHURIA

(A. D. 1901-1904):

G. T. Ladd:

In Korea with Marquis Ito,

Volume VII., 341-342.

Text of Russo-Chinese Treaty of 1902,

Volume VII., 91-92.

10. DEFENSIVE AGREEMENTS WITH GREAT BRITAIN:

Text of Agreements of 1902 and 1905,

Volume VII., 342-343, 360-361.

11. WAR WITH RUSSIA

(A. D. 1904-1905):

United States War Department:

Epitome,

Volume VII., 343-345, 346, 348.

E. J. Nojine:

The Truth about Port Arthur,

Volume VII., 345, 347-348, 350.

Admiral Sir C. Bridge:

In the Naval Annual,

Volume VII., 346.

Lord Brooke:

An Eye-witness in Manchuria,

Volume VII., 347.

L. Hearn:

Letter from Japan,

Volume VII., 347.

T. Sakurai:

Human Bullets,

Volume VII., 348-350.

American Review of Reviews,

Volume VII., 351-352.

G. Kennan:

The Naval Battle of Tsushima,

Volume VII., 352-354.

L. L. Seaman, M. D.:

The Japanese Medical Service,

Volume VII., 354-355.

Official Japanese Statement of Casualties,

Volume VII., 355-356.

12. THE PEACE TREATY OF PORTSMOUTH

(A. D. 1905):

American Mediation;

President Roosevelt’s Proffer,

Volume VII., 356.

Official Correspondence and Preliminaries,

Volume VII., 356-357.

F. de Martens:

The Portsmouth Peace Conference,

Volume VII., 357.

E. J. Dillon:

Story of the Peace Negotiations,

Volume VII., 357-358.

Text of the Treaty,

Volume VII., 358-360.

13. THE WAR DEBT; MATERIAL CONDITIONS:

The London Times:

Correspondence,

Volume VII., 363, 362.

14. KOREA UNDER JAPANESE CONTROL

(A. D. 1904-1909):

Text of three Agreements of 1904 and 1905,

Volume VII., 365-367.

K. Asakawa:

Korea and Manchuria under the New Treaty,

Volume VII., 367.

London and New York Press Correspondence,

Volume VII., 367-370.

Assassination of Prince Ito,

Volume VII., 363-364.

15. DISPUTES WITH CHINA

(A. D. 1905-1909):

The London Times:

Correspondence,

Volume VII., 95, 97-98.

16. EXCHANGE OF NOTES WITH THE UNITED STATES

ON POLICY IN THE EAST

(A. D. 1908):

Text of the Declaration,

Volume VII., 362.

17. THE SAN FRANCISCO SCHOOL QUESTION:

F. H. Clark:

Anti-Japanese Agitation in California,

Volume VII., 538-540.

STUDY LI.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

CHINA.

1. THE NAMES AND CHARACTER OF THE COUNTRY:

H. Yule:

Cathay,

428 (416).

E. Reclus:

The Earth and its Inhabitants,

428-430.

2. ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY OF THE PEOPLE:

T. de Lacouperie:

Chinese Civilization,

246 (239).

R. K. Douglas:

China,

430-432 (416-418).

3. RELIGIONS OF THE PEOPLE:

R. K. Douglas:

China,

432-433 (418-419).

T. Rhys Davids:

Buddhism,

433 (419).

Abbé Hue:

Christianity in China,

1995 (1951).

4. THE MONGOL CONQUEST;

EMPIRE OF KUBLAI-KHAN

(A. D. 1150-1368).

H. H. Howorth:

The Mongols,

2265 (2221).

C. R. Markham:

History of Persia,

2265 (2221).

H. Yule:

Cathay,

433 (419); 2266-2268.

H. H. Howorth:

The Mongols,

433 (419).

D. C. Boulger.

China,

2266 (2222).

5. THE MING AND MANCHU DYNASTIES:

L. Ritchie:

Oriental Nations,

434 (420).

H. A. Giles:

Historic China,

434-435 (420-421).

T. T. Meadows:

North China,

2126-2127 (3791-3792).

6. THE OPIUM WAR;

OPENING OF THE TREATY PORTS

(A. D. 1839-1842):

S. Walpole:

History of England,

435-437 (421-423).

S. W. Williams:

The Middle Kingdom,

437 (423).

C. P. Lucas:

The British Colonies,

1701.

7. THE TAIPING REBELLION (A. D. 1850-1864)

"CHINESE" GORDON:

S. W. Williams:

The Middle Kingdom,

438 (424).

L. N. Wheeler:

The Foreigner in China,

438 (424).

A. Forbes:

Chinese Gordon,

438-439 (424-425).

R. H. Veitch:

Charles George Gordon,

439 (425).

8. THE WAR WITH ENGLAND AND FRANCE

(A. D. 1856-1860):

J. McCarthy:

History of Our Own Times,

439-441 (425-427).

9. FRENCH ACQUISITIONS IN INDO-CHINA

(A. D. 1875-1879):

A. H. Keane:

Eastern Geography,

3200-3201 (3114-3115).

V. Duruy:

History of France,

1428 (1395).

10. THE BURLINGAME TREATY AND THE EXCLUSION ACT:

W. Speer:

The Oldest Empire,

441-442 (427-428).

E. McPherson:

Handbook of Politics,

3702 (3585).

11. THE CHINESE IN KOREA:

É. Reclus:

The Earth and Its Inhabitants,

1990 (3736-3737).

R. S. Gundry:

China and Her Neighbors,

1990 (3737).

G. N. Curzon:

Problems of the Far East,

1990-1991 (3737-3738).

12. THE WAR WITH JAPAN

(A. D. 1894-1895):

Political Science Quarterly,

1991 (3738).

Korean Independence,

Volume VI., 76.

Text of the Treaty of Shimonoseki,

Volume VI., 76-78.

{809}

13. TREATY WITH RUSSIA GIVING RIGHTS IN MANCHURIA .

H. Norman:

Russia and England,

Volume VI., 78-79.

Statistical Description of Manchuria in 1897,

Volume VI., 301-302.

14. FOREIGN RESIDENTS OF CHINA

(A. D. 1897)

United States Consular Reports,

Volume VI., 80.

15. EUROPEAN WRECKING OF THE EMPIRE BEGUN

(A. D. 1897-1898):

United States Bureau of Statistics,

Volume VI., 80.

Great Britain,

Papers by Command,

Volume VI., 80-83.

The "Battle of Concessions,"

Volume VI., 83-86.

16. RUSSIAN ACQUISITION OF PORT ARTHUR

(A. D. 1898):

Great Britain,

Papers by Command,

Volume VI., 86-88.

17. INCREASED DEMANDS OF FRANCE AND GREAT BRITAIN

(A. D. 1898):

Great Britain,

Papers by Command,

Volume VI., 88-89.

18. "OPEN-DOOR" COMMERCIAL AGREEMENTS

SECURED BY THE UNITED STATES:

U. S. Congressional Documents,

Volume VI., 104.

19. EFFORTS TOWARD REFORM

(A. D. 1898):

Kang Yeu Wei:

Revolution of 1898,

Volume VI., 89-91.

Great Britain,

Papers by Command,

Volume VI., 91-94.

Blackwood’s Magazine:

The Empress Dowager,

Volume VI., 94-95.

20. OUTBREAK OF HOSTILITY TO FOREIGNERS

(A. D. 1898-1900):

United States Consular Reports,

Volume VI., 95-101.

Great Britain,

Papers by Command,

Volume VI., 95-101

G. F. Wright:

Letter to the Nation,

Volume VI., 299

21. The Tsung-li Yamen:

The Spectator (London, 1899),

Volume VI., 101.

22. EARLY ACCOUNTS OF "THE BOXERS"

(A. D. 1900):

Great Britain:

Papers by Command,

Volume VI., 104-107.

Robert Hart:

The Peking Legations,

Volume VI., 107-108.

23. NAVAL DEMONSTRATION OF THE POWERS

(A. D. 1900):

Great Britain,

Papers by Command,

Volume VI., 108-109.

Telegrams from British Minister at Peking,

Volume VI., 109-112.

Official Reports,

Volume VI., 112-113.

24. CHINESE IMPERIAL EDICTS

(A. D. 1900):

Correspondence of London Times,

Volume VI., 114.

Report by Minister Wu Ting-fang,

Volume VI., 115.

25. SIEGE OF THE FOREIGN LEGATIONS AT PEKING

(JUNE-AUGUST, 1900):

Detailed Account by one of the Besieged,

Volume VI., 115-128.

London Times Correspondence,

Volume VI., 115-128.

United States Secretary of War, Report,

Volume VI., 128-129.

26. CAPTURE OF PEKING BY ALLIED FORCES

(AUGUST, 1900):

Report of United States General Chaffee,

Volume VI., 130-132.

27. HORRORS OF THE ALLIED INVASION:

T. F. Millard:

The Armies in China,

Volume VI., 132.

E. J. Dillon:

Chinese Wolf and European Lamb,

Volume VI., 132-134.

Correspondence of London Times,

Volume VI., 134-136.

28. FINAL NEGOTIATIONS OF POWERS WITH CHINA:

Texts of Notes, Agreements, etc.,

Volume VI., 137-143.

29. MURDERED MISSIONARIES AND CHRISTIANS:

Several Detailed Statements,

Volume VI., 143-144.

30. THE RUSSIAN GRIP ON MANCHURIA

(A. D. 1901-1902):

Text of Secret Treaty Secured,

Volume VI., 300-301.

Remonstrance of the United States Secretary of State,

Volume VI., 144.

United States:

Papers on Foreign Relations,

Volume VII., 91-92.

G. T. Ladd:

In Korea with Prince Ito,

Volume VII., 341-342.

31. CHINESE INDEMNITY FOR THE BOXER RISING:

Settlement of the Indemnity,

Volume VII., 92.

Remission of part by the United States;

Correspondence,

Volume VII., 92-93.

32. COMMERCIAL TREATY WITH THE UNITED STATES

(A. D. 1903):

J. H. Latané:

America as a World Power,

Volume VII., 94.

33. RAILWAYS AND RECENT RAILWAY QUESTIONS:

D. C. Boulger:

The Shanghai-Nanking Railway,

Volume VII., 94.

The Hankau Sze chuen Railway Loan Question,

Volume VII., 94-95.

Railway Agreements and Disputes with Japan,

Volume VII., 95, 97-98.

Russo-Chinese Agreement and the Kharbin Question,

Volume VII., 100-102.

Opening of the Peking-Kalgan Railway,

VII., 545.

Proposed neutralization of Manchurian railways,

Volume VII., 102-103.

34. PROMISED CONSTITUTION OF REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT

(A. D. 1908-1909):

New York Tribune:

Summarized translation of Decree,

Volume VII., 95-96.

Reaffirmation of the Decree,

Volume VII., 99-100.

London Times;

Election and Opening of Provincial Assemblies,

A. D. 1909, Volume VII., 102.

35. DEATH OF THE EMPEROR AND EMPRESS DOWAGER

(A. D. 1908):

Newspaper Reports,

Volume VII., 99.

36. DISMISSAL OF VICEROY YUAN SHIH-KAI

(A. D. 1909):

Correspondence of New York Evening Post,

Volume VII., 100.

37. OPIUM REFORM:

United States Legation Report,

Volume VII., 462-463.

Tang Shao Yi:

Address in London,

Volume VII., 463-464.

British Consular Report,

Volume VII., 464.

38. AMERICAN TREATIES, VS. EXCLUSION LAWS:

An Exhibit from the Documents,

Volume VII., 538.

{810}

STUDY LII.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

RUSSIA.

1. ORIGIN OF THE PEOPLE AND THEIR NATIONAL NAME:

V. Thomsen:

Russia and Scandinavia,

3009 (2931); 2829 (2755).

A. Lefèvre:

Race and Language,

3009 (2931).

G. Finlay:

Byzantine Empire,

521 (507).

2. EARLY RELATIONS WITH BYZANTINE EMPIRE:

G. Finlay:

Byzantine Empire,

2829-2830 (2755-2756); 521-522 (507-508).

G. F. Maclear:

Conversion of the West,

480-481 (466-467).

3. THE MONGOL CONQUEST

(A. D. 1237-1239);

H. Yule:

Cathay,

2267-2268 (2222-2224).

C. I. Black:

Proselytes of Ishmael,

2268 (2224).

H. H. Howorth:

History of the Mongols,

2268 (2224).

4. TWO CENTURIES OF TARTAR DOMINATION

(A. D. 1237-1480):

J. C. Prichard:

Races of Mankind,

3173 (3089).

P. A. Kropotkine:

Tartars,

3173 (3089).

C. F. Johnstone:

Historical Abstracts,

2830-2832 (2756-2758).

A. Leroy-Beaulieu:

Empire of the Tsars,

2832 (2758).

5. INVASION OF THE POLES;

ORIGIN OF THE ROMANOFFS:

H. S. Edwards:

The Romanoffs,

2832-2833 (2758).

H. Krasinski:

Cossacks of the Ukraine,

641-642 (618-619).

W. R. Morfil:

The Story of Russia,

2619 (2551).

6. ASSUMPTION OF THE TITLE "TSAR"

(A. D. 1547):

A. Rambaud:

History of Russia,

2833 (2759).

W. K. Kelly:

Russia,

2833 (2759).

7. CONQUEST OF SIBERIA

(A. D. 1580):

W. Coxe:

Russian Discoveries,

2979 (2902).

United States Bureau of Statistics,

2980.

8. WARS WITH TURKS AND SWEDEN:

Sir E. S. Creasy:

The Ottoman Turks,

2833-2834 (2759-2760).

J. L. Stevens:

Gustavus Adolphus,

2897 (2822).

9. GREAT RELIGIOUS SCHISM,—"THE RASCOL"

(A. D. 1655-1660):

W. R. Morfil:

Story of Russia,

2834 (2760).

Stepniak:

The Russian Peasantry,

2834 (2760).

10. PETER THE GREAT;

THE CONQUEST OF AZOV:

Voltaire:

Charles XII.,

2834-2835 (2760-2761).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

3259-3260 (3143-3144)

J. N. Earned:

Europe,

1108 (1080).

11. WAR WITH CHARLES XII. OF SWEDEN

(A. D. 1697-1718):

Voltaire:

Charles XII.,

2899-2900 (2824-2825).

A. Crichton:

Scandinavia,

2900-2901 (2825-2826).

W. C. Taylor:

Modern History,

2903 (2826-2828).

12. FOUNDING OF ST. PETERSBURG

(A. D. 1703):

E. Schuyler:

Peter the Great,

2835-2836 (2761-2762).

13. FROM PETER THE GREAT TO CATHERINE II.

(A. D. 1725-1762):

W. R. Morfil:

Story of Russia,

2836-2837 (2762-2763).

W. K. Kelly:

History of Russia,

2837 (2763).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

2837-2838 (2763-2764).

A. Rambaud:

History of Russia,

2838 (2764).

14. REIGN OF CATHERINE II.

(A. D. 1762-1796):

Lardner:

History of Russia,

2839 (2765).

C. F. Johnstone:

Historical Abstracts,

2839-2840 (2765-2766).

Edinburgh Review:

Empress Catherine II.,

2840 (2766).

R. Waliszewski:

Romance of an Empress,

2840-2841 (2766-2767).

H. Frederic:

The New Exodus,

1971 (1930).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1115-1116 (1087-1088).

15. ASSASSINATION OF PAUL

(A. D. 1801):

A. Czartoryski:

Memoirs,

2841-2842 (2867-2868).

16. ALEXANDER I.;

ALLIANCES AGAINST NAPOLEON

(A. D. 1801-1807):

R. Lodge:

Modern Europe,

1375 (1342).

H. Martin:

History of France,

1545-1546 (1511-1512).

A. Rambaud:

History of Russia,

1546-1547 (1513).

R. Lodge:

Modern Europe,

1547 (1513).

C. Joyneville:

Life of Alexander I.,

1547-1548 (1513-1514).

E. A. Freeman:

Finland,

2905-2906 (2830-2831).

17. NAPOLEON’S INVASION

(A. D. 1812):

R. Lodge:

Modern Europe,

1385-1386 (1351-1352).

P. Lanfrey:

History of Napoleon,

1384 (1351).

A. Rambaud:

History of Russia,

2842-2843 (2768-2769).

L. Tolstoi:

Napoleon and the Russian Campaign,

2843-2844 (2769-2770).

A. Thiers:

History of the Empire,

2844-2845 (2771).

V. Duruy:

History of France,

2845-2846 (2771-2772).

General R. Wilson:

The Invasion of Russia,

2846-2847 (2772-2773).

E. Labaume:

The Campaign in Russia,

2847 (2773).

18. ALLIANCE OF RUSSIA AND PRUSSIA: LEIPSIC

(A. D. 1812-1813):

H. Martin:

History of France,

1555-1556 (1521-1522).

J. Mitchell:

The Fall of Napoleon,

1557-1558 (1423-1424).

J. G. Lockhart:

Life of Napoleon,

1558-1559 (1525).

R. H. Horne:

History of Napoleon,

1559-1560 (1526).

C. T. Lewis:

History of Germany,

1561-1562 (1527-1528).

W. Hazlitt:

Life of Napoleon,

1562-1563 (1528-1529).

G. R. Gleig.

The Leipsic Campaign,

1563 (1529).

19. THE ALLIES IN PARIS;

FALL OF NAPOLEON

(A. D. 1814):

A. Rambaud:

History of Russia,

1387-1389 (1354-1356).

J. Mitchell:

Fall of Napoleon,

1389-1391 (1356-1358).

H. Martin:

History of France,

1391-1392 (1358-1359).

20. THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA:

C. A. Fyffe:

Modern Europe,

3745-3747 (3624-3626).

R. Lodge:

Modern Europe,

3747 (3626).

21. ALEXANDER I. AND THE HOLY ALLIANCE:

M. E. G. Duff:

European Politics,

1696-1697 (1658).

E. Hertslet:

Europe by Treaty,

1697 (1658).

W. R. Thayer:

Dawn of Italian Independence,

1697-1698 (1658-1659).

R. Lodge:

Modern Europe,

3741 (3621).

F. H. Hill:

George Canning,

3741 (3621).

R. Bell:

Life of Canning,

3741-3742 (3621-3622).

22. REVOLT OF RUSSIAN POLAND

(A. D. 1830-1832):

S. Walpole:

History of England,

2625-2626 (2557-2558).

23. THE CRIMEAN WAR

(A. D. 1853-1856):

R. Walpole:

Foreign Relations,

2848-2849 (2774-2775).

J. McCarthy:

History of Our Own Times,

2849-2850 (2775-2776).

W. N. Molesworth:

History of England,

2851-2852 (2777-2778).

L. C. Sanders:

Life of Palmerston,

992 (965).

S. Walpole:

History of England,

2853-2855 (2779-2781).

{811}

24. EMANCIPATION OF THE SERFS

(A. D. 1861):

D. M. Wallace:

Russia,

2995 (2917).

The Times:

Alexander II.,

2995 (2917).

W. H. Dixon:

Free Russia,

2995-2996 (2917-2918).

Stepniak:

The Russian Peasantry,

2996 (2918).

25. RUSSIAN ADVANCE IN CENTRAL ASIA

(A. D. 1869-1881):

T. W. Knox:

Decisive Battles,

2856-2857 (2782-2783).

C. H. Pearson:

National Life,

2857 (2783).

É. Reclus:

The Earth and its Inhabitants,

3246 (3130).

J. F. Bright:

History of England,

15-17 (15-17).

The Anglo-Russian Agreement as to Frontiers,

Volume VI., 1.

26. WAR WITH TURKEY

(A. D. 1877-1878):

Cassell’s History of England,

259-261 (252-254).

S. Walpole:

Foreign Relations,

3268-3269 (3152-3153).

T. W. Knox:

Decisive Battles,

3269-3270 (3153-3154).

E. Ollier:

The Russo-Turkish War,

3270 (3154).

J. McCarthy:

History of Our Own Times,

3270-3271 (3154-3155).

E. Ollier:

The Russo-Turkish War,

3271-3272 (3156).

W. Müller:

Political History,

3272-3273 (3156-3157).

27. THE RISE AND SPREAD OF NIHILISM

(A. D. 1861-):

J. Rae:

Contemporary Socialism,

3026-3027 (2948-2949).

E. P. Bazan:

Russia,

2413-2414 (2361-2362).

Georg Brandes:

Impressions of Russia,

2414 (2362).

Stepniak:

Underground Russia,

2414 (2362).

C. Joyneville:

Life of Alexander II.,

2857-2859 (2783-2785).

28. ALEXANDER III. (A. D. 1881-1894);

JEWISH PERSECUTION:

F. H. Geffcken:

Russia Under Alexander III.,

2859-2860 (2785-2786).

W. E. H. Lecky:

Israel Among the Nations,

1972 (1931).

C. N. Barham:

The Jews in Russia,

1972-1973 (1931-1932).

29. ACCESSION OF NICHOLAS II.

(A. D. 1894):

Proclamation of the Accession,

2860 (2786).

Frightful Calamity at the Coronation,

Volume VI., 423.

Liberal Policy of Nicholas,

Volume VI., 423.

30. THE FIRST CENSUS OF THE EMPIRE

(A. D. 1897):

E. J. Dillon:

The First Russian Census,

Volume VI., 423-424.

31. RUSSIA IN CHINA

(A. D. 1895-):

H. Norman:

Russia and England,

Volume VI., 78-79.

Great Britain,

Papers by Command,

Volume VI., 86-88, 101.

32. RUSSIA IN FINLAND

(A. D. 1898-1901):

R. Eucken:

The Finnish Question,

Volume VI., 234.

Correspondence of the London Times,

Volume VI., 224.

33. THE STUDENT OUTBREAKS

(A. D. 1899-1902):

Detailed Accounts from Various Sources,

Volume VI., 424, 425-427;

Volume VII., 563.

34. AGGRESSIVE MOVEMENTS IN MANCHURIA

(A. D. 1900-1902):

G. F. Wright:

in the Nation,

Volume VI., 299-301.

Text of the Convention with China of 1901,

Volume VI., 300-301.

Text of Treaty of April, 1902,

Volume VII., 91-92.

G. T. Ladd:

In Korea with Marquis Ito,

Volume VII., 341-342.

New Agreement of May, 1909,

Volume VII., 100.

35. TRANSPORTATION TO SIBERIA:

G. F. Kennan:

The Settlement of Siberia,

2980.

Order of Tsar to abolish the System,

Volume VI., 425.

36. THE TRANS-SIBERIAN RAILWAY

(A. D. 1891):

Great Britain,

Papers by Command,

Volume VI., 428-429.

A. H. Ford:

Railways in Asia,

Volume VI., 429.

United States Consular Reports,

Volume VI., 429.

37. REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS

(A. D. 1902-1905):

K. Zilliacus:

Russian Revolutionary Movement,

Volume VII., 563-564.

F. Volkhovsky:

The Russian Awakening,

Volume VII., 564-565.

H. W. Nevinson:

The Dawn in Russia,

567.

Imperial Manifestos:

The so-called Constitution of October 30, 1905,

Volume VII., 568-569.

United States Consul:

Diary of Rising at Moscow,

Volume VII., 570-571.

Annual Register:

Naval Mutiny, Army Revolt, etc.,

Volume VII., 571.

Imperial Decree of Religious Liberty,

Volume VII., 571-572.

38. WAR WITH JAPAN

(A. D. 1904-1905):

(See in Study L.).

39. THE FIRST, SECOND AND THIRD DUMAS

(A. D. 1906-1909):

U. S. Ambassador Meyer:

Despatches relating to First Duma,

Volume VII., 572-573.

Imperial Manifesto dissolving the Duma,

Volume VII., 574.

Viborg Address of Duma Members to the People.

Volume VII., 574.

Imperial Edict of Reforms,

Volume VII., 574-575.

The Short-lived Second Duma,

Volume VII., 575.

E. J. Dillon:

On the Election and Character of the Third Duma,

Volume VII., 576-577.

40. THE POLICY OF MASSACRE ("POGROMS");

THE POLICE "AGENT PROVOCATEUR":

Prince Urussoff:

Speech in the First Duma,

Volume VII., 573.

Prince Kropotkin:

Letter to The Times,

573-574.

British Parliamentary Paper:

Massacre of Jews at Kishineff,

Volume VII., 565-566.

Russian Police System:

The Azeff Case,

Volume VII., 579.

41. THE RUSSIANIZING OF FINLAND:

Particulars from various sources,

Volume VII., 270-273.

42. AGREEMENTS WITH GREAT BRITAIN:

Text of Convention (A. D. 1907),

with Explanatory Despatches,

Volume VII., 255-7.

43. Submission to a German Menace

(A. D. 1909):

The London Times:

Editorial Statement,

Volume VII., 260-261.

44. PRESENT CONDITIONS IN THE EMPIRE

(A. D. 1909):

Differing Accounts,

Volume VII., 580-581.

{812}

STUDY LIII.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

THE TURKISH EMPIRE.

1. RACE AND ORIGIN OF THE TURKS:

H. H. Howorth:

History of the Mongols,

2265 (2221).

F. Lenormant:

Ancient History,

3245 (3129).

J. C. Prichard:

Races of Mankind,

3173 (3089).

E. A. Freeman:

The Ottoman Power in Europe,

252 (245).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

3246-3247 (3130-3131).

W. Smith:

Note to above,

3246 (3130).

2. RISE OF THE OTTOMAN TURKS FROM WRECK OF MONGOL CONQUESTS

(A. D. 1218-1240):

C. R. Markham,

History of Persia,

2265.

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

3249-3250 (3133-3134).

Sir E. S. Creasy:

The Ottoman Turks,

3250 (3134).

E. A. Freeman.

The Ottoman Power,

3250 (3134).

3. THEIR ENTRY INTO EUROPE

(A. D. 1360):

J. E. Tennent:

Modern Greece,

3250-3251 (3134-3135).

Sir E. S. Creasy:

The Ottoman Turks,

3251 (3135).

E. Gibbon:

Decline and Fall,

3251-3252 (3135-3136).

4. THE CAREER OF TIMOUR, THE TARTAR:

E. S. Creasy:

The Ottoman Turks,

3197 (3112).

E. A. Freeman:

Conquests of the Saracens,

3197 (3112).

A. Vambery:

History of Bokhara,

3197-3198 (3112-3113).

5. THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE

(A. D. 1453):

Sir E. S. Creasy:

The Ottoman Turks,

3252-3253 (3136-3137).

E. A. Freeman:

The Ottoman Power,

3253 (3137).

C. C. Felton:

Greece, Ancient and Modern,

524 (510).

G. Finlay:

The Byzantine Empire,

524-525 (511).

6. THE "SUBLIME PORTE":

Sir E. S. Creasy:

The Ottoman Turks,

3119-3120 (3036-3037).

A. H. Sayce:

Fresh Light from the Monuments,

2595 (2528).

7. WARS OF SOLYMAN "THE MAGNIFICENT"

(A. D. 1520-1566):

W. Robertson:

Reign of Charles V.,

1702-1703 (1663-1664).

Sir E. S. Creasy:

The Ottoman Turks,

1713-1714 (1674-1675).

E. Szabad:

Hungary,

1714 (1675).

N. W. Wraxhall:

History of France,

1882-1883 (1843).

S. Lane-Poole:

The Barbary Corsairs,

269-270 (260-261).

W. H. Prescott:

Philip II.,

1703-1704 (1664-1665).

8. WAR WITH THE HOLY LEAGUE;

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO

(A. D. 1571):

W. H. Prescott:

Philip II.,

3255-3257 (3139-3141).

R. Watson:

History of Philip II.,

3257 (3141).

C. F. Johnstone:

Historical Abstracts,

3257-3258 (3141-3142).

"It [Lepanto] was indeed a sanguinary battle, surpassing in

this particular any sea-fight of modern times. The loss fell

much the most heavily on the Turks. There is the usual

discrepancy about numbers; but it may be safe to estimate

their loss at nearly 25,000 slain and 5000 prisoners. What

brought most pleasure to the hearts of the conquerors was the

liberation of 12,000 Christian captives, who had been chained

to the oar on board the Moslem galleys, and who now came

forth, with tears of joy streaming down their haggard cheeks,

to bless their deliverers. … The news of the victory of

Lepanto caused a profound sensation throughout Christendom. …

It is a great error to speak of the victory of Lepanto as a

barren victory. True, it did not strip the Turks of an inch of

territory. But the loss of reputation—that tower of strength

to the conqueror—was not to be estimated."

W. H. PRESCOTT.

9. THE WAR WITH PERSIA, AND THE CONQUEST OF CRETE

(A. D. 1623-1670):

R. W. Fraser:

Turkey,

3258 (3142).

Sir E. S. Creasy:

The Ottoman Turks,

3258 (3142).

G. Finlay:

History of Greece,

3258-3259 (3142-3143).

10. GREAT INVASIONS OF POLAND AND HUNGARY

(A. D. 1670-1690):

Chambers’ History of Poland,

2619-2620 (2551-2552).

Sir E. S. Creasy:

The Ottoman Turks,

1719-1720 (1680-1681).

H. E. Malden:

Vienna,

1720 (1681).

G. B. Malleson:

Eugene of Savoy,

1720-1721 (1682).

11. A CENTURY OF AGGRESSION ON THE EUROPEAN FRONTIER

(A. D. 1680-1780):

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

3259-3260 (3143-3144).

R. Lodge:

Modern Europe,

3260 (3144).

W. K. Kelly:

History of Russia,

2837 (2763).

R. Lodge:

Modern Europe,

3260-3261 (3144-3145).

R. Bell:

History of Russia,

3261-3262 (3145-3146).

12. TURKEY IN THE NAPOLEONIC WARS:

Sir J. Porter:

Turkey,

3262-3263 (3146-3147).

H. Van Laun:

The Revolutionary Epoch,

1355 (1322).

H. Martineau:

History of England,

3263-3264 (3147-3148).

R. Lodge:

Modern Europe,

1547 (1513).

C. Joyneville:

Life of Alexander I.,

1547-1548 (1513-1514).

13. GRADUAL RESTRICTION OF TURKISH TERRITORY:

T. W. Knox:

Decisive Battles,

1644-1646 (1606-1608).

R. W. Fraser:

Turkey,

3264-3267 (3148-3151).

A. A. Paton:

Researches on the Danube,

257-258 (250-251).

J. G. C. Minchin:

Servia and Montenegro,

258 (251).

H. Morse Stephens:

Modern Historians,

258-259 (251-252).

W. Müller:

Political History,

3267-3268 (3151-3152).

14. The Crimean War

(A. D. 1853-1856):

See Study XLII.

15. THE WAR WITH RUSSIA

(A. D. 1877-1878):

S. Walpole:

Foreign Relations,

3268-3269 (3152-3153.)

Cassell’s History of England,

259-261 (252-254).

E. Ollier.

The Russo-Turkish War,

3269-3270 (3153-3154).

J. McCarthy:

History of Our Own Times,

3270-3271 (3155).

16. THE TREATY OF BERLIN

(A. D. 1878):

E. Ollier:

Russo-Turkish War,

3271-3272 (3155-3156).

W. Müller:

Political History,

3272-3273 (3156-3157).

J. H. Rose:

Century of Continental History,

261 (254).

17. THE REVOLT AND MASSACRES IN ARMENIA

(A. D. 1895, 1903-1904):

The Annual Register (1895),

Volume VI., 537-538.

United States, 54th Congress, Senate Document,

Volume VI., 538-539.

Duke of Argyle:

Our Responsibility for Turkey,

Volume VI., 539-540.

{813}

Contemporary Review:

The Constantinople Massacre,

Volume VI., 542-543.

Great Britain,

Papers by Command,

Volume VI., 544-547;

Volume VII., 653.

18. CRETAN REVOLTS;

PROTECTION BY THE POWERS (1866-1909):

D. Bikelas:

Christian Greece,

1648-1649 (1610-1611).

Ypsiloritis:

Situation in Crete,

Volume VI., 540.

E. J. Dillon:

Crete and the Cretans,

Volume VI., 540-541.

Great Britain:

Parliamentary Papers,

Volume VI., 543-547.

Government under "The Concert of Europe,"

Volume VI., 549, 551-552.

Government under "The Concert of Europe,"

Volume VII., 167-169.

19. WAR WITH GREECE

(A. D. 1897):

B. Burleigh:

The Greek War,

Volume VI., 547-548.

F. Palmer:

How the Greeks were Defeated,

Volume VI., 548.

20. REIGN OF TERROR IN MACEDONIA

(1900-1909):

The London Times (August, 1900),

Volume VI., 47-48.

G. F. Abbott:

The Macedonian Question,

Volume VII., 649-650.

E. J Dillon:

The Reign of Terror,

Volume VII., 650-651.

H. N. Brailsford:

The Macedonian Revolt,

Volume VII., 651.

H. Vivian:

The Macedonian Conspiracy,

Volume VII., 651-652.

Great Britain:

Parliamentary Papers,

Volume VII., 652, 653-655, 657.

21. THE "YOUNG TURKS" AND THE REVOLUTION OF 1908:

K. Blind:

Macedonia,

Volume VII., 655-656.

Narrative of the Revolution, from Official

and Press Despatches,

Volume VII., 656-662, 664.

22. MASSACRE IN SOUTHEASTERN ASIA MINOR

(A. D. 1909):

Narrative from Various Sources,

Volume VII., 664.

23. BULGARIAN INDEPENDENCE AND AUSTRIAN ANNEXATIONS

(A. D. 1908-1909):

Narrative of Events from Official and Newspaper Sources,

Volume VII., 258-261.

STUDY LIV.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

SPANISH AMERICA.

1. ORIGIN OF SPANISH CLAIMS IN AMERICA:

(a) By Discovery.

H. H. Bancroft:

The Pacific States,

55 (48).

Sir A. Helps:

The Spanish Conquest,

55-56 (48-49).

C. R. Markham:

The Sea Fathers,

56 (49).

J. Fiske:

Discovery of America,

59-60 (52-53).

J. Winsor:

Narrative and Critical History,

61-62 (54-55).

(b) By Papal Grant.

M. Creighton:

History of the Papacy,

57 (50).

L. L. Dominguez:

Conquest of the River Plate,

58 (51).

2. THE AMERICAN ABORIGINES:

W. Irving:

Life of Columbus,

89 (82).

D. G. Brinton:

Races and Peoples,

89 (82), 100 (93), 105 (98).

W. H. Brett:

Tribes of Guiana,

89-90 (82-83).

H. H. Bancroft:

Native Races,

100 (93), 106-107 (99-100).

T. J. Hutchinson:

The Parana,

104 (97).

J. S. Kingsley:

Natural History,

113 (106).

L. H. Morgan:

American Aborigines,

54 (47).

"The Spanish adventurers who thronged to the New World after

its discovery found the same race of Red Indians in the West

India Islands, in Central and South America, in Florida, and

in Mexico. In their mode of life, and means of subsistence, in

their weapons, arts, usages, and customs, in their

institutions, and in their mental and physical

characteristics, they were the same people in different stages

of advancement. … There was neither a political society, nor a

state, nor any civilization in America when it was discovered;

and, excluding the Eskimos, but one race of Indians, the Red

Race.’

L. H. MORGAN.

3. CONQUEST OF CUBA

(A. D. 1511):

W. H. Prescott:

Conquest of Mexico,

661 (638).

S. Hazard,

Cuba,

661-662 (638-639).

4. EARLY EXPLORING EXPEDITIONS:

W. Irving:

Life of Columbus,

65-67 (58-60).

W. B. Rye:

Discovery of Terra Florida,

67 (60).

Sir A. Helps:

Spanish Conquest,

67-68 (60-61).

W. H. Prescott:

Conquest of Mexico,

68-69 (62).

G. Bancroft:

History of the United States,

70 (63).

F. de Xeres:

Province of Cuzco,

71-72 (64-65).

5. ANCIENT CENTRAL AMERICA:

H. H. Bancroft:

Native Races,

2200-2202 (2156-2158).

D. G. Brinton:

Hero-Myths,

2202 (2158).

6. THE EMPIRE OF MONTEZUMA:

H. H. Bancroft:

Native Races,

2202 (2158).

John Fiske:

Discovery of America,

2203 (2159).

H. Cortes:

Despatches,

2205-2206 (2161-2162).

Bernal Diaz:

Memoirs,

2206 (2162).

L. H. Morgan:

Houses of American Aborigines,

2206-2207 (2162-2163).

7. THE SPANISH CONQUEST

(A. D. 1519-1521):

S. Hale:

Story of Mexico,

2203-2204 (2159-2160).

J. Winsor:

Narrative and Critical History,

2204-2205 (2161).

M. Chevalier:

Mexico,

2205 (2161).

W. Robertson:

History of America.

2207-2208 (2164).

Sir A. Helps:

The Spanish Conquest,

2209 (2165).

B. Mayer:

Mexico,

2209 (2165).

W. H. Prescott:

Conquest of Mexico,

2209-2210 (2165-2166), 2212 (2168).

M. Chevalier:

Mexico,

2211-2212 (2167-2168).

8. THE EMPIRE OF THE INCAS:

C. R. Markham:

History of America,

2585 (2518).

W. H. Prescott:

Conquest of Peru,

2585-2586 (2518-2519).

E. G. Squier:

Peru,

2586 (2519).

F. Hassaurek:

Four years among Spanish Americans,

693-694 (670-671).

9. PIZARRO’S CONQUEST OF PERU (A. D. 1531-1533):

R. G. Watson:

South America,

2587 (2520).

C. R. Markham:

Conquest of Peru and Chili,

2587-2588 (2520-2521).

Sir A. Helps:

The Spanish Conquest,

2588-2589 (2521-2522).

10. THE CONQUEST OF CHILE:

J. S. Kingsley:

Natural History,

422 (411).

R. G. Watson:

South America,

422 (411).

E. R. Smith:

The Araucanians,

422-423 (411-412).

11. EARLY HISTORY OF PARAGUAY AND BUENOS AYRES:

T. J. Hutchinson:

The Parana,

104 (97).

R. G. Watson:

South America,

2547-2548 (2481-2482), 132-133 (125-126).

A. Gallenga:

South America,

2548-2549 (2482-2483).

{814}

12. THE SPANISH VICE-ROYALTIES:

C. R. Markham:

South America,

195 (188).

C. R. Markham:

Cuzco and Lima,

2589 (2522).

S. Hale:

The Story of Mexico,

2212-2213 (2168-2169).

R. G. Watson:

South America,

497-498 (483-484).

E. J. Payne:

European Colonies,

413, first column (403).

13. REVOLT AND INDEPENDENCE

(A. D. 1810-1826):

(a) The Colombian States; Simon Bolivar.

E. J. Payne:

European Colonies,

498-499 (484-485), 499-500 (485-486).

C. R. Markham:

South America,

499 (485).

F. Hassaurek:

The Spanish-Americans,

500 (486).

(b) Mexico.

J. Winsor:

Narrative and Critical History,

2213-2214 (2169-2170).

J. W. Monette:

The Mississippi Valley,

3186 (3101).

M. Willson:

American History,

2214-2216 (2170-2172).

R. A. Wilson:

Mexico,

2216 (2172).

(c) Congress of Panama (A. D. 1826).

C. Cushing:

Bolivar,

500-501 (486-487).

T. H. Benton:

Thirty Years’ View,

501 (487).

(d) Chile.

B. Hall:

Extracts from Journal,

423-424 (412-413).

The Atlantic Monthly:

Republic of Chile,

424-425 (413-414).

H. Brownell:

Peru,

2590-2591 (2523-2524).

A. B. Hart:

Essays on American Government,

426-427 (3694-3695).

"Treaty of Truce" with Bolivia,

Volume VI., 75-76.

Spanish-American Congress,

Volume VI., 520.

(e) Peru.

C. R. Markham:

Peru,

2590 (2523), 2592-2593 (2526).

H. Brownell:

South America,

2590-2591 (2523-2524).

C. Cushing:

Bolivar,

2591-2592 (2524-2525).

E. J. Payne:

European Colonies,

2592 (2525).

Overthrow of an Unconstitutional Government,

Volume VI., 366.

(f) The Argentine Republic, and Paraguay.

E. J. Payne:

European Colonies,

133-134 (126-127).

R. Napp:

The Argentine Republic,

134-135 (128).

I. N. Ford:

Tropical America,

135-136 (128-129).

A. Gallenga:

South America,

2548-2549 (2482-2483).

United States Consular Reports,

Volume VI., 26.

Text of the Constitution of the Argentine Republic,

525-532 (511-518).

(g) Central America.

E. J. Payne:

European Colonies,

413 (403).

H. H. Bancroft.

The Pacific States,

414.

Continued Revolutionary Conflicts,

414-415.

H. Jalhay:

Bulletin of American Republics,

Volume VI., 72-73.

Recent History:

Messages of Presidents, Consular Reports, etc.,

Volume VI., 73-74;

Volume VII., 74-80.

14. MEXICO; LATER HISTORY:

(a) War with the United States

(A. D. 1846-1848).

E. J. Payne:

European Colonies,

2216-2217 (2173).

H. Wilson:

The Slave Power,

2217 (2173).

J. W. Draper:

American Civil War,

2217-2218 (2173-2174).

A. H. Noll:

History of Mexico,

2218 (2174).

Bryant and Gay:

History of the United States,

2218 (2174).

J. R. Soley:

Wars of the United States,

2218-2219 (2175).

H. O. Ladd.

War with Mexico,

2219-2220 (2176).

(b) Maximilian’ s Empire, and The Restored Republic.

A. H. Noll:

History of Mexico,

2220-2221 (2176-2177).

J. McCarthy:

History of Our Own Times,

2221-2222 (2177-2178).

Text of Constitution of Mexico,

581-590 (558-567).

(c) The Republic under Diaz.

S. Hale:

The Story of Mexico,

2222-2223 (2178-2179).

M. Romero:

Mexico and the United States,

Volume VI, 305, 306-307.

W. S. Logan:

Yaqui,

Volume VI., 305-306.

C. F. Lummis:

The Awakening of a Nation

Volume VI., 307.

Bureau of American Republics:

Mexico,

Volume VI., 307-308.

Census of 1900,

Volume VI., 308-309.

Arbitration of the Pious Fund Question,

Volume VII., 419.

F. R. Guernsey:

The Year in Mexico (1905 and 1906),

Volume VII., 420.

15. VENEZUELA:

W. Barry:

Venezuela,

3720-3721 (3600-3601).

I. N. Ford:

Tropical America,

3721 (3601).

Messages, State Papers, Arbitration, etc.,

regarding the Boundary Dispute,

Volume VI., 684-693.

The Career and Fall of Cipriano Castro,

Volume VII., 684-688.

16. CUBA, FREED FROM SPAIN:

J. H. Latané:

Diplomatic Relations of the United States and Spanish America,

Volume VI., 171.

Senate Document Number 166, 54th Congress 1st Session,

Volume VI., 171-173.

Message of President Cleveland, December 7, 1896,

Volume VI., 173-174.

Text of Constitution granted by Spanish Crown (A. D. 1897);

Volume VI., 175-180.

United States Senator Proctor, Speech, March 1898,

Volume VI., 181-182.

Narrative of Spanish-American War, from Documents,

Volume VI., 583-612, 620-638.

Reports of Military-Governor, General Brooke, and

Generals Fitzhugh Lee and Leonard Wood (A. D. 1899),

Volume VI., 182-185.

Reports of United States Secretary of War (A. D. 1900),

Volume VI., 186-188.

Text of "the Platt Amendment,"

Volume VI., 190.

Report on Establishment of Free Government in Cuba

(Senate Document Number 312, 58th Congress 2d Session),

Volume VII., 174-177.

Papers relating to Foreign Relations of the United States, 1906,

Volume VII., 178-180.

17. HAYTI;

TOUISSANT L’OUVERTURE;

SAN DOMINGO:

C. H. Eden:

The West Indies,

1670-1671 (1631-1632).

E. J. Payne:

European Colonies,

1671-1673 (1634).

Later Changes and Developments,

Volume VI., 192, 258, 639;

Volume VII., 302-304.

18. INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN REPUBLICS;

THE BUREAU.

Bulletin of the Bureau, June, 1898,

Volume VI., 10.

President of the United States:

Message, December 5, 1899,

Volume VI., 10-11.

The Pan-American Exposition,

Volume VI., 58.

Proceedings of International Conferences of

American Republics, 1901 and 1906,

Volume VII., 20-25.

{815}

STUDY LV.

Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

MODERN ITALY.

1. THE PENINSULA AS A FRENCH-SPANISH BATTLEFIELD

(A. D. 1494-1525):

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1080-1081 (1052-1053), 1083-1084 (1055-1056), 1085 (1057).

H. Grimm:

Life of Michael Angelo,

1871 (1831).

P. Villari:

Machiavelli and his Times,

1871-1872 (1831-1832).

F. P. Guizot:

History of France,

1873 (1833).

T. H. Dyer:

History of Modern Europe,

1875-1876 (1835-1836).

V. Duruy:

History of France,

1876-1877 (1836-1837).

G. W. Kitchin:

History of France,

1877-1878 (1838).

T. Wright:

History of France,

1218-1219 (1186-1187).

J. S. Brewer:

Reign of Henry VIII.,

1219 (1187).

J. Michelet:

Summary of Modern History,

1222 (1190).

C. Coignet:

Francis I. and his Times,

1222 (1190).

T. A. Trollope:

History of Florence,

1879, (1839).

2. UNDER SPANISH AND PAPAL DOMINATION

(A. D. 1525-1600):

H. Grimm:

Michael Angelo,

1879-1880 (1839-1840).

W. Robertson:

Reign of Charles V.,

1882 (1842).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1086 (1058), 1109 (1081).

J. A. Symonds:

Renaissance in Italy,

1883-1884 (1843-1844).

E. de Bonnechose:

History of France,

1226 (1194).

G. Procter:

History of Italy,

1884 (1844).

W. Chambers:

France,

1227 (1195).

W. H. Jervis:

Student’s History of France,

1227-1228 (1195-1196).

3. RISE OF THE HOUSE OF SAVOY AND KINGDOM OF SARDINIA

(A. D. 1559-1792):

A Gallenga:

History of Piedmont,

2882-2883 (2808).

R. Lodge:

History of Modern Europe,

2884 (2809).

C. W. Koch:

Revolutions of Europe,

3078-3079 (2997-2998).

I. Butt:

History of Italy,

1889 (1849).

W. E. H. Lecky:

History of England,

1890 (1850).

W. Coxe:

House of Austria,

1890-1891 (1850-1851), 1892 (1852).

Sir E. Cust:

Wars of the 18th Century,

1891 (1851).

I. Butt:

History of Italy,

1892-1893 (1852-1853).

4. UNDER NAPOLEON

(A. D. 1796-1814):

C. A. Fyffe:

Modern Europe,

1347-1349 (1314-1316).

R. Lodge:

Modern Europe,

1349-1350 (1316-1317).

T. Mitchell:

Principal Campaigns,

1350-1351 (1317-1318).

T. H. Dyer:

Modern Europe,

1351-1352 (1318-1319).

H. Van Laun:

French Revolutionary Epoch,

1355-1357 (1322-1324).

Sir W. Scott:

Life of Napoleon,

1361 (1328).

R. H. Horne:

History of Napoleon,

1365-1366 (1332-1333).

W. O’C. Morris:

The French Revolution,

1366-1367 (1333-1334).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1122 (1094).

Sir A. Alison:

History of Europe,

1383-1384 (1350-1351).

H. Martin:

History of France,

2526 (2464).

Talleyrand:

Memoirs,

2527-2528 (2465-2466).

5. RISE OF THE CARBONARI

(A. D. 1803):

C. Botta:

Italy,

1893-1894 (1853-1854).

W. R. Thayer:

Dawn of Italian Independence,

1894-1895 (1854-1855).

6. DOWNFALL OF NAPOLEON AND RETURN OF THE DESPOTS

(A. D. 1814-1815):

A. Rambaud:

History of Russia,

1387-1389 (1354-1356).

J. Mitchell:

The Fall of Napoleon,

1389-1391 (1356-1358).

Sir A. Alison:

History of Europe,

1895 (1855).

W R. Thayer:

Dawn of Italian Independence,

1895-1896 (1855-1856).

I. Butt:

History of Italy,

1896-1897 (1856-1857).

J. W. V. Mario:

Garibaldi,

234-235 (227-228).

7. THE HOLY ALLIANCE

(A. D. 1815):

M. E. G. Duff:

European Politics,

1696-1697 (1658).

E. Hertslet:

Europe by Treaty,

1697 (1658).

W. R. Thayer:

Dawn of Italian Independence,

1697-1698 (1658-1659).

8. REVOLUTIONS IN NAPLES, SICILY AND PIEDMONT

(A. D. 1820-1821):

E. Dicey:

Victor Emmanuel,

1897-1898 (1857-1858).

W. R. Thayer:

Dawn of Italian Independence,

1898-1899 (1858-1859).

9. THE CONGRESS OF VERONA:

R. Lodge:

Modern Europe,

3741 (3621).

F. H. Hill:

George Canning,

3741 (3621).

R. Bell:

Life of Canning,

3741-3742 (3621-3622).

"From Laybach, the allied sovereigns issued a circular to

their representatives at the various foreign courts, in which

portentous document they declared that 'useful and necessary

changes in legislation and in the administration of states

could only emanate from the free-will, and from the

intelligent and well-weighed convictions of those whom God has

made responsible for power.'"

F. H. HILL.

10. REVOLTS OF 1830 AND 1848-1849;

MAZZINI:

R. Lodge:

Modern Europe,

1899 (1859).

W. R. Thayer:

Dawn of Italian Independence,

1900-1901 (1860-1861), 1903 (1863).

Text of Constitution granted to Sardinia (1848),

574-578 (3732-3736).

W. Müller:

Political History,

1901-1903 (1861-1863).

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1125 (1097), 1126-1127 (1099).

11. WAR WITH AUSTRIA;

GARIBALDI;

THE NEW KINGDOM OF ITALY

(A. D. 1856-1861):

J. N. Larned:

Europe,

1128 (1100).

J. W. Probyn:

Italy from 1850 to 1890,

1903-1905 (1863-1865).

H. Murdock:

The Reconstruction of Europe,

1905-1906 (1865-1866).

12. THE ACQUISITION OF ROME AND VENICE:

G. S. Godkin:

Victor Emmanuel II.,

1906-1908 (1866-1868).

J. A. Marriott:

Makers of Modern Italy,

1908-1909 (1868-1869).

13. ROME THE CAPITAL OF ITALY

(A. D. 1870):

J. W. Probyn:

Italy from 1815 to 1890,

2539-2541 (2477-2479).

Chevalier O’Clery:

The Making of Italy,

2541-2542 (2479-2480).

Text of the Law of the Papal Guarantees,

2540-2541 (2478-2479).

14. THE UNITED NATION:

W. R. Thayer:

The Italian Crisis,

1909 (1869).

J. S. Jeans:

Italy,

1843 (1803).

15. ITALY FROM 1895 TO 1910:

W. J. Stillman:

The Union of Italy.

Volume VI., 273.

G. D. Vecchia:

The Revolt in Italy,

Volume VI., 274-275.

G. D. Vecchia:

The Situation in Italy,

Volume VI., 275-276.

The Census of 1900,

Volume VI., 276.

B. King:

The New Reign (Victor Emmanuel III.),

Volume VII., 338.

16. THE APPALLING EARTHQUAKE OF 1908:

F. M. Crawford (and others)

Descriptive Accounts,

Volume VII., 187-189.

{816}

FURTHER DIRECTION.

On the following important subjects of general history,

readers may be directed sufficiently to all that this work

contains by a simple mention of captions and page-numbers in

one or two or three of its Volumes.

Civil Service Reform:

Volume I., pages 489-489 (1475-1477);

Volume VI., 145-150;

Volume VII., 103-108.

Conservation of Natural Resources:

Volume VII., 143-153.

Constitutions of Government:

Volume I., 525-633 (511-610 and Volume V., 3727-3736);

Volume VI., 154-169.

Education:

Volume I., 696-775 (673-748);

Volume VI., 193-195;

Volume VII., 191-217.

Elective Franchise:

Volume V.

(under the caption "Woman’s Rights"), 3777-3781 (3656-3660);

Volume VI. (same caption), 700;

Volume VII. (under the caption "Elective Franchise"), 219-228.

Europe:

Volume II., 1017-1131 (989-1103);

Volume VII., 247-262

Insurance:

Volume III., 1791-1792 (1752-1753);

Volume VII., 326-329

Jesuits:

Volume III., 1928-1935 (1887-1895).

Law:

Volume III., 1999-2038 (1955-1994);

Volume VII., 411-414,

and (under the caption "Crime and Criminology "), 169-174.

Libraries:

Volume III., 2044-2069 (2000-2025);

Volume VI., 290-293.

Medical Science:

Volume III. 2164-2194 (2120-2150);

Volume VII. (under the caption "Public Health"), 516-527.

Money and Banking:

Volume III., 2242-2265 (2198-2221);

Volume VI. (under the caption "Monetary Questions"), 314-17;

Volume VII. (under the caption "Finance and Trade"), 263-270.

Municipal Government:

Volume VII., 431-442.

Panama Canal:

Volume IV., 2474-2475 (2415-2416);

Volume VI. (under the caption "Canal, Interoceanic"), 65-71;

Volume VII., 466-471.

Papacy:

Volume IV., 2476-2546 (2417-2480).

Volume V., 3794-3797);

Volume VI., 344-351;

Volume VII., 472-477.

Peace Conferences, International:

Volume VI., 352-365;

Volume VII.

(under the caption "War, The Revolt against"), 714-725.

Printing and the Press.

Newspapers: Volume IV., 2659-2678 (2587-2606).

Race Problems:

Volume VII., 528-543.

Railways:

Volume IV.

(under the caption "Steam Locomotion"), 3111-3113 (3029-3031);

Volume VI., 420-422;

Volume VII., 543-558.

Science and Invention, Recent:

Volume II.

(under the caption "Electrical Discovery"), 797-804 (769-777);

Volume III.

(under the caption "Medical Science"), 2164-2194 (2120-2150);

Volume IV.

(under the caption "Steam Engine," 3109-3116 (3027-3034);

Volume VI., 435-449;

Volume VII., 590-608.

Slavery:

Volume IV., 2989-3008 (2911-2930);

Volume VI., 455;

Volume VII., 612.

Social Movements.

Social Service.

Industrial Reform:

Volume IV., 3010-3036 (2932-2958),

(under the caption "Poor Laws"), 2634-2636 (2562-2564);

Volume VI. (under the captions "Social Democracy"

and "Socialist Parties", 455;

and "Industrial Disturbances"), 267-268;

Volume VII. (under several captions, as follows:)

"Children under the Law," 82-89,

"Labor Organization," 370-395,

"Labor Protection," 395-401,

"Labor Remuneration," 402-410,

"Poverty and Unemployment," 507-515,

"Social Betterment," 613-617,

"Socialism," 617-620.

Suffrage.

See Elective Franchise.

Tariff Legislation:

Volume V., 3147-3173 (Volume IV., 3063-3089),

Volume VI., 526-527;

Volume VII., 638-647.

Temperance Movements:

Volume V., 3176 (Volume IV., 3091);

Volume VII. (under the caption "Alcohol Problem"), 10-19.

Trade:

Volume V., 3207-3237

(in the original edition, Volume V. under the caption

"Commerce," 3696-3726).

Trusts:

Volume VI., 529-536;

Volume VII. (under the caption "Combinations"), 112-135.

--------Volume 7: End-------------

----------Word List: Start--------

A

AARON

ABANDONED

ABANDONMENT

ABBASSIDES

ABBOTT

ABBÉ

ABD

ABDICATION

ABDUL

ABDULLA

ABDURAHMAN

ABEBA

ABERDEEN

ABIR

ABJURATION

ABOLITION

ABOLITIONISTS

ABOMINATIONS

ABORIGINES

ABOUT

ABRAHAM

ABROAD

ABSOLUTISM

ABSORPTION

ABU

ABYSSINIA

ACADIA

ACADIANS

ACCADIANS

ACCESSION

ACCIDENT

ACCIDENTS

ACCOUNTS

ACHAIAN

ACHINESE

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

ACQUISITION

ACQUISITIONS

ACRE

ACT

ACTION

ACTIVE

ACTS

ADAMS

ADANA

ADDIS

ADDRESS

ADMINISTRATION

ADMINISTRATIONS

ADMINISTRATORS

ADMIRAL

ADMISSION

ADMISSIONS

ADMITTED

ADOLPHUS

ADOPTION

ADULTERATIONS

ADVANCE

ADVANCEMENT

ADVENT

AEHRENTHAL

AERONAUTICS

AFFAIR

AFFAIRS

AFGHANISTAN

AFRICA

AFRICAN

AFTER

AGAINST

AGE

AGENT

AGENTS

AGES

AGGRESSION

AGGRESSIONS

AGGRESSIVE

AGINCOURT

AGITATION

AGLIPAY

AGRAM

AGRARIAN

AGREEMENT

AGREEMENTS

AGRICULTURAL

AGRICULTURE

AGUINALDO

AHMED

AIGUN

AKSA

AL

ALABAMA

ALAN

ALASKA

ALBANIA

ALBANY

ALBERT

ALBERTA

ALCOHOL

ALCOHOLISM

ALCORTA

ALDERMAN

ALDRICH

ALEXANDER

ALEXANDRIA

ALEXEI

ALEXEIEFF

ALEXIS

ALFARO

ALFONSO

ALFRED

ALGECIRAS

ALGIERS

ALI

ALIEN

ALIENS

ALL

ALLEGED

ALLIANCE

ALLIANCES

ALLIED

ALLIES

ALMENARA

ALSACE

ALSOP

ALVA

ALVERSTONE

ALVES

AMADE

AMADOR

AMALGAMATED

AMARAL

AMBAN

AMENDMENT

AMERICA

AMERICAN

AMIN

AMINA

AMSTERDAM

AMUNDSEN

AN

ANAM

ANARCHISM

ANARCHY

ANATOLIAN

ANCIENT

AND

ANDERSON

ANDRASSY

ANDREW

ANDROS

ANGELES

ANGELL

ANGEVIN

ANGLE

ANGLICAN

ANGLO

ANJUMAN

ANNE

ANNEXATIONS

ANNEXED

ANNIVERSARY

ANNUITIES

ANTARCTIC

ANTHRACITE

ANTI

ANTIQUITY

ANTOINE

ANTOINETTE

ANTON

ANTUNG

ANTWERP

ANXIETIES

APOSTOLIC

APPALACHIAN

APPALLING

APPEAL

APPEALS

APPEARANCE

APPENDIX

APPOMATTOX

APPONYI

APRIL

AQUEDUCT

ARAB

ARABIA

ARABS

ARAGON

ARBITRATION

ARBY

ARC

ARCHAEOLOGICAL

ARCHIBALD

ARCTIC

ARGENTINA

ARGENTINE

ARIAN

ARICA

ARID

ARIZONA

ARKANSAS

ARMADA

ARMAMENTS

ARMAND

ARMENIA

ARMENIANS

ARMINIAN

ARMOUR

ARMS

ARMSTRONG

ARMY

ARNOLD

ARNOLDSEN

ARRHENIUS

ARRIVAL

ARSENALS

ARTHUR

ARTICLE

ARTICLES

ARTS

ARYA

ARYAN

ARYANS

AS

ASCENDENCY

ASHBURTON

ASHOKAN

ASIA

ASIATIC

ASQUITH

ASSAM

ASSASSINATION

ASSASSINATIONS

ASSEMBLY

ASSINIBOIA

ASSIS

ASSISTANCE

ASSOCIATION

ASSOCIATIONS

ASSUAN

ASSUMES

ASSUMPTION

ASSURANCE

ASSYRIA

ASSYRIAN

ASTRONOMY

AT

ATABEG

ATABEGS

ATABEKS

ATCHINESE

ATHABASCA

ATHENS

ATKINSON

ATLANTA

ATTACK

ATTEMPTED

ATTEMPTS

ATTILA

ATTITUDE

ATWATER

AUGSBURG

AUGUST

AUGUSTINIANS

AUGUSTUS

AUSGLEICH

AUSTERLITZ

AUSTIN

AUSTRALIA

AUSTRIA

AUSTRIAN

AUSTRO

AUTHORITY

AUTOCRAT

AWAKENING

AYRES

AZAD

AZAM

AZEFF

AZIZ

AZOV

AZUL

Aarif

Aaron

Ababa

Abandoned

Abbas

Abbey

Abbot

Abbott

Abbé

Abd

Abdiel

Abduction

Abdul

Abdullah

Abdur

Abdurahman

Abeba

Abercorn

Aberdeen

Abgeordncten

Abir

Abnormally

Abolished

Abolition

Aborigines

Abortive

About

Above

Abraham

Abridged

Abridgment

Abroad

Abrogation

Abrupt

Abruzzi

Absolute

Absorbed

Abstention

Abstracts

Abu

Abundant

Abused

Abyssinia

Abyssinian

Academy

Acadia

Accelerated

Accent

Acceptance

Access

Accession

Accident

Accidents

Accompanied

Accord

According

Accordingly

Account

Accounts

Accumulation

Aceituno

Aceval

Achievements

Achille

Acquiescence

Acquisition

Acquittal

Acre

Acres

Act

Acting

Action

Active

Actively

Activity

Acts

Actual

Adam

Adams

Adana

Add

Added

Adding

Addis

Addison

Addition

Additional

Additions

Address

Adee

Adelaide

Adequate

Adirondack

Adirondacks

Adis

Adjustment

Adjutant

Administration

Administrations

Administrative

Administrator

Admiral

Admirals

Admiralty

Admission

Admitted

Adna

Adolf

Adolph

Adolphus

Adopted

Adoption

Adriatic

Adult

Advance

Advancement

Advances

Advent

Advertiser

Adviser

Advisers

Advisory

Advocate

Advocates

Aehrenthal

Aerenthal

Aerial

Aeronautics

Aeroplane

Aeterni

Affair

Affaires

Affairs

Affirming

Afforestation

Afghan

Afghanistan

Africa

African

Africans

After

Again

Against

Agchylostoma

Age

Agencies

Agency

Agent

Agents

Ages

Aghaia

Aghassi

Agitation

Aglipay

Agra

Agram

Agrarian

Agrarians

Agreeing

Agreement

Agreements

Agricultural

Agriculture

Aguinaldo

Ahmed

Aid

Aide

Aigun

Aim

Air

Airdrie

Aires

Airy

Aix

Akademische

Akbar

Akers

Akhdar

Aki

Akin

Aksa

Aksakayama

Al

Ala

Alabama

Alack

Alais

Alameda

Alaric

Alarm

Alarming

Alas

Alaska

Alaskan

Albanese

Albania

Albanian

Albanians

Albany

Albay

Albert

Alberta

Alberti

Albi

Albigenses

Albion

Alcibiades

Alcohol

Alcoholic

Alcoholism

Alcorta

Alderman

Aldermanic

Aldermen

Aldershot

Aldrich

Alegeciras

Alençon

Aleutian

Alexander

Alexandra

Alexandria

Alexandrian

Alexei

Alexeieff

Alexis

Alfaro

Alfonso

Alfred

Alfredo

Algeciras

Algeria

Algerian

Algero

Algiers

Ali

Alice

Alien

Aliens

Alighieri

Alipur

Alison

Alkoholverbot

All

Allah

Allahabad

Allan

Alleged

Allegheny

Allen

Alliance

Alliances

Allied

Allies

Allison

Alloc

Allotments

Allowing

Alluding

Almenard

Almighty

Almohades

Almost

Along

Alpoim

Alps

Alraschid

Already

Alsace

Alsatian

Alsatians

Also

Alsop

Alterations

Alternative

Althing

Althoff

Although

Altogether

Alton

Alverstone

Alves

Alvin

Alzog

Amacuro

Amador

Amalgamated

Amaliada

Amapala

Amaral

Amarna

Amasa

Amazon

Amazonas

Amban

Ambans

Ambassador

Ambassadors

Ameer

Amel

Amen

Amend

Amended

Amending

Amendment

Amendments

Amenities

Ameren

America

American

Americans

Americas

Americus

Amerigo

Amherst

Amid

Amin

Amina

Amir

Amity

Amnesty

Among

Amongst

Amorites

Amount

Ample

Amritsar

Amsterdam

Amundsen

Amur

An

Analysis

Anam

Anarchism

Anarchist

Anatolian

Ancestral

Ancien

Ancient

Anciently

Ancón

And

Anderoon

Anderson

Andersonville

Andes

Andrade

Andrassy

Andre

Andrew

Andrews

André

Angan

Angel

Angeles

Angelic

Angell

Angelo

Anger

Angevin

Angevins

Angle

Anglican

Anglicans

Anglo

Anglophobia

Angoche

Anhui

Animal

Animated

Anischab

Anjou

Anjuman

Anjumans

Ankole

Anna

Annals

Annam

Annapolis

Annatok

Anne

Annee

Annex

Annexation

Annexed

Annie

Anniversary

Anno

Announced

Announcement

Annual

Annunziato

Anonymous

Anophele

Anopheles

Another

Anping

Anselmo

Anshantien

Ansley

Answers

Antagonism

Antarctic

Ante

Anthony

Anthracite

Anthropology

Anti

Anticipating

Anticipation

Antillean

Antilles

Antioch

Antiquities

Antiquity

Antoine

Antoinette

Anton

Antonines

Antonio

Antrim

Antung

Antwerp

Antzushan

Anvers

Any

Anybody

Anything

Anzer

Aoki

Aosta

Apart

Apathy

Apostle

Apostles

Apostolic

Appalachian

Appalachians

Appalling

Apparatus

Apparent

Apparently

Appeal

Appeals

Appearance

Appellate

Appended

Appendix

Appleton

Appletons

Application

Applied

Apply

Applying

Appointed

Appointment

Appointments

Apponyi

Apportionment

Appraisers

Appropriate

Appropriation

Appropriations

April

Aptekarsky

Aqueduct

Aquiry

Arab

Arabi

Arabia

Arabian

Arabic

Arabindo

Arabs

Aragua

Araucanians

Arbeu

Arbitral

Arbitrary

Arbitration

Arbitrations

Arbroath

Arbuckle

Arc

Arcadians

Archaeological

Archaeology

Archbishop

Archbishops

Archbold

Archduke

Archibald

Archipelago

Architects

Archæology

Arctic

Arcticward

Are

Area

Areas

Arecibo

Arena

Arequipa

Argentina

Argentine

Argument

Argus

Argyle

Argyll

Arias

Arica

Arid

Aristide

Aristotle

Aritomo

Arizona

Arkansas

Arlington

Armada

Armageddon

Armagh

Armament

Armaments

Armand

Armed

Armenian

Armenians

Armies

Armijo

Arminius

Armored

Armour

Armoured

Arms

Armstrong

Army

Arnold

Arnoldsen

Arosemena

Around

Arrangement

Arrangements

Arras

Arresting

Arrests

Arrhenius

Arrival

Arriving

Arrogant

Art

Arthur

Article

Articles

Artificial

Artillery

Arts

Arundel

Aruwimi

Arya

Aryan

Aryas

Arzila

As

Asakawa

Ascendancy

Ashbourne

Ashburn

Ashley

Ashokan

Ashutosh

Ashworth

Asia

Asiastics

Asiatic

Asiatics

Aside

Asked

Askold

Aspect

Aspects

Asphalt

Asquith

Assad

Assam

Assassin

Assassination

Assassins

Assemblies

Assembly

Assemblymen

Assent

Assertion

Assessors

Assimilation

Assiniboia

Assiout

Assis

Assistance

Assistant

Assiut

Assize

Assizes

Associated

Association

Associations

Assouan

Assuan

Assumes

Assurance

Assurbanipal

Assye

Assyr

Assyria

Assyrian

Assyrians

Astor

Astrabad

Astronomical

Astronomy

Asuncion

Asyl

At

Atabeg

Atabegs

Atabek

Atabeks

Atchin

Atchinese

Atchison

Athabasca

Athanasius

Athenian

Athens

Atlanta

Atlantic

Atlas

Atoms

Atrocities

Attache

Attempted

Attempting

Attempts

Attend

Attendance

Attitude

Attorney

Attorneys

Atwater

Au

Auburn

Auckland

Aude

Audience

Audiences

Auditor

Auglaise

August

Augusta

Augustine

Augusto

Augustus

Aurelius

Ausgleich

Austen

Austin

Australasia

Australasian

Australia

Australian

Australians

Austria

Austrian

Austrians

Austrias

Austro

Authorities

Authority

Authorized

Authors

Autobiography

Autocracy

Autocrat

Autocratic

Autonomous

Autonomy

Avenida

Avenue

Average

Avila

Awaiting

Awakening

Award

Awarding

Awards

Awful

Aylesworth

Ayr

Ayres

Ayub

Azad

Azam

Azcarraga

Azeff

Azerbaijan

Azim

Aziz

Azul

B

BA

BAB

BABISM

BABYLON

BABYLONIA

BABYLONIAN

BABYLONISH

BACON

BADEN

BAEYER

BAGDAD

BAHIA

BAHIMA

BAILEY

BAIRD

BAKHMETIEFF

BAKHTIARI

BAKU

BAL

BALDWIN

BALFOUR

BALKAN

BALLINGER

BALLOONS

BALLOT

BALTASER

BALTIC

BALTIMORE

BAMBAATA

BANCROFT

BANK

BANKRUPTCY

BANNARD

BANNERMAN

BARBARIAN

BARBARIC

BARBARISM

BARBARY

BARCELONA

BARGE

BARNATO

BARNEVELDT

BARON

BARONESS

BARRAGE

BARRETT

BARRIER

BARTHOLDT

BARTHOLOMEW

BARTON

BASILIKE

BASIN

BAST

BASTILLE

BASUTOLAND

BATTLE

BATTLEFIELD

BATTLES

BAVARIA

BAY

BEACH

BEACHY

BEATIFICATION

BECHUANALAND

BECK

BECKET

BECOMES

BECQUEREL

BEEF

BEER

BEERNAERT

BEFORE

BEGINNING

BEGINNINGS

BEGINS

BEGUN

BEHRING

BEIRUT

BELGIAN

BELGIUM

BELIEVERS

BELL

BELLS

BEN

BENEDICTINES

BENGAL

BENITO

BEQUESTS

BERESFORD

BERING

BERKELEY

BERLIN

BERTHA

BEST

BETHMANN

BETTER

BETTERMENT

BETWEEN

BEY

BIBLE

BIG

BILL

BINGER

BIOGRAPHERS

BIOLOGICAL

BIRRELL

BIRTH

BIRTHPLACE

BISHOP

BISHOPS

BISMARCK

BISWAS

BITUMINOUS

BJORNSON

BLACK

BLAND

BLERIOT

BLIND

BLOC

BLOOD

BLOODY

BOARD

BOARDS

BOBRIKOFF

BOER

BOERS

BOGOLIEPOFF

BOHEMIA

BOIS

BOLIVIA

BOMBAY

BONAPARTE

BOND

BONHAM

BONILLA

BONUS

BOODLERS

BOOK

BOOKER

BORDER

BORSTAL

BOSHIN

BOSNIA

BOSTON

BOTCHER

BOTH

BOTHA

BOUNDARIES

BOUNDARY

BOUNTY

BOURGEOIS

BOURSE

BOURSES

BOUVINES

BOXER

BOXERS

BOYCOTTING

BOYNE

BRADDON

BRANCO

BRANDENBURG

BRAUN

BRAXTON

BRAZIL

BREACH

BREAKING

BREITENFELD

BRENNAN

BRENT

BRIAND

BRIGGS

BRITAIN

BRITISH

BROTHERHOODS

BROUGHT

BROWN

BROWNSVILLE

BRUNSWICK

BRUSSELS

BRYAN

BRYCE

BU

BUBBLE

BUBONIC

BUCHANAN

BUCHNER

BUCKINGHAM

BUCKS

BUDDHISM

BUDGET

BUENOS

BUFFALO

BUILDING

BUILDINGS

BULGARIA

BULGARIAN

BULL

BUREAU

BURGER

BURGHARDT

BURGOYNE

BURGUNDIANS

BURGUNDY

BURIED

BURLEY

BURLINGAME

BURNING

BURNS

BURR

BURTON

BUT

BUTCHER

BUTLER

BUXTON

BY

BYZANTINE

Ba

Baas

Babis

Babism

Babylonia

Babylonian

Babylonians

Baccalhos

Bachelder

Back

Backergunge

Backward

Backwardness

Bacon

Bactrians

Bad

Badeau

Baden

Baer

Baeyer

Baffin

Baffled

Bagdad

Bagehot

Baghche

Baghdad

Baghdadi

Baghirmi

Bah

Bahadur

Bahia

Bahima

Baidyas

Bailey

Bailly

Bailundo

Bain

Baird

Bajer

Baker

Bakhcheh

Bakhmetieff

Bakhtiari

Bakhtiaris

Baku

Bal

Balaklava

Balbo

Balch

Baldwin

Balfour

Balkan

Balkans

Ballinger

Balloon

Ballot

Balmain

Baltasar

Balthazer

Baltic

Baltimore

Baluchistan

Balzani

Bambaata

Bampfylde

Ban

Banco

Bancroft

Bands

Banerjee

Banff

Banffy

Bangala

Banger

Bangkok

Bank

Banker

Bankers

Banking

Bankrupt

Banks

Bannard

Bannerman

Bannermann

Banners

Bannockburn

Banque

Banquet

Bansko

Baptist

Baptists

Bar

Barbados

Barbarians

Barbaric

Barbarism

Barbarities

Barbarossa

Barbary

Barbosa

Barcelona

Barclay

Bare

Barge

Barham

Bari

Baring

Baris

Barker

Barley

Barmby

Barnato

Barnes

Barney

Baro

Baroda

Baron

Baroness

Barrage

Barranquilla

Barras

Barrel

Barren

Barret

Barrett

Barricades

Barrier

Barrow

Barrows

Barry

Barrymore

Barth

Bartholdt

Barthou

Bartlett

Barton

Barère

Bas

Basa

Basankusu

Based

Basilica

Basilicata

Basin

Basing

Basis

Baskerville

Bassermann

Bassett

Bast

Bastable

Bastille

Basutoland

Bataan

Batangas

Bateson

Battenberg

Battery

Battle

Battlefields

Battles

Battleship

Battleships

Baur

Bavaria

Baxter

Bay

Bayard

Bayne

Bayonets

Bazan

Be

Beach

Beacon

Beaconsfield

Beale

Bear

Beard

Beareana

Bearing

Bearings

Beatification

Beatitude

Beaufront

Beaulieu

Beaupré

Beauregard

Beautiful

Bebel

Because

Bechuanaland

Beck

Becker

Beckman

Beckwith

Becomes

Becquerel

Bedford

Bedlam

Beef

Beer

Beernaert

Beers

Beesly

Before

Begi

Beginning

Beginnings

Behalf

Behavior

Behind

Behring

Being

Beira

Beirao

Beirut

Beit

Bel

Belarmino

Beled

Belfast

Belgian

Belgians

Belgica

Belgium

Belgrade

Beliefs

Believe

Believers

Believing

Bell

Belleisle

Bellerophon

Bellevue

Bellingham

Bells

Belmatcheff

Belmont

Beloved

Below

Belt

Bembo

Bemis

Ben

Benavente

Bench

Benches

Bender

Bendernagel

Benedictines

Benediction

Benefactor

Beneficent

Benefit

Benevolent

Bengal

Bengalese

Bengali

Bengalis

Bengals

Benghazi

Benguela

Beni

Benito

Benjamin

Bennett

Bensusan

Bent

Benton

Bequest

Bequests

Berber

Berbera

Berbers

Bereket

Beresford

Bering

Berkeley

Berlin

Bermuda

Bermudas

Bermudez

Bern

Bernal

Bernard

Bernardino

Berne

Bernhard

Bernstorff

Bertha

Berthelot

Berton

Berwick

Besant

Besançon

Besides

Besieged

Bessel

Bessemer

Best

Bethlehem

Bethmann

Betriebe

Better

Betterment

Between

Beverley

Bey

Beyond

Bezold

Bhowan

Bibi

Bible

Biblical

Bibliography

Bickerdike

Bieberstein

Bienerth

Big

Bigelow

Bigg

Biggs

Bigland

Bihari

Bikelas

Bilbao

Bildung

Bill

Billings

Bills

Bimetallism

Binger

Binghamton

Binnenhof

Binns

Biographia

Biographical

Biography

Biological

Biology

Birjand

Birmingham

Birrell

Birth

Birthday

Bishop

Bishops

Bismarck

Bison

Biswas

Bitter

Bitterfield

Bituminous

Bjornson

Bjornstjerne

Black

Blackie

Blackmail

Blackrock

Blacks

Blackstone

Blackwood

Blades

Blaine

Blanca

Blanchard

Blanco

Bland

Blanqui

Blennerhassett

Bleriot

Blight

Blind

Bliss

Bloc

Block

Blockade

Bloemfontein

Blood

Bloody

Blue

Blues

Blum

Blunder

Boadicea

Board

Boards

Boats

Bobrikoff

Boccaccio

Bodies

Bodley

Body

Boer

Boers

Bogdanovitch

Bogoliepoff

Bogoras

Bogota

Bogotá

Bohemia

Bohemian

Bohemians

Bohol

Bohotle

Boies

Bois

Boise

Boisrond

Bojesen

Bokhara

Bolder

Bolivar

Bolivia

Bolivian

Bolivians

Bolles

Bologna

Bolton

Boma

Bomb

Bombardment

Bombay

Bonaparte

Bonapartists

Bond

Bondage

Bonds

Bondsman

Bonebrake

Boniface

Bonilla

Bonnechose

Bonus

Boodler

Book

Booker

Books

Boom

Boone

Booth

Bordeaux

Borden

Border

Borealis

Born

Bornon

Bornou

Borodino

Borough

Boroughs

Borstal

Bosanquet

Boshin

Bosnia

Bosniaks

Bosnians

Bosphorus

Bosporus

Boss

Bossuet

Boston

Both

Botha

Botta

Bottom

Bouches

Bouchot

Boulangerists

Boule

Boulger

Boulton

Boundaries

Boundary

Bounechose

Bounties

Bounty

Bourbon

Bourbons

Bourchier

Bourgeois

Bourinot

Bourne

Bourse

Boutmy

Boutwell

Boué

Bow

Bowen

Bowley

Boxer

Boyce

Boycott

Boycotting

Boyd

Boyle

Boynton

Boys

Boyville

Bozman

Brabançons

Brackenbury

Braddon

Bradford

Bradley

Bragg

Brahmin

Brahmins

Brailsford

Braithwaite

Brampton

Branches

Branco

Brand

Brandeis

Brandenburg

Brandes

Branly

Brant

Brasil

Braun

Braunschweig

Braxton

Brayton

Brazil

Brazilero

Brazilian

Brazilians

Breaches

Breadth

Breaking

Breakneck

Brebner

Breck

Breeders

Breitenfeld

Bremen

Brennan

Brent

Breslau

Brethren

Breton

Brett

Brewer

Brewers

Brewster

Briand

Bribed

Bribers

Bribery

Bridge

Bridges

Bridgman

Brief

Briefly

Brig

Brigade

Brigadier

Brigand

Brigands

Briggs

Bright

Brigue

Brink

Brinton

Brisk

Brisson

Bristol

Bristols

Brit

Britain

Britanniarum

Britannic

Britannick

Britannicâ

British

Britishers

Britons

Brittany

Broad

Broadened

Broadening

Broadly

Broadway

Broadwood

Brock

Brocklehurst

Broden

Brodeur

Brodhead

Broken

Brompton

Bronx

Brooke

Brooker

Brooklyn

Brooks

Bros

Brother

Brotherhood

Brothers

Brougham

Broussa

Brown

Browne

Brownell

Browning

Brownlow

Brownsville

Bruce

Bruges

Brugsch

Brun

Bruno

Brunswick

Brussels

Brutality

Brutus

Bruxelles

Bryan

Bryant

Bryce

Brünn

Bu

Bubonic

Buchanan

Bucharest

Bucherer

Buchner

Buckingham

Buckle

Buckley

Bucks

Budapest

Buddhism

Buddhist

Buddhists

Budge

Budget

Budgets

Budgett

Buenos

Buffalo

Buffer

Buffington

Building

Buildings

Built

Bulgar

Bulgaria

Bulgarian

Bulgarians

Bulgars

Buliguine

Bulle

Bulletin

Bullets

Bullock

Bulls

Bulwer

Bunder

Bunker

Bunyan

Buonaparte

Burao

Burckhardt

Bureau

Bureaucratic

Buren

Burger

Burgess

Burghardt

Burgher

Burghers

Burghs

Burgomaster

Burhaneddin

Burke

Burleigh

Burley

Burlington

Burma

Burne

Burned

Burnet

Burnham

Burning

Burns

Burnt

Burr

Burrill

Burrows

Burton

Burtzeff

Burujurd

Bury

Bush

Bushby

Bushire

Business

Busk

Busoga

Bussey

But

Butcher

Butcheries

Butler

Butt

Butte

Butter

Butterfield

Buttrick

Butts

Buxton

Buyamaro

Buying

By

Byzantine

BÜLOW

Bé

Bülow

C

CABIN

CABINET

CACERES

CADETS

CAESAR

CAJAL

CALABRIA

CALAMITIES

CALBRAITH

CALENDAR

CALIFORNIA

CALIPHATE

CALL

CALVIN

CAME

CAMILLO

CAMPAIGN

CAMPAIGNS

CAMPANILE

CAMPBELL

CAMPO

CAMPOS

CAMPS

CANAAN

CANADA

CANADIAN

CANAL

CANALS

CANBERRA

CANCER

CANDAMO

CANONS

CANTOS

CAPE

CAPITAL

CAPITALISTIC

CAPITULATION

CAPTIVITY

CAPTURE

CAPUCHINS

CARBONARI

CARDINAL

CARDUCCI

CAREER

CARLOS

CARMELITE

CARMEN

CARNEGIE

CAROLINA

CAROLINAS

CAROLINE

CAROLINGIAN

CARTA

CARTAGO

CARTELS

CARTHUSIANS

CASABLANCA

CASE

CASEMENT

CASTILE

CASTRO

CASUAL

CATALONIA

CATHEDRAL

CATHERINE

CATHOLIC

CATHOLICISM

CATHOLICS

CATOLICO

CATSKILL

CATTLE

CAUCASUS

CAUSES

CAVALIERS

CECIL

CELEBRATION

CELEBRATIONS

CENSORSHIP

CENSUS

CENTENNIAL

CENTER

CENTRAL

CENTRES

CENTRO

CENTRUM

CENTURIES

CENTURY

CESSION

CHAFFEE

CHAFIN

CHALDEA

CHAMBERLAIN

CHAMPLAIN

CHANCELLOR

CHANG

CHANGES

CHANTABUN

CHANUTE

CHARACTER

CHARACTERISTICS

CHARITIES

CHARLEMAGNE

CHARLES

CHARLESTON

CHARLOTTE

CHARTER

CHARTERS

CHARTIST

CHARTREUX

CHASE

CHATHAM

CHAUCER

CHEMISTRY

CHEMULPHO

CHEVALIER

CHI

CHICAGO

CHIEF

CHIH

CHILDREN

CHILDS

CHILE

CHILEAN

CHINA

CHINCHOW

CHINESE

CHIPIEZ

CHOATE

CHOICE

CHRISTENSEN

CHRISTIAN

CHRISTIANITY

CHRISTIANS

CHRISTOPHER

CHUAN

CHUN

CHURCH

CHURCHES

CHURCHILL

CHÆRONEA

CIPRIANO

CISTERCIANS

CITIES

CITIZEN

CITIZENSHIP

CITY

CIVIC

CIVIL

CIVILISTAS

CIVILIZATION

CIVILIZED

CLAIM

CLAIMS

CLANRICARDE

CLARION

CLARK

CLAUSE

CLAY

CLEISTHENES

CLEMENCEAU

CLEOPATRA

CLERICAL

CLEVELAND

CLIFFORD

CLIMAX

CLINTON

CLOSE

CLOSING

CLOTH

CLOVIS

CLUB

CLUBS

CO

COAL

COALITION

COBALT

COBDEN

COCHIN

CODE

COERCION

COINAGE

COKE

COLBERT

COLLAPSE

COLLECTIVISM

COLLEGE

COLLEGES

COLOGNE

COLOMBIA

COLONEL

COLONIAL

COLONIES

COLONIZABILITY

COLONIZATION

COLONY

COLORADOS

COLORED

COLUMBIA

COMBES

COMBINATION

COMBINATIONS

COMING

COMMAND

COMMANDER

COMMEMORATION

COMMERCE

COMMERCIAL

COMMISSION

COMMITTEE

COMMITTEES

COMMODITIES

COMMODORE

COMMODUS

COMMON

COMMONS

COMMONWEALTH

COMMUNAL

COMMUNE

COMMUNES

COMPACT

COMPANIES

COMPANY

COMPARATIVE

COMPENSATION

COMPETITION

COMPLETE

COMPLETED

COMPLETION

COMPLICATIONS

COMPROMISE

CONCENTRATION

CONCEPTION

CONCERNING

CONCESSION

CONCILIATION

CONCORDAT

CONDITION

CONDITIONS

CONDOMINIUM

CONDUCTORS

CONDÉS

CONFEDERACY

CONFEDERATE

CONFEDERATION

CONFERENCE

CONFERENCES

CONFESSION

CONFLICT

CONFUSION

CONFÉDÉRATION

CONGER

CONGESTED

CONGO

CONGREGATION

CONGRESS

CONGRESSES

CONNECTICUT

CONNECTIONS

CONQUEROR

CONQUEST

CONQUESTS

CONSERVATION

CONSERVATIVE

CONSOLIDATION

CONSPIRACIES

CONSPIRACY

CONSTABULARY

CONSTANT

CONSTANTINE

CONSTANTINES

CONSTANTINOPLE

CONSTITUTION

CONSTITUTIONAL

CONSUL

CONSULAR

CONSUMPTION

CONTACT

CONTEMPLATED

CONTEST

CONTESTS

CONTINENTAL

CONTINUED

CONTRIBUTING

CONTRIBUTION

CONTROL

CONTROVERSIES

CONTROVERSY

CONVENTION

CONVERSION

CONVICT

COOK

COOLEY

COOPERATIVE

COPENHAGEN

COPPERHEADS

COPYRIGHT

CORDAY

CORDIALE

CORINTO

CORN

CORPORATE

CORPORATION

CORPORATIONS

CORPUS

CORRAL

CORREGAN

CORRUPTION

CORTELYOU

CORTES

COST

COSTA

COUNCIL

COUNCILLOR

COUNCILS

COUNT

COUNTER

COUNTRIES

COUNTRY

COUP

COURSES

COURT

COURTS

COUTRAS

COVENANT

COWPER

COÖPERATION

COÖPERATIVE

CRAVINGS

CREASY

CREATION

CREEK

CREIGHTON

CREMER

CRETAN

CRETE

CRIME

CRIMEAN

CRIMES

CRIMINOLOGY

CRISES

CRISIS

CRITTENDEN

CROCKER

CROMER

CROMWELL

CROSS

CROWN

CRUISE

CRUSADE

CRUSADES

CRUSADING

CRY

CUBA

CUBAN

CULTURE

CULTURKAMPF

CUNARD

CURB

CURIA

CURIE

CURRENCY

CURRY

CURTIS

CURZON

CUSHITES

CUSTOMS

CYRUS

CZECHS

CZOLGOSZ

Cabin

Cabinet

Cabinets

Cable

Cabot

Cabul

Caceres

Cadets

Cadiz

Caesar

Cailles

Cairnes

Cairo

Caisse

Caithness

Cajal

Cajon

Calabria

Calabrian

Calais

Calamity

Calamy

Calcutta

Calderon

Caldwell

Calgary

Calhoun

California

Caliph

Caliphate

Caliphs

Call

Callao

Callaway

Calling

Callous

Calsecchi

Calvin

Calvinist

Calvinistic

Calvinists

Cam

Camacho

Camaguey

Camarilla

Cambridge

Camden

Cameos

Cameron

Camillo

Camisard

Camisards

Camp

Campaign

Campaigns

Campania

Campanile

Campbell

Camperdown

Campos

Camps

Can

Canaanites

Canaanitic

Canada

Canadian

Canadians

Canal

Canaries

Canberra

Cancer

Candamo

Candidacy

Candidates

Canea

Canned

Canning

Cannon

Canonization

Canossa

Canterbury

Canton

Cantonal

Cantor

Canuleian

Capachio

Capacity

Cape

Capes

Capital

Capitalist

Capitalists

Capitan

Capitol

Caprivi

Captain

Capture

Capuchins

Cara

Carabao

Carabobo

Caracas

Caracoles

Cardiff

Cardinal

Cardinals

Cards

Carducci

Care

Career

Careful

Carefully

Caribbean

Carinthia

Carl

Carlisle

Carlos

Carlyle

Carmania

Carmen

Carnegie

Carniola

Carnot

Carolina

Caroline

Caronia

Carpenter

Carpenters

Carr

Carrel

Carriers

Carrington

Carroll

Carrying

Carshalton

Carta

Cartago

Cartel

Cartels

Carter

Carteron

Carthage

Carthaginians

Carwithen

Casablanca

Casacion

Case

Casement

Cases

Cashel

Cashier

Casimir

Casket

Caspian

Cass

Cassation

Cassel

Cassell

Cassia

Castilians

Castle

Castro

Casual

Casually

Casualties

Catacumbo

Catalonia

Catechumens

Catharina

Cathay

Cathedral

Catherine

Catholic

Catholicism

Catholics

Catilinarian

Catolico

Catskill

Cattolica

Caucasian

Caucasus

Caught

Cause

Causes

Cavalier

Cavaliers

Cawas

Caxton

Cayey

Cayley

Cd

Cebu

Cecil

Cedar

Ceding

Celebrated

Celebration

Celebrations

Celestial

Celibacy

Celli

Celsius

Celt

Celtic

Cement

Censor

Censors

Censorship

Census

Centenary

Centennial

Center

Central

Centre

Centres

Centrists

Centro

Centrum

Centuriata

Centuries

Century

Cerdic

Cerro

Cerruti

Certain

Certainly

Cesare

Cesarevitch

Cessation

Cession

Cessions

Cettinje

Ceylon

Ch

Chadwick

Chaffee

Chafin

Chagres

Chains

Chair

Chairman

Chalais

Chaldea

Chaldean

Chaldeans

Chaldæa

Challenge

Cham

Chamber

Chamberlain

Chamberlains

Chamberlin

Chambers

Champ

Champlain

Champs

Chan

Chance

Chancellery

Chancellor

Chancellors

Chancellorship

Chandler

Chang

Changchin

Change

Changed

Changes

Channel

Chantabun

Chanute

Chaouïa

Chapels

Chapman

Chappell

Chapter

Chapters

Character

Characters

Charcas

Charge

Chargé

Charities

Charity

Charlemagne

Charles

Charleston

Charlevoix

Charlottetown

Charta

Charter

Chartering

Charters

Chartist

Chartres

Chartreuse

Chartreux

Chatham

Chau

Chauncey

Chautauqua

Chauvinism

Che

Cheap

Check

Cheers

Cheese

Cheetham

Chefneux

Chefoo

Chefu

Chekiang

Chemin

Chemistry

Chemulpho

Chen

Cheney

Cheneys

Cheng

Chengju

Chenier

Chentu

Cher

Cherbourg

Cherokee

Chesapeake

Chesney

Chesterfield

Chevalier

Chi

Chiao

Chicago

Chicory

Chidley

Chief

Chiefs

Chientao

Chih

Chihli

Chihtung

Chikwangue

Child

Children

Childs

Chile

Chilean

Chili

Chilian

Chilkoot

Chimienti

China

Chinamen

Chinampho

Chinchow

Chinese

Ching

Chino

Chiozza

Chipiez

Chirurgical

Choate

Cholera

Chosen

Chown

Christ

Christendom

Christensen

Christian

Christiania

Christianity

Christianized

Christians

Christlijk

Christmas

Christobel

Christopher

Chronicle

Chronicles

Chronology

Chu

Chuan

Chumbi

Chun

Chung

Church

Churches

Churchill

Churchmen

Château

Chæronea

Cicero

Cieguo

Cienfuegos

Cigar

Cigarette

Cilicia

Cincinnati

Cinderella

Cipriano

Circassian

Circle

Circles

Circuit

Circuits

Circular

Circumstances

Cisleithan

Cities

Citizens

Citizenship

Citrus

City

Ciudad

Civic

Civil

Civilistas

Civilità

Civilization

Civilizations

Civilized

Clads

Claflin

Claiborne

Claim

Claimant

Claims

Clair

Clanricarde

Clara

Clare

Clarence

Clarendon

Clarion

Clark

Clarke

Clarkson

Class

Classes

Classical

Classification

Classified

Clause

Clauses

Clay

Clayden

Clayton

Cleaning

Clearing

Clearly

Clemenceau

Clement

Clemente

Clementine

Clements

Clergy

Clergymen

Clerical

Clericalism

Clericals

Clerics

Clerk

Clerks

Clermont

Cleveland

Clifden

Clifford

Climaco

Clinic

Clinton

Clive

Cloman

Close

Closely

Closing

Clothing

Cloud

Clover

Club

Clubs

Cluny

Clyatt

Clyde

Co

Coal

Coaling

Coalition

Coast

Coatbridge

Cobalt

Cobden

Coburg

Cochin

Cochrane

Cockayne

Cockrell

Cocoa

Code

Coercion

Coercive

Coffee

Coffey

Coffin

Cogswell

Cohen

Coignet

Coimbra

Coinage

Coins

Coke

Colbert

Coleman

Coleridge

Colfax

Coligny

Collapse

Collect

Collecting

Collections

Collectivism

Collectivist

Collectivists

Collector

College

Colleges

Collier

Collieries

Colliery

Cologne

Colombia

Colombian

Colombians

Colon

Colonel

Colonial

Colonials

Colonies

Colonisation

Colonists

Colonizability

Colonization

Colony

Colorado

Colorados

Colored

Colquhoun

Coltano

Colton

Columbia

Columbian

Columbus

Column

Com

Combes

Combination

Combinations

Combine

Combs

Come

Comedy

Coming

Comitia

Comité

Command

Commandant

Commander

Commanding

Commandos

Commands

Comme

Commemoration

Commemorations

Commentaries

Commerce

Commercial

Commines

Commission

Commissioner

Commissioners

Commissionership

Commissions

Committed

Committee

Committees

Commodities

Commodity

Commodore

Commodus

Common

Commonly

Commons

Commonwealth

Communal

Communes

Communicate

Communication

Communications

Communists

Communities

Comoufort

Compact

Companies

Companion

Company

Comparative

Compare

Compared

Comparing

Compayré

Compensation

Competition

Competitive

Compilation

Complaint

Complaints

Complete

Completely

Completion

Compromise

Comptroller

Compulsorily

Compulsory

Comte

Comyn

Concentration

Conception

Conceptions

Concerning

Concert

Concerted

Concession

Concessionary

Concessions

Conciliation

Conclave

Conclusion

Concordat

Concourse

Concrete

Concurrent

Condillac

Condition

Conditional

Conditions

Condominium

Condorcet

Conduct

Conductors

Condé

Confederacy

Confederate

Confederates

Confederation

Conference

Conferences

Confessions

Confessors

Confident

Conflagration

Conflict

Conflicts

Conformity

Confucians

Confédération

Cong

Conger

Congo

Congolese

Congregation

Congregational

Congregationalism

Congregationalists

Congregations

Congress

Congresses

Congressional

Congressman

Congressmen

Connaught

Connecticut

Connell

Conqueror

Conquest

Conquests

Conrad

Conscription

Conscripts

Consecutive

Conseil

Consequences

Consequent

Consequently

Conservation

Conservatism

Conservative

Conservatives

Considerable

Considering

Consistency

Consistory

Consolidated

Consolidation

Consort

Conspiracy

Constabulary

Constance

Constant

Constantine

Constantinople

Constantza

Constanza

Constituent

Constitution

Constitutional

Constitutionalism

Constitutionalist

Constitutionalists

Constitutionality

Constitutionally

Constitutions

Construction

Constructive

Consul

Consular

Consulate

Consuls

Consumers

Consumption

Contact

Contemplated

Contemporaire

Contemporary

Contempt

Contending

Contention

Contentions

Contentment

Contest

Continent

Continental

Continuance

Continued

Continuing

Contraband

Contract

Contracting

Contracts

Contradictory

Contrary

Contributing

Contributions

Control

Controller

Controlling

Controversies

Controversy

Convention

Conventions

Conversation

Conversion

Convict

Convicted

Conviction

Convictions

Convicts

Convocation

Cook

Cooke

Cooley

Coolidge

Coolies

Cooperative

Coorg

Coos

Coote

Copenhagen

Copies

Copper

Coppée

Copyright

Cordery

Cordiale

Cordillera

Cordoba

Corea

Corean

Coreans

Corinto

Cork

Corn

Cornelius

Corner

Cornhill

Cornwall

Coronation

Corporal

Corporate

Corporation

Corporations

Corps

Corral

Correctional

Correctionnelle

Corrections

Corregan

Correspondence

Correspondent

Corrupt

Corruption

Corruptions

Corsairs

Corsican

Corte

Cortelyou

Cortes

Cortez

Cortlaudt

Coruña

Coryndon

Cossack

Cossacks

Cost

Costa

Cotierungssteuer

Cottage

Cotton

Coubertin

Coues

Couipaguie

Coulanges

Could

Council

Councillor

Councillors

Councilman

Councilmen

Councilor

Councils

Counsel

Count

Counter

Countess

Counties

Counting

Countries

Country

Countrymen

Counts

County

Coup

Courage

Courses

Court

Courtesies

Courts

Cousin

Covenant

Covenanters

Cowan

Cowes

Cowper

Cows

Cox

Coxe

Coyle

Coöperation

Coöperative

Craik

Crandall

Crane

Crawford

Creasy

Created

Creation

Creator

Credit

Creditors

Creek

Creel

Creeping

Creighton

Cremer

Creoles

Crescent

Cresson

Cressy

Creswell

Cretan

Cretans

Crete

Crewe

Crichton

Crime

Crimea

Crimean

Crimes

Criminal

Criminals

Criminology

Criminous

Crisis

Crispi

Cristina

Cristobal

Critical

Criticism

Croatia

Croatian

Crocker

Croix

Croker

Cromer

Cromwell

Cromwellian

Crops

Cross

Crossing

Croton

Crowe

Crown

Crowned

Crowns

Cruelty

Cruikshank

Cruise

Cruisers

Crumpacker

Crusade

Crusaders

Crusades

Cruttwell

Cruz

Cry

Crystal

Crécy

Cu

Cuajar

Cuba

Cuban

Cubans

Cudahy

Cuevas

Culebra

Culloden

Culture

Cumberland

Cunard

Cunarders

Cunenc

Cunningham

Curator

Curaçao

Curb

Cures

Curia

Curiata

Curie

Curiously

Currency

Current

Curry

Curse

Curtailment

Curtis

Curtiss

Curtius

Curzon

Cusey

Cushing

Cust

Custer

Custom

Customs

Cutlers

Cutters

Cutts

Cuzco

Cyclopaedia

Cyclopedia

Cyprian

Cyprus

Cyrus

Czar

Czartoryski

Czech

Czechs

Czolgosz

Cæsar

Cæsarism

Cæsars

Córdoba

Cúcuta

CŒUR

Cœur

D

DAIDO

DALGETY

DALNY

DAM

DAMASCUS

DANIEL

DANISH

DANUBIAN

DARKEST

DARTMOUTH

DARWIN

DARWINISM

DAVENPORT

DAVID

DAVIS

DAWN

DAY

DAYANAND

DAYLIGHT

DAYS

DE

DEAKIN

DEALING

DEATH

DEBATE

DEBS

DEBT

DEBTS

DECEASED

DECEMBER

DECISION

DECISIONS

DECISIVE

DECLARATION

DECLARED

DECLINE

DEEP

DEFENSIVE

DEFINITIVE

DEGRADATION

DEL

DELAGRANGE

DELAWARE

DELBRUCK

DELCASSÉ

DELHI

DELOS

DELYANNIS

DEMAGOGUES

DEMANDS

DEMOCRACY

DEMOCRATAS

DEMOCRATIC

DEMOCRATS

DEMOCRISTIANA

DEMONETIZATION

DEMONSTRATION

DEMONSTRATIONS

DENMARK

DENVER

DEPENDENCE

DEPENDENTS

DEPEW

DES

DESCENT

DESPOTS

DESTRUCTION

DESTRUCTIVE

DETENTION

DEUNTZER

DEVELOPMENT

DIAMOND

DIAZ

DICKINSON

DIET

DIN

DINGLEY

DIOGNETUS

DIRECT

DIRECTION

DIRECTORY

DISABILITIES

DISAFFECTION

DISASTERS

DISCOVERY

DISEASE

DISINTEGRATION

DISMISSAL

DISPUTE

DISPUTES

DISRAELI

DISSENSIONS

DISSENTERS

DISSOLUTION

DISTINCTIVE

DISTRACTION

DISTRICT

DISTRUST

DISTURBANCES

DISUNION

DIVIDED

DIVISION

DIVISIONS

DIVORCE

DOCTRINE

DOGGER

DOMESDAY

DOMESTIC

DOMINATION

DOMINGO

DOMINICAN

DOMINICANS

DOMINION

DON

DOOR

DORE

DOUGLAS

DOWAGER

DOWLEH

DOWNFALL

DR

DRAGA

DRAGO

DRANE

DRAWINGS

DREADNOUGHT

DREADNOUGHTS

DRED

DREIBUND

DREYFUS

DRIVING

DRUDE

DRUNKARDS

DRY

DRYGALSKI

DU

DUARTE

DUCOMMUM

DUFF

DUKE

DUMA

DUMAS

DUMONT

DUNANT

DUNBAR

DURATION

DURBAR

DURHAM

DURING

DURUY

DUTCH

DUTIES

DUTY

DWIGHT

DYNASTIES

DYNASTY

Dacca

Dafoe

Dahomé

Daido

Daily

Dakar

Dakota

Dakotas

Dalai

Dalgety

Dali

Dallas

Dalmatia

Dalny

Dalton

Dalzell

Dam

Damages

Damascus

Dame

Dams

Dana

Danes

Danger

Dangerous

Daniel

Danish

Dante

Danton

Danube

Darby

Dark

Darling

Darnley

Darras

Dartmouth

Darwin

Darwinian

Darwinism

Dasent

Dastre

Data

Dates

Davenport

David

Davids

Davidson

Davies

Davis

Dawn

Dawson

Day

Dayanand

Daylight

Days

Dayton

De

Deadlock

Deakin

Dealing

Dealings

Dean

Deane

Death

Debasien

Debate

Debates

Debs

Debt

Debts

Decade

Decameron

Deccan

Deceased

December

Decentralization

Deciduous

Decision

Decisions

Decisive

Decius

Decker

Declaration

Declarations

Declare

Decline

Declines

Declining

Decrease

Decreased

Decree

Decrees

Decretals

Deen

Deep

Deeper

Defeat

Defeated

Defective

Defence

Defences

Defender

Defense

Defensive

Defensor

Defiance

Defiant

Definite

Definition

Degiorgis

Degrees

Dei

Delagoa

Delagrange

Delaplace

Delaware

Delbruck

Delcassé

Delegacy

Delegate

Delegates

Delegations

Delft

Delgada

Delhi

Deliberate

Delivered

Delivery

Dell

Dellenbaugh

Delta

Delusions

Delyannis

Demand

Demands

Demarcation

Demetrios

Deming

Democracia

Democracy

Democrat

Democratas

Democraten

Democratic

Democratique

Democratizing

Democrats

Democristiana

Demonstration

Demoralized

Demos

Demosthenes

Denial

Denis

Denmark

Denominational

Denton

Denunciatory

Denver

Department

Departmental

Departments

Departure

Dependencies

Dependency

Dependents

Depew

Deportation

Deposed

Deposition

Depression

Deputation

Deputies

Deputy

Der

Derby

Derbyshire

Dernburg

Derya

Des

Descamps

Descartes

Description

Descriptive

Desert

Deserts

Designs

Desirable

Desire

Desiring

Desjardin

Despatch

Despatches

Desperate

Despite

Despoiling

Despotic

Despots

Destroyers

Destruction

Destructive

Destructiveness

Detailed

Details

Detective

Detention

Determining

Dethronement

Deuntzer

Deutsche

Deutschen

Deutschthum

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Devanter

Developing

Development

Developments

Devine

Dewa

Dewey

Dexter

Dhinagri

Dia

Diamond

Diana

Diary

Diaz

Dicey

Dickens

Dickinson

Dictator

Dictatorial

Dictatorship

Did

Diderot

Died

Diego

Diesel

Diet

Diets

Dieu

Difference

Differences

Differentiation

Differing

Difficulties

Difficulty

Diffusion

Digby

Digest

Dijon

Dilke

Dillon

Diman

Diminished

Dimmick

Din

Dindaleathglass

Dingley

Dinka

Dinkas

Dinners

Diocesan

Diocese

Dioceses

Diocletian

Diognetus

Dios

Diplomacy

Diplomatic

Diplomatist

Direct

Direction

Directly

Director

Directors

Directory

Dirigible

Disabilities

Disaffection

Disappointing

Disarmament

Discharge

Disciple

Disciplinary

Discipline

Disclaims

Disclosures

Disconnecting

Discontent

Discount

Discouragement

Discourse

Discoverers

Discoveries

Discovery

Discriminating

Discussed

Discussing

Discussion

Disease

Diseases

Disestablishment

Disfranchisement

Disfranchising

Disguised

Dismissal

Disorder

Disorders

Dispensary

Dispersion

Displacement

Disposition

Dispute

Disputed

Disputes

Disqualification

Disruption

Disruptionists

Dissatisfaction

Dissenters

Dissenting

Dissipation

Dissolution

Distillers

Distilling

Distortion

Distress

Distribution

District

Districts

Distrust

Disturbance

Disturbances

Divided

Dividends

Divine

Divinity

Division

Divisional

Divorce

Divorces

Dixon

Djarboub

Djebel

Djibouti

Djumabala

Djumaisk

Do

Dobrudja

Dobson

Doc

Dochantapeh

Dock

Docks

Doctor

Doctors

Doctrine

Doctrines

Document

Documents

Does

Dogger

Doings

Dolbahanta

Dollars

Dolma

Dolphin

Dolton

Dom

Domain

Domaine

Domains

Domergue

Domesday

Domestic

Domett

Domingo

Dominguez

Domini

Dominican

Dominicans

Dominion

Dominions

Domitian

Don

Donald

Donaldson

Donation

Done

Door

Dorian

Dorians

Dormund

Dorothy

Dorsheimer

Doré

Doshi

Doshishukai

Dostoyevski

Doubleday

Doubt

Doubtless

Douglas

Douma

Dover

Dowager

Dowleh

Down

Downing

Doyle

Dr

Draco

Draft

Draga

Drago

Dragoumis

Drainage

Drake

Drama

Drane

Draper

Drastic

Drawing

Drawn

Dreadnought

Dreadnoughts

Dreher

Dreibund

Dresden

Dresdener

Dressed

Dreyfus

Dreyfusards

Dried

Drink

Drinking

Drinks

Driven

Driver

Drogheda

Droysen

Drs

Drude

Drug

Drugs

Dry

Drygalski

Du

Dual

Duarte

Dublin

Dubois

Duc

Duchess

Duchies

Duchy

Ducommum

Dudley

Duff

Duffy

Duke

Dull

Duluth

Duma

Dumas

Dumbarton

Dumont

Dunant

Dunbar

Duncan

Duncans

Duncker

Dundalk

Dundee

Dunedin

Dunfermline

Dunham

Dunlop

Dunne

Dunois

Dunraven

Durand

Durban

Durbar

Durfee

Durham

During

Duruy

Dusseldorf

Dutch

Dutchman

Dutchmen

Duties

Dutt

Dutton

Duty

Dwellers

Dwight

Dyer

Dynamite

Dynasties

Dynasty

Démocratique

Döllinger

D’Aubigné

D’ÉTAT

E

EAGLE

EAR

EARL

EARLIEST

EARLY

EARTHQUAKE

EARTHQUAKES

EAST

EASTERN

ECCLESIASTICAL

ECCLESIASTICISM

ECHEGARAY

ECONOMIC

ECUADOR

ED

EDDIN

EDICT

EDICTS

EDITION

EDITOR

EDMONTON

EDUARDO

EDUCATION

EDUCATIONAL

EDWARD

EDWIN

EFFECT

EFFECTIVE

EFFECTS

EFFENDI

EFFORTS

EGYPT

EGYPTIAN

EHR

EHRLICH

EIGHT

EIGHTEENTH

EIGHTH

EIKON

EL

ELAMITES

ELECTED

ELECTION

ELECTIONS

ELECTIVE

ELECTORAL

ELECTORS

ELECTRICAL

ELECTRICITY

ELECTRO

ELECTRONS

ELEVATOR

ELEVENTH

ELGIN

ELIDORO

ELIE

ELIHU

ELIOT

ELIZABETH

ELIZABETHAN

ELKINS

ELLEN

ELLIOTT

EMANCIPATION

EMELINE

EMERGENCY

EMERY

EMIGRATION

EMINENT

EMMANUEL

EMPEROR

EMPERORS

EMPIRE

EMPIRES

EMPLOYERS

EMPRESS

ENCYCLICAL

ENCYCLICALS

END

ENDJUMEN

ENGAGEMENTS

ENGINE

ENGLAND

ENGLISH

ENGLISHMAN

ENJUMEN

ENLARGED

ENTENTE

ENTITLING

ENTRY

ENVER

EPISCOPATE

EPISTLE

EPOCH

EQUADOR

EQUITABLE

EQUITY

ERA

ERDMAN

ERICHSEN

ERICSSON

ERIE

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ERNEST

ERNESTO

ERUPTION

ERUPTIONS

ES

ESHER

ESNEH

ESPERANTO

ESTABLISHES

ESTABLISHMENT

ESTATE

ESTATES

ESTOURNELLES

ESTRADA

ESTUPINIAN

ET

ETC

ETHER

ETHIOPIA

EUCKEN

EUDISTES

EUGENE

EUGENICS

EULENBURG

EUPHRATES

EUROPE

EUROPEAN

EVACUATION

EVANS

EVE

EVENING

EVENTS

EVICTED

EVOLUTION

EX

EXAMINATION

EXCAVATION

EXCHANGE

EXCHANGES

EXCLUSION

EXECUTION

EXECUTIVE

EXHIBITION

EXILE

EXODUS

EXPANSION

EXPATRIATION

EXPEDITION

EXPEDITIONS

EXPLORATION

EXPLORERS

EXPLORING

EXPOSITION

EXPOSITIONS

EXTENDING

EZCURRA

Each

Eagle

Eardley

Earl

Earlier

Earliest

Early

Earned

Earnestly

Earth

Earthquake

Easley

East

Easter

Eastern

Eastward

Eaton

Ecclesia

Ecclesiastical

Echegaray

Echterdingen

Eck

Eckels

Economic

Economically

Economics

Economists

Economy

Ecuador

Ed

Eddin

Eden

Edersheim

Edgar

Edict

Edicts

Edinburgh

Edison

Edith

Editor

Editorial

Edmonton

Edmund

Eduard

Eduardo

Education

Educational

Edward

Edwards

Edwardus

Edwin

Effect

Effective

Effects

Effendi

Efficiency

Efficient

Efforts

Egar

Egede

Eggleston

Eggs

Eginhard

Egypt

Egyptian

Egyptians

Ehr

Ehrich

Ehrlich

Ehrlungshan

Ehrman

Eiffel

Eight

Eighteen

Eighteenth

Eighth

Eighthly

Eightieth

Einheitstraum

Einheitstraumes

Either

Ekaterinoslav

El

Elasticity

Elbert

Elder

Eleanor

Elected

Election

Elections

Elective

Elector

Electoral

Electors

Electric

Electrical

Electricity

Electro

Elementary

Elevation

Eleven

Elgin

Elgon

Elias

Elidoro

Elie

Eligibility

Elihu

Eliot

Elizabeth

Elizabethan

Elizabethport

Elkind

Elkins

Ella

Ellen

Elliott

Ellis

Ellsworth

Elmer

Eloy

Elroy

Eltzbacher

Ely

Elysee

Elysées

Emancipation

Embankment

Embassy

Emergency

Emerson

Emerton

Emery

Emigration

Emigres

Emil

Emile

Emilio

Emin

Eminence

Eminent

Emir

Emmanuel

Emmett

Emmott

Emory

Emperor

Emperors

Empire

Empires

Employees

Employers

Employment

Employé

Employés

Emporium

Empress

Emptiness

Ena

Enactment

Enactments

Enc

Encourage

Encouragement

Encroachment

Encroachments

Encyclical

Encyclopaedia

Encyclopedia

End

Endicott

Ending

Endorsement

Endowed

Endowment

Enemies

Enemy

Enforced

Enforcement

Enfranchisement

Engagements

Engine

Engineer

Engineering

Engineers

England

Englanders

English

Englishman

Englishmen

Enjumen

Enjumens

Enlarged

Enlargement

Enlargements

Enlightened

Enlistment

Enock

Enormous

Enough

Enrique

Enriquez

Enseignement

Entente

Entering

Entire

Entirely

Entomological

Entrance

Entre

Entry

Enumerators

Envoy

Enzeli

Ephesus

Epic

Epicureans

Episcopacy

Episcopal

Episcopalians

Episcopate

Epistle

Epistles

Epitome

Epoch

Epochs

Equador

Equal

Equally

Equator

Equipments

Equitable

Equity

Era

Eradication

Erastus

Erdman

Erebus

Erection

Eregli

Eric

Erichsen

Ericsson

Erie

Erik

Eritrea

Ernest

Ernesto

Ernst

Eruption

Escurra

Esher

Eskimo

Eskimos

Esneh

Esopus

Esparta

Especial

Especially

Esperantists

Esperanto

Espirito

Esquimault

Esquimaux

Essays

Essentially

Establish

Established

Establishing

Establishment

Estate

Estates

Este

Estevan

Esther

Estimate

Estimates

Estrada

Estupinian

Etah

Ethan

Ether

Ethics

Ethiopia

Ethiopian

Ethnological

Etonians

Eucken

Eudistes

Eugene

Eugenics

Eujumens

Eulenburg

Euphorion

Euphrates

Eureka

Europa

Europe

European

Europeans

Eusebius

Eustis

Evacuation

Evans

Evansville

Evasion

Eve

Evelyn

Even

Evening

Events

Eventually

Ever

Everard

Everett

Everit

Eversley

Every

Everybody

Everyone

Everything

Everywhere

Evetts

Evicted

Evidence

Evidently

Evil

Evolution

Ewald

Ex

Exacted

Exactly

Exaggerated

Examinations

Examine

Exarchate

Exceeding

Excellencies

Excellency

Excellent

Except

Excepting

Exception

Exceptional

Exceptions

Exchange

Exchanges

Exchequer

Excise

Excited

Excitement

Exclamations

Excluded

Excluding

Exclusion

Exclusive

Execution

Executions

Executive

Executives

Exemplary

Exemptions

Exercise

Exert

Exeter

Exhibit

Exhibiting

Exhibition

Exile

Existing

Exodus

Expansion

Expatriated

Expatriation

Expectation

Expediting

Expedition

Expeditions

Expenditure

Expenditures

Expenses

Experience

Experiences

Experiment

Experimental

Experiments

Experts

Expiration

Explanation

Explanatory

Exploitation

Exploits

Exploration

Explorations

Explorers

Explosion

Export

Exposition

Exposure

Expounder

Express

Expression

Expulsion

Extended

Extension

Extensions

Extensive

Extent

Extermination

External

Extinction

Extirpation

Extortion

Extra

Extracts

Extradition

Extraordinary

Extreme

Eye

Eyed

Ezcurra

Ezra

F

FABIAN

FACTOR

FACTORY

FAILURE

FAIRBANKS

FAKUMENN

FALL

FALLIÈRES

FALLS

FAMILY

FAMINES

FAMY

FANG

FARADAY

FAREWELL

FARM

FARMAN

FARMERS

FARMING

FARRAGUT

FATE

FATHER

FATHERS

FAZIL

FEBRUARY

FEDAKIARANS

FEDERAL

FEDERALIST

FEDERATION

FEELING

FEHIM

FEHMI

FEIN

FEJERVARY

FELIPE

FELLOWSHIP

FENGHUANGCHENG

FENIAN

FENSHUILING

FERRER

FERRY

FERTILIZER

FETVA

FEUDALISM

FEVER

FIALA

FICHTE

FIELD

FIELDS

FIFTEENTH

FIFTH

FIGURES

FILIBUSTERING

FILIPINO

FINAL

FINANCE

FINANCIAL

FINLAND

FINNS

FINSEN

FIRE

FIREMEN

FIRST

FISCAL

FISCHER

FISHER

FISHERIES

FISHERY

FISHES

FISKE

FIVE

FLAVIAN

FLEET

FLETCHER

FLIGHT

FLINT

FLOODS

FLORIDA

FLUCTUATIONS

FOLK

FOLLETTE

FOLLOWING

FOOD

FOOT

FOR

FORCE

FORCES

FOREIGN

FOREIGNERS

FOREST

FORESTRY

FORESTS

FORMAL

FORMATION

FORMIO

FORMOSA

FORSTER

FORT

FORTIS

FORTS

FORTY

FOSTER

FOUNDATION

FOUNDING

FOURTEENTH

FOURTH

FOWLER

FOX

FRANCE

FRANCHISE

FRANCIS

FRANCISCANS

FRANCISCO

FRANCO

FRANK

FRANKFORT

FRANKLIN

FRANKS

FRANÇOIS

FRAUDS

FREDERIC

FREDERICK

FREDERICKS

FREE

FREED

FREEDMEN

FREEDOM

FREEMAN

FREES

FREIGHT

FRENCH

FRIARS

FRIDAY

FRIEDJUNG

FRIENDLY

FROM

FRONDE

FRONTIER

FROUDE

FRUCTIDOR

FRY

FUGITIVE

FULLER

FULTON

FUND

FUNDS

FURNESS

FURTHER

FUTURE

FUTUVAT

Fa

Fabian

Fabians

Fabriken

Face

Factories

Factors

Factory

Facts

Facultative

Faculty

Fadel

allah

Fahrenheit

Failing

Failure

Failures

Fair

Fairbairn

Fairbanks

Fairfax

Fairhaired

Fairs

Faith

Falcon

Falkirk

Falkland

Fall

Falling

Fallières

Fallow

Falls

False

Families

Family

Famine

Famous

Faneuil

Fang

Fannie

Far

Faraday

Farewell

Farm

Farman

Farmer

Farmers

Farming

Faroun

Farragut

Farrar

Farrer

Farsistan

Farwell

Fas

Fast

Fatal

Fate

Father

Fatherland

Fathers

Fatigue

Faulkner

Faun

Favor

Favored

Fawcett

Fay

Fazil

Fe

Fear

Fearlessly

Feast

Feather

Features

February

Fedai

Fedakiarans

Federal

Federalist

Federalists

Federals

Federated

Federation

Federations

Feeble

Feeding

Feeling

Fehim

Fehmi

Fein

Fejervary

Felipe

Felix

Fell

Fellow

Fellowship

Felton

Feludia

Female

Females

Fen

Fence

Feng

Fenghuangcheng

Fenianism

Fenshuiling

Fer

Ferdinand

Ferencz

Ferguson

Ferid

Ferie

Fern

Fernando

Fernow

Ferrand

Ferreira

Ferrer

Ferris

Ferroul

Fertilizer

Festina

Festival

Feudal

Feudalism

Fever

Few

Fez

Fezzis

Fiala

Fiber

Fichte

Fidei

Fidelity

Field

Fielding

Fields

Fierce

Fife

Fifteen

Fifteenth

Fifth

Fifthly

Fifty

Fighig

Fight

Fighting

Figuero

Figueroa

Figure

Filali

Filipinas

Filipino

Filipinos

Final

Finally

Finance

Finances

Financial

Finch

Fine

Fined

Fines

Finland

Finlay

Finn

Finnish

Finns

Finsen

Fire

Firemen

Firman

Firmans

Firmin

First

Firstly

Firth

Fiscal

Fischel

Fischer

Fish

Fisher

Fisheries

Fishery

Fishes

Fishing

Fiske

Fissuring

Fit

Fitzgerald

Fitzhugh

Fitzmaurice

Fitzpatrick

Five

Flag

Flagg

Flagler

Flanders

Flat

Flax

Fleet

Fleets

Flemings

Flemish

Fletcher

Flight

Flinn

Flint

Floggings

Flood

Floods

Florence

Florentine

Florida

Floridian

Flottwell

Flour

Flower

Folk

Folkersahm

Folkething

Follette

Following

Fonseca

Fontainbleau

Fontaine

Foochow

Food

Fookien

Foote

Footnote

Footprints

For

Foraker

Forbes

Forbidden

Force

Forced

Forces

Ford

Foreign

Foreigner

Foreman

Foremost

Forest

Forester

Forestry

Forests

Forged

Formal

Formation

Former

Formerly

Formidables

Formosa

Formosan

Forms

Formula

Formulary

Formulation

Forrest

Forster

Forsyth

Fort

Fortieth

Fortification

Fortis

Fortnightly

Fortress

Forts

Fortunately

Fortunes

Forty

Forward

Foster

Foulke

Foulois

Foumis

Foundation

Foundations

Founded

Founder

Founders

Founding

Foundling

Four

Fourteen

Fourteenth

Fourth

Fourthly

Fowler

Fox

Foxton

Frame

Framing

France

Franchise

Franchises

Francis

Francisco

Francke

Franco

Francois

Frank

Frankfort

Frankfurt

Frankfurter

Frankincense

Frankish

Franklin

Frankly

Franks

Franz

Française

Fraser

Fraternal

Fraternities

Fraternity

Fraud

Frauds

Fred

Frederic

Frederick

Free

Freedom

Freeman

Frees

Freethinkers

Freeville

Freight

French

Frenchman

Frenchmen

Frenchwomen

Frequent

Fresh

Fresno

Friar

Friars

Frick

Friday

Fried

Friedjung

Friedrich

Friedrichshafen

Friend

Friendly

Friends

Frightened

Frightful

Frissell

Frist

Frivilliga

Frohlich

Froissart

From

Frontier

Frontiers

Frothingham

Froude

Frozen

Fruit

Fruits

Frundsberg

Fry

Fuca

Fugitive

Fukien

Fulani

Fulbert

Fulfillment

Fulfilment

Fulgencio

Full

Fuller

Fully

Fulton

Function

Fund

Fundamental

Funds

Fundy

Funeral

Funston

Furious

Furness

Further

Furthermore

Fushun

Fusion

Fusionists

Future

Fyffe

Fé

Fête

G

GABRIEL

GAELIC

GAGE

GAINS

GALLIC

GALLICAN

GALSTER

GALVESTON

GAMBLING

GANGADHAR

GAPON

GARCIA

GARDEN

GARFIELD

GARIBALDI

GAS

GASOLINE

GATUN

GAUL

GAULS

GAUNA

GAUTSCH

GAYNOR

GEARY

GEAY

GENERAL

GENET

GENEVA

GENIUS

GENSERIC

GEOGRAPHIC

GEOGRAPHY

GEORGE

GEORGEI

GEORGIA

GEORGIAN

GERMAN

GERMANIC

GERMANIZING

GERMANY

GETTYSBURG

GHENT

GHIBELLINES

GHOSE

GIBBON

GIBBONEY

GIBBS

GIFFORD

GIFTS

GIL

GINN

GIOLITTI

GIORGIS

GIOVANNI

GIRONDISTS

GIVEN

GIVING

GLADSTONE

GOBAT

GOETHALS

GOLD

GOLDEN

GOLDWIN

GOLGI

GOLUCHOWSKI

GOMEZ

GOMPERS

GOOD

GOODS

GORDON

GOREMYKIN

GORGAS

GOTHARD

GOTHS

GOVERNMENT

GOVERNMENTAL

GOVERNMENTS

GOVERNOR

GOVERNORS

GRACCHI

GRADUAL

GRAFT

GRANADA

GRAND

GRANT

GRAY

GREAT

GREATLY

GREECE

GREEK

GREEN

GREGOR

GREGORIAN

GREGORY

GREY

GRIP

GROCERS

GROSSCUP

GROWERS

GROWING

GROWTH

GRUITCH

GU

GUANTANAMO

GUARDS

GUATEMALA

GUELFS

GUERRA

GUIANA

GUISES

GULF

GULLY

GUMMERÉ

GUSTAVUS

GUTHRIE

Gabriel

Gaelic

Gage

Gaillard

Gain

Gains

Gairdner

Galicia

Gall

Gallagher

Gallatin

Gallenga

Galli

Gallic

Gallican

Gallons

Galster

Galton

Galveston

Galway

Gambetta

Gambettas

Gambia

Gambling

Gamboa

Game

Gammell

Gandhi

Gangadhar

Ganges

Gannett

Gantt

Gaol

Gapon

Garbage

Garbiras

Garcia

Gard

Gardens

Gardiner

Gardner

Garees

Garfield

Garibaldi

Garment

Garnett

Garrison

Gary

Gas

Gascoyne

Gasoline

Gaspard

Gaspey

Gasquet

Gaston

Gate

Gates

Gathering

Gatschet

Gatun

Gauche

Gauge

Gaulois

Gauls

Gauna

Gauss

Gautsch

Gay

Gayarré

Gaynor

Gayraud

Gazette

Gazik

Geary

Geay

Gebhart

Geddes

Geffcken

Gen

Genaro

Gendarmerie

Genealogy

General

Generally

Generals

Generalship

Generate

Genesee

Geneva

Genius

Genoa

Genoese

Gentile

Gentlemen

Genérale

Geodetic

Geoffrey

Geographic

Geographical

Geographically

Geography

Geological

Georg

George

Georgei

Georges

Georgia

Georgian

Ger

Geraes

Gerard

Gerlache

Germain

German

Germanic

Germanizing

Germans

Germany

Germanys

Gervais

Geschichte

Gettysburg

Gharb

Ghent

Ghibellines

Ghose

Gibbins

Gibbon

Gibboney

Gibbons

Gibbs

Gibraltar

Gids

Giesebrecht

Giffard

Gifford

Gift

Gifts

Gil

Gilbert

Gild

Giles

Gilford

Gill

Gillhaus

Gilman

Gindely

Ginn

Giolitti

Giorgio

Giorgis

Giosue

Giovanni

Girls

Girondists

Giuseppe

Give

Given

Giving

Givskov

Gjoa

Glacier

Gladden

Gladstone

Gladstonian

Glasgow

Glasier

Glass

Gleanings

Gleig

Glenn

Glombinski

Gloria

Glorious

Glory

Glossina

Glossop

Gneist

Go

Goajira

Goat

Gobat

God

Goddess

Godfrey

Godkin

Godwin

Goeppingen

Goethals

Gold

Golden

Goldfields

Goldmark

Goldstein

Goldwin

Golgi

Goliath

Goluchowski

Gomez

Gompers

Gondokoro

Gonzales

Good

Goodnow

Goodrich

Goods

Goodwin

Goold

Gordon

Gore

Goremykin

Gorgas

Goschen

Gosse

Gothard

Goths

Gough

Gould

Govan

Governed

Governing

Government

Governmental

Governments

Governor

Governors

Governorship

Grace

Gracias

Gracious

Gradually

Graduated

Graetz

Graft

Graham

Grahame

Grahamstown

Grain

Grampians

Grampound

Granada

Granaries

Grand

Grande

Grandeur

Grandfather

Granger

Granite

Grant

Granville

Grass

Gratia

Gratifying

Grattan

Graves

Gravissimo

Gray

Grazing

Great

Greater

Greatest

Greatly

Greatness

Greco

Greece

Greek

Greeks

Greeley

Green

Greene

Greenland

Greenock

Greenwich

Gregor

Gregorian

Gregorio

Gregorovius

Gregory

Gresham

Greswell

Grey

Grievances

Griffin

Griffis

Griffith

Griffiths

Grimm

Gripenberg

Griscom

Grocers

Gronlund

Gross

Grosscup

Grosse

Grossindustrielle

Grosskaufleute

Grosso

Grote

Groundless

Grounds

Group

Groups

Groussau

Grover

Growers

Growing

Growth

Gruiteh

Græco

Grübe

Guadeloupe

Guaicaipuro

Guantanamo

Guaranteed

Guarantees

Guaranty

Guardian

Guards

Guarico

Guatemala

Guayaquil

Guayra

Guelfs

Guelphs

Guerlac

Guernsey

Guerra

Guerville

Guesdist

Guest

Guests

Guettée

Guevara

Guggenheim

Guglielmo

Guhl

Guiana

Guild

Guildhall

Guillemard

Guilty

Guineas

Guinness

Guiteras

Guizot

Gujarat

Gujerati

Gulf

Gulhaneh

Gulick

Gully

Gummeré

Gunby

Gundry

Guns

Guntzuling

Guru

Gusef

Gustav

Gustavas

Gustave

Gustavus

Guthrie

Gyangtse

Gympie

Gyroscopic

GÉNÉRALE

Générale

Générate

H

HAAKON

HABANA

HABEAS

HABIBULLAH

HAECKEL

HAFID

HAFIZ

HAGEN

HAGOPIAN

HAGUE

HAI

HAICHENG

HAITI

HAKKI

HALDANE

HALE

HALL

HALLAM

HAMARA

HAMED

HAMID

HAMLIN

HAMMURABI

HAND

HANKAU

HANNA

HANSEATIC

HANSEN

HAPSBURGS

HARBIN

HARCOURT

HARDEN

HARDIE

HARPER

HARRIMAN

HARRISON

HARRISSE

HARRY

HARTFORD

HARVARD

HARVESTER

HAS

HASSAN

HASTINGS

HATSUSE

HATTI

HAUSA

HAVANA

HAVEN

HAY

HAYNE

HAYTI

HEAD

HEALTH

HEARST

HEBRIDES

HEDERVARY

HELLENIC

HELP

HELVETIC

HENEY

HENKEL

HENRICUS

HENRIK

HENRIQUES

HENRY

HEPBURN

HEPTARCHY

HER

HERBERT

HEREDITARY

HERMANDAD

HERMANN

HERMIT

HERO

HEROD

HERODIANS

HERR

HERREROS

HERRING

HERVÉ

HERZEGOVINA

HESSIANS

HETCH

HETCHY

HICKS

HIGGINSON

HIGHBINDER

HIGHLANDS

HILDEBRAND

HILL

HILLS

HILMI

HINDU

HINTZE

HIS

HISGEN

HISTORIANS

HISTORIC

HISTORICAL

HISTORY

HITCHCOCK

HO

HOFF

HOGUE

HOHENLOHE

HOHENSTAUFEN

HOHENZOLLERN

HOHENZOLLERNS

HOLDING

HOLDINGS

HOLDS

HOLLAND

HOLLWEG

HOLST

HOLSTEIN

HOLY

HOME

HOMEL

HOMES

HOMESTEAD

HONDA

HONDURAS

HOOKWORM

HORACE

HORRIBLE

HORRORS

HORUP

HOSPITALLERS

HOSTILITY

HOTTENTOTS

HOUR

HOURS

HOUSE

HOUSES

HOUSING

HOW

HSI

HSIHOYEN

HSU

HSUAN

HUDSON

HUGHES

HUGUENOT

HUGUENOTS

HUMAN

HUMAYUN

HUMPHREY

HUNDRED

HUNG

HUNGARY

HUNS

HUTCHINSON

HYDE

HYGINO

HYKSOS

Haakon

Habana

Habbania

Habibullah

Habit

Habitations

Hacha

Hachimakiyama

Had

Hadjin

Hadley

Hadramaut

Hadrian

Hafid

Hafiz

Hagcrup

Hagen

Hagopian

Hague

Hai

Haicheng

Haileybury

Hains

Haiti

Haitian

Haitians

Hake

Hakki

Hakuaisha

Haldane

Haldeman

Hale

Hales

Half

Haliburton

Halifax

Halima

Hall

Hallam

Halliday

Halligan

Halsbury

Halve

Hamara

Hamburg

Hamed

Hamerton

Hamid

Hamidian

Hamidianism

Hamilton

Hamlin

Hammond

Hammurabi

Hampden

Hampshire

Hampton

Hand

Handbook

Handelshochschulen

Hanford

Hang

Hankau

Hankow

Hanna

Hannay

Hanover

Hanoverian

Hanoverians

Hans

Hanseatic

Hansen

Hanson

Haouz

Happily

Happy

Hapsburg

Hapsburgh

Harben

Harbin

Harbor

Harbour

Harcourt

Hard

Harden

Hardie

Hardly

Hardwick

Hardy

Hare

Harem

Harlan

Harmony

Harnack

Haro

Harold

Haroun

Harper

Harput

Harriman

Harrington

Harris

Harrisburg

Harrison

Harrisse

Harrod

Harry

Hart

Hartford

Harting

Hartley

Hartwig

Harup

Harvard

Harvester

Harvests

Has

Haskell

Hassan

Hassaurek

Hassencamp

Hastings

Hatch

Hatfield

Hatsuse

Hatters

Hatti

Hatzfeld

Haug

Hausa

Haute

Havana

Havari

Have

Havelock

Havemeyer

Haven

Haverfield

Haverty

Having

Havre

Hawaii

Hawaiian

Hawk

Hawkins

Hawks

Hawksley

Hawkwood

Hawthorne

Hay

Hayashi

Hayes

Hayman

Haynes

Hays

Hayti

Haytian

Haywood

Hazard

Hazel

Hazen

Hazlitt

He

Head

Headlam

Headley

Headquarters

Headship

Health

Heard

Hearing

Hearings

Hearn

Hearst

Heart

Heath

Heathenism

Heaton

Heaven

Heavy

Hebberd

Hebraic

Hebrew

Hebrews

Hebrides

Hecla

Hedervary

Heeren

Hei

Heibergsland

Heike

Heinrich

Heir

Helen

Helena

Hell

Hellenes

Hellenic

Hellenica

Help

Helps

Helsingfors

Hemisphere

Hence

Henderson

Hendrick

Hendrik

Henebry

Heney

Henkel

Hennepin

Hennessy

Henri

Henries

Henrik

Henriques

Henry

Henryk

Hepburn

Her

Herald

Herbert

Herculaneum

Herculean

Here

Hereafter

Hereditary

Heredity

Hereros

Heretofore

Hereward

Herford

Herman

Hermann

Hermes

Hermits

Herndon

Hero

Herodotus

Heroes

Herr

Herran

Herrera

Herrick

Herring

Hersegovina

Herstlet

Hertslet

Hertzian

Hertzog

Hervé

Herzegovina

Hessians

Het

Hetch

Hetchy

Heureaux

Heylyn

Hiawatha

Hicks

Hickson

Hidalgo

Hides

Higginson

High

Higham

Highbinder

Higher

Highlands

Highness

Highnesses

Hilary

Hildebrand

Hildeburn

Hildreth

Hill

Hillhouse

Hills

Hilmi

Hilprecht

Him

Himself

Himstedt

Hindich

Hindoo

Hindu

Hinduism

Hindus

Hindustan

Hinschius

Hinsdale

Hinterland

Hintze

Hiram

Hirobumi

Hirtius

His

Hisgen

Historians

Historic

Historical

Historically

Historisch

Historischs

History

Hit

Hitchcock

Hitherto

Hittell

Hittites

Hoag

Hoar

Hodges

Hodgkin

Hodgson

Hoff

Hoffman

Hogarth

Hogs

Hohenau

Hohenlohe

Hohenstaufen

Hohenzollern

Hohenzollerns

Hoke

Holcomb

Hold

Holders

Holding

Holdings

Holdsworth

Holes

Holguin

Holiness

Holland

Hollander

Holliday

Hollister

Hollweg

Holm

Holmes

Holst

Holstein

Holt

Holy

Home

Homer

Homes

Homestead

Homs

Hon

Honan

Honda

Honduran

Honduranean

Honduras

Honest

Hong

Hongkong

Honolulu

Honor

Honorable

Honorables

Honorary

Honors

Honour

Honourable

Hood

Hook

Hookham

Hookworm

Hooper

Hope

Hopeful

Hopetoun

Hoping

Hopkins

Hops

Horace

Horatian

Horne

Horrible

Horses

Horseshoe

Hortensian

Horton

Hoshi

Hosmer

Hospital

Hospitals

Hostile

Hostilities

Hostility

Hot

Hotel

Hottentots

Hough

Houghton

Hours

House

Household

Houses

Housing

Houston

How

Howard

Howe

Howell

However

Howorth

Hozier

Hsi

Hsien

Hsienchang

Hsihoyen

Hsin

Hsu

Hsuan

Huaijen

Hub

Huber

Hubert

Hudson

Hue

Huff

Hug

Hugh

Hughes

Hughitt

Hughli

Hughs

Hugo

Huguenot

Huguenots

Hugues

Hukuang

Hulbert

Hull

Hulsin

Human

Humanité

Humayun

Humbert

Humboldt

Hume

Humphrey

Humphry

Hun

Hunan

Hundred

Hundreds

Hung

Hungarian

Hungarians

Hungary

Hunt

Hunte

Hunter

Hupei

Hupuh

Hurd

Hurlbert

Hurlburt

Hurley

Huron

Hurried

Hurst

Hus

Hussite

Husted

Hutchins

Hutchinson

Huxley

Hyde

Hyder

Hygiene

Hygienic

Hygino

Hypolite

Hypothekenbank

Hysteria

HÄUSSER

Häusser

Hérault

I

ICELAND

IDAHO

IDE

IDEA

IDEAS

IGNATIEFF

II

III

ILLINOIS

IMAM

IMMEDIATE

IMMIGRATION

IMPEACHMENT

IMPERATOR

IMPERIAL

IMPORTANCE

IMPORTANT

IMPRESSMENT

IMPROVEMENT

IMPROVEMENTS

IN

INAUGURAL

INAUGURATION

INCAS

INCIDENT

INCOME

INCORPORATION

INCREASE

INCREASED

INCREASING

INDEMNITY

INDEPENDENCE

INDEPENDENT

INDEPENDENTS

INDEPENDISTAS

INDETERMINATE

INDIA

INDIAN

INDIANAPOLIS

INDIANS

INDIES

INDIVISIBILITY

INDO

INDUSTRIAL

INFAMOUS

INFIRMITY

INFLUENCE

INHABITANTS

INHERITANCE

INITIATIVE

INJUNCTIONS

INLAND

INMEDIATISTAS

INQUISITION

INSTITUTE

INSTITUTION

INSTITUTIONS

INSURANCE

INSURRECTION

INTELLECTUALS

INTELLIGENZIA

INTEMPERANCE

INTER

INTERCHANGES

INTERCOLONIAL

INTEREST

INTERESTS

INTERFERENCE

INTERFEROMETER

INTERIOR

INTERNAL

INTERNATIONAL

INTERNATIONALISM

INTEROCEANIC

INTERPARLIAMENTARY

INTERSTATE

INTERVENTION

INTERVIEW

INTO

INTOXICANTS

INTRANSIGENTES

INTRODUCTION

INVASION

INVASIONS

INVENTION

INVENTORY

INVESTIGATION

INVISIBLE

ION

IONIAN

IOWA

IRELAND

IRISH

IRON

IRONSIDES

IROQUOIS

IRRIGATION

IS

ISAIAH

ISLAM

ISLAMISM

ISLAND

ISLANDS

ISLE

ISRAEL

ISTHMIAN

ISVOLSKY

IT

ITAGAKI

ITALIAN

ITALY

ITO

ITS

IUTARO

IV

IVRY

IX

IZEDDIN

Ian

Ibuki

Ice

Iceland

Icelanders

Icelandic

Ichang

Ichaug

Icilian

Iconoclastic

Ida

Idaho

Ide

Ideal

Ideas

Idleness

If

Igarashi

Iglesias

Igli

Ignacio

Ignatief

Ignatieff

Ignorance

Ihne

Iki

Ikoma

Iles

Ilg

Iliad

Ilkhani

Ill

Illegal

Illegality

Illicit

Illinois

Illness

Illustrated

Illyria

Illyrian

Ilocano

Ilocos

Imam

Imams

Iman

Imitating

Immediate

Immediately

Immense

Immigrants

Immigration

Immunity

Impartial

Impeachment

Impending

Imperator

Imperial

Imperialism

Imperialist

Imperialists

Imperially

Implementing

Impliedly

Import

Important

Importantly

Importation

Imports

Imposture

Impressions

Imprisonment

Improved

Improvement

Improvements

In

Inability

Inaction

Inadequacy

Inadequate

Inasmuch

Inaugural

Inauguration

Inazo

Inception

Incessant

Incident

Incidentally

Inclosure

Income

Incongruous

Incorporation

Incorporators

Increase

Increased

Increases

Increasing

Incursions

Indeed

Indefatigable

Indemnity

Independence

Independent

Independently

Independents

Independientes

Independistas

Indeterminate

Index

India

Indian

Indiana

Indianapolis

Indians

Indicate

Indications

Indictment

Indictments

Indies

Indignation

Indirectly

Individual

Indiæ

Indo

Indomitable

Inducements

Inductive

Industrial

Industries

Industry

Infallibility

Infant

Infantry

Infection

Infinitely

Infinitesimal

Inflammation

Inflated

Influence

Influx

Informal

Information

Infuriated

Ingalls

Inhabitants

Inheritance

Initial

Initials

Initiation

Initiative

Injunction

Injunctions

Injuries

Inland

Inlet

Inman

Inmediatistas

Inner

Innocent

Innsprück

Inquiry

Inquisition

Inshallah

Inside

Inspector

Inspired

Installation

Instantly

Instead

Instigated

Instigations

Institut

Institute

Institution

Institutions

Instruction

Instructions

Instrument

Insular

Insurance

Insurgency

Insurgent

Insurgents

Insurrection

Integrity

Intellectual

Intellectuals

Intellektuellen

Intelligence

Intelligentia

Intelligenzia

Intense

Inter

Interborough

Interchange

Interchanges

Interest

Interests

Interference

Interferometer

Interior

Intermediate

Intermediation

Internal

International

Internationale

Internationaler

Interoceanic

Interparliamentary

Interpellations

Interpretation

Interpreted

Interstate

Intervention

Interview

Intimations

Into

Intoxicants

Intransigentes

Intrigues

Introduction

Invaders

Invalid

Invalidating

Invalidity

Invaluable

Invasion

Invention

Inventor

Inventors

Inventory

Inverness

Investigate

Investigation

Investigations

Investing

Investitures

Investiturstrcit

Investiturstreit

Investment

Investments

Inveteracy

Invincible

Invincibles

Invisible

Invitation

Involution

Involved

Ion

Ionians

Iowa

Ipsus

Ipswich

Ira

Iradeh

Iran

Ireland

Ireton

Irish

Irishman

Iron

Ironside

Iroquois

Irreconcilables

Irrigation

Irving

Is

Isaac

Isabella

Isabelo

Isaiah

Isaias

Iselle

Isfahan

Isham

Ishii

Ishmael

Iskanderun

Islam

Islamic

Islamism

Island

Islanders

Islands

Isle

Isles

Ismail

Ispahan

Israel

Israelite

Israelites

Issue

Issues

Issus

Isthmian

Isthmus

Istria

Isvolsky

Iswolsky

It

Itagaki

Italian

Italians

Italy

Itang

Ithaca

Itidal

Ito

Its

Itzushan

Iusammi

Iutaro

Ivan

Ivanovich

Iveagh

Ives

Ivins

Iyenaga

Izeddin

Izzet

J

JACKSON

JACOBITES

JACOBUS

JAMAICA

JAMES

JAMESON

JAMESTOWN

JAN

JANEIRO

JANNARIS

JANUARY

JAPAN

JAPANESE

JAY

JEANES

JEFFERSON

JENKINS

JEROME

JERSEY

JERUSALEM

JERVIS

JESUIT

JESUITS

JESUS

JEVONS

JEWISH

JEWS

JIMENEZ

JOAN

JOAQUIN

JOHN

JOHNSON

JOINT

JOLO

JONES

JOSE

JOSEPH

JOSÉ

JOUBERT

JOÃO

JR

JUAN

JUAREZ

JUBILEE

JUDAH

JUDGE

JUDGES

JUDICIAL

JUDSON

JUDÆA

JULIAN

JULIUS

JULY

JUNE

JUNIOR

JUSTH

JUSTICE

JUSTINIAN

JUVENILE

Jack

Jackson

Jacob

Jacobin

Jacobites

Jacquerie

Jahrbueh

Jains

Jakob

Jalhay

Jamaica

Jamal

James

Jameson

Jamestown

Jan

Janeiro

Jang

Jannaris

Jansenists

January

Janvion

Japan

Japanese

Japs

Jas

Jastrow

Jaures

Jaurès

Java

Jay

Jayne

Je

Jeanes

Jeanne

Jeans

Jebb

Jebba

Jebel

Jefferson

Jeffreys

Jehovah

Jeme

Jena

Jenks

Jennings

Jens

Jerome

Jersey

Jerusalem

Jervis

Jessop

Jessup

Jesuit

Jesuits

Jesus

Jette

Jevons

Jew

Jewish

Jews

Jimenez

Jingo

Joachimsthal

Joan

Joaquim

Joel

Johannesburg

John

Johns

Johnson

Johnston

Johnstone

Joined

Joint

Joliet

Jolo

Joly

Jomini

Jones

Jong

Jonkheer

Jonnart

Jordan

Jordmans

Jorge

Jose

Joseph

Josephine

Josephus

Josiah

José

Joubert

Jourde

Journal

Journalism

Journals

Journey

Joy

Joyneville

João

Jr

Juan

Juarez

Jubilee

Judah

Judge

Judged

Judges

Judging

Judgment

Judgments

Judicial

Judiciary

Judson

Judæa

Jui

Jules

Julian

Julius

July

Junction

June

Junior

Junius

Jurisdiction

Jurisprudence

Jurists

Jury

Just

Justh

Justice

Justices

Justification

Justin

Justo

Jutland

Juvenile

K

KAFFIR

KAI

KAIPING

KAISER

KAJAR

KALGAN

KAMIMURA

KANO

KANSAS

KARAGEORGEVICH

KASSITE

KATANGA

KATSURA

KAULBARS

KAWAMURA

KEIR

KELANTAN

KELLY

KENNEDY

KENTUCKY

KHAN

KHARBIN

KHARKOFF

KHARTUM

KIAMIL

KIEFF

KINCHOU

KING

KINGDOM

KINGS

KINGSTON

KINSHU

KIPLING

KIRDORF

KISHINEFF

KITCHENER

KLAN

KLERKSDORP

KLUX

KNIAZ

KNIGHTS

KNOWLEDGE

KNOWN

KNOX

KOCH

KOCHER

KOGORO

KOMURA

KONDRATENKO

KOREA

KOSSUTH

KRATZ

KRONSTADT

KU

KUAN

KUANG

KUBLAI

KUENSAN

KULTURKAMPF

KUNO

KURINO

KUROKI

KUROPATKIN

KUYPER

Kabul

Kaffir

Kaffirs

Kai

Kaid

Kaids

Kaim

Kaimakams

Kaiping

Kaiser

Kaisha

Kajar

Kakhk

Kalamas

Kalgan

Kalgoorlie

Kalindero

Kaliph

Kam

Kameruns

Kamimura

Kan

Kang

Kangra

Kano

Kansas

Kansu

Kantanga

Kapp

Kara

Karageorgevich

Karageorgievitch

Karl

Karlsruhe

Karlstadt

Karola

Karoo

Karpoff

Kasai

Kasbah

Kashima

Kasr

Katanga

Kataoka

Kathiawar

Katori

Katsura

Kaufmann

Kaulbars

Kawachi

Kawakami

Kawamura

Kayasths

Kazvin

Keane

Kearsarge

Keary

Kebir

Kedah

Keefe

Keen

Keene

Keep

Kehoe

Keightley

Keim

Keir

Keith

Kelantan

Kellogg

Kelly

Keltie

Kemal

Kenadsa

Kenia

Kennan

Kennedy

Kenny

Kensico

Kensington

Kent

Kentucky

Kenyon

Keppel

Kerbela

Kerguelen

Kerman

Kern

Kerr

Kestner

Khabour

Khalifs

Khamba

Khan

Kharbin

Kharkoff

Kharkov

Khartoum

Khedivate

Khedive

Khedivial

Khuen

Khuzistan

Khyber

Kiachow

Kiamil

Kiang

Kiangse

Kiangsi

Kiao

Kiaochow

Kidnapping

Kieff

Kieft

Kiel

Kiev

Kikuan

Kilimanjaro

Kilkenny

Kill

Killed

Killen

Killick

Killowen

Kilmainham

Kilmarnock

Kimberly

Kincardine

Kinchou

King

Kingdom

Kingdoms

Kinglake

Kingmaker

Kings

Kingsbridge

Kingsford

Kingship

Kingsley

Kingsmill

Kingston

Kingstown

Kington

Kinley

Kinshu

Kiosk

Kipling

Kirdorf

Kirin

Kirkcaldy

Kirkpatrick

Kiro

Kirwan

Kishineff

Kitchener

Kitchin

Kittani

Kitty

Klehine

Klein

Kleine

Klerksdorp

Klux

Knapp

Kniaz

Knickerbocker

Knight

Knights

Knopf

Knossos

Knots

Knowing

Knowledge

Knowles

Knox

Kobi

Kobu

Koch

Kocher

Kogoro

Kohl

Kohlrausch

Kohlsaat

Kokovsoff

Kolde

Koloman

Komitajis

Kompong

Komura

Konak

Konakry

Kondratenko

Koner

Kong

Konieh

Kopke

Koran

Kordofan

Korea

Korean

Koreans

Korinchi

Korostovetz

Korsakovsk

Koshoff

Kossovo

Kossuth

Kourlak

Koursk

Kovalevsky

Kovno

Kow

Kowloon

Krakatoa

Krasinski

Krasnoyarsk

Kratz

Krause

Krausz

Kreditanstalt

Kreuz

Krivoshein

Krogh

Kronstadt

Kropotkin

Kropotkine

Kruger

Krugersdorp

Kruna

Krupp

Krusenstern

Kruttschnitt

Ksar

Ku

Kuang

Kuangsi

Kuangtung

Kuei

Kuen

Kuenen

Kulturkampf

Kum

Kun

Kuno

Kurama

Kurds

Kurihama

Kurino

Kuroki

Kuropatkin

Kurtz

Kuyper

Kwan

Kwang

Kwango

Kwangtung

Kwei

Kweichow

Kämmel

Körber

K’AI

L

LA

LABOR

LADRONES

LAFAYETTE

LAGERLOF

LAKE

LAKES

LALLA

LAMA

LAMSDORFF

LANCASTER

LAND

LANDIS

LANDLORDISM

LANDS

LANE

LANGLEY

LANGUAGE

LANSDOWNE

LARGE

LARNED

LARRINAGA

LAST

LATER

LATHAM

LATIN

LATIUM

LAUD

LAURIER

LAVAL

LAVERAN

LAW

LAWGIVERS

LAWRENCE

LAWS

LAZARISTS

LE

LEADING

LEAGUE

LEASE

LECOT

LED

LEDREBORG

LEGARDA

LEGATIONS

LEGENDARY

LEGISLATION

LEGISLATIVE

LEGUIA

LEIPSIC

LEIPSIG

LENARD

LEO

LEONARD

LEONIDAS

LEOPOLD

LEPANTO

LERROUX

LESLIE

LESSONS

LETCHWORTH

LETTERS

LEWIS

LEYDEN

LHASA

LI

LIABILITY

LIANG

LIAO

LIAUTEY

LIBERAL

LIBERATION

LIBERIA

LICENSE

LIEN

LIEUTENANT

LIFE

LII

LIII

LILIENTHAL

LIMA

LIMERICK

LIMITATION

LIMITATIONS

LINCOLN

LINDSEY

LINE

LINEVITCH

LINGUISTIC

LION

LIPPMAN

LIQUOR

LITERATURE

LIV

LIVING

LLOYD

LOAN

LOCAL

LOCKHART

LOCKOUTS

LOCOMOTIVE

LODGE

LODZ

LOEB

LOISY

LOLLARDS

LOMBARDS

LONDON

LONG

LOPUKHIN

LORD

LORDS

LORENTZ

LORRAINE

LOS

LOUBET

LOUIS

LOUISBURG

LOUISIANA

LOW

LOWELL

LOWER

LOWTHER

LUBIN

LUIZ

LUKE

LUN

LUNDY

LUNEVILLE

LUNG

LUSITANIA

LUTHER

LUTHERAN

LUTHERANISM

LUZURIAGA

LV

LYOFF

La

Labaume

Labor

Laboratories

Laboratory

Laborers

Labour

Labourites

Labrador

Lack

Lackawanna

Lacombe

Lacouperie

Ladd

Lado

Ladrones

Lady

Lafayette

Lafcadio

Lagerlof

Lagos

Laguna

Lahidjan

Lahm

Lahore

Lake

Lakes

Lakewood

Lakey

Lalcaca

Lalla

Lama

Lamaist

Lamartine

Lamas

Lamb

Lambert

Lamed

Lammasch

Lamprecht

Lamsdorff

Lanao

Lanark

Lancashire

Lancaster

Lancelot

Lanciani

Land

Landed

Landesen

Landing

Landis

Landlordism

Landlords

Landmarks

Landon

Lands

Landsdowne

Landslides

Landsthing

Landstings

Landtag

Lane

Lanfrey

Lang

Langdon

Langley

Langmead

Language

Lansdowne

Lantzushan

Laotiehshan

Lapathiotis

Lapcyrère

Lapeyrère

Lapilli

Lappenberg

Lara

Lard

Lardner

Large

Largely

Larger

Laristan

Larned

Larrinaga

Lars

Las

Lasalle

Last

Lastly

Latané

Late

Lately

Later

Latest

Latham

Lathrop

Latimer

Latin

Latinized

Latins

Latitudinarian

Latter

Latterly

Laud

Laughlin

Laun

Laundry

Laurier

Lausanne

Laval

Laveleye

Laveran

Lavisse

Law

Lawless

Lawrence

Laws

Lawson

Lax

Laybach

Laying

Laymen

Lazaro

Lchlun

Le

Lea

Lead

Leader

Leaders

Leadership

Leading

Leaf

Leaflets

League

Leagues

Leake

Leander

Learning

Lease

Leave

Leaving

Lechler

Lecky

Leconte

Lecot

Lectures

Ledreborg

Lee

Leeds

Leer

Lees

Left

Lefèvre

Legacy

Legal

Legality

Legarda

Legation

Legations

Legend

Leger

Legion

Legislation

Legislative

Legislature

Legislatures

Legitime

Legrand

Leguia

Lehigh

Lehmann

Leibnitz

Leicester

Leighlin

Leighton

Leinster

Leipsic

Leipzig

Leishman

Leiter

Leith

Leland

Lenape

Lenard

Lennon

Lenormant

Lenox

Lens

Lentur

Leo

Leon

Leonard

Leone

Leonidas

Leopold

Lepanto

Lerdo

Leroy

Lerroux

Lerwick

Leslie

Less

Lesseps

Lesson

Lessons

Let

Letchworth

Letelier

Letter

Letters

Letts

Levermore

Levevasseur

Levi

Levy

Levying

Lewes

Lewin

Lewis

Lewiston

Lex

Leyden

Leyland

Lhasa

Lhassa

Liability

Liakhoff

Liang

Liangkiang

Liao

Liaoyang

Liautey

Libau

Libel

Liberal

Liberalism

Liberals

Liberation

Liberator

Liberia

Liberian

Liberians

Libertador

Liberties

Liberty

Libraries

Library

Libre

Lic

License

Licensed

Licensing

Licinian

Lick

Liddell

Liege

Lieutenant

Life

Light

Lightfoot

Ligue

Like

Likewise

Lilienthal

Lille

Lilly

Lima

Limantour

Limerick

Limit

Limitation

Limitations

Limited

Limiting

Limon

Lincoln

Lindsey

Line

Lines

Linevitch

Lingard

Linlithgow

Linseed

Lion

Lippman

Liquor

Liquors

Lisbon

Lisburn

Lismore

List

Lists

Literary

Literature

Lithuanian

Litigation

Little

Littleborough

Liu

Liverpool

Lives

Living

Livingstone

Livonians

Livy

Lloyd

Loan

Loans

Local

Lock

Locke

Lockhart

Lockout

Lockouts

Locomotion

Locomotive

Lodge

Lodz

Loeb

Logan

Logginovich

Lohmnan

Loisy

Lollards

Lombard

Lombardian

Lombardy

Lombroso

Lomja

London

Londonderry

Lone

Lonely

Long

Longman

Longmore

Longshoremen

Longton

Lonsdale

Look

Looked

Looking

Loomis

Lopez

Lopukhin

Loran

Lord

Lords

Lordship

Lordships

Lorentz

Lorentzen

Lorenzo

Lorient

Los

Loss

Losses

Lossing

Lost

Lotus

Loubet

Loud

Loudon

Louis

Louisburg

Louisiana

Louisville

Louvain

Low

Lowe

Lowell

Lower

Lowndes

Lowther

Loyalists

Loyd

Loyola

Lubbock

Lubin

Lucania

Lucas

Luce

Luchaire

Luciano

Lucius

Lucknow

Ludlow

Ludwig

Lugard

Lugardo

Luis

Luiz

Lukacs

Lukban

Luke

Lulanga

Lulonga

Lulongo

Lumber

Lummis

Lund

Luneville

Lupton

Lurgan

Luristan

Lushington

Lusitania

Lusk

Luther

Lutheran

Lutherans

Luzerne

Luzon

Luzuriaga

Lyall

Lyautey

Lybian

Lycurgus

Lycée

Lyman

Lynar

Lynch

Lyne

Lynn

Lyons

Lyric

Lyte

Lytton

LÈSE

LÜTZEN

Lèse

Lüderitz

L’Irlande

L’OUVERTURE

M

MACAULAY

MACCABEAN

MACDONALD

MACEDON

MACEDONIA

MACEDONIAN

MACKAY

MACKENZIE

MACLAURIN

MACLEAN

MACVEAGH

MADAGASCAR

MADISON

MADNESS

MADRIZ

MAGAZINE

MAGHRABI

MAGHREB

MAGNA

MAGNIFICENT

MAGOON

MAHAFFY

MAHDI

MAHMUD

MAHOMET

MAHOMETAN

MAHON

MAID

MAJESTÉ

MAKAROFF

MAKERS

MAKING

MALARIA

MALAY

MANCHU

MANCHURIA

MANICKTOLLAH

MANIKALAND

MANILLA

MANITOBA

MANNESMANN

MANUEL

MAPS

MARAT

MARCH

MARCONI

MARIE

MARINE

MARISCAL

MARK

MARKED

MARKET

MARLBOROUGH

MARQUIS

MARRAKESH

MARRIAGE

MARSEILLES

MARSHALL

MARSTON

MARTENS

MARTINIQUE

MARU

MARY

MARYLAND

MASCHINE

MASS

MASSACHUSETTS

MASSACRE

MASSACRES

MATERIAL

MATOS

MATSUKATA

MATTER

MATTHEW

MAURA

MAURETANIA

MAURETANIE

MAX

MAXIMILIAN

MAXIMUM

MAY

MAYFLOWER

MAYOR

MAZZINI

MCCRAY

MCCURDY

MCKENNA

MCKINLEY

MEANING

MEASURES

MECCA

MEDIATION

MEDICINE

MEDIEVAL

MEDIÆVAL

MEDJLISS

MEJLIS

MELILLA

MEMBERS

MEMORIAL

MENDEL

MENELEK

MERCANTILE

MERGER

MEROVINGIAN

MERRIMAC

MERRY

MERSINA

MESSAGE

MESSINA

METCALF

METCHNIKOFF

METRE

MEXICAN

MEXICO

MEYER

MICHAEL

MICHELET

MICHELSEN

MICHIGAN

MIDDLE

MIDHAT

MIGNOT

MIGRATION

MIGRATIONS

MIGUEL

MIGUELISTAS

MILES

MILIOUKOV

MILITARY

MILLERAND

MILLS

MILMAN

MILNER

MILWAUKEE

MIN

MINDANAO

MINE

MINERALS

MINERS

MINES

MING

MINING

MINISTER

MINISTRE

MINISTRY

MINNESOTA

MINOR

MINTO

MIRSKY

MIRZA

MISCELLANEOUS

MISSION

MISSIONARIES

MISSIONS

MISSISSIPPI

MISSOURI

MISTRAL

MITCHELL

MM

MME

MOB

MODERATE

MODERN

MODERNISM

MODUS

MOHAMID

MOHAMMED

MOHAMMEDAN

MOHAMMEDANISM

MOHAMMEDANS

MOHAMMID

MOHONK

MOINES

MOISSAN

MOLTKE

MOMMSEN

MONARCHICAL

MONARCHY

MONASTICISM

MONASTIR

MONETA

MONETARY

MONEY

MONGOL

MONITOR

MONKS

MONO

MONOPOLIES

MONROE

MONT

MONTAGUE

MONTCALM

MONTENEGRO

MONTES

MONTEZUMA

MONTREAL

MONTT

MONUMENT

MOODY

MOOR

MOORISH

MOORS

MORAL

MORALES

MOREIRA

MORENGA

MORET

MORGAN

MORISON

MORLEY

MORMON

MOROCCO

MOROS

MORRILL

MORRIS

MORTON

MOSCOW

MOSLEM

MOSQUITO

MOTHER

MOTIENLING

MOTLEY

MOUNT

MOUNTAIN

MOVE

MOVEMENT

MOVEMENTS

MOVING

MR

MRS

MSS

MUGWUMPS

MUHAMMED

MUIJTEHEDS

MUKDEN

MULAI

MULK

MULLAH

MULLAS

MUNICIPAL

MURDERED

MURDERS

MURRELL

MUSHIR

MUSTAFA

MUTINY

MUTUAL

MUZZAFER

MYLIUS

MYTILENE

Mabolos

Mac

MacAndrews

MacArthur

MacCracken

MacDonald

MacDonnell

MacFarlane

MacGregor

MacLean

MacManus

MacMullen

MacVeagh

Macalister

Macaulay

Macdonald

Macdonnell

Macedonia

Macedonian

Macedonians

Macgregor

Machiavelli

Machine

Machinists

Mackay

Mackenzie

Mackintosh

Maclaren

Maclaurin

Maclear

Macmillan

Macy

Madagascar

Madame

Madan

Made

Madeira

Mademoiselle

Madison

Madras

Madrassi

Madre

Madrid

Madriz

Madura

Maen

Magazine

Magdalen

Maghrabi

Maghreb

Maghzen

Magic

Magistrate

Magistrates

Magna

Magnetic

Magnitude

Magoon

Magruder

Magus

Magyar

Magyarizing

Magyars

Mahaffy

Mahan

Mahdi

Mahdis

Mahmud

Mahomed

Mahomedan

Mahomedans

Mahomet

Mahometan

Mahommed

Mahommedan

Mahon

Mahratta

Mahrattas

Mahu

Maid

Mail

Main

Maine

Mainland

Mainly

Maintenance

Maison

Maitland

Maizuru

Majeste

Majestic

Majesties

Majesty

Majesté

Major

Majorities

Majority

Makaroff

Make

Maker

Makers

Makhzen

Making

Malaga

Malaria

Malay

Malaysia

Malden

Male

Males

Malines

Malleson

Mallet

Malloy

Malt

Malta

Maltbie

Malvar

Mamore

Man

Management

Manager

Managers

Managua

Manchester

Manchu

Manchuria

Manchurian

Manchus

Mandarin

Mandates

Mandatory

Mandeville

Mandingo

Mandingos

Manhattan

Manicktollah

Manifestly

Manifesto

Manifestos

Manikaland

Manila

Manitoba

Mankind

Mann

Mannesmann

Mannesmanns

Mannheim

Manning

Mans

Mansion

Mansur

Manual

Manuel

Manufacturers

Manufactures

Manufacturing

Manuscript

Many

Mao

Maori

Maoris

Map

Maps

Maracaibo

Marathon

Marble

Marblehead

Marburg

Marceau

Marcelin

Marcellin

March

Marche

Marchiafava

Marconi

Marcus

Margaret

Margarine

Margarita

Maria

Marie

Mariette

Marine

Marines

Mario

Marion

Mariotti

Mariscal

Maritime

Mark

Markets

Markham

Marking

Marks

Marlborough

Marling

Maroc

Maroille

Marquess

Marquis

Marrakech

Marrakesh

Marrakish

Marras

Marriage

Marriott

Marruecos

Marrying

Mars

Marseilles

Marsh

Marshal

Marshall

Marshals

Marso

Marson

Marston

Martell

Martens

Martha

Martial

Martin

Martineau

Martinique

Maru

Marvelous

Marvin

Marxian

Mary

Maryland

Masampho

Maschin

Maschine

Maschines

Mason

Masons

Maspero

Mass

Massachusetts

Massacre

Massacres

Massey

Masson

Master

Matanzas

Mateo

Mater

Material

Mathews

Mathias

Mathues

Matin

Matos

Matrimonial

Matson

Matsukata

Mattawa

Mattei

Matteo

Matter

Matters

Matthew

Matto

Matumba

Mauchamp

Mauerbach

Maunsel

Maunsell

Maura

Maurenbrecher

Mauretania

Mauretanie

Maurice

Mauritanie

Maury

Mavromichalis

Max

Maxilom

Maxim

Maximilian

Maximilien

Maximo

Maxims

Maximum

Maxwell

May

Mayadin

Mayer

Mayflower

Maynooth

Mayo

Mayor

Mayors

Maysville

Mazarin

McADOO

McANENY

McAdoo

McAneny

McBurney

McCALL

McCLELLAN

McCURDY

McCall

McCalman

McCarroll

McCarthy

McClellan

McCoan

McCook

McCosh

McCoun

McCray

McCrie

McCullagh

McCulloch

McCurdy

McDavis

McDonald

McDougall

McDowell

McGee

McGrath

McIlhenny

McKcown

McKeen

McKenna

McKim

McKinley

McMaster

McMillan

McPherson

McSherry

Mcquinez

Meacham

Mead

Meadow

Meadows

Meakin

Meals

Mean

Meaning

Means

Meantime

Meanwhile

Measure

Measurement

Measurements

Measures

Meats

Mecca

Mechanical

Mechanics

Mediaeval

Mediation

Mediations

Medical

Medici

Medicine

Medina

Mediterranean

Mediæval

Medjliss

Meeting

Meetings

Megata

Mehemet

Meiji

Mejlis

Mejliss

Mekinez

Melbourne

Melilla

Melito

Melville

Member

Members

Membership

Memberships

Memoir

Memoire

Memoirs

Memorandum

Memorial

Memorials

Memories

Memory

Memphis

Memphremagog

Men

Menace

Menaced

Menacing

Menam

Mendel

Mendoza

Menelek

Menelik

Menocal

Mention

Menzel

Menzies

Mercantile

Merchandise

Merchant

Merchants

Merciful

Merciless

Mercy

Merely

Merger

Merida

Merit

Merite

Merivale

Merlou

Mermeix

Merovingian

Merovingians

Merriam

Merrill

Merrimac

Merriman

Merry

Mersina

Meshed

Mesopotamian

Message

Messages

Messiah

Messina

Messrs

Metalliferous

Metcalf

Metchnikoff

Meter

Method

Methodists

Methods

Metre

Metropolis

Metropolitan

Meudon

Mex

Mexican

Mexico

Meyer

Meysenberg

Mgr

Michael

Michaelmas

Michaud

Michelet

Michelsen

Michelson

Morley

Michigan

Middle

Middlesex

Middletown

Midhat

Midi

Midlothian

Midvale

Mifflin

Mignet

Mignot

Miguel

Miguelistas

Mikado

Milan

Milburn

Milioukov

Militant

Militarism

Military

Militia

Milk

Mill

Millard

Milledgeville

Millerand

Millions

Mills

Milman

Milner

Milo

Milosh

Milton

Milwaukee

Min

Minas

Minchin

Mindanao

Mindful

Mindoro

Mine

Mineral

Mineralogical

Minerals

Miners

Minerva

Mines

Minimum

Mining

Minister

Ministerial

Ministerialists

Ministers

Ministries

Ministry

Ministère

Minneapolis

Minnesota

Minor

Minsk

Minto

Mirabello

Miraflores

Miranda

Mirsky

Mirza

Miscellaneous

Miscellany

Misery

Misfortune

Miss

Mission

Missionaries

Missionary

Missions

Mississippi

Missolonghi

Missouri

Mistral

Mitchell

Mitford

Mitsubishi

Mitsui

Mittau

Mivart

Mixed

Miéville

Moabites

Mob

Mobile

Mobilization

Mobridge

Modem

Moderate

Moderates

Moderation

Moderator

Modern

Modernism

Modernists

Modernizing

Modes

Modesto

Modification

Modus

Moeller

Mogami

Mogul

Mohamed

Mohammed

Mohammedan

Mohammedans

Mohammid

Mohawk

Mohonk

Mohsin

Moines

Moissan

Mojave

Mokkadem

Mokri

Moldavia

Moldavians

Molders

Molesworth

Mollahs

Moltke

Momentum

Mommsen

Monarch

Monarchical

Monarchies

Monarchist

Monarchists

Monarchs

Monarchy

Monasteries

Monasticism

Monastir

Monatsschrift

Moncton

Monday

Moneta

Monetary

Monette

Money

Moneypenny

Mongol

Mongolfiers

Mongolia

Mongolian

Mongolians

Mongols

Mongredien

Monica

Monitor

Monks

Monmouthshire

Mono

Monopolistic

Monopolization

Monopoly

Monroe

Monrovia

Mons

Monseigneur

Monsieur

Monsignor

Monson

Mont

Montague

Montalembert

Montana

Montcalm

Monte

Montefiore

Montenegrin

Montenegrins

Montenegro

Monterey

Montero

Montes

Montevideo

Montfort

Montgomery

Monthly

Months

Montpellier

Montreal

Montt

Monument

Monuments

Moodie

Moody

Moon

Moor

Moore

Moorish

Moors

Moral

Morales

Moravia

Mordecai

More

Morecambe

Moreira

Morel

Morell

Morenga

Moreno

Moreover

Moret

Morfil

Morgan

Morison

Moritzen

Moro

Moroccan

Morocco

Moros

Morris

Morrison

Morse

Mort

Mortality

Mortgage

Morton

Mosaics

Moscow

Mosely

Moses

Mosheim

Moslem

Moslems

Mosque

Mosquito

Mossamedes

Most

Mostaganem

Mother

Motherland

Motherwell

Motienling

Motley

Motor

Mott

Moudir

Moudirieh

Mouillard

Moukden

Mouktar

Mount

Mountain

Mountains

Mounted

Mouravieff

Mourmelon

Move

Moved

Movement

Movements

Moving

Moyer

Mozambique

Mr

Mrs

Mt

Much

Muette

Mufti

Muhammad

Muhammed

Muir

Mujtehed

Mujteheds

Mukden

Mukhber

Mukhbir

Mulai

Mulk

Mullah

Mullahs

Muller

Mullinger

Mummy

Munich

Municipal

Municipalities

Municipality

Municipalization

Munificent

Munro

Munsey

Munster

Muravieff

Murder

Murderer

Murders

Murdock

Murphy

Murray

Murrell

Muscovite

Museum

Mushir

Music

Muslim

Mussulman

Mussulmans

Must

Mustafa

Musulmans

Mutesarrif

Mutiny

Mutual

Mutuel

Muzaffarpur

Muzaffer

My

Mycale

Mycenae

Myer

Mylius

Mynter

Myron

Mystics

Myths

Mytilene

MÜLLER

MÜRZSTEG

Mühlberg

Müller

Münsterberg

Mürzsteg

Mœurs

M’Crie

N

NA

NABUCO

NACIONALISTAS

NAGEL

NAKAMURA

NAME

NAMES

NANSHAN

NANTES

NAPLES

NAPOLEON

NAPOLEONIC

NASEBY

NASR

NATAL

NATHAN

NATION

NATIONAL

NATIONALISM

NATIONS

NATURAL

NATURALIZATION

NAVAL

NAVARRE

NAVIES

NAVIGATION

NAVY

NEAR

NEBRASKA

NEEDLES

NEERGAARD

NEGOTIATIONS

NEGRO

NELIDOW

NERO

NEST

NETHERLANDS

NEW

NEWCOMB

NEWER

NEWFOUNDLAND

NEWMAN

NIAGARA

NICARAGUA

NICHOLAS

NICHOLS

NICOLAS

NICOLAU

NICOLSON

NICÆA

NIEL

NIGERIA

NIGHT

NIHILISM

NILE

NIMEGUEN

NINETEENTH

NINETY

NINEVEH

NINTH

NOBEL

NOBILITY

NODZU

NOGI

NOMINATED

NOMINATION

NOMINATIONS

NOMINAVIT

NONCONFORMISTS

NORD

NORDENSKJÖLD

NORDEZ

NORMAN

NORMANDY

NORTH

NORTHCOTE

NORTHERN

NORTHWEST

NORWAY

NOS

NOT

NOTABLE

NOTE

NOTES

NOVA

NOVEMBER

NOVIS

NULLIFICATION

NUMBERS

NUMEROUS

Naauwpoort

Nabis

Nabuco

Nacaome

Nacional

Nacionalista

Nacionalistas

Nagel

Nahum

Naib

Nakamura

Name

Nan

Nankau

Nanking

Nansen

Nanshan

Nantes

Nantucket

Napier

Naples

Napoleon

Napoleonic

Napp

Narbonne

Narrative

Nashville

Nasi

Nasr

Natal

Natchalnik

Nathan

Nathanael

Nathaniel

Nation

National

Nationalism

Nationalist

Nationalists

Nationalities

Nationality

Nationalization

Nationalizing

Nations

Native

Natives

Natural

Naturalists

Naturalization

Naturally

Nature

Naturelle

Naturforscher

Naval

Navarre

Navies

Navigation

Naville

Navy

Nawab

Nawabs

Nay

Nazara

Nazarenes

Neal

Neander

Near

Nearly

Nebogatoff

Nebraska

Nebuchadnezzar

Need

Needed

Neergaard

Neglect

Negotiation

Negotiations

Negra

Negro

Negroes

Negroid

Negros

Negus

Nehemiah

Neighbors

Neill

Neither

Nekl

Nelidoff

Nelidow

Nelson

Nelsons

Nemesis

Neptune

Nero

Nerva

Ness

Nest

Net

Netherland

Netherlands

Neutral

Neutrality

Neutrals

Neva

Nevada

Never

Nevertheless

Nevinson

New

Newcastle

Newchwang

Newcomb

Newest

Newfound

Newfoundland

Newfoundlanders

Newlands

Newman

Newport

Newry

News

Newspaper

Newspapers

Newt

Newton

Next

Niagara

Niausta

Nicaragua

Nicaraguan

Niccolo

Nicene

Nicholas

Nichols

Nicholson

Nicias

Nicodemus

Nicolas

Nicolay

Nicolini

Nicolson

Niebuhr

Niel

Niels

Nieman

Nigel

Niger

Nigeria

Nigerian

Night

Nights

Nikoloff

Nile

Niles

Nilo

Nimrod

Nine

Nineteen

Nineteenth

Ninomiya

Ninth

Ninthly

Nipher

Nipissing

Nippon

Nitobe

Niuchwang

Nixon

Njal

No

Nobel

Noble

Nobody

Nodzu

Noel

Nogi

Nojine

Noll

Nominated

Nomination

Nominations

Non

Nonconformist

Nonconformists

None

Nor

Nord

Nordenskjöld

Nordez

Norfolk

Norgate

Normal

Norman

Normandy

Normans

Norse

Norte

North

Northcote

Northeast

Northeastern

Northern

Northrup

Northumberland

Northwest

Northwestern

Norton

Norway

Norwegian

Nos

Nossi

Not

Notable

Note

Notes

Nothing

Notice

Notification

Notorious

Notre

Nottingham

Notwithstanding

Nouvelle

Nova

Novel

Novels

November

Novik

Novoe

Now

Nowadays

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Noyes

Nubia

Nullification

Number

Numbers

Numerous

Nuncio

Nuncios

Nuremberg

Nursery

Nuts

Nyanza

Nyasa

Nâsr

Nègre

Nöldeke

N’gongo

O

OAK

OATES

OBELISKS

OBJECTS

OBOLENSKI

OBSERVANCE

OCCUPATION

OCCURRENCES

OCEAN

OCTAVE

OCTOBER

OCTOBRISTS

ODESSA

OF

OFFENDERS

OFFICE

OGDEN

OHIO

OIL

OKLAHOMA

OKU

OLD

OLDENBURG

OLIPHANT

OLIVER

OMAR

OMEYYAD

OMEYYADS

ON

ONE

ONTARIO

OP

OPEN

OPENED

OPENING

OPERATIONS

OPIUM

OPPOSITION

OPSONINS

OPTION

OR

ORANGE

ORDAINED

ORDER

ORDERS

ORDINANCE

OREGON

ORGANIC

ORGANIZATION

ORGANIZATIONS

ORGANIZED

ORIENT

ORIENTAL

ORIGIN

ORIGINAL

ORLEANS

ORMANIAN

ORVILLE

OSAKA

OSCAR

OSMEÑA

OSTWALD

OTHER

OTTO

OTTOMAN

OUTBREAK

OUTBREAKS

OUTLOOK

OVER

OVERTHROW

OWN

OWNERS

OXFORD

Oakland

Oats

Obaldia

Obeid

Obispo

Object

Objection

Objections

Objects

Obligatory

Obninsky

Obok

Obolenski

Obrenovitch

Obscurantism

Observations

Observatory

Observers

Obviously

Occasionally

Occidental

Occupation

Occupying

Ocean

Oceanic

Oceanica

Oceans

Ocotepeque

Octave

October

Octobrist

Octobrists

Odessa

Odoacer

Of

Offenders

Offenses

Offensive

Offer

Office

Officer

Officers

Offices

Official

Officials

Officiorum

Ogden

Oh

Ohio

Oil

Okabé

Okhotsk

Oki

Okinoshima

Oklahoma

Oku

Okuma

Okuno

Okura

Old

Oldenburg

Older

Oldest

Oldham

Ole

Olean

Oliphant

Oliva

Oliver

Olives

Olivia

Olivier

Ollier

Olmsted

Olney

Olympic

Omaha

Oman

Omar

Omdurman

Omitting

On

Once

One

Oneida

Onesti

Ongole

Only

Onondaga

Ontarians

Ontario

Oodnadatta

Open

Opened

Opening

Opera

Operation

Operations

Operators

Opinion

Opinions

Opium

Oppenheim

Opponents

Opposed

Opposing

Opposite

Opposition

Oppositionists

Oppression

Oppressions

Opsonins

Optimistic

Option

Or

Orange

Orangemen

Oranoff

Oration

Orations

Orchard

Orchards

Order

Orders

Ordinance

Ordinances

Ordinarily

Ordinary

Ordnance

Ore

Oregon

Orel

Organic

Organisation

Organization

Organizations

Organize

Organized

Orient

Oriental

Orientales

Orientals

Origin

Original

Originally

Originator

Orinoco

Orkney

Orleanism

Orleanists

Orleans

Ormanian

Orthodox

Orthodoxy

Orton

Orville

Osaka

Osborn

Osborne

Oscar

Oshima

Osier

Oslabya

Osman

Osmeña

Ostensibly

Ostrogoths

Ostwald

Oswald

Oswego

Other

Others

Otherwise

Othon

Otis

Ottajano

Ottawa

Otto

Ottoman

Ottomans

Otté

Oudh

Ounif

Our

Ourselves

Out

Outbreak

Outburst

Outclassing

Outline

Outlines

Outlook

Output

Outrages

Outside

Over

Overcome

Overcrowding

Overflow

Overstrained

Overstraining

Overthrow

Overthrown

Overturnings

Owe

Owens

Owing

Own

Owners

Ownership

Ownerships

Oxford

Oyama

Oyster

O’Brien

O’C

O’CONOR

O’Callaghan

O’Clery

O’Connell

O’Connor

O’Conor

O’HAGAN

O’Hagan

P

PACIFIC

PACIFICATION

PACKING

PAGANISM

PALACE

PALFREY

PALMA

PAN

PANAMA

PANIC

PANICS

PANKHURST

PANLUNG

PAPACY

PAPAL

PAPER

PARAGUAY

PARDO

PARIS

PARK

PARKER

PARLIAMENT

PARLIAMENTARY

PARLIAMENTS

PARNELL

PAROLE

PARSONS

PART

PARTIAL

PARTIES

PARTITION

PARTY

PASHA

PASSAGE

PASSAY

PASSIONISTS

PASSIVE

PASTEUR

PATENTS

PATRIARCHATES

PATRICIANS

PAUL

PAULHAN

PAUNCEFOTE

PAUPERISM

PAWLOW

PAYNE

PAZ

PEACE

PEARY

PEASANT

PEASANTRY

PEASANTS

PECANHA

PEEL

PEER

PEKING

PELLAGRA

PELOPONNESIAN

PELÉE

PENINSULA

PENINSULAR

PENNA

PENNSYLVANIA

PENNY

PENOLOGY

PENSIONS

PENTECOST

PEONAGE

PEOPLE

PEOPLES

PEPPER

PERDICARIS

PEREIRA

PERFECTED

PERICLES

PERIOD

PERMANENT

PERROT

PERRY

PERSECUTION

PERSECUTIONS

PERSIA

PERSIAN

PERU

PETER

PETERSBURG

PETIT

PETITION

PETROLEUM

PETROPALOVSK

PETROVIE

PHAGOCYTES

PHARAOHS

PHILADELPHIA

PHILANDER

PHILIP

PHILIPPE

PHILIPPINE

PHILIPPINES

PHILOSOPHY

PHIPPS

PHOENIX

PHYSICAL

PHYSICS

PICKETING

PICQUART

PICTURE

PIEDMONT

PIENAAR

PIERCE

PIEROLA

PIERRE

PINCHOT

PINES

PINO

PIONEER

PIOUS

PISISTRATIDÆ

PITT

PITTSBURG

PIUS

PIZARRO

PLAGUE

PLAN

PLANNING

PLANS

PLANTAGENETS

PLANTATIONS

PLATT

PLAYGROUND

PLAZA

PLEBS

PLEHVE

PLOT

PLURAL

PLYMOUTH

POBIEDONOSETS

POBIEDONOSTZEFF

POGROMS

POINT

POLAND

POLAR

POLES

POLICE

POLICIES

POLICY

POLISH

POLITICAL

POLITICS

POLK

POLLARD

POLTAVA

POOLING

POOR

POPE

POPES

POPISH

POPULAR

PORT

PORTE

PORTER

PORTLAND

PORTO

PORTS

PORTSMOUTH

PORTUGAL

PORTUGUESE

POSSESSIONS

POST

POSTAGE

POSTAL

POTEMKIN

POVERTY

POWER

POWERS

PRACTICAL

PRAGMATIC

PRAIRIAL

PRAIRIE

PRE

PREACHING

PREAMBLE

PREFACE

PREFERENTIAL

PREHISTORIC

PRELIMINARY

PREMIER

PREMIERS

PRENDERGAST

PREPARATION

PREPARATIONS

PREPARED

PRESBYTERIAN

PRESBYTERIANS

PRESCOTT

PRESENT

PRESERVATION

PRESIDENCY

PRESIDENT

PRESIDENTIAL

PRESS

PRESTON

PRETORIA

PREVENTION

PREVENTIVE

PRIDE

PRIMARY

PRIME

PRIMITIVE

PRIMROSE

PRINCE

PRINCIPAL

PRINCIPALITIES

PRITCHETT

PRIZE

PRIZES

PROBATION

PROBLEM

PROBLEMS

PROCLAMATION

PROFESSOR

PROFIT

PROGRAMME

PROGRESISTAS

PROGRESS

PROGRESSIVES

PROHIBITION

PROJECT

PROMISED

PROMOTION

PROPER

PROPERLY

PROPERTY

PROPHECY

PROPORTIONAL

PROPOSED

PROSPERITY

PROSTRATION

PROTECTION

PROTECTIONISTS

PROTECTIVE

PROTECTORATE

PROTECTORATES

PROTEST

PROTESTANT

PROTESTANTISM

PROVIDENCE

PROVINCE

PROVINCES

PROVINCIAL

PROVISIONARY

PROVISIONS

PROVOCATEUR

PRUDHOMME

PRUSSIA

PRÆTORIAN

PTOLEMIES

PU

PUBLIC

PUBLISHERS

PUNIC

PUNJAB

PURCHASE

PURE

PURGE

PURITANISM

PUTNAM

PYRAMIDS

PYRENEES

Paasche

Pablo

Pabna

Pach

Pachuca

Pacific

Pacification

Pack

Packing

Padang

Padesh

Padre

Pagan

Page

Painters

Painting

Paisley

Paiyushan

Palace

Palais

Palampour

Palatine

Palazzata

Palestine

Palfrey

Palgrave

Palisades

Palma

Palmas

Palmer

Palmerston

Palmi

Palmyra

Palo

Pamphlet

Pan

Panama

Panamanian

Panglungshan

Panic

Paniput

Panislamism

Pankhurst

Panlung

Pantheon

Pao

Papacy

Papal

Paper

Papers

Papillault

Paraguay

Parallel

Paralysis

Parana

Parasol

Pardee

Pardo

Parents

Pari

Paris

Parish

Parishes

Parisian

Parisians

Park

Parker

Parkman

Parks

Parley

Parliament

Parliamentary

Parliaments

Parma

Parmalee

Parnell

Parole

Paroled

Parsee

Parsees

Parsis

Parsons

Part

Partial

Partially

Participation

Partick

Particularly

Particulars

Partido

Parties

Partington

Partition

Partly

Parton

Partridge

Parts

Party

Pas

Pasadena

Pascal

Pasco

Pasha

Pashas

Paso

Pasquier

Pass

Passage

Passamaquoddy

Passamonti

Passay

Passed

Passengers

Passing

Passion

Passionists

Passive

Past

Pasteur

Pastor

Pastors

Pasture

Pataud

Patch

Patent

Patents

Pathology

Patients

Paton

Patras

Patriarch

Patrich

Patricians

Patrick

Patriot

Patriotic

Patriotism

Patris

Pattison

Patton

Paul

Paulhan

Paulo

Pauncefote

Pauperism

Pavia

Pawlow

Pay

Paymaster

Payment

Payne

Paz

Peabody

Peace

Peaceful

Pears

Pearse

Pearson

Peary

Peasant

Peasantry

Peasants

Pebody

Pecanha

Peckham

Pedagogical

Pedagogy

Pedro

Pee

Peel

Peerage

Peers

Pei

Peiyang

Pekin

Peking

Pelee

Pelham

Pelletan

Pellew

Pelopids

Pelée

Pemba

Pembroke

Penal

Penalty

Pencil

Pending

Pendleton

Peninsula

Peninsular

Penitentiary

Penn

Penna

Pennington

Pennsylvania

Pennsylvanians

Pennypacker

Penrose

Pension

Pensioning

Pensions

Penza

People

Peoples

Peopling

Peoria

Pepin

Pepper

Per

Pera

Percentage

Percy

Perdicaris

Pereira

Perfect

Perfunctory

Perhaps

Pericles

Perier

Peril

Period

Periodicals

Periods

Perkins

Perks

Perm

Permanent

Perouse

Perpignan

Perrot

Perry

Perse

Persecution

Persia

Persian

Persians

Persifor

Persistent

Personal

Persons

Perth

Pertinent

Peru

Perugia

Peruvian

Peshtshersky

Peter

Peterhof

Peterhoff

Peterloo

Petersburg

Peterson

Petit

Petite

Petition

Petrarch

Petrie

Petroffsky

Petroleum

Petropalovsk

Petrovic

Petsiwo

Pettibone

Petty

Peuple

Peyang

Peña

Pfahler

Ph

Phalerum

Phanariot

Phantom

Pharaohs

Pharmacopoeia

Pharsalia

Phases

Phelan

Phenomena

Phenomenon

Philadelphia

Philander

Philanthrophy

Philip

Philippe

Philippine

Philippines

Philistines

Philosopher

Philosophical

Philosophy

Phipps

Phlegræan

Phoenicia

Phoenician

Phosphate

Photographs

Phyangyang

Physical

Physically

Physics

Piazza

Picard

Pichon

Pickens

Picquart

Picton

Picture

Piecework

Piedmont

Piek

Pienaar

Pierce

Pierpont

Pierre

Pietermaritzburg

Pigeon

Pigeonneau

Pignotti

Pilgrim

Pilgrimages

Pilgrims

Pimblett

Pinar

Pinchot

Pinciana

Pinckney

Pines

Pino

Pioneer

Pioneers

Pious

Pisa

Pithom

Pitiful

Pitkin

Pitsewo

Pitt

Pittock

Pittsburg

Pittsburgh

Pius

Piérola

Place

Placed

Places

Placing

Plague

Plainly

Plains

Plan

Planning

Plans

Plantagenets

Plantation

Plantations

Planted

Planters

Planting

Plate

Plateau

Platform

Platforms

Plato

Platonists

Platt

Platæa

Play

Played

Playground

Playgrounds

Playing

Playthings

Plaza

Plea

Please

Plebeian

Plebeians

Plehve

Plenipotentiaries

Plenipotentiary

Pliny

Plotzk

Plummer

Plunkett

Plural

Plutarch

Plymouth

Po

Pobiedonosets

Pobiedonostseff

Pobiedonostzeff

Podolia

Poetry

Pogroms

Point

Pointing

Points

Poitevin

Poland

Polar

Poldhu

Pole

Poles

Police

Policemen

Policy

Polish

Political

Politically

Politics

Politique

Polk

Pollard

Pollock

Pollution

Poltava

Polytechnic

Polytechnical

Polytechnique

Pomerania

Pomeranian

Pommersche

Pompeii

Pompey

Ponce

Ponhioti

Pontalis

Pontiff

Pontificate

Pool

Poole

Pooling

Poolings

Pools

Poona

Poor

Pop

Pope

Popes

Popular

Population

Populist

Porcupine

Porfirio

Port

Porta

Porte

Porter

Portici

Portions

Portland

Porto

Portraits

Ports

Portsmouth

Portugal

Portuguese

Posen

Position

Positive

Possession

Possibilities

Possibly

Post

Postage

Postal

Posthumous

Postmaster

Postmasters

Posts

Posture

Potatoes

Potemkin

Potomac

Pottawatomie

Potter

Pour

Pourtalès

Poverty

Powderly

Powell

Power

Powerful

Powers

Pozzuoli

Practical

Practically

Practice

Practices

Prague

Prairie

Prasanna

Pratt

Pravo

Praxedes

Preachers

Precarious

Precautionary

Preceding

Precise

Predecessors

Predominance

Prefect

Prefects

Prefectural

Preferential

Prelates

Preliminaries

Preliminary

Premier

Premiers

Premiership

Premiums

Prendergast

Prentice

Preparation

Preparations

Preparatory

Presba

Presbyterian

Presbyterians

Presbytery

Prescott

Presence

Present

Presently

Preservation

Presidency

President

Presidential

Presidents

Presiding

Press

Pressed

Pressensé

Prestige

Preston

Presuming

Pretender

Pretenders

Pretoria

Pretorians

Preussischen

Prevalence

Prevented

Preventing

Prevention

Preventive

Previous

Previously

Price

Prices

Prichard

Pride

Priest

Priests

Primarily

Primary

Prime

Primitive

Prince

Princes

Princess

Princeton

Principal

Principality

Principally

Principals

Principe

Principle

Principles

Prinetti

Printed

Printer

Printing

Prior

Prison

Prisoners

Prisons

Pritchett

Private

Privately

Privilege

Privileged

Privileges

Privy

Privé

Prize

Prizes

Pro

Probably

Probation

Problem

Problems

Probyn

Procedure

Proceeding

Proceedings

Process

Prochoroff

Proclamation

Procter

Proctor

Procurator

Production

Productions

Products

Professor

Professorial

Professors

Professorship

Proffer

Profit

Program

Programme

Programmes

Progresista

Progresistas

Progress

Progressist

Progressistas

Progressists

Progressive

Progressives

Prohibit

Prohibition

Prohibitionist

Prohibitioniste

Prohibitionists

Project

Projected

Projects

Proletariat

Prolonged

Prominent

Promise

Promised

Promises

Promising

Promote

Promoter

Promotion

Promulgation

Pronounced

Proofs

Propaganda

Propagandism

Propagation

Properly

Properties

Property

Prophecy

Prophet

Prophetic

Prophets

Proportional

Proposal

Proposals

Proposed

Prorogued

Prosecution

Prosecutions

Prosecutor

Proselytes

Prospect

Prospecting

Prospective

Prospects

Prosperity

Prosperous

Protagoras

Protected

Protecting

Protection

Protectionist

Protectionists

Protective

Protector

Protectorate

Protectorates

Protest

Protestant

Protestantism

Protestants

Protests

Protocol

Prouty

Prove

Provide

Provided

Providence

Provident

Providing

Province

Provinces

Provincial

Provision

Provisional

Provisions

Provocations

Proxy

Prudential

Prudhomme

Prunes

Prussia

Prussian

Prussians

Pryor

Prætors

Prêts

Pseudonyms

Ptolemies

Pu

Public

Publication

Publications

Publicity

Publilian

Publishing

Puerto

Puget

Puller

Pulling

Punchard

Punctilio

Punishment

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Punjabi

Pupils

Purchase

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Pure

Puritan

Puritans

Purity

Purposes

Pursuant

Pursue

Pursuit

Purus

Pushing

Put

Putiloff

Putnam

Putting

Pyramiding

Pyrenees

Pyrgos

Pyrrhic

Pyrrhonist

Père

Q

QUALIFICATIONS

QUEBEC

QUEEN

QUESTION

QUESTIONS

QUÆSTOR

Quail

Qualification

Qualifications

Quality

Quarrel

Quarrelled

Quarrels

Quarrying

Quarterly

Quebec

Queen

Queenly

Queens

Queensland

Queenstown

Queer

Quelpart

Question

Questions

Quick

Quiet

Quincey

Quincy

Quintana

Quirinal

Quirpon

Quite

Quitman

Quixotic

Quo

Quoting

R

RACE

RACES

RACIAL

RADIO

RADIUM

RADOLIN

RAFAEL

RAIGOSA

RAIL

RAILROAD

RAILROADS

RAILWAY

RAILWAYS

RAISULI

RALLIÉS

RAMSAY

RAPID

RASCOL

RATE

RATES

RATIFICATION

RAYLEIGH

RE

REACTION

READERS

READING

READY

REALM

REASON

REBATE

REBELLION

RECALL

RECENT

RECIPROCITY

RECLAMATION

RECONSTRUCTION

RECORD

RED

REDEMPTORISTS

REDOUBT

REFERENCE

REFERENDUM

REFINING

REFORM

REFORMATION

REFORMERS

REFORMS

REFRIGERATOR

REGENERADORES

REGGIO

REGIE

REGINA

REGINALD

REGION

REGULATION

REID

REIGN

REIGNS

REILEY

REINHOLD

REINSCH

REJECTION

RELATING

RELATION

RELATIONS

RELIEF

RELIGION

RELIGIONS

RELIGIOUS

REMISSION

REMONSTRANCE

REMOVAL

REMUNERATION

RENAISSANCE

RENAN

RENAULT

RENEWED

RENNENKAMPF

RENOWNED

RENÉ

REPATRIATION

REPEAL

REPRESENTATION

REPRESENTATIVE

REPRESENTING

REPUBLIC

REPUBLICAN

REPUBLICANS

REPUBLICS

RESCHAD

RESEARCH

RESERVOIR

RESIDENTS

RESISTANCE

RESOLUTIONS

RESOURCES

REST

RESTORATION

RESTORED

RESTRICTION

RESULTS

RETIREMENT

RETREAT

RETURN

REVAL

REVEREND

REVIEW

REVISED

REVISION

REVIVAL

REVOCATION

REVOLT

REVOLTS

REVOLUTION

REVOLUTIONARY

REVOLUTIONISTS

REVOLUTIONS

REYES

RHINE

RHODE

RHODES

RHODESIA

RIBEIRO

RICA

RICE

RICHARD

RICHELIEU

RICHMOND

RICO

RIDERS

RIENZI

RIFF

RIGA

RIGHT

RIGHTS

RIKKEN

RIO

RIOTS

RISE

RISING

RISK

RITCHIE

RIVER

RIZA

ROAD

ROBERT

ROBERTS

ROBESPIERRE

ROCHAMBEAU

ROCHELLE

ROCKEFELLER

ROCKHILL

ROENTGEN

ROGER

ROGHI

ROJESVENSKY

ROLAND

ROMAN

ROMANCE

ROMANOFFS

ROMAÑA

ROME

RONTGEN

ROOSEVELT

ROOT

ROSE

ROSEBERY

ROSEN

ROSES

ROSS

ROTA

ROTATIVOS

ROUMANIA

ROUNDHEADS

ROUSSEAU

ROUVIER

ROWE

ROYAL

ROYALTIES

ROZHDESTVENSKY

RUDOLPH

RUDYARD

RUEF

RULE

RUMP

RUN

RUNCIMAN

RUPTURE

RUSSIA

RUSSIAN

RUSSIANIZING

RUSSIANS

RUSSO

RUTHERFORD

RYAN

RYSWICK

Rabah

Rabe

Race

Races

Radiant

Radical

Radicalism

Radicals

Radio

Radioactivity

Radium

Radolin

Rae

Rafael

Ragozin

Rahman

Raid

Raigosa

Rail

Railroad

Railroads

Railway

Railways

Rainey

Rainy

Raised

Raising

Raisins

Raisuli

Raj

Rajah

Raleigh

Ralli

Rallis

Ralliés

Ralph

Ramazan

Rambaud

Rameau

Ramon

Ramsay

Ramsey

Rand

Randal

Randall

Randolph

Range

Rangers

Ranges

Rangoon

Ranjel

Ranke

Rankine

Rannie

Ransom

Ransomed

Ransoming

Rapid

Rapidity

Rapidly

Rapids

Raschid

Rash

Raslog

Rate

Rates

Rath

Rathcar

Rather

Rathmines

Ratification

Ratifications

Rauch

Ravages

Rawlinson

Ray

Raye

Rayleigh

Raymond

Razlog

Re

Reached

Reaction

Reactionists

Reading

Ready

Reaffirmation

Real

Rear

Reason

Reasons

Rebate

Rebates

Rebating

Rebellion

Rebellious

Rebels

Rebuilding

Recall

Receivership

Receiving

Recent

Recently

Receptions

Rechtsgeschichte

Recipient

Reciprocity

Reclamation

Reclus

Recognition

Recognized

Recognizing

Recollections

Recollects

Recommendations

Recommended

Recommends

Reconstruction

Record

Recorder

Records

Recourse

Recovered

Recovery

Recreation

Recruits

Recurrence

Recurring

Red

Rededication

Redeemer

Redemptorists

Redistribution

Redmond

Redondo

Reduced

Reduction

Reed

Reef

Reelection

Reeves

Reference

Referendum

Referring

Refining

Reforestation

Reform

Reformation

Reformative

Reformatory

Reformed

Reformers

Reforming

Reforms

Refrigerator

Refugees

Refund

Refusal

Regalado

Regarded

Regarding

Regency

Regenerador

Regeneradores

Regeneradors

Regensburg

Regent

Regents

Reggio

Regicide

Regie

Regime

Regiment

Regiments

Regina

Reginald

Region

Regions

Regis

Register

Registrar

Registry

Regular

Regulars

Regulate

Regulating

Regulation

Regulations

Regulative

Rehoboth

Reich

Reichsrath

Reichstag

Reid

Reign

Reina

Reinhold

Reinsch

Reinstatement

Reis

Reitch

Reitz

Rejected

Rejecting

Rejection

Relating

Relations

Relationship

Relative

Relaxation

Release

Relief

Religieuse

Religion

Religions

Religious

Remains

Remarkable

Remarkably

Remarks

Remedial

Remedies

Reminiscences

Remission

Remittance

Remnant

Remonstrance

Remonstrances

Removal

Remuneration

Remy

Renacimiento

Renaissance

Renan

Renard

Renault

Rendering

Rene

Renew

Renewal

Renewed

Renfrew

Renkin

Rennenkampf

Renouard

Rentoul

Renunciation

René

Reopened

Reorganization

Repair

Repatriation

Repeal

Repeated

Replies

Reply

Replying

Report

Reported

Reporting

Reports

Representation

Representative

Representatives

Represented

Reprinted

Republic

Republicaine

Republican

Republicanism

Republicans

Republics

Repudiation

Requirement

Res

Reschad

Rescript

Rescripts

Rescue

Research

Researches

Resentful

Resentment

Reserve

Reserves

Reservoir

Resettlement

Resht

Residency

Resident

Residents

Resignation

Resistance

Resna

Resolution

Resolutions

Resolved

Resources

Respectability

Respectful

Respecting

Responses

Responsibility

Respublica

Rest

Restaurata

Restoration

Restored

Restriction

Restrictions

Result

Resulting

Results

Retail

Retaliatory

Retirement

Retiring

Return

Returning

Returns

Reuben

Reumont

Reunion

Reuter

Rev

Reval

Revelation

Revell

Revenue

Revenues

Reverend

Review

Reviewing

Reviews

Revised

Revision

Revival

Revived

Revocation

Revolt

Revolution

Revolutionaries

Revolutionary

Revolutionists

Revolutionnaire

Revolutions

Rewarding

Rewards

Rex

Rey

Reyes

Reynolds

Rheims

Rhenish

Rhine

Rhineland

Rhode

Rhodes

Rhodesia

Rhodesian

Rhone

Rhys

Rialto

Ribeiro

Rica

Rican

Ricans

Rice

Richard

Richards

Richardson

Richelieu

Richmond

Richtpreis

Rico

Ridder

Riddle

Riders

Ridgewood

Ridgway

Ridpath

Rienzi

Riff

Rifle

Rifles

Riga

Right

Rights

Rigid

Rigsdag

Rikken

Riksdag

Riner

Ring

Rink

Rio

Riordan

Rios

Riot

Rioting

Riotous

Riots

Ripley

Ripon

Rise

Rising

Risings

Ritchie

Rites

Ritter

Rival

Rivalry

Rivals

River

Rivers

Riverside

Rives

Riza

Road

Roads

Roald

Rob

Robb

Robert

Roberts

Robertson

Robespierre

Robin

Robinson

Robley

Robson

Rochambeau

Rochdale

Rochester

Rocheterie

Rock

Rockefeller

Rockhill

Rockland

Rocky

Rodd

Roderick

Rodgers

Rodrigues

Rodriguez

Rodriquez

Roentgen

Roger

Rogers

Roghi

Rohillas

Rojesvensky

Roll

Rollit

Rolnos

Roman

Romana

Romance

Romanists

Romanizing

Romanoffs

Romans

Romaña

Rome

Romer

Romero

Romeyn

Ronald

Rondebosch

Rondout

Roosevelt

Root

Ropes

Roque

Rosa

Rosales

Rosario

Roscommon

Rose

Rosebery

Rosen

Rosenthal

Rosetta

Rosewater

Ross

Roswell

Rota

Rotativos

Rothschild

Rotterdam

Rouen

Roughly

Roumania

Roumanian

Roume

Roumelia

Round

Roundhead

Rousseau

Route

Routes

Rouvier

Roux

Rowbotham

Rowe

Rowland

Rowley

Roxburgh

Roy

Royal

Royalists

Royce

Rozhdestvensky

Rubicon

Ruchevsky

Rudd

Rudimentary

Rudolf

Rudolph

Rudyard

Ruef

Ruhr

Rule

Ruler

Rulers

Rules

Ruling

Rumania

Rumelia

Rumors

Runciman

Runjeet

Rupert

Rupture

Rural

Rushworth

Russell

Russia

Russian

Russianizing

Russians

Russias

Russification

Russky

Russo

Ruthenians

Rutherford

Rutland

Ruwenzori

Ruy

Ryan

Ryberg

Rye

Régime

Rémusat

Républicaine

République

Réville

Révolutionnaire

Révolutionnaires

Röntgen

Rütli

R’KIA

R’kia

S

SADR

SAFETY

SAGASTA

SAGE

SAINT

SAKHAROFF

SAKURAI

SALE

SALEM

SALISBURY

SALONIKA

SALOON

SALT

SALTON

SALVADOR

SAM

SAMAJ

SAMARIA

SAN

SANBORN

SANCTION

SANITARY

SANTA

SANTIAGO

SANTOS

SARACENS

SARASWATI

SARDINIA

SARGON

SARRIEN

SARTO

SASKATCHEWAN

SAVING

SAVOY

SAXON

SAXONS

SAXONY

SAYCE

SCANDAL

SCANDINAVIAN

SCHALK

SCHEDULE

SCHEME

SCHISM

SCHLESWIG

SCHMITZ

SCHOLARSHIPS

SCHOOL

SCHOOLS

SCHOULER

SCHOUVALOFF

SCHREINER

SCIENCE

SCIENCES

SCIENTIFIC

SCOTIA

SCOTLAND

SCOTS

SCOTT

SCOTTISH

SEA

SEAL

SEAMEN

SEATTLE

SEBAHEDDIN

SECEDES

SECESSION

SECOND

SECRETARY

SECTARIAN

SECTION

SECURED

SECURITIES

SEDAN

SEDDON

SEDITION

SEE

SEELEY

SEGNATURA

SEIYU

SEIZURE

SELF

SELFRIDGE

SEMINOLE

SEMITES

SEMITIC

SENATE

SENATORS

SENEGAMBIA

SENHOR

SENOUSSI

SENTENCE

SENTENCES

SENTIMENT

SENUSSIA

SEPARATION

SEPARATIST

SEPOY

SEPTEMBER

SERFS

SERGIO

SERGIUS

SERVANTS

SERVIA

SERVICE

SETTLEMENT

SETTLEMENTS

SEVASTOPOL

SEVEN

SEVENTEENTH

SEVENTH

SHA

SHACKLETON

SHAN

SHANGHAI

SHAO

SHARING

SHAW

SHEIKH

SHEMSI

SHEPHERD

SHERIAT

SHERMAN

SHEVKET

SHIH

SHIP

SHIPBUILDING

SHIPPING

SHIRTWAIST

SHIRÉ

SHONTS

SHOOA

SHORT

SHOWS

SIA

SIAM

SIBERIA

SIBERIAN

SICILY

SICKNESS

SIEGE

SIENKIEWICZ

SIFTON

SIGANANDA

SIGNAL

SIGNIFICANCE

SIGNOR

SILAS

SILVER

SIMON

SIMPLON

SINGLE

SINHA

SINKING

SINN

SIOUX

SIPAHDAR

SIPIAGIN

SIR

SISTER

SITUATION

SIX

SIXTEENTH

SIXTH

SLAVE

SLAVERY

SLEEPING

SLEIGH

SLOCUM

SMALL

SMIRNOFF

SMITH

SOCIAL

SOCIALISM

SOCIALISTIC

SOCIALISTS

SOCIETY

SOCRATES

SOIL

SOJOURN

SOKOTO

SOLD

SOLDIER

SOLEMN

SOLIDARITY

SOLYMAN

SOMALILAND

SONE

SONNINO

SONS

SOUDAN

SOUFFRIÈRE

SOUTH

SOUTHEASTERN

SOUTHWEST

SOVEREIGNTY

SPACE

SPAIN

SPALDING

SPANISH

SPARTA

SPECIAL

SPECIALISTS

SPECULATION

SPEECH

SPERRY

SPHAKIANAKIS

SPIERS

SPITZBERGEN

SPOILS

SPREAD

SPRECKELS

SPRIGGS

SPRING

SPRINGFIELD

SQUATTER

ST

STACKELBERG

STAMP

STANDARD

STANDING

STATE

STATEHOOD

STATES

STATISTICS

STATUS

STATUTES

STEADY

STEEL

STEPHEN

STEUNENBERG

STEVENS

STEYN

STOCK

STOCKHOLM

STOLYPIN

STONE

STOVE

STRAFFORD

STRAINED

STRAUS

STREET

STRENGTH

STRENGTHENING

STRIKE

STRIKES

STRUGGLE

STRUGGLES

STUART

STUARTS

STUBBS

STUDENT

STUDENTS

STUDIES

STUDY

STUNDISTS

STUPENDOUS

STÖSSEL

SUBJECTS

SUBJUGATION

SUBLIME

SUBMARINE

SUBWAYS

SUCCESSES

SUCCESSION

SUCCESSIVE

SUDAN

SUEZ

SUFFRAGE

SUFFRAGETTES

SUGAR

SULLY

SULTAN

SULTANATE

SULTANEH

SUMATRA

SUMERIANS

SUMMONS

SUMNER

SUMTER

SUNDAY

SUPERSEDING

SUPPRESS

SUPPRESSION

SUPREMACY

SUPREME

SURRENDER

SUTTNER

SVANTE

SWADESHI

SWALLOW

SWARAJ

SWAZILAND

SWEATING

SWEDEN

SWEDISH

SWIFT

SWITZERLAND

SYDOW

SYLVA

SYMONDS

SYNDER

SYNDICALISM

SYNDICATES

SYNDICATS

SYSTEM

SZE

SZECHUAN

SZELL

Sa

Saad

Sabakheddin

Sabatier

Sabine

Sablin

Sac

Sacramento

Sacred

Sadr

Saenz

Safety

Sagasta

Sage

Saghalin

Sague

Saguntum

Sahara

Saharan

Sahib

Sahune

Said

Saigon

Sailors

Saimachi

Saint

Sainte

Saints

Saintsbury

Saionji

Sakhalin

Sakharoff

Sakhlawia

Sakurai

Salamis

Salaried

Salaries

Sale

Salem

Salina

Salinas

Salisbury

Salle

Salles

Salmon

Salonica

Salonika

Saloons

Salt

Salted

Salton

Salvador

Salzburg

Sam

Samaj

Samar

Samaria

Same

Samora

Samson

Samuel

San

Sanatoria

Sanborn

Sand

Sanders

Sanderson

Sanford

Sanied

Sanitarium

Sanitary

Sanitation

Sanjak

Sankey

Sano

Sanscrit

Santa

Santander

Santiago

Santo

Santos

Saoire

Saracens

Sarah

Saranac

Saraswati

Sardanapalus

Sardinia

Sargent

Sargon

Sarrien

Sarto

Sasebo

Saskatchewan

Sasonov

Sassi

Sasun

Satar

Satisfaction

Satsuma

Saturday

Satyendra

Sault

Saunderson

Sausages

Save

Saving

Savings

Savinien

Savonarola

Savornin

Savoy

Sawyer

Saxe

Saxon

Saxons

Saxony

Sayce

Says

Scaife

Scale

Scandals

Scandinavia

Scandinavian

Scandinavians

Scant

Scarcely

Scarth

Scatcherd

Scattering

Scenes

Scenic

Sceptics

Schaff

Schalk

Scharf

Schedule

Schefket

Scheme

Scheurer

Schiller

Schimmelpenninck

Schinz

Schleswig

Schliemann

Schloss

Schlosser

Schmitz

Schmoller

Schoharie

Schola

Scholars

Scholarship

Scholarships

School

Schoolboys

Schoolcraft

Schoolhouses

Schooling

Schools

Schouler

Schouvaloff

Schreiner

Schröder

Schuldeputation

Schurz

Schuster

Schuyler

Schwab

Schwarzschild

Schömann

Schön

Schürer

Science

Sciences

Scientific

Scientists

Scipios

Scores

Scotch

Scotchmen

Scotia

Scotland

Scots

Scott

Scottish

Scouts

Scranton

Scribner

Scribners

Scripture

Scriptures

Sculpture

Scutari

Sea

Seaboard

Seal

Sealed

Seaman

Seamen

Search

Seas

Seating

Seats

Seattle

Sebaheddin

Sebastian

Sebastião

Sebastiäo

Sebastopol

Sebou

Sebu

Secession

Second

Secondly

Secret

Secretariat

Secretaries

Secretary

Secretaryship

Secrets

Sect

Sectarian

Section

Sections

Secular

Secularizing

Secured

Securities

Security

Sedan

Seddon

Sedition

See

Seebohm

Seeing

Seekers

Seeking

Seeland

Seeley

Seely

Seemingly

Seer

Segal

Segnatura

Segregation

Seilge

Seine

Seismographs

Seiyu

Seize

Seizure

Selamlik

Selborne

Selden

Select

Selection

Seleucidæ

Self

Selfridge

Seligman

Selina

Selkirk

Sellers

Selma

Selves

Seminary

Semites

Semitic

Semsam

Senate

Senator

Senatorial

Senators

Sending

Seneca

Senegal

Senegambia

Senhor

Senior

Senlac

Sennacherib

Senor

Senoussi

Sense

Sentence

Sentences

Sentiment

Senussi

Senussia

Seoul

Separate

Separation

Separationist

Separationists

Separatist

Separatists

September

Sequence

Sequestration

Seraskierat

Serb

Serbesti

Serbinoff

Serbo

Serbs

Serdar

Seres

Serfdom

Sergent

Sergio

Sergius

Serguei

Series

Serious

Seriousness

Servant

Servants

Servia

Servian

Servians

Service

Services

Session

Seth

Settlement

Settlements

Settsu

Seumas

Sevastopol

Seven

Seventh

Seventhly

Seventy

Several

Severe

Sevier

Sevres

Seward

Sewer

Sewing

Seyed

Seyid

Seymour

Seyyid

Señor

Sforza

Sgoil

Sha

Shackleton

Shadow

Shaffer

Shah

Shakespeare

Shakespere

Shaler

Shall

Shalt

Shan

Shanghai

Shansi

Shantung

Shao

Share

Shareefian

Shareholders

Sharpe

Shattered

Shavval

Shaw

Shawia

Shclla

Shcreefian

She

Shea

Sheet

Sheffield

Sheik

Sheikh

Shelburne

Shelesnitza

Shelley

Shemsi

Shensi

Shepard

Sheppard

Shereef

Shereefian

Sheri

Sheriat

Sheridan

Sherman

Shetland

Shevket

Shia

Shias

Shibusawa

Shih

Shiite

Shiites

Shillook

Shilluks

Shimonoseki

Shinano

Shinto

Ship

Shipbuilding

Shipka

Shipley

Shipments

Shippen

Shippers

Shipping

Ships

Shipyard

Shiras

Shiraz

Shire

Shirin

Shirtwaist

Shiwaji

Shock

Shocks

Shoes

Shogun

Shonts

Shooa

Shops

Shore

Short

Shortly

Shoshone

Shots

Should

Shouts

Show

Shuckburgh

Shuffling

Shuishihyung

Shumaker

Shuster

Shylock

Sia

Siam

Siamese

Siberia

Siberian

Sicilian

Sicily

Sick

Sickness

Sickocki

Sid

Side

Sidi

Sidney

Siebert

Siege

Siemens

Sienkiewicz

Sierra

Sierras

Sifton

Sigananda

Sigimund

Sign

Signal

Signatory

Signature

Signed

Signers

Significance

Signor

Signors

Signs

Sigsbee

Sikes

Sikhs

Sikkim

Silas

Silent

Silesia

Silliman

Silvanus

Silvela

Silver

Simcox

Sime

Similar

Similarly

Simla

Simminting

Simms

Simon

Simonnet

Simons

Simplon

Simpson

Simultaneously

Simyan

Sin

Sinai

Since

Sinclair

Sind

Singapore

Singh

Singular

Sinha

Sink

Sinking

Sinn

Sino

Sioux

Sipahdar

Sipiagin

Sir

Sirdar

Sirdars

Sire

Sismondi

Sissoi

Sister

Sisters

Site

Sites

Situation

Six

Sixteen

Sixth

Sixthly

Sixty

Size

Siècle

Skagen

Skelton

Skene

Sketch

Sketches

Skinner

Skipworth

Sklodovska

Skottowe

Skouptchina

Skupschina

Skupshtina

Skupstchina

Slafter

Slater

Slates

Slav

Slave

Slavery

Slaves

Slavic

Slavonia

Slavonic

Slavs

Sleeping

Slender

Slight

Sligo

Sloan

Sloane

Slocum

Slovene

Slow

Slowly

Slowness

Small

Smaller

Smedley

Smelting

Smiles

Smirnoff

Smith

Smithsonian

Smoking

Smuggling

Smuts

Smyth

Snarsky

Snowden

Snowdon

Snuff

Snyder

So

Sobat

Social

Socialism

Socialisme

Socialist

Socialistic

Socialists

Societies

Society

Sociological

Société

Socrates

Sofia

Soft

Sohm

Soil

Sokoto

Soldier

Soldiers

Sole

Solemn

Soley

Solicitor

Solid

Solidarity

Solomon

Solon

Solved

Somali

Somaliland

Sombart

Some

Somehow

Somers

Somerset

Something

Somewhat

Somewhere

Somma

Son

Sone

Sonnino

Sonoma

Sonora

Sons

Soochow

Soon

Sophia

Sorbonne

Sore

Sorel

Sorrow

Soudan

Soudanese

Souffrière

Soul

Sound

Sounds

Source

Sources

South

Southeastern

Southern

Southey

Southwest

Southwestern

Sovereign

Sovereigns

Sovereignty

Sowars

Space

Spain

Spalding

Span

Spaniard

Spaniards

Spanish

Sparks

Sparsely

Sparta

Spartan

Spasm

Spasmodic

Spaulding

Speaker

Speakership

Speaking

Spears

Special

Specially

Species

Specific

Speck

Spectator

Speculation

Speculative

Speech

Speeches

Speed

Speer

Spelling

Spencer

Spender

Sperry

Speyer

Sphakianakis

Sphere

Spiers

Spirit

Spirits

Spiritual

Spithead

Spitzbergen

Spitzer

Splendor

Split

Spoils

Spokane

Spread

Spreckels

Sprigg

Spring

Springfield

Springs

Spy

Squadron

Square

Squier

Srbski

St

Staat

Stackelberg

Stadil

Stadtholder

Staff

Stage

Stahl

Stambouloff

Stambuloff

Stamp

Stamping

Stand

Standard

Standing

Standpoint

Stanford

Stanhope

Stanley

Stanleyville

Stanwood

Staples

Star

Starr

Stars

Start

Starting

Startling

Starvation

Starving

Stat

State

Stated

Statehood

Statement

Statements

States

Statesman

Statesmanship

Statesmen

Station

Stations

Statisches

Statistical

Statistician

Statistics

Status

Statute

Statutes

Statutory

Ste

Stead

Steam

Steamer

Steamers

Steaming

Steamship

Stearns

Stebbing

Steeg

Steel

Stefano

Stegomya

Stein

Steinheil

Steinway

Stellenbosch

Stephen

Stephens

Stephenson

Stepniak

Steps

Sternburg

Steuben

Steunenberg

Stevens

Stewart

Steyn

Stichting

Stiffened

Stikine

Stiles

Still

Stillman

Stillé

Stimson

Stine

Stirling

Stobart

Stock

Stockholm

Stocks

Stockton

Stockwell

Stoddard

Stoics

Stokers

Stokes

Stolypin

Stone

Stones

Stonyhurst

Stopping

Store

Stores

Stories

Storm

Storrington

Storrow

Storthing

Story

Stotesbury

Stoughton

Stove

Stowe

Strachan

Strachey

Strafford

Strait

Straits

Strand

Strassburg

Strategic

Strathcona

Strathnairn

Straus

Street

Streets

Streights

Strength

Strict

Stricter

Strictly

Strike

Strikers

Strikes

Stringent

Stringfellow

Stripes

Strips

Strong

Stroomwater

Structural

Struggle

Struggles

Struma

Stuart

Stuarts

Stubbs

Student

Students

Studies

Study

Stundists

Stupendous

Stupidity

Sturdza

Sturge

Stutfield

Stuttgart

Stuyvesant

Style

Styria

Städtisrhe

Stössel

Stübel

Suavi

Sub

Subject

Subjected

Subjection

Subjects

Subjugation

Sublime

Submarine

Submarines

Submission

Submit

Submittal

Subscribers

Subscription

Subsequent

Subsequently

Substantial

Substantially

Substitution

Suburban

Subway

Subways

Succeeding

Success

Successes

Successful

Succession

Successor

Successors

Such

Sucre

Sudan

Sudanese

Sudd

Sudden

Suddenly

Suetonius

Suez

Suffering

Suffrage

Suffragettes

Suffragist

Suffragists

Sugar

Suggestion

Suggestions

Suicide

Suit

Suitability

Suitable

Suits

Sul

Sullivan

Sully

Sultan

Sultanatabad

Sultanate

Sultaneh

Sultans

Sulzberger

Sumatra

Summaries

Summarized

Summary

Summer

Summing

Sumner

Sumter

Sun

Sunday

Sundays

Sunderland

Sundry

Sungshushan

Sunnis

Superintendence

Superintendency

Superintendent

Superior

Superiority

Supervisors

Supplanting

Supplement

Supplies

Supply

Support

Supported

Supporters

Supporting

Suppose

Supposing

Suppress

Suppression

Supremacies

Supremacy

Supreme

Surely

Surendranath

Surgeon

Surgeons

Surinam

Surprise

Surrender

Surrey

Survey

Survival

Survivals

Survivors

Sus

Susan

Suspended

Suspension

Sussex

Suttner

Suvaroff

Suwalki

Suzerainty

Svante

Svartevaag

Sveaborg

Svyatopolk

Swadeshi

Swain

Swallow

Sway

Swayne

Swaziland

Sweating

Sweden

Swedes

Swedish

Sweeping

Swettenham

Swift

Swifts

Swinburne

Swindon

Swiss

Switzerland

Sybel

Sydney

Sydow

Sylva

Sylvester

Symes

Symonds

Symons

Syndicalism

Syndicalisme

Syndicalist

Syndicate

Syndicates

Syndication

Syndicats

Synod

Synods

Synopsis

Syntonic

Syracuse

Syria

Syrian

Syrians

System

Systematic

Systematizing

Systems

Szabad

Szcchuen

Sze

Szechuan

Szechuen

Szeehuan

Szeehuen

Szell

São

Ségur

Südenhorst

T

TABAH

TABRIZ

TACNA

TAFF

TAFT

TAI

TAINE

TAIPING

TAIREN

TAKAHIRA

TAKEN

TAKUSHAN

TALIENWAN

TAMMANY

TANG

TANGIER

TARIFF

TARIFFS

TARSUS

TARTAR

TARTARS

TASHINCHIAO

TAVERA

TAX

TAXATION

TAYLOR

TEA

TEACHERS

TEACHING

TEAMSTERS

TECHNICAL

TEHERAN

TEHRAN

TELEGRAPH

TELEGRAPHERS

TELEGRAPHIC

TELEGRAPHY

TELEPHONE

TELISSU

TELLES

TEMPERANCE

TEMPLARS

TEMPLEISM

TEN

TENANTS

TENDENCIES

TENEMENT

TENNESSEE

TENTH

TENURE

TERCENTENARY

TERCENTENIAL

TERM

TERRITORIAL

TERRITORIES

TERRITORY

TERROR

TEST

TEUTONIC

TEWFIK

TEXAS

TH

THAN

THAT

THE

THEATER

THEATINES

THEBES

THEIR

THEM

THEODOR

THEODORE

THEOTOKIS

THESE

THESES

THIBET

THIERRY

THIRD

THIRTEENTH

THIRTY

THOMAS

THOMSON

THOROUGH

THOUGH

THOUSAND

THREE

THÉOPHILE

TIBET

TIEN

TIGER

TILAK

TIME

TIMES

TIMOUR

TIRPITZ

TISZA

TITLE

TITTONI

TITUS

TO

TOBACCO

TOGO

TOLSTOI

TOM

TOMAS

TOMUCHENG

TORIES

TORONTO

TORRES

TORSTENSON

TOUISSANT

TOURS

TOWARD

TOWN

TOWNSHEND

TRACK

TRADE

TRAFALGAR

TRAINING

TRAINMEN

TRANS

TRANSANDINE

TRANSCONTINENTAL

TRANSIT

TRANSITION

TRANSLATION

TRANSPORTATION

TRANSVAAL

TRAVAIL

TREACHERY

TREASON

TREATIES

TREATY

TRENCH

TRENT

TREPOFF

TRIAL

TRIALS

TRIBE

TRIBES

TRIBUNAL

TRIBUNALS

TRIBUNES

TRIPLE

TRIUMVIRATES

TROOPS

TROUBETZKOI

TROUBLES

TRUNK

TRUST

TRUSTS

TSAI

TSAR

TSE

TSIN

TSONTSHEFF

TSUSHIMA

TUBERCULOSIS

TUDORS

TULLOCH

TUN

TUNG

TUNNEL

TUNNELS

TURBINE

TURKEY

TURKISH

TURKS

TURNEY

TURNING

TUSKEGEE

TWEEDMOUTH

TWELFTH

TWENTIETH

TWENTY

TWO

TYLER

TYRANNY

TYRREL

TZE

Ta

Tabah

Table

Tables

Tablets

Tabreez

Tabriz

Tachira

Tacitus

Tacna

Tacoma

Tacuta

Tadayoshi

Tadjoura

Taels

Taff

Tafilalt

Tafilet

Taft

Tagalla

Tagalog

Tahuamano

Tai

Taine

Tairen

Taitzu

Takahashi

Takahira

Takata

Take

Taken

Taking

Takushan

Talcott

Tales

Talfourd

Talien

Talienwan

Talleyrand

Talon

Talori

Tammany

Tan

Taney

Tang

Tanganyika

Tangier

Tangiers

Tangshan

Tanin

Tarbox

Tarbutt

Tardieu

Tardy

Tariff

Tariffs

Tarsus

Tartars

Tartary

Tashihchiao

Tashinchiao

Taslikishla

Tasmania

Taswell

Taurus

Taussig

Tavera

Tax

Taxable

Taxation

Taxes

Tayabas

Taylor

Tchad

Tea

Teach

Teachers

Teaching

Teaming

Teamsters

Technical

Technology

Tegucigalpa

Tehachapi

Teheran

Tehran

Tehuamanu

Tehuantepec

Tejada

Tejon

Tekla

Tel

Telegram

Telegrams

Telegraph

Telegraphers

Telegraphic

Telegraphs

Telegraphy

Telephone

Telissu

Tell

Telles

Temiskaming

Temperance

Templars

Temple

Templeism

Temporary

Temps

Ten

Tenant

Tenants

Tenders

Tenement

Teniet

Tennent

Tennessee

Tennessee*

Tenney

Tenny

Tennyson

Tentative

Tenthly

Tents

Teques

Terauchi

Tercentenary

Tercentennial

Terence

Terencio

Terentilian

Term

Terminal

Termination

Terms

Terra

Terre

Terrific

Territorial

Territorials

Territories

Territory

Terror

Terrorism

Test

Testa

Testament

Testaments

Testimony

Tetuan

Teutonic

Tewfik

Texarkana

Texas

Text

Texts

Thank

Thanks

That

Thayer

The

Theater

Theatre

Theban

Thebes

Their

Theirs

Then

Thence

Theodor

Theodore

Theodoric

Theodoros

Theodosius

Theological

Theology

Theoretically

Theories

Theory

Theotoki

Theotokis

There

Thereafter

Therefore

Theresias

Thereupon

Therisso

Thermopylae

These

They

Thibet

Thibetan

Thierry

Thiers

Thievery

Things

Thinking

Third

Thirdly

Thirlwall

Thirteen

Thirteenth

Thirty

This

Thomas

Thompson

Thomsen

Thomson

Thoreau

Thorne

Thornton

Thorpe

Those

Thou

Though

Thought

Thoughtful

Thousands

Threatened

Threatening

Threats

Three

Thrice

Thrift

Throne

Through

Throughout

Throw

Throwing

Thucydides

Thursday

Thus

Thwaites

Tiam

Tibbles

Tibet

Tibetan

Tibetans

Ticonderoga

Tidmor

Tie

Tieh

Tiele

Tien

Tientsin

Tienyow

Tiers

Tiflis

Tiger

Tighe

Tiglathpileser

Tigris

Tilak

Tilden

Till

Tilley

Tim

Timayenis

Timber

Timbermen

Time

Times

Timothy

Timperley

Tin

Ting

Tirey

Tirpitz

Tisza

Tit

Titan

Title

Titles

Tittoni

Titus

To

Tobacco

Tobolsk

Today

Todd

Togo

Tokens

Tokio

Tokiwo

Tokyo

Toleration

Tolstoi

Tolstoy

Tom

Tomas

Tombelo

Tomitudes

Tomkins

Tomsk

Tomucheng

Tone

Tongass

Tonight

Tons

Too

Tool

Topeka

Topical

Topography

Toromonas

Toronto

Torpedo

Torpid

Torre

Torrey

Torriano

Tortelier

Torture

Toru

Tory

Toshakhana

Total

Toulon

Toulouse

Tour

Tout

Toward

Tower

Towle

Town

Towns

Townsend

Tozer

Tractarian

Tracy

Trade

Traders

Trades

Traditions

Traffic

Tragedy

Tragically

Traill

Train

Training

Trainmen

Trains

Trajan

Tranquility

Trans

Transandine

Transatlantic

Transcontinental

Transcriber

Transcribers

Transcript

Transfer

Transform

Transformation

Transit

Translation

Transmitting

Transport

Transportation

Transvaal

Transvaalers

Transylvania

Trappists

Travail

Travassos

Travel

Travellers

Travelling

Travers

Treacherous

Treason

Treasure

Treasurer

Treasuries

Treasury

Treaties

Treatise

Treatment

Treaty

Tree

Treitschke

Tremor

Trench

Trengganu

Trent

Trepoff

Trevor

Trial

Trials

Tribal

Tribe

Tribes

Tribesmen

Tribuna

Tribunal

Tribunals

Tribune

Tribunes

Tributa

Tributes

Tried

Triennial

Trieste

Trimborn

Trinidad

Tripartite

Triple

Tripoli

Triumph

Triumphant

Triumvirates

Trocadero

Trollope

Trondhjem

Troops

Tropical

Tropics

Troskoff

Trotha

Trotter

Trouble

Troubles

Troublesome

Trout

Trowbridge

Truancy

Trubetskoi

Truce

Trudeau

True

Trujillo

Truman

Trumbull

Trunk

Trust

Trustee

Trustees

Trusting

Trusts

Truth

Tsai

Tsana

Tsar

Tsars

Tse

Tsi

Tsingtau

Tsitshar

Tsontsheff

Tsuguru

Tsukuba

Tsung

Tsushima

Tuan

Tube

Tuberculosis

Tucker

Tuckerman

Tudor

Tudors

Tuesday

Tulio

Tulloch

Tullock

Tully

Tumults

Tumulus

Tun

Tuna

Tung

Tungchikuanshan

Tunis

Tunnel

Tunnels

Tuolumne

Turanian

Turbine

Turbinia

Turcophile

Turenne

Turgot

Turk

Turkestan

Turkey

Turkish

Turks

Turner

Turney

Turning

Turtle

Tuscan

Tuscany

Tuskegee

Tuthill

Tutorial

Tuttle

Tuxpam

Tver

Twain

Tweed

Tweedmouth

Twelfth

Twelve

Twentieth

Twenty

Twice

Two

Tyler

Tyne

Typaldos

Type

Typhoid

Typical

Typographical

Typography

Tyrol

Tyrrel

Tyrrell

Tytler

Tzar

Tzars

Tze

T’ung

U

UGANDA

UL

ULEMA

UNCLE

UNDER

UNDERFED

UNDERGROUND

UNDERSTANDING

UNDERTAKING

UNDERTAKINGS

UNEMPLOYMENT

UNIFORM

UNIFORMITY

UNION

UNIONIST

UNIONS

UNITED

UNITY

UNIVERSAL

UNIVERSITIES

UNIVERSITY

UP

UPON

UPPER

UPRISING

URBAN

URIAH

URIBE

URUGUAY

URUSSOFF

URYU

USAGE

USE

USES

UTAH

UTILITIES

Uban

Ubanghi

Ubangi

Ucinaria

Uganda

Ugly

Uhlhorn

Uitlanders

Ujda

Ukase

Ukhtomsk

Ukraine

Ular

Ulema

Ulfa

Ulfilas

Ullmann

Ulster

Ultimately

Ultimatum

Ultramontane

Ultramontanes

Umberto

Umbria

Umbrian

Umpire

Unanimous

Uncertainties

Uncinaria

Unclassified

Uncle

Unclean

Unconstitutional

Under

Underfed

Underground

Undersigned

Undertaking

Undertakings

Undoubtedly

Unearthing

Unemployed

Unemployment

Unexpectedly

Unexplained

Unfit

Unfortunate

Unfortunately

Unfulfilled

Unhappily

Unification

Unified

Uniform

Uniformity

Union

Unionism

Unionist

Unionists

Unions

Unit

United

Units

Unity

Universal

Universe

Universelle

Universities

University

Unless

Unlike

Unmaking

Unparalleled

Unpopularity

Unprotected

Unreadiness

Unreasonable

Unreserved

Unsatisfactory

Unskilled

Unsuitable

Until

Unused

Unvarying

Unveiling

Unwin

Up

Upcott

Upernivik

Upham

Upon

Upper

Uprising

Upwards

Urban

Urgency

Uriah

Uribe

Uriu

Urquhart

Uruguay

Urumia

Urussoff

Uryu

Use

Useful

Usefulness

Uskup

Usually

Utah

Utica

Utilities

Utopias

Utrecht

V

VACUUM

VAL

VALE

VALIAHD

VALLEY

VALOIS

VALPARAISO

VALUE

VANDALS

VANNOVSKY

VAN’T

VARIOUS

VASILI

VEHEMENTER

VENDÉE

VENEZUELA

VENEZUELAN

VENICE

VENTURES

VERDUN

VEREENIGING

VERESTCHAGIN

VERNON

VERONA

VERSAILLES

VESUVIUS

VETO

VI

VIBORG

VICE

VICEROY

VICKSBURG

VICTOR

VICTORIA

VICTORIAN

VICTORY

VIENNA

VIEWS

VII

VIII

VILHENA

VILLAZON

VINCENT

VIRCHOW

VIRGINIA

VITHÖFT

VIVENDI

VIZIER

VLADIMIR

VLADIVOSTOCK

VOLCANIC

VOLUME

VOLUMES

VON

VOTE

VOTING

VOYAGES

VRIES

VS

VULGATE

Vacancies

Vacation

Vacuum

Vadis

Vain

Val

Valdivostok

Vale

Valencia

Valentine

Valerian

Valerio

Vali

Valiahd

Valid

Valis

Valladolid

Vallejo

Valley

Valleys

Valois

Valparaiso

Value

Vambery

Vambéry

Van

Vancouver

Vanderbilt

Vane

Vang

Vannovsky

Var

Varagas

Variation

Various

Varley

Vasques

Vast

Vatican

Vaughan

Vaughn

Vecchia

Vedas

Vega

Vehementer

Veitch

Veldt

Veliki

Velutini

Venerable

Venetian

Venezelo

Venezuela

Venezuelan

Venezuelans

Venice

Venizelos

Vera

Verbaud

Verde

Verdict

Vereeniging

Verestchagin

Vericour

Verkaufspreis

Vermilion

Vermont

Verney

Vernon

Verrechnungspreis

Versailles

Version

Versorgungshaus

Versorgungshäuser

Vert

Very

Vespasian

Vespucci

Vessels

Vesuvius

Veterans

Veto

Viborg

Vibration

Vicar

Vice

Vicente

Viceroy

Viceroyalties

Viceroyalty

Viceroys

Vicious

Vicksburg

Vict

Victor

Victoria

Victorian

Victuallers

Vida

Viejo

Vienna

Viennese

View

Viewed

Views

Vigilance

Vigorous

Vilhena

Villa

Village

Villard

Villari

Villaverde

Villazon

Villegas

Villemain

Villiers

Vincent

Vincente

Vindication

Vineyard

Vingtième

Vinton

Violation

Violations

Violence

Violent

Viollet

Virchow

Virginia

Virginian

Virtual

Visayan

Viscount

Visigoths

Visit

Visitation

Visited

Visits

Vital

Vitashefski

Vithöft

Vivendi

Vivian

Viviani

Vizetelly

Vizier

Viziers

Vlach

Vlachs

Vladimir

Vladivostock

Vladivostok

Vocabulary

Voelker

Vogt

Voilochenkoff

Voisin

Vol

Volcanic

Volga

Volk

Volkhovsky

Volksrust

Volney

Volosts

Voltaire

Volume

Volumes

Voluntary

Volunteer

Volunteers

Von

Vorarlberg

Voronezh

Voskresensky

Vote

Voters

Votes

Voting

Voyage

Vreeland

Vremya

Vries

Vrijzinnige

Vulcanian

Vulgate

W

WAGES

WAI

WALDECK

WALES

WALKER

WALL

WALLENSTEIN

WALLER

WALPOLE

WAR

WARD

WARFARE

WARS

WARSAW

WASHBURN

WASHINGTON

WAT

WATER

WATERLOO

WATERS

WATERWAY

WATERWAYS

WATKINS

WATSON

WAZEER

WE

WEAKNESS

WEALTH

WEAVER

WEBSTER

WEEKLY

WEEKS

WEI

WEKERLE

WELSH

WENCESLAO

WENTWORTH

WERE

WERMUTH

WEST

WESTERN

WESTMINSTER

WESTPHALIA

WET

WEYLER

WHAT

WHEN

WHICH

WHIG

WHIGS

WHISKEY

WHITE

WHOM

WICKERSHAM

WIFE

WIJU

WILBUR

WILHELM

WILKINSON

WILLIAM

WILLIAMS

WILSON

WINE

WINNIPEG

WIRELESS

WIRT

WISCONSIN

WITBOIS

WITCHCRAFT

WITH

WITHDRAWAL

WITTE

WOLF

WOLFE

WOLSEY

WOMAN

WOMEN

WOOD

WOODWARD

WORCESTER

WORDS

WORK

WORKERS

WORKING

WORKINGMEN

WORKMEN

WORLD

WORMS

WORSHIP

WOS

WRECK

WRECKING

WRESTED

WRIGHT

WRIT

WRONGDOING

WU

WURTEMBERG

WYCLIF

WYLLIE

WYNDHAM

WYNNE

Wachsmuth

Wadaï

Waddington

Wade

Wadhams

Wages

Wai

Waihi

Waistmakers

Wait

Waiwupu

Wake

Wakefield

Wakeman

Waldeck

Wales

Walford

Waliszewski

Walker

Wall

Wallace

Wallachia

Wallachian

Wallenstein

Waller

Wallier

Wallis

Walloons

Walpole

Walter

Walton

Wang

Wangonis

Wangtai

Waning

Wantai

Wanted

War

Warburton

Ward

Wardell

Wardle

Wardner

Wards

Ware

Warfare

Warfield

Waring

Warner

Warning

Warnings

Warren

Warrior

Wars

Warsaw

Warships

Warwick

Was

Wasdin

Washburn

Washburne

Washington

Wasson

Waste

Wasteful

Wat

Watanabe

Watauga

Watchorn

Water

Waterford

Waterloo

Waters

Waterway

Waterways

Watkins

Watrous

Watson

Watt

Watts

Waverley

Way

Ways

Wazeer

We

Weakening

Wealth

Weather

Weaver

Webb

Weber

Webster

Weddell

Wednesday

Wee

Weeden

Weekly

Weeks

Wei

Weil

Weimar

Weir

Weiss

Wekerle

Welch

Welfare

Well

Welle

Welles

Wellhausen

Wellington

Wellman

Wells

Welsh

Wemple

Wenceslao

Wendell

Wenham

Wentworth

Were

Wermuth

Wernher

Wesley

Wesleyan

West

Westcott

Westendorp

Westendorps

Western

Westinghouse

Westmacott

Westminster

Weston

Westphalia

Westphalian

Wet

Wexford

Weyl

Weyler

Whaling

Wharton

What

Whatever

Wheat

Wheeler

When

Whenever

Where

Whereas

Wherefore

Whereupon

Wherever

Whether

Whewell

Which

Whichever

Whiggism

Whigs

While

Whilst

Whip

Whipple

Whiskey

White

Whitehall

Whitelaw

Whitelock

Whites

Whiting

Whitney

Whittaker

Who

Whoever

Whole

Wholesale

Why

Wickersham

Wide

Widespread

Wied

Wiener

Wiesbaden

Wife

Wigtown

Wiju

Wilbur

Wilcox

Wild

Wile

Wilfred

Wilfrid

Wilhelm

Wilkes

Wilkinson

Will

Willamette

Willcocks

Willcox

Willet

William

Williams

Williamsburgh

Williamson

Willis

Willoughby

Willson

Wilmington

Wilmot

Wilson

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